the hue and cry after sir john presbyter. cleveland, john, 1613-1658. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79955 of text r211111 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.14[25] 669.f.14[64]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79955 wing c4671a thomason 669.f.14[25] thomason 669.f.14[64] estc r211111 99869848 99869848 163051 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79955) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163051) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f14[25], 669f14[64]) the hue and cry after sir john presbyter. cleveland, john, 1613-1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1649] anonymous. by john cleveland. imprint from wing. in verse "with hair in characters, and lugs in text:". annotations on thomason copies: (thomason 669.f.14[25]) "may 4. 1649"; (thomason 669.f.14[64] "augus 7th 1649". reproductions of the originals in the british library. eng presbyterianism -poetry -early works to 1800. a79955 r211111 (thomason 669.f.14[25] 669.f.14[64]). civilwar no the hue and cry after sir john presbyter.: cleveland, john 1649 512 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the hve and cry after sir john presbyter . with hair in characters , and lugs in text : with a splay mouth , & a nose circumflext : with a set ruff of musket bore , that wears like cartrages or linen bandileers , exhausted of their sulpherous contents in pulpit fire-works , which that bomball vents : the negative and covenanting oath , like two mustachoes , issuing from his mouth : the bush upon his chin , ( like a carv'd story , in a box knot ) cut by the directory : madams confession hanging at his eare , wiredrawn through all the questions , how & where , each circumstance , so in the hearing felt , that when his ears are cropt hee 'le count them gelt : the sweeping cassock scar'd into a jump ; a signe the presbyter's worne to the stump ; the presbyter , though charm'd against mischance with the divine right of an ordinance . if you meet any that doe thus attire'em , stop them they are the tribe of adoniram . what zealous frenzie did the senate seize , that tare the rochet to such rags as these ? episcopacy minc't , reforming tweed hath sent us runts even of her churches breed ; lay-interlining clergie , a device that 's nick-name to the stuff call'd lops and lice . the beast at wrong end branded you may trace the devils foot-steps in his cloven face . a face of severall parishes and sorts , like to the sergeant shav'd at inns of court . what mean the elders else , those kirk dragoons , made up of ears and ruffs , like duckatoons ? that hierarchie of handicrafts begun ? that new exchange-men of religon ? sure they 're the antickheads , which plac'd without the church , do gape and disembogue a spout : like them above the commons house , have bin so long without , now both are gotten in ; then , what imperious in the bishop sounds , the same the scotch executor rebounds . this stating prelacy ; the classick rout , that spake it often , ere they spake it out . so by an abbyes scheleton of late , i heard an eccho supererogate through imperfection , and the voice restore as if he had the hicop o're and o're . since they our mixt diocesans combine thus to ride double in their discipline ; that pewles shall to the consistory call a deane and chapter out of weavers-hall ; each at the ordinance to assist , with the five thumbs wof his groat-changing fist . downe dagon synod with thy motley ware whilst we doe swagger for the common-prayer . that dove-like embassie , that wings our sence to heavens gate in shape of innocence : pray for the miter'd authors , and defie these demicasters of divinitie . for where sr. john with jack of all trades joyns his finger's thicker then the prelat's loyn's . finis . to his excellencie the lord charls fleetwood, and the rest of the officers of the army this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94408 of text r211163 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[24]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94408 wing t1350 thomason 669.f.21[24] estc r211163 99900179 99900179 132744 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94408) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 132744) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2557:20) to his excellencie the lord charls fleetwood, and the rest of the officers of the army fleetwood, charles, d. 1692. england and wales. army. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by j.c. for livewel chapman, london : 1659. signed: from several thousands of faithful friends to the good old cause, in and about the city of london. complaining of the army's neglect of its duty to the country and the cause. annotation on thomason copy: "april 26". reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london a94408 r211163 (thomason 669.f.21[24]). civilwar no to his excellencie the lord charls fleetwood, and the rest of the officers of the army. [no entry] 1659 613 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to his excellencie the lord charls fleetwood , and the rest of the officers of the army . sirs , having obtained favour from the lord in this day of apostacy to be faithfull to him in the promotion of righteousnesse , so long contended for , which for sometime past , to the grief of our hearts , hath been slighted and publickly denied , by those , who formerly had solemnely ( before the lord and his people ) engaged for it ; and now after our so long waiting upon the lord , he hath been pleased to give us some grounds of hope , that we shall live to see the reviving of the good old cause , by the taste you have given us of your willingness to appear for it , in some of your late expressions . the understanding of which ( together with what we have observed by tracing the foot steps of providence in your late transactions ) giveth us ground to believe that you are returning in good earnest ; the thoughts , of which , incourageth us to present unto you , vvhat the lord hath powerfully put upon our spirits , as the result of our several meetings , wherein we doubt not but we have met with god . 1. that you consider when and where you turned aside from the way in which god was pleased eminently to own you ; and also whether you have not found a want of that presence of the lord going along with your counsels and affairs , which in former times you were guided by , when that you appeared singly for god and your country . 2. secondly , that you would take a re-view of that declaration of that memorable parliament , published in the year 1648 , march 17. wherein they express the grounds of a free state ; and that the same parliament ( who changed the government from kingly to a commonwealth ) may assemble themselves together , for the exercise of the supreme trust committed to them , in the prosecution of which on april 20. 1653. they were interrupted . 3. thirdly , that you would consider who they were that from time to time have obstructed the faithful proceedings of those that are among you , whose hearts god hath touched with a sense of the great neglect of their duty to god and their country ; and be admonished forthwith to dismiss them , out of your councils and armies for time to come . 4. lastly , that you would consider who they are that have been ejected the army , or otherwise forced to forsake it , for their faithfulness to the cause of god and his people , in bearing their testimony against tyranny and oppression , and with all speed call them to their places , and admit them to your councils . in the doing of these things you vvill strengthen our hopes , that you are in reality and truth for god and his people , vvho vvill be thereby engaged to encourage and stand by you vvith their lives and estates ; otherwise our fears will be enlarged , that you are but daubing with untempered mortar ; and you may assuredly expect , that then the lord will depart from you , and all the faithful decline you . from several thousands of faithful friends to the good old cause , in and about the city of london . london , printed by j. c. for livewel chapman . 1659. the late speech and testimony of william gogor one of the three desperate and incorrigible traytors execute [sic] at the grass mercat in edinburgh, the eleventh day of march, 1681, for disowning his sacred majesties authority ... gogor, william, d. 1681. 1681 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41367 wing g1007 estc r43204 26987765 ocm 26987765 109908 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41367) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109908) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1718:11, 1886:17) the late speech and testimony of william gogor one of the three desperate and incorrigible traytors execute [sic] at the grass mercat in edinburgh, the eleventh day of march, 1681, for disowning his sacred majesties authority ... gogor, william, d. 1681. 1 sheet ([2] p.). printed for r.b. and sold by w. davies, london : 1681. caption title. imprint from colophon. incorrectly identified on umi microfilm (early english books, 1641-1700) reel 1886 as wing (2nd ed.) g1006a. reproduction of original in: bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng gogor, william, d. 1681. cargill, donald, 1619?-1681. presbyterianism. covenanters. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the late speech and testimony of william gogor , one of the three desperate and incorrigible traytors , execute at the grass mercat in edinburgh , the eleventh day of march , 1681. for disowning his sacred majesties authority ; and owning and adhering to these bloody and murdering principles , contained in that execrable declaration at sanquhar , cargils traiterous covenant , and sacrilegious excommunicating of the king , by that arch-traitor cargil , and avowing of themselves to be bound in conscience , and by their covenant , to murder the king , and all that serve under him ; being armed ( the time they were apprehended ) for that purpose . men and brethren , these are to shew you , that i am come here this day , to lay down my life for owning christ and his truths ; and in so much as we are calumniate and reproached , by lying upon our names , and dreadful upbraiding of us , with saying , that we are not led by the scriptures , and say we have taken other rules to walk by ; i take the great god to be witness against all and every one of them , that i take the word of god to be my rule , and i never designed any thing but honesty a●…d faithfulness to christ : and for owning of christ and the scriptures this day i am murdered ; for adhering to the born-down-truths , i am condemned to dy ; and i also leave my testimony , and bear witness against all the apostate ministers this day , that have taken favour at the enemies hands : the only thing they take away my life for , is , because i disowned all those bloody traytors not to be magistrates , which the word of god casts off , and we are bound in conscience and covenant to god , to disown all such as are enemies to god , and which they are avowed and open enemies to christ ; and they have made void my word , saith the lord : say what ye will devils , say wretches , say enemies , say what ye will , we are owning the truth of christ , and his written word ; and condemn me in my judgement who will , i leave my blood on one and all that say we are not led by the scriptures : i leave my blood upon you again to be a witness against you , and a condemnation in the great day of judgement . i have no more to say , i think this may mitigate all your rage ; and so forth , i leave his enemies to his curse , to be punished into everlasting wrath , for now and ever amen . sic subscribitur , wil. gogor . london , printed for r. b. and sold by w. davies 1681. bp carletons testimonie concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-countries, and episcopall government here in england. vvherein is briefly discovered the novelty of the one, and antiquity of the other; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new plat-forme, where that is set up in the roome of the old primitive government. published for the common good. carleton, george, 1559-1628. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80351 of text r2006 in the english short title catalog (thomason e107_18). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80351 wing c585 thomason e107_18 estc r2006 99861308 99861308 113440 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80351) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113440) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 19:e107[18]) bp carletons testimonie concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-countries, and episcopall government here in england. vvherein is briefly discovered the novelty of the one, and antiquity of the other; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new plat-forme, where that is set up in the roome of the old primitive government. published for the common good. carleton, george, 1559-1628. [4], 4 p. printed for nath: butter, london : 1642. annotation on thomason copy: "july 5th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng episcopacy -history -17th century -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -history -17th century -early works to 1800. protestantism -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a80351 r2006 (thomason e107_18). civilwar no bp carletons testimonie concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-countries, and episcopall government here in england.: vvherein i carleton, george 1642 1210 1 0 0 0 0 0 8 b the rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bp carletons testimonie concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-covntries , and episcopall government here in england . vvherein is briefly discovered the novelty of the one , and antiquity of the other ; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new plat-forme , where that is set up in the roome of the old primitive government . published for the common good . tolle episcopos , & tot erunt schismata , quot homines . london , printed for nath : butter . 1642. to the readers . if you are of those that are disaffected to the church-government by law established amongst us , i wish this small tract into your hands to choose , to be read and considered of by you with your most serious thoughts , that so it may help on your conversion . doe not cast it away ere you have perused it , because here a bishop speaks in his own cause . with the same reason a conformable man may cast away smectymnuus , because there so many presbyterians speak their own cause . reade it . the author ( however some of your perswasion beare the world in hand most injuriously , and most cunningly , that a rotchet must necessarily cover a papists heart ) was all his life , at flat defiance with rome ; and had he been called to the fiery tryall , doubtlesse he would have followed cranmer , ridley , latimer , hooper , those famous protestant bishops even to the stake , and sealed that doctrine with his bloud , which his tongue and pen published to the world . among other tracts of his now extant , he hath a book forth against pelagianisme and arminianisme . the book styled thankfull remembrances speaks likewise this bishop author ; a book which no friend to rome would certainly ever have written . let him be then your remembrancer , and unprejudiced by you , ( notwithstanding his lawne sleeves ) prevail so far with you to move you , if you finde he delivers truth to change your mindes in case you be now schismaticall in the point of church-government . this learned man was one of those sent by that blessed peace-maker , our late famous soveraigne king james to the synod of dort upon a friendly errand : i would to god this solid and honest piece of his might helpe to make faire accord at home in his own countrey , which so much needs pacification now in the church as well as the state . i shall not despaire , but that it may conduce somewhat toward the one , so parciali●y and all prejudicate opinions be laid aside . it was a good saying of a great scholar , amicus plato , &c. plato is our very good friend , so is socrates , and so aristotle , but truth is a much dearer friend . somewhat like this would you would say once and hold to it , amicus calvinus , &c. calvin is our very good friend , so is beza , and so cartwright , but truth is by much our dearer friend . were these your mindes and resolutions , you would no longer wish that yoake of discipline on your necks , which this honest bishop will tell you in the next leafe , the netherlanders groane under and would faine cast off . so i refer you to the bishop , i for my part have done with you , when i have assured you this is a true draught of learned carlton ; and onely farther ( which civility requires ) bid you farewell . bp carletons testimony concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-countries , and episcopal government here in england . touching the point of their discipline in the low-countries , i can witnesse that they are weary of it , & would gladly be freed if they could . vvhen we were to yeeld our consent to the belgick confession at dort , i made open protestation in the synode , that whereas in the confession there was inserted a strange conceit of the parity of ministers , to be instituted by christ ; i declared our discent utterly in that point ; i shewed , that by christ a parity was never instituted in the church ; that he ordained 12. apostles , and also 70. disciples ; that the authority of the 12. was above the other ; that the church preserved this order left by our saviour . and therfore when the extraordinary authority of the apostles ceased , yet their ordinary authority continued in bishops who succeeded them , who were by the apostles themselves left in the government of the church to ordaine ministers , and to see that they who were so ordained , should preach no other doctrine ; that in an inferiour degree the ministers that were governed by bishops , who succeeded the 70. disciples ; that this order hath been maintained in the church , from the time of the apostles ; and herein i appealed to the judgement of antiquity , and to the judgement of any learned man now living , and craved herein to be satisfied , if any man of learning could speak to the contrary . a my lord of salisbury is my witnesse , and so are all the rest of our b company , who spake also in the cause . to this there was no answer made by any ; whereupon we conceived that they yeelded to the truth of the protestation . and somewhat i can say of mine owne knowledge , for i had conference with divers of the best learned in that synode , i told them that the cause of all their troubles was this , that they had no bishops amongst them , who by their authority might represse turbulent spirits , that broached novelties . every man had liberty to speak or write what he list , and as long as there were no ecclesiasticall men in authority to represse and censure such contentious spirits , their church could never be without trouble : their answer was , that they did much honour and reverence the good order and discipline of the church of england , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established amongst them ; but that could not be hoped for in their state . their hope was , that seeing they could not do what they desired , god would be mercifull to them if they did what they could . this was their answer , which i thinke is enough to excuse them , that they doe not openly aime at an anarchie , and popular confusion . the truth is , they groane under that burden , and would be eased if they could . this is well knowne to the rest of my associates there . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a80351e-420 a b. davenant . b. hall . b d. ward . d. goad . d. balcanquall . several propositions presented to the members of the honourable house of commons, by mr. peters, minister of the gospell of jesus christ; concerning the presbyterian ministers of this kingdome. with a discovery of two great plots against the parliament of england: the first, by the queen, and the english runagadoes in france. the second, by the lord hopton, col. cartwright, and divers others in the island of jarsey. also, a declaration of his highnesse the prince of wales in france. peters, hugh, 1598-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90545 of text r200293 in the english short title catalog (thomason e364_5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90545 wing p1718 thomason e364_5 estc r200293 99861099 99861099 160059 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90545) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160059) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 58:e364[5]) several propositions presented to the members of the honourable house of commons, by mr. peters, minister of the gospell of jesus christ; concerning the presbyterian ministers of this kingdome. with a discovery of two great plots against the parliament of england: the first, by the queen, and the english runagadoes in france. the second, by the lord hopton, col. cartwright, and divers others in the island of jarsey. also, a declaration of his highnesse the prince of wales in france. peters, hugh, 1598-1660. [2], 6 p. printed for j.g., london, : decemb. 1. 1646. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng presbyterianism -early works to 1800. conspiracies -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a90545 r200293 (thomason e364_5). civilwar no several propositions presented to the members of the honourable house of commons, by mr. peters, minister of the gospell of jesus christ; co peters, hugh 1646 1644 3 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion severall propositions presented to the members of the honourable house of commons , by mr. peters , minister of the gospell of jesus christ ; concerning the presbyterian ministers of this kingdome . with a discovery of two great plots against the parliament of england : the first , by the qveen , and the english runagadoes in france . the second , by the lord hopton , col. cartwright , and divers others in the island of jarsey . also , a declaration of his highnesse the prince of wales in france . london , printed for j. g. decemb. 1. 1646. mr. peters reports to the honourable committee of both kingdomes ; concerning the speedy reducing of the irish rebels . first , he desireth , that there may be a speedy course taken for the setling of the poore , distressed , and bleeding kingdom of ireland , in peace and unity , & that there may be some painfull and religious ministers ( both presbyterians and others ) forthwith expedited for that service . secondly , that all possible care may be taken for the sending over provisions and other necessaries for reliefe of the poor distressed protestants . thirdly , that all commanders whatsoever that are under the command of the parliament of england , may forthwith be sent over , for the performance of the great trust reposed in them , that so the cause of ireland may be no longer detarded , but with all faithfulnesse and expediency performed for the easing of our distressed brethren from the heavie oppressions which they have for many yeares groaned under . thus having given you ( in briefe ) the effect and substance of the propositions or report of ( the renowned worthy of our times ) mr. peters , upon friday last , concerning the managing of the affaires for the kingdom of ireland ; i will in the next place communicate unto you , the dangerous estate and condition of this our native kingdom of england ; by reason of the manifold plots and conspiracies which are dayly acting and contriving ( by the enemies of god ) against the worthies of england , the high and honourable court of parliament : yet all their machavillian plots , and horrid conspiracies have been frustrated , and taken no effect ; for when they were in the height of their pride , and ( almost ) upon the finishing of their wicked conspiracies , it pleased god to discover and bring to light all their barbarous and inhumane intentions : yet these great and malicious instruments , which have been for many yeares together , the chiefe disturbers of the peace and tranquility of england , whose hearts have bin inveterate against the proceedings of our renowned parliament , are now studying , complotting , and contriving how to bring their most wicked and bloudy designes once again to perfection , and to set footing within this our realme of england , but because i will not detract time , nor trouble the readers patience with too much superfluity of former experiencies , i will confine my selfe , and proceed to the ensuing subject , which may be tearmed , englands vigilant scout , giving her an alarum of the warlike preparations that are now beyond the seas , not onely by a forreign enemy , but by her native branches , which i will here insert , and faithfully communicate , as followeth : the nobility and gentry of this kingdom of england , which for a long time had so inveterately engaged themselves in a desperate warre against the parliament , are very active beyond the seas in the kingdome of france , and other parts , and are complotting and laying their heads together , how they may contrive & raise a new war in england , using their utmost endeavours , ( by way of entreat ) for the gathering of an army together : and to that end , the greatest part of the nobility and gentry , together with all the collonels , lieutenant colonels , majors , captains , and other inferiour officers , which were runagadoes from their native country , having formerly had the honour of great trust and eminent places reposed to their charge , began to recollect their memories , and to bethink themselves of the gallant dayes which they once enjoyed within the realm of england ; and therefore , having ever since their departure from this kingdom bin much perplexed in mind , joyntly concluded , that if it were possible for them to raise a party , and some certain sums of mony , they would venter once again to steere their coast towards the confines of england ; and for the better effecting of their design now in agitation , the queen doth endeavour to use her utmost power for the effecting of it , as formerly she hath done . but it is very probable that their designe will bee soon frustrated , and all their plots and conspiracies utter confounded ; for one storme hath already appeared against them , and no doubt , but many more will suddenly arise ) so that there is small hopes of their attempting any thing against this kingdome , by reason of a controversie and disputation that hath lately arose between the queen and her confessour at st. iermans , who at a late meeting , told her , that her proceedings were not well approved of , and that he thought she began to incline towards the church of england , and to desert the church of rome : at which words , her majesty being somwhat displeased , replyed and declared her self in this manner : that for her religion , which shee was alwayes brought up in from her infancie , she were resolved to live and dye in ; and for his objections against her , in being pleased to say , that it was not allowable for her , to permit or suffer any of her servants & followers liberty to associate themselves with the heretikes in any publike place or meeting whatsoever ; to which her majesty answered , that shee were resolved to grant them free liberty of conscience ; intimating , that when she were in england , all her followers in geral● had liberty and tolleration to use their owne wayes and consciences , without any disanulment or interruption at all , and in consideration thereof , she were resolved to grant the same liberty to her royall soveraignes ●●iends , and hers , in france , as they fo●merly have had in england . thus having expressed her self so resolutely unto her confessour , hee tooke his leave , and being much perplexed in mind retyred out of the roome , being in a great fury : what the issue of this discord and contention may arise to , i cannot as yet assure you . therefore , in the next place , be pleased to take notice , that his highnesso the prince of vvales is very much perplexed in mind , and cannot approve of the french fashions nor wayes , but declares himself in opposition against them . thus having given you the chiefest observations and remarkablest passages that have happened within the kingdome of france , somewhat reflecting upon the peace and tranquility of england , i cannot but put you in mind of another businesse of great concernment , worthy of your observation , and hath some reference to the former . but drawing to a period , i will only give you a hint of it and briefly intimate unto you , as followeth : from iarsey we are advertised , that the lord hopton , colonell cartwright , and divers other commanders are very active in the said island , both in furnishing of themselves with ammunition , and also in keeping their men together ( which is supposed for some designe against the parliament of england . hopton hath caused two or three powder milles to be made , and are continually in action with them . they keepe severall strong holds about the iland , and are supposed to be about two thousand strong , all compleatly armed , being gallantly experienced in the discipline . the holds that they keepe are of great strength , most of them being scituated upon great rockes , and incompassed with the sea ; so that it is to be feared , it will bee a long time before they are brought to the obedience of the parliament ; unlesse upon composition . but why these garisons should be maintained and kept in a defensive and warlike posture against the parliament , is not as yet known : but we may conceive ( and it is too apparent ) that they have some designes in agitation against the parliament of england ; for who can be so deluded , as to thinke that they will still keepe these holds in defiance , and to endanger both lives and fortunes , but only they have a secret conspiracie amongst themselves ; and no doubt , but their horrid plots , and desperate designes , will at the last be brought to light , and to their everlasting shame , be made manifest to the whole world . they are very vigilant , and will not suffer a fisherman to go to the sea , without severe examination and diligent search . hopton hath again renewed his inveterate malice against the parliaments friends , and hath disarmed all the well-affected throughout the whole island . finis . good counsell, to the petitioners for presbyterian government, that they may declare their faith before they build their church. chidley, katherine. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79481 of text r210414 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.10[39]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79481 wing c3831 thomason 669.f.10[39] estc r210414 99869217 99869217 162579 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79481) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162579) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f10[39]) good counsell, to the petitioners for presbyterian government, that they may declare their faith before they build their church. chidley, katherine. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1645] signed at foot: k.c. (i.e. katherine chidley). annotations on thomason copy: "hidley" after 'k.c' at foot of titlepage; "nouemb: 1st 1645". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng presbyterianism -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -religious aspects -early works to 1800. a79481 r210414 (thomason 669.f.10[39]). civilwar no good counsell, to the petitioners for presbyterian government, that they may declare their faith before they build their church. chidley, katherine. 1645 2254 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion good counsell , to the petitioners for presbyterian government , that they may declare their faith before they build their church . the saints of god being separated from idolatry , and joyned together in the fellowship of the gospel , have ever enjoyed commission from christ to practise all the parts of gods true religion , and also to keep the ordinances of god from contempt or profanation amongst themselves . and this power they have from god though with persecution , now , in this time of parliament . persecution , i say , not from the parliament , ( further then they neglect to preserve their peace according to the law of god ) but persecution , as it arose from the pope , and bishops in former time primarily ; so would it do now from their sons , who call themselves divines , yea , even in the height of it , if they might have their wils , as appeareth by their late petition , for which there was a publick calling out for hands . well was it with the kings of israel when they took the counsell of gods true prophets though few in number , but such a clergy which is naturally addicted to persecution cannot be a blessing to any parliament or nation , as appeareth by the scripture . and therefore my desire is , that the parliament may submit to god for direction and counsell , even to beware of men , especially of false prophets , or any evill workers whatever they be ; and that all persons fearing god , in the city of london , or elsewhere , may blesse god , for fulfilling his promises unto them , that their eyes enjoy their teachers , though in an upper roome , as christ and his apostles met . but for the city of londons ministery ( which is so much commended in the petition ) i think their readinesse is , as the rest of that generation in the countreys of the land : even to find out where their maintenance lieth ; and so far are they from keeping gods ordinances from pollution and contempt , that [ to enjoy their pay ] they will walk contrary to a known rule , and expresse command ; cast not holy things unto dogs : yet these men ( i say ) rather then they will want their patrimony , they will constrain all men to partake of the ordinances of god . they bewail that the children should come so neer to the birth , and that there is no strength to bring forth : but i think the children are sufficiently brought forth unto them . if their means be established upon them , by the parliament ( as i am informed it is for a certain time : ) for i know no other children they mean , but two : viz : maintenance and power : the one they have as saul had the fat cattell , contrary to gods commandment : the other they shall never have : for god will fight against such as fight for them , as it appears at this day : for they by usurped power ever shed the blood of the saints , and martyrs of jesus , and now god is making inquisition for the blood which hath been spilt , and the more fiercely they go on to build up a babel with blood ; the more speedily will god come down to see their wickednes and to confound them . and though they say it is in fervour of spirit , for the house of their god , and although the parliament may bear with them , at their entreaty , yet god will ( in his own time ) deal with sinners . they further complain , that there are damnable errors broached amongst them , ( that is to say , amongst the presbyterians ; ) for amongst the people of god none can so soon deliver any point of false doctrine but he shall be severely dealt with according to the rule of christ ; ) but the presbyters practise is to preach what they list without controll , therefore errors may be broached by them privilegio . but they say , divers are fallen off within these few yeers . but me thinks they do not speak pertinently , for men cannot be said to fall off which were never on , or from a government that was never setled , and they themselves say , their government is not yet established . and these that fly out from amongst them , separating themselves from them , and incorporate themselves into separated assemblies , are not ( as they say they be ) such as hold damnable heresies , but such abide still amongst the presbyterians themselves ; and therefore the lords people are constrained ( by the power of the word of truth ) to separate themselves from such persons , that are ( retained in the church of england ) godlesse in their lives , and blasphemous in their judgements , yet such persons notstithstanding are ( in matters of worship ) one with the whole body of the land ; and these be the vessels that the houses of their gods are yet filled withall . but it is not so with those that separate themselves from them : for they admit not in their societies any that hold blasphemous errors , neither do they set up illeterate persons among them for their pastors , as the presbyterians unjustly accuse them . true it is , they manage their meetings with boldnesse , because they have some ground to beleeve that the parliament will not suffer them to be wronged , for performing the true worship , to the true god , in a peaceable manner , under their protection ( as also correction in case they should walk as the presbyterians in their petition have falsly accused them , saying they manage their meetings with insolencie , which is an unjust accusation ; and in contempt of all authority , which is also untrue : to the disturbance of the city : which is another falshood : every one doing that which is right in his own eyes : which is an unjust affirmation as the rest ) for they order their walkings according to the rule of gods word : but these petitioners accuse not onely the people , but also the parliament , for they say every one doth that which is right in his own eyes , and there is no controll or course to reclaim them : whereby it is evident , they render the parliament very infirm , or carelesse . and the people of god plead not any such priviledge to be without controll : but alwayes submitted themselves in duty to the magistrates power , which is set up by god , as well for the punishment of evill doers , as for the praise of those that do well . therefore all these petitioners inferences against the people of god be slanders . and the religion of god doth not breed division , either in kingdom , city , or family in any civill respect : for religion teacheth men submission to their duty . ( but this hath been a false accusation of mr. t. e. long ago , which hath been disproved at large . ) religion ( i say ) breeds no difference then what was from the beginning , the wicked envying the godly , that their sacrifices are accepted , and theirs rejected , and that 's the emnity which christ hath put between the two seeds , and it shall be as christ saith , five in a house , two against three , and three against two . but the cause is envy , and not religion . and whereas these presbyterians affirm in their petition that the separates set up illeterate men to be their pastors , let that come to the triall , for we desire not to be led by blind guides ; therefore i could wish it might please the parliament to examine the gifts of such whom these call illiterate ( that so it may appear how reasonable we are ) either by disputation between the presbyters and them : or by proving them , to give the sence of any scripture which they shall appoint ; and by this it shall appear whether these presbyterians are true men : for there is never a minister of the seperation that feareth to set his foot against any presbyter whatsoever he be , to dispute the case concerning the matter , ministery , worship , or government of the church , or any principle of faith which it shall please the parliament to call upon them for the managing of , that so it may appear unto all men who are best informed in the mind and will of god , and by this it will also appear who are the orthodoxall preachers , and who are the preachers of new gospels , and consequently who be the setters of division ; and who they be upon whom their scandalous conclusions fall . and as for tolerations of all religions i cannot conceive to be proper ; for there is but one true religion , and that is it which hath gods word for their rule . and for breaking sabbaths , we know the christian sabbath now under the gospel is the first day of the week ( commonly called sonday ) or the lords day , which we judge our selves bound in conscience to set apart for the worship and service of god by the rules of scripture both law and gospel ; and are also free to submit to the magistrates command to humble our selves before god in case of eminent danger , and to give him publick thanks for all eminent deliverances , the magistrates command being grounded upon the word of god . therfore the presbyterians slandring the people of god , will make their reformation the more difficult ; for no man ever set himself up honestly , by accusing of others falsly . and as touching our brethren the scots , we honour them for their parts , and shall remain thankfull unto god for them , or for any help we have received from them ; yet we can never submit our consciences to be captivated , or made subject to mens wils : for god onely hath power in that case . yet i speak freely ( for my part ) i shall not be offended at whatever lawfull government the parliament in their wisdom shall set up in the nation for the preaching of the gospel , to bring those thousands , and millions of people , ( who yet lie in ignorance ) to the knowledge of god , and obedience of the faith , that so they may become fit matter , even living stones to be built to god a spirituall house : for there can be no true reformation in a state of generall apostasie , but by seperating the precious from the vile ; and not to impose the worship of god on a people that are not capable , for that will bring a curse rather then a blessing ; therefore the truly godly ought to arise and be doing , and god hath promised to be with them , and they are not to neglect to worship god for want of the command of authority , as is the manner of many . moreover , these take notice that god hath rewarded the beginnings of the parliaments reformation ; and truly all christians ought to observe the same ; for god useth to reward all those that do his will . and i hope god will still be mercifull to them if justice be executed by them . and it is to be desired that the wicked may be brought to condigne punishment , and the innocent set free who have lain in prison a long time for worshipping the true god after the true manner , as mr. turner hath , who is therefore in prison at westminster ; and others who also suffer in the like case , such out-breakings of envy ( i am sure ) procure no mercy but judgement . now that the parliament may hasten to set up christs true discipline which he hath left to his church ; that is and ought to be the desire of all christians . but that the modell ( specified in the petition ) is it , stands the presbyterians upon to prove . and therefore ( in my judgement ) it were better for them to make their confession of faith and catechise first , according to the rule of gods word , and then shape their church according to that , rather then shape their church according to the modell , and their faith according to their church . prepare thy work without , and make it fit for thy self in the field : and afterwards build thine house . prov. 24. 27. k. c. tvvo hyms, or spirituall songs; sung in mr. goodwins congregation on friday last being the 24. of octob. 1651. which was a day set apart by authority of parliament for a solemn thanksgiving unto god by this nation, for that most wonderfull and happy successe of the english army under the conduct of his excellency the lord general cromwel over the scottish forces at worcester. also a letter for satisfaction of some presbyterian ministers, and others, who hold it unlawfull to give thanks for the shedding of blood. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85421 of text r209000 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1300_4). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85421 wing g1212 thomason e1300_4 estc r209000 99867911 99867911 169735 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85421) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 169735) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 174:e1300[4]) tvvo hyms, or spirituall songs; sung in mr. goodwins congregation on friday last being the 24. of octob. 1651. which was a day set apart by authority of parliament for a solemn thanksgiving unto god by this nation, for that most wonderfull and happy successe of the english army under the conduct of his excellency the lord general cromwel over the scottish forces at worcester. also a letter for satisfaction of some presbyterian ministers, and others, who hold it unlawfull to give thanks for the shedding of blood. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. [2], 12 p. printed by f:n: in aldersgatestreet, london : 1651. anonymous. by john goodwin. annotation on thomason copy: "octob. 24th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng presbyterianism -controversial literature -early works to 1800. hymns, english -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a85421 r209000 (thomason e1300_4). civilwar no tvvo hyms,: or spirituall songs; sung in mr. goodwins congregation on friday last being the 24. of octob. 1651. which was a day set apart b goodwin, john 1651 2446 2 0 0 0 0 0 8 b the rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tvvo hyms , or spiritvall songs ; sung in mr. goodwins congregation on friday last being the 24. of octob. 1651. which was a day set apart by authority of parliament for a solemn thanksgiving unto god by this nation , for that most wonderfull and happy successe of the english army under the conduct of his excellency the lord general cromwel over the scottish forces at worcester . also a letter for satisfaction of some presbyterian ministers , and others , who hold it unlawfull to give thanks for the shedding of blood . psal. 97. 8. sion heard , and was glad ; because of thy righteous judgements , o lord . revel. 14. 3. and they sung as it were a new song before the throne , &c. london : printed by f : n : in aldersgatestreet . 1651. to those presbyterian ministers and others , who are unsatisfied with the lawfulness of giving thanks to god for the shedding of blood . the objection of a friend at our late meeting was , that he was unsatisfied in his judgment , that it is lawfull to rejoyce at the sheding of blood , though it were granted to be in the distruction of an enemy . to which i answer ; that considering of it simply of it self , it is a sad thing , and a matter rather of sorrow then rejoycing , to see so noble a creature as man , to loose his life in such a manner , but as it is to be considered in the relative , and by the effects and drift of the enemy , which sought for our lives , liberty , and freedome , even in the ordinances of god ; i say if men become thus stubborn and wilfull , their destruction becomes a matter of joy and delight . then shall the righteous rejoyce and be glad . syon heard and was glad and the daughters of judah rejoyced , because of thy judgments o lord . psal. 97. 8. he casteth the wicked to the ground , sing unto the lord with thanksgiving . these places shew the behaviour of the righteous , when god ariseth and putteth forth his strength for the destruction of his enemies , they exceedingly rejoyce : psal. 68 , 1 , 2 and they expresse that joy before the lord verse 3. from which places it is evident , that the church and people of god when they have victorie , are enjoyned to rejoyce , from whence i conclude , that solemn dayes of tanksgiving for victories obtained , are not only lawfull , but enjoyned as a duty , and when the people of god , do come before god to perform this duty , they ought exceedingly to rejoyce , ps. 58. 10. the righteous shall rejoyce when he seeth the vengeance , he shall wash his feet in the blood of the wicked , what vengeance this is you may see in the former verse where the wicked are destroyed like thorns under a pet. gen. 15. 19. melchisedick blesseth god for the victory and successe given unto abraham . and when the lord drowned pharoh and all his hoast : moses and meriam rejoyced and sung praises unto god , judges 5. so when david was compassed about with many enemies , and the lord had scattered them , the voice of joy and gladnes was in every godly heart , and certainly there is great reason why it should be so , for god is much glorified in this work of power , we see when pharohs chariot wheels flew off , then he acknowledged that god fought for israel , exod. 14. and the like in psal. 83. 13. &c now are the enemies of god by this means , brought to glorifie god , and shall not his own people in whom he puts forth his power , give evidence of thank fulnesse unto him . psal. 50 23 he that offereth praise and thanks , glorifieth god . again , this joy and gladnes comes from the benefits that come to gods people , when their enemies are destroyed . first their subduing of the enemy gives them the more freedom and liberty in the service of god , as when saul was dead , then david could frequent the sanctuary . secondly , it gives evidence of gods favour , to be renewed and confirmed to his people , and therefore they cannot but reign psal. 41. 11. by this i know thou favourest me , because mine enemy doth not triumph over me . thus far have i thought good , briefly to communicate these meditations unto you , which if you please to ponder and consider seriously of , i hope not only your self , but others of the presbyterian brethren will be so far from censuring us , that they will joyn with us in this heavenly duty , from whence doth arise an over flow or breaking forth of the spirit into songs of joy and gladness . mr. jo : goodwins song or hym. this is the day the lord hath made , on purpose to rejoyce . to raise his praises to the heaven , spare neither heart nor voice . the heavens on high have bowed down , the earth with joy doth ring : for what he hath prepar'd and done , on earth he makes us sing . prepare and sanctifie your selves , you priests of god most high . in likeness of a man of war , your god to you's come nigh . in heaven a glorious victory , for you prepar'd he ha's : and what he hath prepar'd in heaven , on earth for us he do's . you have seen , you have seen ; his vision high , the glory of your god : make hearts and bodies clean and pure , sacred for his abode . your enemies rage and crueltie between them they had still : no wonder god in flesh , they fell opposers of his will . your enemies were not , afterward , why god himself had hid . though at their cost they lately had , his presence with you try'd : but fell into his ambushment , and tumbled on his sword . and by the sound of dreadfull fall , proclaim'd truth in his word . and taught the world this victory , in anguish of their blood : that god to wicked men did pay the judgements in his word . the lord that mountains he had toucht , and made them smoke before : this smoke it healed not their pride , they swell'd still more and more . and scottish ground for their proud look they thought too mean and base : and would no longer there be born , their land of such disgrace . up from their native soil they rise , with lofty pace they move to englands honoured ground , on which they pitcht their hopes and love . as commodation fit to bear their glory and their weight : this land they judg'd of measure just , but god a fire prepar'd : in place neer worcester town it was , at englands feet they lay . to melt these mountains that would not by smoking , but by fire consume and melt , this is the way of gods provoked ire . glory this day to our land is come , in glory swell not here : the first born sons of godly shape to the world we shall appear . for when god comes to visit men in such a shining path , he n'ere departs till sin doth say , d●part with high disgrace . and sin when god hath once then shew'd his lovely face to men , it s no great matter to disdain , and fear the same agen . o let this great salvation 〈…〉 which greets us now from heaven be kept a sacred record , and on our hearts be graven . and let it be our councellor , to instruct us what to render : that god who it to us hath given out of his bowels tender . the heavens in travail lately were of englands joy and peace : they are deliver'd , and brought forth a crop of pleasant fare . the heavens do pipe , come let us dance , they call to joy and gladness : la ts answer in the voice of man , saved by god from sadness . and after this days sacred joy , where is no place for sorrow : abstain from sin , then this day joy shall be your joy too morrow . yea then they shall nere take away the voice of joy from our land , our joyes without or clips or clouds , like sun and morn shall stand . mr. 〈◊〉 song or hym. awake , awake , let 's all arise , with loud voice let us sing . to god our lord and saviour , a song of thanksgiving . o all ye saints behold and see the beauty of your god : who hath prepar'd another glass , besides that of his word . for you to see his glory in , who are so much in 's heart ; he loves to shew his glorious face , though we have no desert . look full his sons of glory then , be strook with admiration : to see the wonderous works of god , the god of your salvation . neer twenty thousand men of arms , of late crept in this nation . whose face was principally set , against gods habitation . princes and great men more then one , in this works had their hands . the liberty of english saints , to put in iron bands . they said within themselves , all 's well , how rich is our design . to kill and slay , spoil and destroy , the company of english men . so stout and big the sons of pride , whose hearts were full of lust , the great and mighty god hath sent , what they for us did trust . he crusht their rage and cruelty , the proud which did advance ; the wicked he hath now brought low , and troden down their place . amongst princes and nobles all , the lord contended sore . this is the fruit of cruelty , the saints they have the more . o all ye enemies abroad , why should you vainly think : of thorns to gather grapes , and make your sweet and pleasant drink . t is righteousnesse and peace doth kiss , and truth them both imbrace . if ever you would taste such fruit , let righteousness take place . and yea o sons and saints of god , what say you to this sight , shall not the goodnes of your god , be greatly your delight ? and now o saints , what creatures then , can carry you away . who have been blest with such a sight , to make you go astray . let all agree with us this day , let this be our thanksgiving : to give our selves and ours to god , and bring in all men living . another hym of mr. john goodwins . the mighty god hath once again appear'd from heaven high , his people to deliver from the house of slavery . the iron yoke he lately broke which men prepared had , to put upon the necks of saints to make their hearts full sad . the northern waves lift up their voice , and roar'd so terribly , that english land thereat 'gan quake , and tremble fearfully . of men , and horses fierce and stout their armies were prepared , gebal and ammon , amalek , and tyre were insnared , to joyn in sinfull league against the lord , the lord of might , and his despised ones , because they weak appear'd in fight . come , let us tread them down ( said they ) like clay and mire in street : wee 'l give them laws , and lords , and kings , and all as we think meet . our sword shall teach them what to know of god , what to believe : to worship god as they think meet , no longer will we give . their lives upon their knees they shall of us begg and intreat : the dust o' th earth we will compell them to lick at our feet . these swelling words the heavens above disdeigned long to bear : the starrs made ready for to fight , each one out of his sphere . and god , the holy one of those , who thus despised were , to stop the way 'gainst such rebukes , brought forth both shield and spear . his enemies heart he takes away , and gives unto his friends to them the wings of fear , for flight ; to these , a sword he sends , to execute his judgment just on them that sought their woe , to teach them violence to hate , and righteous things to do , the lord , and his , together thus triumphed gloriously , thousands by death , yet thousands more fell by captivity . this mighty work recall's to mind the dayes of ancient date , when god on high the swelling power of egypt did abate . and when the staffe of midian was by him broke in sunder , wherewith he smote the innocent , and sought to bring them under . this is a day the lord hath made , a day of grace and wonder , where in our prayers from the heave's he answer'd hath in thunder . out of the hands and bands of those , who sought to make us thrall , he hath deliver'd us by an hand far higher then they all . he that hath thus deliver'd us , shall be our god forever ; him will we love , him will we serve , forsake us be will never . finis . faces about, or, a recrimination charged upon mr. john goodvvin in the point of fighting against god, and opposing the way of christ and a justification of the presbyterian way in the particulars by him unjustly charged upon it : vvith other short animadversions upon his late book called [theomachia] or, the grand imprudence of men running the hazard of fighting against god, &c. prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a70865 of text r7643 in the english short title catalog (wing p3952). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a70865 wing p3952 estc r7643 11901434 ocm 11901434 50588 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70865) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50588) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 230:e13, no 17) faces about, or, a recrimination charged upon mr. john goodvvin in the point of fighting against god, and opposing the way of christ and a justification of the presbyterian way in the particulars by him unjustly charged upon it : vvith other short animadversions upon his late book called [theomachia] or, the grand imprudence of men running the hazard of fighting against god, &c. prynne, william, 1600-1669. 12 p. printed for robert bostock ..., london : 1644. attributed to william prynne. cf. nuc pre-1956. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. -theomachia. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. -grand imprudence of men running the hazard of fighting against god. presbyterianism. a70865 r7643 (wing p3952). civilwar no faces about. or, a recrimination charged upon mr. john goodvvin, in the point of fighting against god, and opposing the way of christ. and a prynne, william 1644 3286 4 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion faces about . or , a recrimination charged upon mr. john goodvvin , in the point of fighting against god , and opposing the way of christ . and a justification of the presbyterian way in the particulars by him unjustly charged upon it . vvith other short animadversions upon his late book called , θεομαξια . or , the grand imprudence of men running the hazard of fighting against god , &c. rom. 16. 17. now i beseech you brethren , mark them who rayse divisions and offences . published by authority . london , printed for robert bostock , dwelling at the signe of the kings head in pauls church-yard . 1644. faces about : or , a recrimination charged upon mr. iohn goodwin , in the point of fighting against god , and opposing the way of christ . christian reader , my thoughts are not ( god knows ) against the authour of these sermons , in the least measure , but against his dangerous doctrine , though intermingled with truths . to be silent in this businesse , i dare not , my conscience forbidding me . to say all that might be said , i cannot , my imployments hindering me . therefore i have thought good to offer thee , these few animadversions , to make thee to be the more awake , and cautious . beleeve not every spirit , but try the spirits , whether they be of god or not . first of all it is to be observed , he buildeth upon a rotten and unsound foundation , pag. 10. affirming , that we may build upon what gamaliel spake in the counsel , as good , and from god . the principall end and scope of what he spake , being the rescuing of the apostles , &c. and there being nothing in all this speech ( excepting onely the historicall instances of theudas and judas ) but what is fully consonant with the word of god , ( unquestionably so acknowledged ) elsewhere , the credit and authority of it , for matter of truth , is one and the same with those other scriptures corresponding with it . ans. 1. i never heard so much good of gamaliel , except from popish interpreters , who tell us out of the traditions of clemens , and out of the roman martyrologies , that gamaliel was a godly man , and a disciple of the apostles . sure i am , our best interpreters judge of him , as an irreligious polititian , adieophorit , neutralist , nullifidian . 2. his principall end and scope was not the rescuing of the apostles , but the preservation of himself and the councell from the wrath of the people of the jewes , whom he feared , because they favoured and magnified the apostles and from the wrath of the romanes , which he well knew would fall upon the counsell , if they should presume to put any man to death , the liberty of capitall punishment , not being permitted to them . and this was his meaning , when hee said , vers. 35. yee men of israel , take heed to your selves , what yee intend to doe . beware of provoking the people . beware of provoking the romancs . 3. though there be some truths ▪ in that which he spake in the councell , yet there are there three exceeding great errours in it . one is , that he makes it an uncertaine and dubious thing , whether the gospel preached by the apostles , and miracles wrought by them , were from god , or from men : he puts an if , where he should have put a surely . another is , that he judgeth himself , and would have others to judge what is of god , and what not , by the event , according as the thing prospers , or not , whereas he should have judged according to the truth , and the rule of the word , let the event be what it may be . a third is , that whatsoever damnable and pernitious heresies doe infest a church , all men , even magistrates , must refraine from the authors and spreaders thereof , and let them alone , in confidence , that such wayes , if not of god , will come to nought of themselves . pag. 21. he maketh a most odious comparrison betwixt those ministers who appeare for the congregationall way ( as he calleth it ) and the ministers who appeare for the presbyteryall way , describing the ministers of the former way thus , some ambassadours and messengers of his ( gods ) of a very choice anointing , and indued with strength from on high . the ministers that stand for the presbytery , thus , some that would be thought pillars , and prime men in the house and temple of god . surely they that would be thought so , are not worthy to have the smallest place in the temple of god . againe , he describeth the people , who adhere to the former sort of ministers , thus , many thousands more , and those ( for the most part ) of the best and choicest servants of god amongst us . the people who adhere to the presbyterian ministers , thus , the generality of people , who know little of god , or of his wayes . if this be suitable to a spirit of christian moderation , and humility , that men shall thus commend and magnifie themselves , as having greater gifts and graces then others , and judge the ministers to be presumptuous , and the people ignorant , who are of another opinion ; let every one judge , whose understanding is not very much biassed with partiality . nay , let us but judge him out of his own words . i would gladly know how he can reconcile these things with what himself saith , pag. 27. where he tells us what opinion the gongregationall way holdeth of such as are contrary minded to it . it thinketh no evill ( saith he ) it speaketh no evill of such : if it conceives them upright and faithfull , with god , and with jesus christ , it imbraceth them with all love , tendernesse and honour , as pertakers of the precious faith with it self , and nothing doubts but that they serve and worship god with as much sincerity and singlenesse , of heart , and are accordingly accepted by him in their way , as it self . in the transcribing of this passage , i have some light , to reconcile him with himself . there is a great if here , if presbyterians be faithfull and upright with god , and not onely so , but if independents conceive them to be such . he had said positively of the other way , many thousands are for it , of the best and choicest servants of god . but of this way , hee greatly doubts whether he can say neere half so much , as if godly presbyterians were hardly to be found , and — vix totidem quot , thebarum portae & divitis ostia nili . pag. 23. he would make us beleeve , that the presbyterian reformation , needs suffer nothing , nor lose an houres time , by the congregationall way . for , saith he , what doth the poore flie , sitting on the top of the wheele to hinder the waggoner from driving on his way , &c. the irregularity of the mountaines and valleys in the surface of the earth troubles no mans opinion concerning the perfect roundnesse of it , because it is swallowed up into victory by the roundnesse of the globe , &c. the gleanings of independency ( so called , will not hinder the vintage of the presbytery . would god hee could make these things good . would god it were not as the remora to the ship . if it be as the flie on the top of the wheele , why hath it hindred us from driving on our way , not for an houres time , but for a yeeres time , and much more . if independency be the irregularity of mountaines and valleys , it will at least trouble the opinion of many thousands who are not good cosmographers concerning the roundnesse of the globe . and what should hinder a full and perfect roundnesse , since every valley shall be filled , and every mountaine and hill shall be brought low . and if independency doth but gleane , why doth it glean before the vintage . and when after , is not the gleaning of the grapes of ephraim , better then the vintage of abiezer . pag. 23 , 24 , 25. j would gladly know , saith he , what or what manner of reformation can reasonably be expected , or hoped for without her , ( the congregationall way . ) and here he enlargeth himself to shew , that without this their way , our reformation is but a reforming of satan , a reforming of open loosenes and profanenesse into pharysaicall hypocrisie ; a taking of the members of an harlot , to make them the members of christ , a quashing and crushing and breaking of the hearts and bones of the one halfe of the most religiously-affected , for trading in apes and peacocks ( i wish he had told us where their tarshish lies ) for holding some erroneous opinions , perhaps erroneously so called . that the presbvterian reformation is directly destructive to the edification of the saints , and doth impede their growth in grace . more of this stuffe you have , pag. 29 , 30. if matters , faith he , were duly and fairly examined between the two combitants in this case , the way we plead for , would be found via lactea , the candid , harmlesse and peaceable way : and her corrivall or competitresse , via sanguinea , the trouble and strife making way , &c. see also p. 33. 34 37. what no reformation without the independent way except a satanicall reformation , a pharasaicall reformation , a meritricious reformation , a persecuting reformation , a bloody reformation , a grace-destroying-reformation ▪ is this his so much pleaded for toleration of that way , that there can be no reformation without it ? is this his so much boasted of charity of that way , that it thinks so much evill , and speakes so much evill of any other reformation ? where is that presbytery that doth imbrace the ungodly , or persecute the religiously affected , or hinder their edification ? for my part i shall cast the first stone at it . the lord rebuke this spirit of belying and calumniating the way of christ , by which god hath beene so much honoured , satan so much foyled , true grace and knowledge so much propagated and advanced . and what is this but a fighting against god , even that sinne which he himselfe holds out as the achan , the troubler of our israel , and that which makes the sunne of our peace to goe so often backwards in the heavens . page 34. 35. he speaketh thus : we suppose that the lord christ , so far tendred the spirituall felicity and peace of his churches , as to leave them sufficiently furnished , and every wayes appointed with internall provisions for the effectuall procurement and preservation of them , without any concurrence of any heterogeneall or externall power , especially considering that he foresaw that these churches of his for the space of 300 years together , & somwhat more , were not like to have any accommodation at all in this kinde , from any secular or civill power . now let it be remembred that this doth quite overthrow one of the grounds , whereupon those that are for the independent way , do usually justifie it . when it is objected , that , that way provideth no sufficient nor effectuall remedy for reducing an offending or apostatizing congregation : the answer we receive is this ; other churches may admonish , rebuke , and ( if that do it not ) non-communicate such a congregation . it is replyed , what if that congregation slight all this , both reproof and non-communion . what say they for that cause ? the apologeticall narration , pag. 19. tells us , if the magistrates power do but assist and back the sentence of non-communion , then it will be as effectuall , as the presbyterian way is supposed to be . to this i say no other thing but what john goodwin saith , the lord christ hath provided for his churches sufficient intrinsecall remedies , without the concurrence of any externall power . and so i leave it betwixt them to unty the knot . pag. 43. 44. whereas the vote and suffrage of a reverend , learned , and pious assembly , might be objected against the independency . he tells us for answer the observation of gregory nazianzen , that he never saw good end , or desireable successe of any councell , or that they procured any decrease , but rather increase of evills . he farther lookes upon synods as the eclipsings of the glory of god , that there are too many learned and wise men in a great councell , for god to reveale truth , or to give truth victory against errour by , pag. 45. as exercising dominion over our faith , pag. 46. as swayed by one or few of predominant parts or authority , as you may read , pag. 47. let him who pleaseth compare these passages with the arminians , their declamations against synods , exam. cens. pag. 288. 289. and elsewhere in their writings : comparing also what is written by zepperius , pareus , whittaker , and divers other protestant divines of the most profitable , excellent , and ( in some respects ) necessary use of councells or synods , and then observe how neer master goodwin commeth to the former , and how far he recedeth from the latter . neither need we to stumble at that passage of nazianzen to procopius . he had reason to say so , having seen so many councells of those bishops who did so much favour the arrians , that he was out of all hopes , ever in his days , to see a free and rightly-constituted councell . neverthelesse nazianzen himself afterwards was present in the generall councell of constantinople , and did subscribe the decrees thereof , as is manifest by the subscriptions . therefore distingue tempora . if things had continued in this kingdom as they were in the prelates time , we had said of councells even as nazianzen did : but , tempora mutantur , & nos mutamur in illis . pag. 50. he giveth a sore blowe to the parliaments power . to hold , saith he , that the persons so elected ( unto parliamentary trust and power ) have a power , by vertue of such nomination or election , to enact laws and statutes in matters of religion , and to order , under mulcts or penalties , how men shall worship and serve god ; as it is a means to awaken the eye of jealousie upon them and so is seven times more destructive , &c. surely this is a means to ●waken the parliaments eye of jealousie upon himself . shall every one in israel do in religion what seemeth good in his own eyes ? shall the covenant , how necessary soever for the good of the kingdom , be left free , that every man may take it or refuse it , as he listeth ? may the civil power inflict no punishment on those that do evil ? and who do more evil then soul-destroying , and church-disturbing hereticks ? hath the magistrate no coercive power in matters of religion ? let the five apologists animadvert to this , and look how sweetly it agreeth with their solemn professing , that they give more to the magistrate , then the principles of presbyteriall government will yeeld . pag. 52 , and pag. 18 , he wisheth it may be the first-born of religious advertisements and cautions to us , that no man , or rank of men whatsoever , do appear , especially in any high handed opposition or contestation , nor so much as lift up an hard thought against doctrine or way , claiming origination and descent from god , till we have security upon security , proof upon proof , demonstration upon demonstration , evidence upon evidence , that such ways or doctrines onely pretend unto god , as the authors of them ; and that in truth they are not at all from him . this is the substance of those two passages put together . now i assume , the presbyterian way claimeth origination and descent from god ; yet master goodwin doth not onely lift up an hard thought against it , but in these sermons extremely oppose it , and contest against it , without security upon security , proof upon proof , demonstration upon demonstration , evidence upon evidence , that it onely pretends unto god as the author of it , and that in truth it is not at all from him : therefore now let him give this his first-born for his transgression , what if i have but one good proof , demonstration , evidence , or security , that this or that doctrine is heresie , which yet claims origination from god and his word , may i not appear in contestation against it , nor so much as lift up an hard thought against it , till i have multiplied proofs , demonstrations and evidences , and all those as clear as the noon-day , as he preacheth ? i fear , if the genealogie of this same doctrine of his were searched for , it should be found to have an origination and descent from socinians and arminians , which ( i conceive ) i could demonstraté , if i had leasure to turn over my books . however , let him consider whether this doctrine doth no ways fall upon the excommunication of hereticks in the congregationall way : of which he himself speaketh thus , pag. 34. if the errour be dangerous , amounting to , or neer an heresie , after two or three admonitions ( that is , according to her warrant from heaven ) she casts it out of the line of her communication , to him who cast it in , i mean satan . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70865e-160 act. 5. 26. joh. 18 34. luke 3. 5. judg. 8. 2. apol ▪ nar. p. 19. new presbyterian light springing out of independent darkness. or vi. important new queries proposed to the army, and their friends and party of the houses; concerning the late ordinance for repeal of the new militia of london, setled by an ordinance of both houses, when full and free, for an whole year, (not yet one quarter expired;) and other late repeals of ordinances and votes; and the high declaration against the intended petition and engagement of the londoners and others, for the speedy settlement of the kingdomes peace: occasioned by the debates thereof in the common councel in the guildhal on saturday last, the 24 of this instant iuly. discovering the dangerous consequences of repealing ordinances and votes, and the independents, sectaries, and armies plots, to blast the honour, justice, and reputation of this parliament, thereby to dissolve it and all others in it; their false pretences of peace, when they intend nought lesse; and their strange injustice and malice against presbyterians, which will end in their own dishonour and downfal. prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91232 of text r201756 in the english short title catalog (thomason e400_24). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91232 wing p4021 thomason e400_24 estc r201756 99862256 99862256 114409 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91232) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114409) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 63:e400[24]) new presbyterian light springing out of independent darkness. or vi. important new queries proposed to the army, and their friends and party of the houses; concerning the late ordinance for repeal of the new militia of london, setled by an ordinance of both houses, when full and free, for an whole year, (not yet one quarter expired;) and other late repeals of ordinances and votes; and the high declaration against the intended petition and engagement of the londoners and others, for the speedy settlement of the kingdomes peace: occasioned by the debates thereof in the common councel in the guildhal on saturday last, the 24 of this instant iuly. discovering the dangerous consequences of repealing ordinances and votes, and the independents, sectaries, and armies plots, to blast the honour, justice, and reputation of this parliament, thereby to dissolve it and all others in it; their false pretences of peace, when they intend nought lesse; and their strange injustice and malice against presbyterians, which will end in their own dishonour and downfal. prynne, william, 1600-1669. 12 p. [s.n.], london, : printed in the year, 16[47] attributed to william prynne by wing. annotation on thomason copy: "july 30th". imperfect: trimmed at foot, affecting imprint. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army -history, (17th century) -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a91232 r201756 (thomason e400_24). civilwar no new presbyterian light springing out of independent darkness. or vi. important new queries proposed to the army, and their friends and party prynne, william 1647 4380 14 0 0 0 0 0 32 c the rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new presbyterian light springing out of independent darkness . or vi . important new qveries proposed to the army , and their friends and party of the houses ; concerning the late ordinance for repeal of the new militia of london , setled by an ordinance of both houses , when full and free , for an whole year , ( not yet one quarter expired ; ) and other late repeals of ordinances and votes ; and the high declaration against the intended petition and engagement of the londoners and others , for the speedy settlement of the kingdomes peace : occasioned by the debates thereof in the common councel in the guildhal on saturday last , the 24 of this instant iuly . discovering the dangerous consequences of repealing ordinances and votes , and the independents , sectaries , and armies plots , to blast the honour , justice , and reputation of this parliament , thereby to dissolve it and all others in in their false pretences of peace , when they intend naught lesse ; and their strange injustice and malice against presbyterians , which will end in their own dishonour and downfal . london , printed in the year 164● new presbyterian light springing out of independent darknes or six important new queries , proposed to the army and their friends and humble servants of the houses ; concerning the late ordinance for repeal of the new militia of london , setled by an ordinance of both houses , when full and free , for an whole year ( not yet one quarter expired ) and other late repeals of ordinances and votes ; and the high declaration against the intended petition and engagement of the londoners and others ; for the speedy settlement of the kingdomes peace , &c. it is a common observation , that new laws ever beget new doubts and questions : so have some new ordinances and declarations concerning the militia , petition and engagement of london , in the common-councel an saturday last ; reducible to the ensuing six queries . 1. whether ordinances and votes of both houses , passed with mature deliberation in a ful and free parliament , over-awed by no armed power , may or can in point of honor , law , or justice , be retracted or repealed on a suddain , upon the request or demand of a mutinous army , by any contrary ordinances or votes , made upon less debate or consideration ; when the houses were neither so sul nor free as befo●e , and divided in the later , but not in the former ordinances and votes , and that in the same session of parliament ? and whether the armics and independents end in putting the houses now upon such repealing ordinances and votes , ( for which they have sufficiently jeered and abused them in print , and manifested the dishonor and prejudice of it , in their humble remonstrance of iune 23. p. 8. 9. ) is not to render parliaments vile and odious to the people ; and thereupon to abolish them , and change the whole frame of government of this kingdom , into a councel of war , and agitators for the present , and a popular anarchy for the future ? but we trust all wel-affected intelligent people wil be so discreet , as to turn the blame and odium only upon the cheif plotters , and drivers on of this design ; and never grow weary of parliaments , but of that factious army & their confederates , who thus pervert and abuse them , and deserve exemplary punishment for it . 2. whether such a manner of revoking ordinances , and eating or repealing former votes , wil not render all ordinances and votes contemptible , ridiculous , and of little or no validity ; and shake all the ordinances and votes of both houses , either for the souldiers and others indempnity , in acting for the parliament , upon any ordinances ; or for the security of moneys advanced for the publique service , upon the excise , goldsmiths hall , sale of bishops lands &c. and make all such security invalid , since revokable at pleasure , if the army or independents shal but propound it ? and then in what sad condition are the poor presbyterians , who have engaged all their estates upon the faith of such ordinances and votes , to raise , maintain , and gratify independent forces , officers , members ( who have contributed least of any , and received most ) who may dash and null all their securities in a moment , if they comply not with them ? and whether the citie , common-councel , and all others who have advanced moneys , or acted upon any ordinances , have not just cause to question the validity of such repealing ordinances and votes , which may endanger their very lives , liberties and estates , and expose them to all kind of extremities ; notwithstanding their oft promised protection and indempnity ? 3. whether the suddain repeal of the ordinance of parliament , of the 4 of may 1647 , for the militia of london , setled by unanimous consent of the common-councel ▪ and both houses when ful and free , to continue for a ful year ( at least ) upon a bare motion from the army ( whom it no ways concerned , and who never motioned it to the city or their commissioners , in any of their letters or treaties with their commissioners , for ought appears ) only to the commons house , without any grounds or satisfactory reasons alledged for this suddain change , or once hearing or conferring with the city or militia ( as they have usually done upon all other occasions of far less consequence then this ) by an ordinance of 23. july 1647. ( before three moneths of the time expired ) which renders no reason at all of the alteration ; be not a jesuitical device of some swaying sectaries and independents ; partly for to alienate and divide the city from the parliament ( who cannot but resent it as an high discourtesie and affront , and a very ill requital of all their former services and fidelity to the parliament , which hath been so oft supplied by their bounty , and preserved by their valour , when few or none else stood by them to the effusion of their blood , & advanced no less then 80000. l ▪ at once for the new-modeling & raising of this very ungratful army , which now thus unworthily puts such an insufferable disgrace upon them . ) but principally to gain the tower of london and magazines in it , into the independents and armies custody , to inslave and command the city at their pleasure ; they having formerly plotted to surprise it by stratagem , which would have rendred them very odious ; and this being a far more plausible way to gain its possession , by color of an ordinance of both houses , who must bear all the blame , and envy , whiles the contrivers of it go scot-free . 4. whether this president at the armies instance , of repealing the old ordinance of the militia by a new ; may not prove a dangerous leading case for the houses sodainly to repeal sir thomas fairfax and all his officers commissions , which are but durante beneplacito : & quamdiu se bene gesserint ; ( and therefore all * forfeited by their mutinies and disobedience : ) and the late votes for putting all the forces in pay within the kingdom under his command , and for the continuance , pay and establishment of the army : with all other late votes passed in their favour and at their desires , and their very act of indempnity ? and then what wil become of their worships ? have they not then made a rod for their own tails ; and a halter for their own necks , in stead of the cities by this new ordinance of repeal , made with more hast then good speed ? 5. whether the house of lords and commons have not by their ordinance for the taking of the solemn league and covenant , authorized , obliged , and engaged all wel-affected citizens , gentlemen , soldiers , and subjects of the kingdom , who have taken it , solemnly to unite their heads , hearts and forces together at this present ( and upon all other just occasions ) for the preservation of religion and vniformity in church-government against heresie , error , blasphemy and schism ; the safety of the kings person and authority ; the defence of the just rights and priviledges of parliament , and of their own lives , estates , liberties ; ( all now endangered by a schismatical mutinous party in the army and their confederates ) the present effectual relief of distressed ireland , and bringing his majesty to or neer his parliament , in an honorable and just way , for the speedy settlement of a firm and happy peace , after all our expensive and bloody ▪ wars , so long delayed since the war hath ceased , to their great grief and dammage ? if not , then they and others are all mistaken in the words and tenour of the league and covenant , engaging them thereunto in positive terms under pain and censure of detestable perjury , apostacy ; neutrality ; and that they shal not suffer themselves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination perswasion or terror ( be it of an whole revolting army or a declaration of high treason either from his majesty or any independent members of either house , or any sectaries who have either not taken , forgotten , or abjured the covenant ) to be divided or withdrawn from this blessed vnion and conjunction , either to make defection to the contrary ( prelatical , sectarian or independent ) part , or to give themselves to a detestable indifferency and neutrality in this cause which so much concerns the glory of god , the good and peace of the kingdoms and honor of the king : but shal all the days of their lives zealovsly and constantly continve therin against all opposition , and promote the same , according to their power against all lets and impediments ; be it from the army or any other ? if yea , as is irrefragable ; then with what conscience , face or justice can such be declared traytors , or guilty of treason , who shal now re-engage themselves to make good this league and covenant , and that by those very houses ( perchance not persons ) who formerly enjoyned and earnestly pressed them to take it , and proclaimed them treacherous and perjured if they brake it ? was ever such a strange contradiction as this , heard of in the world before ? the king proclaimed those traytors heretofore , who should adventure to take it by the houses command ; and the independents in the houses must now declare those , who have taken it by their order , traytors , because they conscionably keep it against a perfidious armies mind , who have highly violated it in every particular branch . but to requite their kindness , those honest covenanters wil inforce them and make it good at their utmost perils before all the world : that those who wilfully and treacherously break this league and covenant , are traytors ; not those who zealously and constantly continue therein : and if their decryed petition and engagement be treason ; the armies seditious , mutinous petitions , declarations , demands and letters , and seising and detaining of the king from the parliament against their votes and covenant , is much more treason : and therefore this strange subitane declaration of their friends and party serves only for this good use , implicitely and by way of necessary sequel ; to proclaim the generals , officers , agitators and armies declarations , proceedings and demands high treason at the least ; seeing they resolve and declare ( by what law is questionable ) the very signing of this new harmless ingagement , ( warranted by the solemn league and covenant ) to be such ; which they had neither justice nor courage to do before in direct and positive terms , as they ought and should have done : which declaration is as justly revocable no doubt as that , and may be more reasonably excepted against , then that against the armies seditious petition , & engagement , the* seminary and ground-work of all their undutiful and treasonable proceedings since , against the king , parliament , and poor dying ireland . 6. what reason or justice is there , that sir thomas fairfax , cromwels , cornet joyce , the agitators and armies confederacy and * solemn engagements to seize the kings person ; march up to london to enforce the houses , impeach and demand xi . eminent members at once , without just cause ; subvert the rights and freedom of parliaments ; propose very high and unreasonable demands , to which they must receive a present answer , or else be enforced to take extraordinary courses ; draw all other forces in the kingdom , and those designed for ireland to combine with them against the parliament ; their seizing of general poyntz , and sending him to the army to be tryed by a councel of war for his life , only for disswading his officers to joyn with the agitators and armie in these treasons ; should never be declared nor proclaimed treason by the houses all this while ; and yet the poor faithful citizens ( to whom the houses owe their lives and preservation more then to the army ) be sodainly declared traytors by them , only for reingageing themselves according to their covenant , to defend the king , parliament , and city , against these revolters , and to endeavour a safe & speedy peace ; which the world wil beleive the army and their freinds in the houses never cordialy intended , but pretended , only to delude the people ; because they declare the citizens desire and engagement to effect it , to be no less then * treason , and a very dangerous design , discovered to the speaker , in a letter by col. harvey , with the names of the chief conspirators , from his bishoprick of fulham , the purchase whereof , and something else hath made him lately independentish : and why was h. m. that chast and saint-like independent , ( who hath so much honesty as never in two years space , after divers summons , to give an account of the states money he received , and so much piety , as to plead for that most damnable heretick and blasphemour , best and his books ) imployed to draw up this declaration against the citizens petition and engagement ; who pleaded so violently for the revocation of the declaration against the armies petition , as an high breach of the subiects priviledg● and birthright , fit to be revoked ? surely it seems it is either because some independent grandees of the houses were privy and consenting to all these trayterous actions and proceedings of the army and so would not declare against them ▪ for fear of proclaiming themselves traytors , as wel as joyce and the army ; or because the times are now so metamorphosed , and the independent party become so strong by the impeachment and d●iving away of the presbyterian members ; that high treason in an independent and sectary , is become a commendable vertue , at least an irreprehensible offence , and a presbyterians meer performance of his solemn league and covenant ( which this declaration , it seems , would utterly repeal ) become no less then treason ; so much are presbyterians down the wind , and such is the independents and sectaries brotherly affection and liberty of conscience towards them , even for doing their conscience . what may they expect from them hereafter , who are so injurious and harsh towards them already ? the independent and sectarian party now are grown so confident , that they think the whole kingdom and both houses theirs , and the presbyterians quite defunct : and thereupon have newly published a libel with this title : the last wil and testament of sir john presbyter ; who dyed of a new disease , called , the particular charge of the army , &c. with his life , death and bvrial ; also his epitaph : ( discovering their mortal hatred to presbyterians , and the armies design to kill and bury them , ) which they presume already done by the armies charge : but , gentlemen , be not over hasty : sir john presbyter , though he hath silently slept a while , is now awaked ; and neither dead nor buried , but alive , and alive will be , when king john of leyden , the anabaptist , and saint ignatius loyola , the jesuited independent may be strangled at tyburn , or lose their pates on tower-hil for their sacred treacheries ; the whole series and history whereof , with the names , places of meeting , debates , letters and resolutions of the chief heads of the faction from time to time , and those who have treacherously revolted to them for base private ends , he wil speedily publish to the world to their eternal infamy , to shew he is still alive and unburied , and privy to their deepest secrets ; which he wil not only charge but make good against them , in a more honorable and parliamentary manner , then the army did , or can make good their charge against the members they impeached ; who dare trie their innocency by battle in the open feild ( so many to so many and one to boote ) against the gallant general and lievt. general , and any 9. or ten officers of the army more , that are gentlemen born , to end the controversy and wars without more expence of blood , as wel as answer them at the commons bar ; and wil prove themselves more faithful to the state , then any of their greatest accusers , if both sides may come to a free and fair tryal . in the mean time he wil pray ; that the armies , sectaries , and independents private ends , and self-seeking designs ; may never be able to obstruct the speedy settlement of our publick peace in england , or releif of desperate ireland , now gasping out it 's last breath ; whose loss and blood must onely rest on their score . whom their great friend and patron john lilburn in his new-printed epistles to cromwel thus paints out in their saint-like colours ; p. 9 , 10. you have robb'd by your unjust subtilty and shifting tricks the honest and gallant agitators of a●l their power and authority , and solely placed it in a thing called a councel of war or rather a cabinet juncto of 7 or 8 proud self-end d fellows , that so you may without controul make up your own ends : the chiefest of them are as base as base may be ; and wil sel christ , their country , friends , relations , and a good conscience for a little money or worldly riches . and are such saints to be trusted by parliament or king ? in fine , if parliament members out of by-ends , or fear of , or compliance with any particular party whatsoever , wil pass any unjust , dishonorable or inconsiderate votes or ordinances ; it is a just judgment of god upon them , that they should be enforced and induced publiquely to retract them with shame and dishonor , even by the meanest of the people : whose late tumultuous proce●dings , though no ways justifiable or excusable , but deserving exemplary censure , and carefully to be prevented , suppressed on all hands by the militia and other officers appointed for that purpose , for the future : yet they must be looked upon by all wise conscientious people , as fruits of the armies pernicious disobedience and exorbitancies , and permitted , ordered by gods providence to punish & correct , if not reform , the obliquity and iniquity of such timerous ▪ self-seeking , or time-serving warping members , who out of fear , self-interests , or to please a prevailing party or army , care not what they pass or vote , to the parliaments dishonor , and the publick prejudice , or hurt of those who side not with them ; the late sad effects and dangerous consequences whereof , may ( through gods blessing ) convince them of their former errors in this kind , and engage them to vote and act with more syncerity and publique generous spirits for the future ; aiming only at the common good , peace and speedy settlement of our distracted and almost ruin'd kingdoms . a post-script . john lilburn , the armies champion , cheif advocate , and councellor in his letters to leivt. general cromwel ; p. 13. hath this notable passage , which proclaims them a meer unlawful rout of rebellious mutiners , acting without a commission from the king or houses , whose orders and commands they positively disobey and protest against : and therefore all wel-willers to the parliament are bound by their covenant to withstand and protest against them and their proceedings , and endeavor their present disbanding , for the peoples ease , and settlement of the kingdoms peace . the army under sir thomas fairfax , is not now an army acting by a commission from the king , or the two hovses ; for although they were raised by an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled at westminster , for the defence of the king and parliament , the true protestant religion ( not the scotch , jewish , antichristian , inslaving presbytery ) and the laws and liberties of the kingdom ( not the arbitrary wils of the houses ▪ as appears by the ordinance , 15. feb. 1644. 2. part , book , declar . fol. 599. which possitively commands sir thomas fairfax , from time to time , to submit to , and obey all such orders and directions as he shal receive from both houses of parliament , or from the committee of both kingdoms . yet now he and his army apprehending and beleiving , that the wicked and swaying faction in both houses , would destroy them , and inslave the whole kingdom , do not only dispvte the two hovses orders and commands , bvt also possitively disobey them , as vnjvst , tyrannical , vnrighteovs : and being now thereby dissolved into the original law of nature , hold their swords in their hands for their own preservation and safety , which both nature , and the two houses practises and declarations teacheth them to do ; and justifies them , in and now act according to the principles of safety , flowing from nature , reason , and justice , agreed on by common consent and mutual agreement amongst themselves , in which every individual private souldier , whether horse or foot , ought freely to have their vote , to chuse the transactors of their affairs , or else in the sight of god , and all rotional men are discharged from obeying , stooping , or submitting , to what is done by them . and p. 4. in his letter to cromwel march 25. 1647. he lays down this as a ground , why the army should not lay down their arms upon any conditions in the world , before they see the laws and universal wel-known liberties of england settled : seeing i wil undertake publickly , and hope shortly to prove , the parliament tyrannizeth ten times more over vs , then ever the king did ; and i wil maintain that by the law of this kingdom , it is ten times easier to prove it lawful for us to take up arms against them in the ways they now go ; then it was for them to take up arms , when they did , against the king . and i profess i would do it , if i were rationally able to morrow . for this good antiparliamentary doctrine the army in their late demands require the enlargement of this arch-traytor , who by his own confession in his printed letters was the principal instrument to instigate cromwel and them to their present rebellion against the houses , their members and proceedings , as arbitrary and tyrannical , to subvert both king and parliament . and therfore it is high time for the city and kingdom to take up arms to withstand them in defence of the parliament , king , kingdom , according to their covenant . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91232e-240 this lilburne affirmeth in his epistles p. 13 ▪ see lilburns letters to cromwel , and the armyes solemne engagement . of iune 8. 14. 20 ▪ 23. yea high treason , punishable with the forfaiture of life and estate , so are the words of the declaration . the divine right of presbyterie, asserted by the present assembly, and petitioned for accordingly to the honourable house of commons in parliament. with reasons discussing this pretended divine right; and yet with tendernesse to the brethren of the presbyterial way. pleading for a liberty of conscience for them in this their opinion, as for others of their dissenting brethren, and equally for both. with inferences upon their late petition. / by john saltmarsh, preacher of the gospel. saltmarsh, john, d. 1647. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93581 of text r200732 in the english short title catalog (thomason e330_29). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 39 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93581 wing s478 thomason e330_29 estc r200732 99861397 99861397 159635 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93581) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 159635) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 54:e330[29]) the divine right of presbyterie, asserted by the present assembly, and petitioned for accordingly to the honourable house of commons in parliament. with reasons discussing this pretended divine right; and yet with tendernesse to the brethren of the presbyterial way. pleading for a liberty of conscience for them in this their opinion, as for others of their dissenting brethren, and equally for both. with inferences upon their late petition. / by john saltmarsh, preacher of the gospel. saltmarsh, john, d. 1647. [6], 22 p. printed for g. calvert, at the black spread-eagle at the west-end of pauls., london, : 1646. permission to print on verso of first leaf. annotation on thomason copy: "apr: 7th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng westminster assembly (1643-1652) -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. a93581 r200732 (thomason e330_29). civilwar no the divine right of presbyterie,: asserted by the present assembly, and petitioned for accordingly to the honourable house of commons in pa saltmarsh, john 1646 6194 4 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion these reasons , tending not onely to the sweetning of the two kingdoms , england and scotland , the parliament , and dissenting brethren on both sides , in the assembly , each to other ; but also to the preserving a just liberty for them all respectively , i commend to the presse . march 30. 1646. john bachiler . the divine right of presbyterie , asserted by the present assembly , and petitioned for accordingly to the honourable house of commons in parliament . with reasons discussing this pretended divine right ; and yet with tendernesse to the brethren of the presbyterial way . pleading for a liberty of conscience for them in this their opinion , as for others of their dissenting brethren , and equally for both . with inferences upon their late petition . by john saltmarsh , preacher of the gospel . revel. 2. 2. thou hast tried those that say they are apostles , but are not . london , printed for g. calvert , at the black ▪ spread-eagle at the west-end of pauls . 1646. to those brethren of the assembly of divines , petitioners who are for the pretended divine right of the present presbytery . brethren , meeting ye out of the assembly , or that bounder appointed ye by parl. i cannot justly be denied this reasoning with ye ; for the ordinance by which ye sit , doth enable ye onely to advice of things propounded , but not to propound or demand any as ye have done of late ; so as in this ye have brought your selves down to the same magnitude with us that are private men . here is the difference now ; ye are many of better parts and abilities ; i am as one born out of due time ; yet the same covenant is upon me with your selves , nor ought i because i am but one , presume to see truth more then ye because ye are many ; nor , i hope , ye who are many , will presume to see truth more then one , because ye are many ; nay , it is that voice from the excellent glory which both you and i must hear , and which can onely teach us truth ; it is not the voice of any other . and surely since truth hath had its lot in the world to live upon voices in assemblies and synods , where that is onely truth which is voted so ; and not in its own glory and evidence , where that is onely truth which is so : the mystery of iniquity hath been more advanced then the mystery of godlinesse . the divine right of presbytery , &c. with reasons discussing this pretended divine right . first , they who are the presbyters in this present presbytery , pretend to be presbyters by a power of ordination from bishops , as the bishops were presbyters : and if so , they are to make it appear , that there is a true personal succession of ministery from the apostles , and that they do lineally succeed without interruption ; for in succession unlesse there be a certain , perpetual , and personal derivation of power , there can be no certainty , nor infallibility of the truth of such a power ; and whether the proof of this draws not with it a necessary and perpetual visibility of a church , ( contrary to the opinion of all the reformed divines ; ) and further , a truth of church-ministery , and ordinances of jesus christ in the antichristian state , from whence this ministery of theirs comes , by which they stand present-presbyters ; and how any true ministery can be found in that very antichristian state , which is called the man of sin , the mystery of iniquity , the whore of babylon , the falling away ; and how the same state can be both meerly antichristian and christian , a whore of babylon and a spouse of jesus christ , a ministery of god and a mystery of iniquity , a temple of god and of idols ; i leave it to be judged . 2. that these present pretended-presbyters cannot be found true presbyters but by such a personal and successively derived power , will appear ▪ from their present model of ordination ; they allowing and accounting none for presbyters or ministers , but such as are sent out by their personal ordination , or were formerly ordained by bishops ; so as they make these , and these must make others ; and thus their power is derived from a personal and lineal succession , and demonstratively proved from their own practice : nor will it help them that jesus christ alwayes had a church , or some invisible saints under antichrist , because they must both prove themselvs & the episcopal ministery to succeed that very church or those very invisible saints ; and that , that church or those very saints , were presbyters or ministers ; for we know men may be saints , but not sent , or ministerially sent ; good men , but not good presbyters , as in their own way of practice will more appear : for if any shall now call himself a true presbyter or minister , he must prove his sending to them by a personal ordination ; which proof of their ordination we demand from them , as they would do now from any others . 3. how these things can stand together . that the divine right is in the congregational presbytery , as they acknowledge ; and yet that there is a classical , provincial , and national presbytery , which are but prudential and humane , or mixed judicatures , according to such a distinction ; and yet are allowed by them a power supreme and coercive to the divine right of the congregational presbytery , which is the first and immediate subject of the divine right of presbytery , as they themselves acknowledge . and now whether do not their own principles control that pretended divine right they plead for and set up , a presbytery of charity and prudence , over the presbytery in the particular congregation , which they say is onely of divine right ? 4. how can that presbytery whose constitution is so questionable , chalenge such a divine right ? as first , their presbyters , or first constituting principle , are ordained by a questionable power , viz. that of bishops . their ruling elders by a power as questionable , viz. by a rule or ordinance of parliament ; prudential , for trial , for election , because of the general corruption in this kingdom both in ministers and people ; not by that very apostolical scripture-rule or institution of jesus christ . their congregations parishional , and of politick constitution ; not congregational , according to scripture . their way of constituting this present presbytery extraordinary , by such an assembly , without precept or example for such a way in the whole new testament , from whence the whole order of that dispensation ought to be framed , and not from the law , or old testament , or some cases of necessity in the state or church of israel by way of analogie , as they say in their model to the parliament . the primitive elders and apostles were qualified immediately from the spirit with gifts proper to such a ministration ; which these presbyters and elders being not , but most by gifts , and habits of art and science acquired by industry : therefore these present presbyters cannot chalenge the same power for church-censures , without the same spirit gifting them , and anointing them to such a power and administration in the church ; but ought to be content meerly with a mixed and partly prudential power , because of the mixture of their anointing and gifts , if they will needs have such a government set up for christ's , which is not all christs , and most of that all very questionable whether of christ or no . for all their proofs alleadged from scripture for the presbytery by divine right , or of such presbyters as were ordained either by christ himself , as the apostles ; or by a power from the apostles , or from such who in that power received from the apostles , did ordain , or by a power in the church or congregation preceding such a power , and accompanying such a power : now this present presbytery can neither make it self appear to be so purely ordained , nor have they the church or congregational power so preceding or accompanying such an ordination ; nor is that act of imposition of hands by which their present presbyters stand ministers , a meer signe of setting apart , or meerly significative , but an institution for gifts to be conferred : under the law , it was an empty and bare rite ; but under the gospel , it cannot be proved to be such an empty rite ; gospel-signes being but few , full , and ministerial to the spirit ; not meerly significatively-visible , as the institutions and rites under the law were . so as all being thus questionable still in this present presbytery ; how can they so apostolically chalenge such a divine right , their present constitutions being mixt , questionable , fallible , not one and the same with that primitive , pure , certain constitutions and practices ? whereas it appears in their scripture-proofs , that both in jerusalem , ephesus , crete , &c. the prebyters and elders did constitute , &c. and were most consulted with , and advised ; and therefore they assume the same power , and so force out rather then prove out their frame of their present presbytery from such practices : i desire the brethren to tell us whether the word of the gospel was then wholly in scripture or writing , but partly in the spirit and gifts or teaching : and therefore the eldership of the churches then were so gifted , as to direct , constitute , advise ; and from the ministration of gifts in the eldership , &c. the institutions , forms and rules were given out into scripture or writing ; which scripture or written word is now in the place of that infallible primitive eldership : and therefore for any presbytery or eldership to assume now such a power as the first did , they do not onely without warrant substitute themselves to such a presbytery or eldership which stood by another anointing or spirit of gifts then themselves do ; but they sit down in the throne with the very scripture or written word of god , casting a shadow upon the glory and infallibility of that word , by that present authority and power which they now chalenge in the interpretation of that word in their presbytery , because by such a sure and certain power as divine right allows them , they having not a sure and infallible spirit for church-censures , or the execution of such a power , may put forth a certain , sure executive power , by an uncertain , unsure , and fallible spirit . and so how proportionable a power of divine right , is with a spirit not purely divine ; and how proportionable a power of church-censures acted by a gift not purely the spirit's , but rather the universities and schools ; and to joyn such an eldership so with the infallible word or scripture , which for want of that primitive or pure anointing by gifts , shall control the pure word of truth , by an interpretation lesse then truth , i leave to all the world of believers to judge . how such a visible power and judge as a national assembly of such a presbytery , can be set up , which must judge all the churches and congregations of christ , all the magistracy and state-power in the kingdom , they assuming to themselves a spirit of judging and discerning of sins : and whether by this power the parliament of england shall not fall under the cognisance , interpretation , and censure of such an assembly , for some sins which they as a civil power may commit , especially dealing in ecclesiastical causes : and then how far such a national assembly may manage such crimes to the heightening of their own interest , and to the troubling the interest of the state amongst the people , i let all judge , who know how the same visible ecclesiastical judge is condemned by all the reformed kingdoms under another notion , viz. of the antichrist , and pope , and councels : and how that antichristian power and judge in ecclesiasticals hath troubled this and other kingdoms , to the embroiling them by excommunications into wars and commotions ( as in our histories , &c. ) and hath at length taken up other weapons then the word to make good their ecclesiastical censures & interests . and whether this visible power under the form of classical , provincial , national , oecumenical , be any other then the like papal , episcopal power , differing onely in form , in consistorial , provincial , national , oecumenical counsels and synods , the like spirit of dominion , ruling , conventing , excommunicating in each . objection . but how will you do to satisfie parliament , presbyterials , and other dissenting brethren ? answ . not that i will determine , but propound for the parliament : it appears that the state-conscience according to the present corrupt constitution both of ministers , and elders , and people of this kingdom , cannot yeeld a divine right to a presbytery so constituted ; and therefore they are not to be forced to the judgement of the present assembly , no more then the assembly do desire to be forced themselves to their judgement ; and therefore each is to enjoy their liberty in the lord as they are perswaded . the state is to enjoy their liberty in their judgement of no divine right in this present presbytery . the assembly may enjoy theirs , in their judgement of a pretended divine right of presbytery in all congregations , which will conscienciously practice with them , not seeking to make the state subservient to them by their civil power , which no scripture-practice will warrant from any eldership or presbytery there : and thus the french churches enjoy the presbytery at this day , having no civil power to help them . and the other dissenting brethren may enjoy their divine right too , being as fully perswaded from scripture of theirs as the other are of theirs , and equally live under the same liberty , and not trouble the state with any thing but their prayers and obedience . objection . but the brethren of the assembly expect the parliament should joyn with their results . answ . i know not why they should expect that , for they are no more infallibly gifted then their brethren , that they should expect more from the state then they . their ministery is as questionable . their interests are more in the world then the interests of the first presbyters were , as in their maintenance by tythes , and in their power of classical , provincial , national , the kingdom being thus corrupted , and in that subserviency and power of compulsion , they demand of the magistrate , and princes of the world . and why our dissenting brethren may not with as much justice , honour , conscience , desire the state to settle such a gospel-order as they beleeve to be true ; the other being no more enabled to demand of the state any power for imposing their conclusions true by a power of the states own giving by ordinance : and whether the state seeing no infallibility of spirit in any of all sides , since what the truth which they hold bring in its own evidence and demonstration before them , ought to be pressed , as bound to one by any interest more then to another , save that of truth , i leave to be considered ; and then , what reason the brethren have thus to presse their supposed divine right , i desire to know . objection . whether is this to settle things according to covenant ? answ . yea , the covenant binds us to uniformity ; but then , that clause according to the word of god doth restrain the uniformity to the light which each kingdom sees by , according to that word ; and therefore our brethren of scotland see presbytery in one degree , the hollanders in another , and the french in another , and at this time england in another ; and yet all should be one in that clause of the covenant , viz. to defend each other in their degrees of reformation against the common enemy , we scotland , and scotland us ; and what a comely thing it is for brethren to dwell together in unity , though they cannot in uniformity ! the last petition of the assembly , for divine right in their present presbytery , with inferences upon it . petition . that the provisions of commissioners to judge the scandals not numerated , appears to our consciences to be so contrary to that way of government which christ hath appointed in his church . inference whence we may inferre , that the assembly doe suppose the parliament and commissioners to bee far below the ministers and eldership in spirituall gifts and discerning , which i suppose cannot be well presumed , considering the assembly and eldership now is not annointed with that pure spirit & gifts as the first were ; but with habits of arts and sciences , and with some measure of the spirit , which many both of the parliament & commissioners both may be , and are enabled with as well as they ; and whether is not this to set up the old distinction of layty and clergy , and to set the present eldership and presbytery upon a higher form then the magistrate ? seeing the gifts are not so distinct as at first , why should the offices be so distinct ? petition in that it giveth a power to judge of the fitnesse of persons . inference whence we may inferre , that they presume themselves to be that very ministery and eldership of iesus christ , though both their ministery is by bishops , and their elders by a prudentiall constitution and election at this present ; and may not the magistrate , who is unquestionably the power of god , rom. 13. appointed to be iudge of good and evill , more lawfully judge of sins and gospel rules , then they who are a questionable ministery and eldership in this present presbytery ? petition and to be so differing from all example of the best reformed churches , and such a reall hinderance to the bringing the churches of god in the three kingdomes to the neerest conjunction and uniformity , and in all these respects so disagreeable to our covenant . inference whence we may inferre , that if all do not believe as one believe , it is pretended that all are in breach of covenant ; and thus the covenant is made a snare by interpretation , and principles of spirituall compulsion implyed in the covenant , contrary to the spirits wisdome who both allowes and advises the severall statures and measures of light , the weak , and the strong : and whether the communion by unity is not a glorious supplement to the rent of uniformity , that of vnity being in the spirit , that of vniformity in the letter ; and why should our brethren thus bring down the state and kingdom more to other reformed kingdomes , or not rather rayse up the other reformed kingdomes to this ? and if any thing be revealed more to this kingdome , that hath sit by this long time , why should not the other hold their peace , and beleeving kingdomes as beleevers walk with one another so farre as they have attayned ? and wherein they have not , the lord shall reveal even this unto them ; not but that this kingdome ought to form it selfe into any communion with the rest , so farre as their ▪ communion excels , and so the other into communion with this , so farre as this excels , and both so farre to one another , as they are perswaded , not compelled , which are no arguments for faith , but formality . petition doe humbly pray that the severall elderships may be sufficiently enabled . inference whence we may inferre , that their whole endeavour is , to raise up the interest of the eldership and presbytery into a distinct , sole , and independent body and power ; which how conformable , and obedient , and consistent it may prove to and with the power of the state in one and the same kingdome , would be considered , when such an interest growes up from its infancy and first reformation , into a fuller and more perfect man : and whether their petitioning of a power from the state to compleat and make them an eldership and presbytery , doth not imply a power in the state more or rather as fully ecclesiasticall as their presbytery ; for can the state give them any ecclesiasticall power , and have none in it selfe ? so as according to these principles the state is ecclesiasticall as well as they , and so not to be denyed the power of commissioning with them : or else t is a meer contradiction to pray for power from those to their eldership and presbytery , which they say is a government and power entirely ecclesiasticall and compleat in it selfe ; and so , as they either pray for that which they have of their own already , or else pray for that from the state which they cannot give them . petition it belongs unto them by divine right and by the will and appointment of iesus christ ; which with the help of superiour assemblies in cases of appeale , or in all administrations therein , will prevent ( through the blessing of god ) all the feared inconveniences . inference . whence we may inferre , that the prebsytery and eldership of a congregation is of divine right , &c. yet that divine right is perfected and compleated by that which is not of as pure divine right as it selfe , viz. superiour assemblies ; and so becomes neither purely prudentiall , nor divine , but mixt , and so is neither good divine , nor good humane right . petition and the magistrate to whom we professe the church to be accountable for their proceedings in all their elderships and church assemblies , and punishable by him with civill censures for their miscarriages . inference . whence we may inferre , that the civill magistrate is neither over nor under the presbytery , and where they place it , who can tell by this petition of theirs ? for over it the magistrate is not ; for they say commissioners over them are not sufferable ; and under it they say the magistrate is not , for their eldership and presbytery are to be accountable to the civill power for their miscarriages ; and how at the same time they should subject their churches in their mal administrations to the magistrates power of judging , and yet chalenge such an entire , sole , supream , and ecclesiasticall judicature , is a mystery becoming the learning of that same assembly to reveale which first begun it . principles against the divine right of their present presbytery extracted from the reasons . 1. they are no such presbyters of jesus christ as the first were , because ordained by an antichristian power of bishops ; nor were bishops true presbyters , nor those who joyned with them in their ordination who were made by them , nor is there any succession of ordination , but it implies both a perpetuall visible church , and a true church ministery and ordinances under antichrist , which are all to be proved by them . 2. if there were any such true church invisible under antichrist , to which they succeed in their ministery , then it must appeare that they succeed that very invisible church , and that that very invisible church had a true ministery or presbytery in it ; for men may be saints , or good men , yet not good presbyters , or ministerially sent . 3. as they now in their practice will not account any for true presbyters but such who can prove to them their personall ordination from them , so we demand of these presbyters an account of their personall succession accordingly , which personall succession if it be false and interrupted anywhere in the line , must needs be all false , from such a point where the first interruption was made . 4. though christs promise is enough to ground a perpetuity of church and christs presence , yet not of his promise made good to such particular men , or to their pretended succession . 5. they that challenge a divine right to the power they act by , must act by a gift as divine and infallible as their right and power , and thus did the primitive presbyters and elders ; therefore the gift now being but mixt , their right or power is but mixt accordingly , and not divine . 6. they who were elders or presbyters in the first churches , as ierusalem , &c. were gifted by a spirit which taught the very infallible word which is now written or scripture , and so they then did constitute , advise , counsell in the place of this written word ; and all scripture formes and institutions were then in the gift , and persons ; but no such thing can be said of any eldership or presbytery of men now . 7. they who set up an eldership or presbytery now of divine right , to constitute , ordain , counsell , &c. doe joyn to the word written , or infallible scripture , a power lesse infallibly gifted , who by such a divine right and power pretended , shall controll the word of truth , by interpretations of that word lesse then truth , which is not consistent with the glory of the word . 8. there is no eldership or presbytery in scripture , but either the churches act did precede it , act it , or accompany it , by precept or practice , which makes the divine right of the presbytery questionable , uncertaine , unsafe , because of a contrary scripture , and precept . 9. the eldership and presbytery which are brought for instances are questionable ; first for the persons , who were not such very presbyters as they would imply , but apostles , evangelists , &c. or otherwise ordained , either by apostles , or church , or otherwise gifted by speciall unction , or else an eldership of eminency not of office . 10. they hold this divine right is in the first subject in the congregationall presbytery , and yet they set up a classicall , provinciall , nationall presbytery to compleat and controll this of the congregationall ; and how this their divine right can be subjected thus to a right lesse divine , is unreasonable , and unscripturall to imagine . 11. suppose such a power as a nationall presbytery collected from all parts of the kingdome , every congregation having an interest , or part there , and this presbytery so nationall and collective inforformed by a divine right , for judging sins , &c. shall not this nationall presbytery take cognizance of states , if sinning , ecclesiastically as well as others ? and if so , what proceeding , what censures will follow from such a body as universall as the body of that state , & of as much interest in the kingdom as they , & of more interest , by how much more divine a right they act by , and by how much neerer they are seated to the conscience , and how kingdomes have been embroyled by such an ecclesiasticall interest , histories will tell yee ? 12. so as in this strait when parliament is perswaded of no divine right , assembly of a divine right , and the dissenting brethren of another divine right ; is not the way this , to let the parliament have their liberty of conscience , to settle no divine right , by a power ; and the assembly to use their liberty in a divine right , with all that will peaceably joyn with them in the kingdome under that power , and not to trouble the magistrate further ; and the other brethren as peaceably to enjoy their other divine right , as the brethren of the presbyteriall way theirs , and all alike under the same civill power , and neither of them with it , and all other reformed kingdoms , in unity of the spirit , and love , to one another ? principles destructive to their present petition extracted from the inferences . 1. the presbytery now not so distinct in gifts and office , but the magistrate may rule with them . the eldership , and presbytery in the primitive churches had a spirit anointing them to such administrations ; but now as the anointing is not so , nor is the office pure , peculiar , and distinct ; the magistrates and parliament have gifts as spirituall as there are any now in the pretended presbytery , and may therefore as well put forth a power in their churches or congregations , as they , unlesse their churches , officers , and gifts , were more christs , then they are . 2. the magistrate may better rule then the eldership or present presbytery . the magistrate is unquestionably a power of god , and the present presbyterie are officers questionable in their offices , gifts , &c. therefore the magistrate may more lawfully put forth a power coercive to sinne then they . 3. vniformity in the word of god is the vniformity of churches . they that presse the covenant for vniformity so penally as they doe , make it a snare of compulsion , not in the word of it , but in their interpretation of that word ; unity in the spirit , makes up the want of vniformity in the letter ; kingdomes are to be no more compelled to uniformity in lawes ecclesiasticall then in civill , but may walk together as believers so far as they have attained ; that clause according to the word of god , makes roome for the severall statures of christ , and measures of light in the covenant , and they that agree in that are truly vniforme , for it is the uniformity with the word , not with one another , but so far as we are all alike in that word , which is the very vniformity of the kingdom of christ . 4. the magistrate as they now make him is ecclesiasticall as well as they . they that ascribe a power to any to compleat and actuate them in their ministration , do acknowledge that very power by which they are informed to be in those that so informe and compleat them , so as the very petitioning a state for power and qualification for eldership and presbytery , doth imply a presbyterall and ecclesiasticall power in that state , and if so , the magistrate may as well govern in that church , as any ruling officer they have . 5. the present presbytery in mystery , both over and under the magistrate . they that are a magistracy neither over nor under the presbytery , tell me in what spheare or where rule they ? for over it , they are not , commissioners they say are contrary to the word ; and under it , they are not , for their presbytery is accountable as they say unto it , so as they who are so much in the dark with their government , doe with magistracy they know not what , and would place it they know not where . the position being a safer way for the magistrate then the erastian , and how the presbyteriall brethren cannot justly exclude him from ruling with them , according to the present constitution both of the pretended church and presbytery . that the magistrate or parliament cannot be excluded from government in this present presbytery as the present assembly would exclude them , because this kingdom of england is not a church in gospel order , but a kingdome of beleevers in generall , and because their present presbyters and elders are no true presbyters of jesus christ according to gospel-order ; and till both this nationall church and officers bee that very kingdome of christ , and those very officers of christ , the magistrate may as lawfully , yea more lawfully rule then any other pretended officer , minister , or elder amongst them ; for magistrates have the whole kingdome of the world allowed from god for their place of government : and this kingdom of england being but a kingdom or world of beleevers , not a church , they may as they are powers of god rule amongst them ; iesus christ being only king and head in that church or kingdom which is more his own , and the magistrates kings for him in that kingdom which is the world , or lesse his owne : so as the presbyteriall brethren cannot exclude the civill power from governing with them , according to the unsound constitution of their church , ministers and elders ; nor till they have proved the truth both of their very church , ministery , and eldership ; for all scripture proofes of eldership and presbytery is respective to the true presbytery and eldership ; according to truth , not to every pretended presbytery and eldership of the nations ; so as till the very constituting principles of presbytery be proved true , no scripture either alledged for presbytery belongs to them , nor any other by which they would exclude the magistrate , as from the church of christ . conclusion . these few things i have writ to draw forth the strength of others in a thing of this nature , which is of as high concernment in the things of gospel-order , as any point now abroad , for surely it is not a vniversity , a●cambridge or oxford , a pulpit and black gowne or cloak , makes one a true minister of iesus christ , though these are the best things in the composition of some ; the mystery of iniquity hath deceived the world with a false and artificiall unction for that true one of the spirit ; and the ministery hath been so cloathed with art and habit , that if the apostles should live again , and preach in that plainnesse they came , they would be as despised ; for we wonder after the wise , the scribe , and the disputer of this world . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a93581e-280 see ordin. jun. 12. 1043. p. 4. 2 pet. 1. 17. notes for div a93581e-630 see their humble advice . see in their humble advice , &c. to the parl. manuscr . pag. 4. see the humble advice , &c. of the assembly , in manu . see in their last petition . notes for div a93581e-3590 see petition . presbyterial government described, or, a methodical synopsis of it, as it is professed and practized in the church of scotland gathered out of the confessions of faith, and other publick records of that church ... / by britannus philopresbyter. clark, james, 1660-1723. 1695 approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55680) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100866) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1042:15) presbyterial government described, or, a methodical synopsis of it, as it is professed and practized in the church of scotland gathered out of the confessions of faith, and other publick records of that church ... / by britannus philopresbyter. clark, james, 1660-1723. philopresbyter, britanus. 13 p. [s.n.], edinburgh : printed in the year 1695. attributed to james clark by nuc pre-1956 imprints. imperfect: pages cropped, stained, with loss of print. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -government. presbyterianism. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion presbyterial government described : or , a methodical synopsis of it , as it is professed and practized in the church of scotland gathered out of the confess●●ns of faith , and other publick records of that church , 〈…〉 the nature and principles of this government , unitie and puritie may be preserved in the church . by britannus philopresbyter . 1 cor : 14.40 . let all things be done decently , and in order . bernard . sup : cant : ordo rebus & modum , & decorem , & perpetuitatem quoque tribuit . plutar : praecep : polit : est pulcherrima & utilissima disciplina dicto audientem esse rectoribus , etiamsi opibus & gloria sint inferiores . senecae oedip : 110. quicquid excessit modum , pendet instabili loco . edinburgh , printed in the year . 1695. advertisement . take here an index of these records out of which the substance of the ensuing discription is gathered , viz. 1 the confession of faith , and formes of discipline used in the english congregation at geneva , approven by the church of scotland . 2 the confession of faith professed by the protestants of scotland , anno 1560. ratified in the first parliament of k : j : 6. and by act. assem : 1638. ss : 16. 3 the books of discipline , approven by act : ass : glasg : apr : 24 1581 and ratified act ass : 1638 : ss : 16. 4 the acts of the generall assemblies of the church of scotland . 5 the westminster assemblies propositions and directory for church government and ordination of ministers approven : act : ass : 1645. ss : 16. 6 the westminster assemblies confession of faith , approven by the church of scotland , act : ass , 1647 : ss . 23. and ratified 1 parl : of k. w. and q. m. june 7. 16●● datum britannopoli martij . 28 : 1695. presbyterial government described . in proposing a scheme of presbyterial government , we intend not thereby to carp or cavel at others , whose light or conscience swayes them to be of a different sentiment , but modestly to offer such a plain portraiture of it , as it may conspicuously appear to be comely and venerable , at least not so black and odious , as some immoderat spirits are industriously employed to misrepresent and traduce , following that devilish maxime , fortiter calumniare , aliquid adhaerebit . it is sufficiently known in the world , that there have been clamorous contests and long continued virulent debates , about church government , specially among us in britain ; the lord send a healing spirit , and put a final period to our dolorous dissentions , amen . the main difference in this point lyes not so much anent the thing in general , whether there should be government in the church , all sides accorde that this is necessary and clearly eno●gh determined in the scriptures : but when they compare notes and notio●● about the particular sp●●ies and , form of government , here each competitor partie contends ta●quam pro aris & facis , that , that specifick model only which they severally conceive is according to the word of god , should be applauded and universally acquiesced in . in prosecution of what is proposed take the complexion and constitution of presbyterial government , in these ensuing theses or articles gathered from their own authentick records . 1. article , god hath a church in the world militant amidst many dangers and difficulties which is principally under his own inspection , providence and protection , and by his revealed will , is committed to the care oeconomie and defence of civil magistrates and ecclesiastick ministers , who conjunctly and severally in their respective different spheres , are to fullfill their several commissions , in the improvement and use of their several talents of power , authoritie , &c. for his glory , and the good of his espoused church , as they shall be answerable to him in the day , o● accounts . 2 b : disc : p. 72 , 73 , assem : cons : c : 23. 2. as no societie can subsist without government laws and policy , and consequently neither without persons regularly vested with authority and power , to make the same effectual for the good and emmolument of the communitie , so the infinitly wise and good god , hath copiously provided all things of the like nature requisite for the pious and peaceable communion of saints , whose laws and constitutions being duely observed , the church of god may be a comely , pure and orderly society , state polititians are for laws and government , that the common well and publict peace may be promoved and preserved , military men are for their martial tacticks and severe discipline in their hosts and armies , yea every incorporation , be it of merchants or the like , finds a necessitie of rule and order , and is there not a paritie of reason , if not far more , why there should be good government and discipline in the church which is the city of god , who is not a god of confusion , but of order , and hath expresly injoyned that all things be done decently and in order . genev : form of disc. 3. the sacred laws and cannons which are to be the supream standard and touch stone of ecclesiastick acts and decrees , are contained in the scriptures , from whence no sort of church courts or officers are to recede ne vel latum unguem in their constitutions or determinations , hence what ever bold adventures any persons or parties may make either in the creation of new officers , ordinances or cannons in the church , not agreeable and warranted by the divine scriptures , they are ipso facto to be reputed cass and null , and to be abandoned the churches acceptation or approbation , 2. b. disc , 72.74 . k , i , conf : act : 21. ass : conf : c : 1. art. 6.10 . 4. the mediator christ , is the sole head and monarch of the church : and to him doth this peculiar prerogative appertain , for he redeemed her with his blood , and he only can actuate and inspire the catholick church into vital operations by his ever flowing ●ening influences , as being that mystick body of spiritually united members , whereof he is the high and holy head , therefore all power is given to him in heaven and earth ; [ we speak not now of his essential kingship or regemie , but of his mediatorial supremacy ] being delegated by the father , to employ the same for the use of the church , but under christ there is no delegated , vicarious , subordinate head of the church , which is monstruous for to imagine , as mischievous to admit , neither ought any to assume a legislative power of framing laws or cannons to be imposed upon his subjects , explain and execute his laws and statutes , his authorized officers may and must according to the orders he hath prescrived them , but it is cum periculo capitis , as being a capital crime , if any proceed beyond his limits . 2. b. disc : 72 , k. l. conf : ar : 17 , ass : cons : c : 25. 5. from this fountian of all power , is derived unto church officers , that power and authority , in the virtue whereof they may and ought to excercise their ministerial functions , as god doth call and post them in his providence : hence the solemn charges , commands , censures , &c. which they execute & apply are always and only in the name & authorritie of this their lord and master and not only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potestas , right and authoritie , for intermeddling ex officio in sacred things , but also the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potentia , abilities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qualifyeing them for their office comes from his favour and fulness . 6 as the roman catholick pretention of a visible vi●carious monarch , is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be abjured , neither can the morrellian democracie be received , which cannot well avoid anarchie and confusion , where all are promiscuously and reciprocallie the rulers and the ruled : therefore these two extreams being both quarrelable , presbyterial aristocracie , headed by the mediator [ the only monarch of the church , as said is ] seems to be that well tempered mode of government , most favoured by the scriptures , & if moderatly and wisely mannadged by the rulers of it ; very probably may be entertained with more universal favour among men , act : ass : p : 107. 7. that power which the mediator hath dispenced unto his officers , is by his will and wisdom shared in such a just paritie , as that they are all made peers in power and authority , none being superior in order , degree , or jurisdiction to another , but all subject and accountable to the arch-pastor , and bishop of souls , whose stewards , servants and ministers they are having and holding their commission alone from him : whence all despotick , or lordly magisterial power among gospel ministers , is utterly to be avoided and abandoned , as being not by divine disposition , but human composition . act : ass : dimd : 1580. 2. b : disc : 72.74 . act. ass : dec : 8. 1638. 8. the ordinarie office-bearers in the church , which god hath appointed to continue to the end of the world [ extraordinarie now ceasing ] are doctors , presbyters , and deacons , doctors are commonly ranked with the preaching elders , teaching , preaching and ruling pertaining to them both as they are qualified so to labour , doctors being likewise useful in schools and universities , for training up students of theologie . as for presbyters or elders , they are either such as labour in the word and doctrine , and also rule , whom they call promiscuously , pastors , ministers , or bishops . or such as only rule , being members constituent of ecclesiastick judicatories , concurring authoritatively with ministers in matters of rule and discipline . to these they appropriate the name of ruling elders ; as for deacons they have no authority in courts ▪ but in counts they have , being concerned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in church collections and provisions for the poor , and the like . genev : form . j : b : disc : 55.2 . b : disc : 74.77 . ass : direc : 3. &c. act : ass : 32. 9. the tittle of bishop mentioned in the scripture , it is identical , and of the same latitude and import with presbyter or pastor , both as to the nature of the office designed by these different synonymous appellations , and as to the pastoral work , incumbent to those who are vested with the office. 2 b : dis : 76.86 . act. ass : 1638.32 . 10. the intermediate ordinary way of communicating and participating the pastorial power , and the exercise of it , is by the election of the people , either represented in the eldership [ who usually are their own choice ] for eviting the confusion of the multitude , or virtually by every indevidual man , through their consent , [ having free access to dissent , if they produce any relevant reasons , or weighty objections , whereof the presbyterie is judge competent and ordinarie ] which is the thing implyed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● : ● : streatching out , or holding up the hand , as a sign of assent ; and chiefly by the imposition of the bands of the presbytrie , with prayers and fastings , solemnly setting a part , and ordaining the man [ chosen , called , tryed , and found fit ] to the work of the ministrie , in general , as god shall clearly call him to imploy his talents , and in particular to the pastoral charge of such a certain flock , whereunto he is orderly called and admitted , which rite and action is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genev : form : 2. b : disc : 75.79 , 81. ass : dic : 3.4 . &c. 11. the minister being thus settled , he must reside and labour among his people for their salvation and edification by all gospel means , and he cannot at his own arbitriment , relinquish his flock , or lay aside his pastoral charge , but is to be subject to the presbytrie , and other superior courts to be disposed of as they find cause & convenient , neither can any oothers directly and authoritatively exauterate or deprive him of his pastoreal power ; but they who have the power to collate and ordain , who for clear and onerous causes , may suspend for a certain time , or depose for ever ; but as to what extent or influence , a sentence of the civil magistrate may have per concomitantiam , we will not medle to define . act : ass. 1638.43 . 12. this pastoral power is exerced and employed , either in the administration of the word and sacraments , and other pendicles of the didactick part of their work , wherein ministers are to be instant , faithful and diligent , or in the exercise of disciplin , which they are to mannage with discretion , prudence and righteousness , both for the increase of knowledge and pietie , and for the curbing of vice , and reforming the flagitious . ass : dir : 3.4 , 2. b : dis : 76. 13. as to the execution of discipline , and the diatactick part of their work , the several kinds of courts , supream , and subordinate , in which preaching and ruling elders are to govern , they are either parochial sessions , classical presbytries , provincical synods , or national assemblies , and [ if it could be conveniently obtained ] an oecumenick or general council : a parochial session , is the ordained minister of the place , together with the ruling elders , and if the minister have a collegue , they moderate in their session per vices , the moderator having no negative voice , a classical presbytrie is made up of the parishes of a lesser presinct than a province , and both unto a presbytrie , and a provincial synod ( made up of several presbytries ) each minister within the respective bounds cometh with one ruling elder with him , whom their several sessions choose and think most fit . a national assembly , is only made up of chosen commissionated delegats . to a national synod there comes two or three ministers with one ruling elder from each presb●●●● through the nation , and the number of delegates from every presbytrie is more or less , proportionably to the number and quota of parishes in the respective presbytries : also there may be sent delegates and commissioners from vniversities and broughs royal , providing they be ordained ruling elders . act : ass : 15●0 . 2. b : dis : 70. ass : dir : 14. &c. ass : decr : 17. 1638. act : ass : jul. 18. 1648. act : ass : 1694. ss : 14 the orderly way of bringing ecclesiastick causes and cases under the cognizance of the respective [ superior ] judicatories is either by bill . by reference or appeal ▪ for the more methodical tabling thereof [ specially in the general assembly ] there use to be commities appointed to ripen and prepair matters for hearing in full assemblie : appeals ascend gradatim from the lesser subordinate courts [ where the cause was first tabled ] to the superior till they finally sist in the solemn sentence of a national assembly , this being ultimus conatus , & res ibi judicata , not being ulterius judicanda [ for there is no probability of an oecumenick council ] otherwayes there would be endless remideless work ; they admit not processes to enter per saltum , or to come in at the broad side , till first they have been tabled , tryed , or cognosced upon before the lesser judicatories . act : ass : aug : 30. 1639. act : ass : 1643. ss : 2. ibid : ss : 10. act : ass : 1648. ss : 30. 15 the decisive sentences of the foresaid respective courts , are to be received ; and acquiesced in , as proceeding from an authority ordained by god , and therefore are obligatorie either to yield active obedience , unto them , or submission to censur in case of disobedience ; and affairs are to be carried on in such a prudent , orderly and righteous way [ agreeable to the word of god and the laudible constitutions of the church ] as there may be no just ground to reclaime , and the reason why inferiour judicatories are concerned to do so , is , because if the parties , against whom the sentence strikes deeme themselves manifestly injured , or that there hath been any gross irregularity in the procedure of the court , they may be appealed from to a superior judicatory , and so are lyable to be censured for their maladministration , if the appellant make it appear to have been so , but if the causes or reasons of appeal be found frivolous and weak , then the appellant is still under the tye of the former sentence , for , and from which the appeal was made , and moreover is publickly rebuked for suspecting and impeaching the justice of a church judicatory . act : ass : p : 108. 16. sessions and presbyteries meet more frequently as their affairs require , synods ordinarly twice a year , and the general assembly once a year , and oftner , pro re nata , if necessary and weighty exegencies call for it , and if time allow not to overtake all the business comes before them . they use to appoint a comittee of the assemblie , either for publick emergencies that may concern the church , for visitation of churches , &c. or for expeding in the interval till the nixt annual meeting , what they had not discussed , during the sessions of the assemblie , and this committee they circumscribe and limit with instructions and appoint ad hunc effectum ; & propresenti ecclesiae statu , the particular affairs which they are to medle with , being specified and ingrossed in their instructions and eommissions , and in all their actings they are countable to , and censurable by the next general assembly . genev : form : 2. b : disc : 79. act : ass : 1638. ss : 26. act : ass : 1642. ss : 8. act : ass : 1690 ss : 26. 17. in all their judicatories they have a moderator , who is chosen for longer or shorter time , as they see convenient , but they are against a constant superintendent or moderator , least it have a bad tendencie , and produce ill effects . this protemporal moderator hath no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or peculiar power , paramount to any of the rest of his brethen , but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ergo , i. e. for orders sake , and to evite confusion , during his service at this post , he preceeds in their arguings and ratiocinations , requires the sentiments of the several members , summs up what seems to be the judgement of the pluralitie , and if it be thought fit to bring the matter in agitation to a vote , he pronounces the mind of the major part , which determines the thing in question , but gives no vote himself , except there be a just equality of votes of the rest , then [ non potestatis vel jurisdictionis ; sed necessitatis ergo ] he gives his suffrage also , the moderator likewise , if need be , intimates a meeting pro re nata , this comely order they keep , where all may have access to moderate interchangably , and none to envie or domineer over another , in a diotrephesian way . 2 b , dis : 79 , act , ass : 1638 , ss , 24. al● . dir . p : 6. 18. the kingdom of christ being spiritual , and not of this world , his subjects , courts , stewards or officers [ to whom he hath committed the keyes of the kingdom ] are so likewise , therefore it is only ecclesiastick causes , which they directly and properly cognosce upon , they meddle not with civil or secular affairs , as being alterius fori , and so extraneous and excentrical to them ; except they be required by the magistrate , to give their advice and opinion , in matters wherein the church and conseience may be incidentially & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerned , hence their grand care and business is to fence against heresies , errors , and schisms , and such heretodox dogmes , or tenets , as are contrar to sound doctrine and godlinss , ne quid detrimenti capiat ecclesia , they also as censores morum , animadvert that no scandalous or notorious vice and impietie pass without a due check & censure , according to the merit of offences occurrent , so that matters of faith and godliness of conscience and conversation , are the proper and formal objects of their disquisition and determinations , 2. b. disc : 79 , ass : dir : 15 , &c. ass : cons : c. 31. art : 5. act. ass : 1638 , ss : 25. 19 there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or censures are also spiritual , and they proceed from lesser reproofs [ even as the offender deserves ] ay till they come to the tremenduous censure of excommunication , which is seldome inflicted and that not till after leasurely deliberation , and frequent dealing , to bring the obdured delinquent to sensible repentance , and if a gentle and discreet means are contemned , then with a great deal of solemnitie , as being summum futuri judicji prejudicium , they proceed to this final and whiles fatal sentence : they also deal with censured delinquents to induce and prepare them to serious repentance , that upon the apparent evidences thereof , they may be absolved , and received again into church communion , but if such contumacious miscreants will be obstinatly wicked to their own perdition , they grieve at satans better success then the churches , and leave them to the last judgement of god genev : form of excom : and absol : ass : cons : c : 30. 20. they are not fond of significant mystick ceremonies in the worship and service of god but rather follow & symbolize that comely gospel-simplicity , which christ and his apostles used , that in the church of rome-hath been sadly marred with the whoorish fairdings and gaudrie of humane devices , additions and traditions , rather borrowed from the old pagan pagentrie , than the sacred page : but though they nauseat such relicks and pieces of papistrie , yet what rites and ceremonies are decent and convenient , either from the nature or adjuncts of the religious things or actions they are exercised about , they are neither so shay nor foolish as to refuse to use them , k. j. conf : art : 21. act : ass : 1638. ss : 7. ass : cons : c. 21. art : 1. 21. neither are they for stated anniversarie feasts or fasts , which are sadly prophaned and abused among the romanists , for at least the superstitious unthinking vulgar make little other use of them , then for rioting and raveling , sporting and gamming , and other such dissolute practices , highly unbeseeming dayes , that pass under the character and opinion of holy-dayes : yet when emmergencies , and dispensations of providence occur , that call for publick humiliation and fasting , or solemn thanksgiving ; they think it their duty to consecrate some part of their time , for fasts and thanksgivings , devoutly to deprecate god's imminent wrath , and to plead the aversion of impendent judgements due to them for their sins , or to praise god for benefits received , and to begg further favours ; these being such pieces of religious work , which god both by his word and providence sometimes requires , genev : treat : of fast : act : ass : 1645. ss : vlt. 22. the church hath an intrinsick power , distinct from , and not formallie dependent upon the magistratical civil-authoritie , being coordinate with it , not in spiritualibus , subordinate to it ; by which power , though there were no magistrate , or albeit there be a magistrate , christian or infidel , yet she may do every thing needful , according to christs orders , for her own orderlie preservation of vnitie and puritie ; and the administration of all the ordinances of the lord : this power properlie respects 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiae , whereof the civil magistrate hath no share , qua talis . either to ordain ministers , preach the word , dispence the seals , or inflict spiritual censures , this being remote from his province , 2. b. disc : 73. ass : cons : c. 30. a. ● . c. 31. ar : 2. 23. yet as to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiae , what concerns the external policie of the church , they ascribe much to the magistrates power and authority , as being by god's ordinance concerned to defend the church against foul hereticks , turbulent schismaticks , and the contumaciouslie scandalous , &c : that so vnitie and purity be preserved , and to reforme corruptions , to convocate assemblies , to see to the honest and honourable provision of ministers , and to add his civil sanctions to the churches acts and decrees , and therefore in their general assemblies , the supream magistrate may either be present himself , or send his commissioner : but whatever objective power the magistrate hath circa sacra , it is not privative but cumulative , ad majus bonum ecclesiae . genev : cons : 2. b : disc : 72. 73 84. k. j. cons. ar : 25. ass : cons : c. 23. 24. article , for as good as this government is , yet it may be mismanadged [ as many times magistracy hath been , in all the formes and shapes of it , which none will deny to be the ordinance of god ] therefore whatever maladministrations , mistakes or escapes , may happen by the governours of the church , they are not forthwith to be fixed or fathered upon the government it self , humanum est labi : surely a grain of allowance must be given to the infirmities of men , who while cloathed with flesh and blood , are not to be expected perfect or infalible , nemo fine crimine vivit : and if a candid impartial comparison were instituted , betwixt presbyterial and other competitor governments , it might probably be found to be the less criminal : but nihil est ex omni parte beatum , ass : cons : c. 6. art : 5. & c. 25. art. 5. we conclude , lamenting the unhappy times we live in , wherein the christian religion sadly suffers , partly by the gross immoralities of many of the professors of it upon the one hand , partly by the dissentions , divisive practices , and implacable like animosities of others of them upon the other hand ; as for the first of our maladies , we may justly say with seneca , collecta vitia per tot aetates diu . in nos redundant ; seculo premimur gravi quo sceleta regnant . sen : octav : 355. and this epidemical plague of prophanity seems herein to be the more prodigious and desperate , that notoriously , scandalous persons approbriously contemn the cure of their sins . viz : the faithful administration of gospel ordinances , particularly that august and veneral ordinance of god , ecclesiastick discipline and censures ; alas ! few are perswaded this is a divine ordinance , and far fewer will submit to it as such , but rather in their pride , perversitie and ignorance , decline and scorn church censures , tell it not in gath , &c : that among christians , christs laws and constitutions are so contemptuously treated , what other could be expected of turks and pagans , we will sav no more to such vnchristian christians , but what a heathen did say of old , sequitur superbos ultor a tergo deus . sen. here : fur : 197. as to the other maladie of contentions & sebisms in the church , which are also the bane of religion , we may complain as opratus did of his times , omnes contentiosi homines sumus . we are all of us a contentious pack of men , for of a truth on all sides litigant , particularly about church government , there are too many inflexible tenacious and peremptorie in every punctilio of their espoused opinions , as if the whole of religion were invelopt therein , and are readie to misjudge , nickname and revile one another , yea and some bigots of each counterparty to vnchurch and vnchristian one another [ a wild practice , dounright antipodes , and contrare to the rules and genius of the gospel ] but be gainer or loser who will by these intestine tragick digladiations , surely the common enemie triumphs in our spoils & ruins , as trophies of victory . o christians ! what shall be done for the remedie of these maladies ? it requires indeed much wisdom to propose , and no less prudence and discretion to apply what might be thought fit to be proposed , but in all likelie hood , only heavens hand can rectifie & redress what is amiss and out of course this day ; yet surelie as ministers derive their power from the mediator christ , so magistrates derive theirs from god almightie , and both be vertue of their office , commission and capacitie , are unavoidably obliged to join their power and policie together for the suppression and punishment of vice and wickedness and the promoval and encouragement of vertue and pietie , for no less will god call civil magistrates to an account for their negligence and maladministrations then church pastors and ministers , therefore both should amicably correspond and cordially concur for advancing the peace and puritie of the church , for which purpose it is our hearty vote , that god would pour forth a spirit of wisdom , zeal and holiness upon magistrats ministers and all ranks and degrees of persons , amen . finis the last speeches of the two ministers mr. john king, and mr. john kid, [brace] at the place of execution at edenburgh on the 14th day of august, 1679. king, john, d. 1679. 1680 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47415 wing k508 estc r39063 18208261 ocm 18208261 107131 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47415) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107131) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1125:25) the last speeches of the two ministers mr. john king, and mr. john kid, [brace] at the place of execution at edenburgh on the 14th day of august, 1679. king, john, d. 1679. kid, john, d. 1679. [4], 29 p. s.n.], [edinburgh? : 1680. separate t.p. for speech by john kid, dated 1679. imperfect: print show-through; torn, begining-page 11 of defective huntington library copy spliced at end. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published 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make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng king, john, d. 1679. kid, john, d. 1679. covenanters -scotland. presbyterianism. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last speeches of the two ministers mr. john king , and mr. john kid , at the place of execution at edenburgh on the 14 th day of august , 1679. printed in the year , 1680. the publisher to the reader . having observed that of late years it is become customary to publish the dying speeches of such as have been in a publick manner executed as criminals ; i thought the sight of these speeches ( not as speeches or discourses only , but ) as the speeches of these two ( so much talk'd of ) men , would to most be very acceptable ; all persons i believe being curious to know what they would say in their circumstances , i did not think it necessary to make any animadversions upon them , but lea●e it to the 〈◊〉 of every reader to make his own remarks , ( it being as easie to animadvert in this case as to read ) i would as unwillingly impose my comment upon others , as i would be imposed upon my self . farewel . the speech of mr. john king . men and brethren , i do not doubt but that many that are spectators here , have some other end , than to be edified by what they may see and hear in the last words of one going to eternity ; but if any one of you have ears to hear , ( which i nothing doubt but some of this great gathering have ) i desire your ears and attention , if the lord shall help and permit me to speak , to a few things . i bless the lord , since infinite wisdom and holy providence has so carved out my lot to dye after the manner that i do , not unwillingly , neither by force : it 's true , i could not do this of my self , nature always having an inclination to put the evil day far off , but through grace i have been helped , and by this grace yet hope i shall : 't is true , through policy i might have shunned such a hard sentence , if i had done some things ; but though i could i durst not , god knows , redeem my life with the loss of my integrity and honesty . i bless the lord that since i have been apprehended and made a prisoner , god hath very wonderfully upholden me , and made out that comfortable word , fear not , be not dismayed , i am with thee , i will strengthen thee , i will uphold thee by the right hand of my righteousness , isaiah 42.10 . i thank the lord he never yet gave me leave so much as to have a thought , much less to seek after any shift that might be in the least sinful : i did always , and yet do judge it better to suffer affliction with the people of god , than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season ; therefore i am come hither to lay down my life ; i bless the lord i dye not as a fool dyeth , though i acknowledge i have nothing to boast of in my self : yea i acknowledge i am a sinner , and one of the chiefest that hath gone under the name of a professer of religion ; yea amongst the unworthiest of those that have preached the gospel ; my sins and corruptions have been many , and have defiled me in all things ; and even in following and doing of my duty , i have not wanted my own sinful infirmities and weaknesses , so that i may truly say , i have no righteousness of my own , all is evil and like filthy rags ; but blessed be god that there is a saviour and an advocate , jesus christ the righteous , and i do believe that jesus christ is come into the world to save sinners , of whom i am the chief , and that through faith and his righteousness i have obtained mercy ; and that through him , and him alone , i desire and hope to have a happy and glorious victory over sin , satan , hell , and death ; and that i shall attain unto the resurrection of the just , and be made partaker of eternal life . i know in whom i have believed , and that he is able to keep that which i have committed unto him against that day . i have , according to my poor capacity , preached salvation in his name ; and as i have preached , so do i believe , and withal my soul have commended it , and still do commend to all of you the riches of his grace , and faith in his name , as the alone and only way whereby to come to be saved . it may be many may think ( but i bless the lord without any solid ground ) that i suffer as an evil-doer , and as a busie body in other mens matters ; but i reckon not much upon that , having the testimony of my own conscience for me . it was the lot of our blessed saviour himself , and also the lot of many of his eminent precious servants and people to suffer by the world as evil-doers : yea i think i have so good ground not to be scar'd at such a lot , that i count it my non-such-honour ; and oh what am i that i should be honoured so , when so many worthies have panted after the like , and have not come at it : my soul rejoyceth in being brought into conformity with my blessed lord , and head , and so blessed a company in this way and lot ; and i desire to pray that i may be to none of you this day upon this account a stone of stumbling , and a rock of offence ; and blessed is he that shall not be offended in christ and his poor followers and members , because of their being condemned as evil doers by the world. as for these things for which sentence of death hath past against me , i bless the lord my conscience doth not condemn me , i have not been rebellious , nor do i judge it rebellion for me to have endeavoured in my capacity what possibly i could for the born-down and ruined interest of my lord and master , and for the relief of my poor brethren afflicted and persecuted , not only in their liberties , priviledges , and persons , but also in their lives ; therefore it was that i joyned with that poor handful ; the lord knows , who is the searcher of hearts , that neither my design nor practice was against his majesty's person and just government , but i always studyed to be loyal to lawful authority in the lord , and i thank god my heart do●h not condemn me of any disloyalty ; i have been loyal , and i do recommend it to all to be obedient to higher powers in the lord. and that i preached at field-meetings , which is the ground of my sentence ; i am so far from acknowledging that the gospel preached that way was a rendezvous of rebellion , as it is so tearmed , that i bless the lord that ever he counted me worthy to be witness of such meetings ; which have been so undoubtedly countenanced and owned , not only to the conviction , but even to the conversion of many ; therefore i do assert , that if the lord hath had any purer church in the land than other , it hath been in and amongst these meetings in fields and houses , so much now despised by some , and persecuted by others . that i preached up rebellion , and taking up arms against authority is untrue , i bless the lord my conscience doth not condemn me for that ; this never being my design ; if i could have preached christ , and salvation through his name , it was my work ; and herein have i walked according to the light and rule of the word of god , as it did become me , though one of the meanest of the ministers of the gospel . i have been looked upon by some , and represented by others to be of a divisive , and factious humor , and one that stirred up division in the church , but i am hopeful that they will all now give me their charity , being within a little to stand before my judge , and i pray the lord forgive them that did so misrepresent me ; but i thank the lord what-ever men have said against me concerning this , that on the contrary , i have often disswaded from such ways and practices , as contrary to the word of god , and of our covenanted and reformed religion ; and as i ever abhorred division , and faction in the church , as that which tends to its utter ruine , if the lord prevent it not . so i would in the bowels of my lord and master , if such an one as i am may presume to perswade , and exhort both ministers and professors ; if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love ; if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies that you be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind in lowliness of mind ; let each esteem others better than themselves , phil. 1.12 . harmoniousness and honesty in the things of god , can never enough be sought after , and things that tend to the prejudice and hurt of christs interest , can never enough be fled from and avoided . and as i am come hither willingly to lay down my tabernacle , so also i die in the belief , and faith of the holy scriptures , and in the faith of the apostles , and primitive christians , and protestant reformed churches , and particularly the church of scotland , whereof i am a poor member : that have been so wonderfully carried on against so many oppositions , by the mighty power and goodness and wisdome of god , i bear my witness and testimony to the doctrine and worship , discipline and government of the church of scotland , by kirk sessions , presbyters , synods with assemblies . here he also bore his testimony to the solemn league and covenant . also i bear testimony to our publick confessing of sins , and ingagements to duties , and that either as to what concerns the reformation of the whole church in general , as also the causes of gods wrath , the neglecting of which is feared , to be one of the greatest causes of gods wrath this day against the land : i also give witness and testimony unto the protestation , given in against the receiving the malignant party into places of power and trust , contrary to our solemn ingagements , and obligations to god , also i adhere unto our confession of faith , larger and shorter catechisms . i witness my testimony against popery , which is so greatly increased , yea so much countenanced , and professed openly by many , and that without the least punishment ; i bear witness against the antichristian prelacy now — established by a law contrary to our vows to almighty god , and against defending all our solemn oaths , and ingagements , as a thing that calls for divine vengence . here he bore witness against all oaths contrary to the covenant : and then proceeded thus . also i bear my testimony against all error , schisme , heresie , contrary to our ingagements to god , and especially against that reviving again , and soul deluding evil or rather devilry quakerisme so much connived at , if not allowed and countenanced by many , whose office it is to restrain it , as also against all the steps and courses of backslidings , defections , which have been and now are on foot in the land , and against all branches and parties thereof , under whatsoever name or notion ; moreover , i bear my testimony to all the testimonys both formerly and of late , by suffering and banished witnesses , and to all the testimonies by our first suffering gentlemen , noble-men , and others , that have suffered in this city and kingdome , who chearfully laid down their lives with admirable divine assistance , and all those who have laid down their lives , as also to those who have sealed their testimony , either with suffering imprisonment or banishment upon this account , score , and quarrel . here he bore his testimony against their act of supremacy . as also i bear my testimony against the cess imposed by the late convention of estates , whereby the enemies of christ , and his church , are supplyed with all necessaries , for the utter extirpating of the interest of christ in this church . and there is one thing more i would say , that the lord seems to be very wroth with the land. the causes are many , first the dreadful sleights our lord jesus christ , has received in the offers of his gospel . secondly , the horrid profanity that has overspread the whole land , that not only religion in its exercise , but even common civility is gone . thirdly , there is the horrid perjury in the matters of our vows and ingagements , it s to be feared will provoke the lord to bring his sword upon these lands . fourthly , the dreadful formality and stupidity in the duties of religion , which is introduced , like that which came upon the careless daughters . fifthly , horrid ingratitude , what do we render to him for his goodness ? is not the most of all that we do , to work wickedness , and to strengthen our selves to do evil , and want of humility under all all our breaches ? we are brought low , and yet we are not low in the sight of god , what a dreadful covetousness , and minding our own things more than the things of god , and that amongst all ranks ? would to god that there were not too much of this among many , who are enemies to the cross of christ , and mind earthly things . and yet i dare not say , but there are many faithful and precious to him in scotland , both of ministers , and professors , whom i trust god will keep stedfast , and who will labour to be found faithful to their lord and master , and whom i hope he will make a brazen wall and iron pillars , and as a strong defenced city , in the following of their duties in these sad evil times ; but it were to be wished , that there were not too many to strengthen the hands of the evil-doers , and make themselves transgressors , by endeavouring to build again that which formerly they did destroy ; but let such take heed of the flying roll , zach. 5. and let all the lords servants and ministers take heed that they watch , and be stedfast in the faith , and quit themselves like men , and be strong , and set the trumpet to the mouth , and give seasonable and faithful warning to all ranks concerning sins , and duties , especially against the sins of this sinful time : it is to be lamented and sadly regretted by many of the lords people , that there has been so much silence and fainting , even amongst ministers of how great concernment it is ; now in this sad juncture , let ministers consider well , what it is that god calls for at their hands ; to be silent now , especially when so many cruel and horrid things are acted , when they are so much called , and ought to be concerned to speak even upon the peril of their lives , certainly a dreadful sin in the light of god , their silence must be . i shall only desire that the lord would open the mouths of his faithful servants , that with all boldness , they may speak out the mind of their master , that so the work , interest , crown and kingdome of our lord jesus christ , may not be destroyed , and that the troubles of his poor people , which are precious to him , may not without a testimony be ruined ▪ i shall but say a few words . first , all you that are profane , i would seriously exhort you that you return to the lord by serious repentance ; if you do , iniquity shall not be your ruine ; if you do not , know that the day of the lords vengeance is near and hastneth on ! oh know for your comfort , there is a door of mercy yet open , if you be not despisers of the day of salvation . and you that have been , and yet are , reproachers and persecutors of godliness , and of such as live godly ; take heed , oh take heed , sad will be your day , when god arises to scatter his enemies , if you repent not for your ungodly deeds . secondly , all those who are taken up with their own private interests , and if that go well they care the less for the interest of christ , take heed and be zealous , and repent , lest the lord pass the sentence , i will spew you out of my mouth . thirdly , for the truly godly , and such as are lamenting after the lord , and are mourning for all the abominations of this city , and are taking pleasure in the very rubbish and stones of zion , be of good courage , and cast not away your confidence , i dare not say any thing to future things , but surely the lord has a handful that are precious to him , to whom he will be gracious ; to these is a dark night at present , how long it will last the lord knows ! oh let not the sad disasters , that his poor people meet with , though very astonishing , terrifie you , beware of snares that abound , cleave fast to your reformed religion , do not shift the cross of christ , if you be called to it , it is better to suffer than sin , account the reproaches of christ greater riches than all the treasures of the world. in the last place , let not my death be grievous to any of you , i hope it will be more profitable both for you and me , and for the church and interest of god , than my life could have been . i bless the lord , i can freely and frankly forgive all men , even as i desire to be forgiven of god , pray for them that persecute you , bless them that curse you . as to the cause of christ , i bless the lord i never had cause , to this day , to repent for any thing i have suffered , or can now suffer for his name . i thank the lord who has shewed mercy to such a vile sinner as i am , and that ever he should advance me to so high a dignity , as to be made a minister of his blessed and everlasting gospel ; and that ever i should have a seal set to my ministry , upon the hearts of some in several places and corners of this land : the lord visit scotland with more and more faithful pastors , and send a reviving day unto the people of god ; in the mean time be patient , be stedfast , unmovable , always abounding in the work of the lord ; and live in love and peace one with another , and the lord be with his poor afflicted groaning people , that yet remain . now i bid farewell to all my friends , and dear relations ; farewell my poor wife and children , whom i leave in the good hand of him who is better than seven husbands , and who will be a father to the fatherless . farewell all creature comforts , welcome everlasting life , everlasting glory , welcome everlasting love , everlasting praise ; bless the lord , o my soul , and all that is within me . sic subscrib . john king. august , 14th . 1679. tolbooth , circa horam septimam . the last speech of mr. john kid . at the place of execution , on the fourteenth day of august 1679. printed in the year , 1679. the speech of mr. john kid . right worthy and well beloved spectators and auditors . considering what bodily distempers i have been exercised with since i came out of the torture , ( viz. ) scarce two hours out of my naked bed in one day , it cannot be expected , that i should be in case to say any thing to purpose at this juncture , especially seeing i am not as yet free of it , however i cannot but reverence the good hand of god upon me , and desires with all my soul to bless him for this my present lot. it may be there are a great many here that judge my lot very sad and deplorable . i must confess death it self , is very terrible to flesh and blood , but as it is an out-let to sin , and an in-let to righteousness , it is the christians great and inexpressible priviledge , and give me leave to say this , that there is somthing in a christians condition , that can never put him without the reach of insufferableness , even shame , death , and the cross being included . and then if there be peace betwixt god and the soul , nothing can damp peace with god through our lord jesus christ , this is a most supporting ingredient in the bitterest cup , and under the sharpest , and firiest tryal he c●n be exposed unto ▪ this is my mercy , that i have somthing of this to lay claim unto , viz. the intimations of pardon , and peace betwixt god and my soul. and as concerning that , for which i am condemned , i magnifie his grace , that i never had the least challenge for it , but on the contrary , i judge it my honour , that ever i was counted worthy to come upon the stage upon such a consideration ; another thing that renders the most despicable lot of the christian , and mine sufferable , is a felt and sensible presence from the lord , strengthening the soul when most put to it , and if i could have this for my allowance this day , i could be bold to say , oh death where is thy sting , and could not but cry out welcome to it , and all that follows upon it : i grant the lord from an act of soveraignity may come , and go as he pleases , but yet he will never forsake his people , and this is a cordial to me in the case i am now exposed unto . thirdly , the exercising and puting forth his glorious power , is able to transport the soul of the believer , and mine , above the reach of all sublunary difficulties , and therefore seeing i have hope to be kept up by this power , i would not have you to look upon my lot , or any other that is or may be in my case , in the least deplorable , seeing we have ground to believe , that in more or less he will perfect his power and strength in weakness . fourthly , that i may come a little nearer to the purpose in hand , i declare before you all , in the sight of god , angels and men , and in the sight of that son and all that he has created , that i am a most miserable sinner , in regard of my original and actual transgressions . i must confess they are more in number then the haires of my head. they are gone up above my head , and are past numbering , i cannot but say as jacob said , i am less then the least of all gods mercies , yet i must declare to the exalting of his free grace , that to me who am the least of all saints is this grace made known , and that by a strong hand , and i dare not but say he has loved me , and washed me in his own blood from all iniquities , and well is it for me this day , that ever i heard or read that faithful saying ; that jesus christ , came into the world to save sinners , of whom i am chief . fifthly , i must also declare in his sight , i am the most unworthiest that ever opened his mouth to preach the unsearchable riches of christ in the gospel . yea the sense of this made me altogether unwilling to fall about so great a work , until by the importunity of some whose names are precious and savoury to me and many others , i was prevailed with to fall about it , and yet i am hopeful not altogether without some fruit , and if i durst say it without vanity , i never found so much of the presence of god upon my spirit , as i have found in exercises of that nature , though i must still confess attended with inexpressible weakness , and this is the main thing for which i must lay down my tabernacle this day , viz. that i did preach christ and the gospel in several places of this nation ; for which i bless him ( as i can ) , that ever such a poor obscure person as i am , have been thus priviledged by him , for making mention of his grace as i was able . sixthly , give me leave to add this word farther , that though there be great appearances , for spreading and preaching this glorious gospel , yet i fear there is a snare at the bottom , and poyson in that dish which may gender , and be productive , of not only greater scarcity of honest preaching and preachers , but a real famine of the word , this i say is my fear , and i hope god will keep his servants and people from fomenting any thing to the detriment of the gospel . seventhly , i am also afraid that the lord is intending to multiply his stroaks upon the land , we have walked seven times contrary to him , and therefore we may lay our account ( unless repentance prevent it ) that he will walk seven times contrary to us , there is more and more grounds to fear that a sword is brandished in heaven , a glittering sword , sharpned and forbished against the guilty and harlot scotland . eightly , as for the fifth cause in my indictment , upon which my sentence of death is founded , ( viz. ) personal presence , twice or thrice , with that party whom they call the rebels ; for my own part i never judged them such : i acknowledge and do believe there were many there that came in the simplicity of their hearts , like those that followed absolom long ago , and i am as sure on the other hand there were a great party there that had nothing before them but the repairing of the fallen work , and the restoring the breach , which is wide as the sea , and i am apt to think that such of these who were most branded with mistake , will be found to be most single : but for rebellion against his majesties person or lawful authority , the lord knows my soul abhorreth the name and thing ; loyal i have been , and i wish every christian to be so , and i was ever of this judgment , to give to caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods. ninthly , since i came to prison , i have been much branded with many that i must call aspersions whereof jesuitisme is one , i am hopeful there was never one that did converse with me that had the least ground for laying this to my charge , i know not how it comes to pass it is laid upon me now , except implacable prejudice that some have been prepossest with against me . i am not ignorant that near two years ago , a person of some note in this church while living , was pleased to say , i was dyed in that judgment : after he was better informed , he changed his note , and said it was misinformation : but now the lord , before whom i must stand , and be judged by and by , knows i have a perfect abhorrence of that thing . and that it was never my temptation directly nor indirectly . though i must confess , some few years ago , some were very pressing upon me that i would conform , and imbrace prelacy ? but for popery , and that trash , it never came nearer my heart than the popes conclave , and the alcoran , which my soul abhors . tenthly , i have also been branded with factiousness , divisive , and seditious preaching , and practices . i must confess if it be so , it was more then ever i was aware of : according to the measure that god has given me , it was my endeavor to commend christ to the hearts and souls of the people , even repentance towards god and faith towards our lord jesus christ , according to the word of god , confession of faith , and catechismes larger and shorter , yea i did press them , when god did cast it in my way to remember their former obligations in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , and that they would make it their work to stand to it , in substance and circumstance , seeing it is so cryed down in this day , and if this be divisive preaching , i cannot deny it . eleventhly , i am prest in conscience to bear my testimony to and abhorrence of every invasion , usurpation , and incroachment that is made or has been made against christs royal prerogative , crown , and kingdome , originate upon and derivate from that which they call the supremacy , i was never free to say a confedcracy with those that i judge have in a great part said a confederacy with that thing , and the lord is my record , i was never free in my conscience for that that is called indulgence , neither first nor second , as it was tendered by the counsel , and as it was imbraced by a great many godly men in this land , yea it was never laudable nor expedient to me , and in effect this is one of the main grounds , why i am rendred so obnoxious to so many imputations , that i have been all along contrary to that indulgence in my judgment , i confess i have been so , and i die in my judgment contrary to it , and this i crave leave to say without any offence given to the many godly and learned , that are of another judgment . twelfthly , i judge it fit likewise in this case to leave my testimony against that stent , taxation and cess , that has been so injustly imposed , so frivolently founded , and vigorously carried on by the abettors of that contention , and meerly upon no other account imaginable , but to make a final extirpation of christ , and his gospel ordinances out of the land , and how lamentable it is to consider how many professors did willingly pay it , and were most forward for inciting others to do the same . in the next place , though to many i die desired , yet i know to not a few my death is not desired , and it is the rejoycing of my heart , that i die in the faith of our lord jesus christ , who has loved me , and given himself for me , and in the faith of the prophets and apostles , and in this faith that there 's not a name under heaven by which men can be saved , but the name of jesus , and in the faith of the doctrine and worship of the kirke of scotland , as it is now established according to the word of god , confession of faith , catechisms larger and shorter , and likewise i joyn my testimony against popery , perjury , profanity , heresie , and every thing contrary to sound doctrine . in the close , as a dying person , and as one who has obtained mercy of the lord to be faithful , i would humbly leave it upon godly ministers to be faithful for their lord and master , and not to hold their peace in such a day , when so many ways are taken for injuring of him , his name , way , sanctuary , ordinances , crown and kingdome , i hope there will be found a party in this land , that will continue for him , and his matters , in all hazzards , and as faithfulness is called for in ministers , so professors would concern themselves that they countenance not , nor abet any thing inconsistent with former principles and practices . let the land consider how neuteral and indifferent we are grown in the matters of god , even like ephraim long ago , a cake not turned . next how far we are fallen from our first love , how far we are degenerated from the noble vine into which the lord did once plant us ; lamentable it is how far we are gone in the way of egypt , drinking the waters of sichar , &c. again , what a woeful spirit of bitterness is predominate in this land , in this our age , ephraim vexing judah , and judah ephraim ; manasseth ephraim , and ephraim manasseth , the growing dogedness of this temper almost amongst us all , portends terrible things from the lord against scotland . fourthly , reformation neither designed nor practised ; what means all this deformity that is come to pass in these days , instead of the contrary ? how many of us are pulling down that which we have been building up ; how many of us calling good evil , and evil good , dis-owning and dis-savouring that which sometime we judged our honour to testifie for and to avouch . fifthly , a publick spirit in contending for god in his matters , in substance and circumstance , according to our vows and obligations , is much wanting amongst us at this day . farther i am prest in conscience to make honourable mention of all those glorious things that god has done in scot. since the year 1638. the abundant measure of his spirit that has been power'd out upon his people . here he spoke much concerning the solemn league and covenant ; and afterwards proceeded as followeth . and moreover i bear my testimonies against all other confusions , imprisonment and blood , that is or may be intended against those of the land that desire to keep their garments clean , whether in prison or out of prison 6thly , as concerning that which is the ground of my death , viz. preaching here and there in some corners , i bless my god i have not the least challenge for it ; and though those that condemned me are pleased to call such preachings rendezvouses of rebellion , yet i must say this of them , they were so far from being reputed such in my eyes , that if ever christ had a people or party wherein his soul took pleasure , i am bold to say these meetings were a great part of them ; the shineing and glory of god was eminently seen amongst these meetings , the convincing power and authority of our lord went out with his servants in those blasphemously nick-named conventicles ; this i say without reflection upon any ; i have a word to say farther , that god is calling persons to repentance , and to do their first work ; oh that scotland were a mourning land , and that reformation were our practice , according as we are sworn in the covenant . again , that christians of grace and experience would study more streightness and stability in this day , when so many are turning to the right hand , and many to the left ; he that endureth to the end shall be saved ; he has appointed the kingdom for such as continue with him in his temptations . next , if ever you expect to have the form of the house shewed you in all the laws thereof , goings out thereof , and comings in thereof , then think it no shame to take shame to you for all that has been done , sitting down on this side jordan is like to be our bane . oh when shall we get up and run after him till he bring us into the promised land , let us up and after him with all our heart , and never rest till he return . i recommend my wife and young one to the care and faithfulness of the god of abraham , isaac , and jacob , the god that has fed me to this day , and who is the god of my salvation , their god and my god , their father and my father , i am also hopeful , that christians , friends , and relations , will not be unmindful of them when i am gone . lastly , i do further bear my testimony to the cross of christ , and bless him that ever he counted me worthy to appear for him in such a lot as this : glory to him that ever i heard tell of him , and that ever he fell upon such a method of dealing with me as this , and therefore let none that loves christ and his righteous cause be offended in me . and as i have lived in the faith of this , that the three kingdoms are married lands , so i dye in the faith of it , that there will be a resurrection of his name , word , cause , and of all his interest therein , though i dare not determine the time when , nor the manner how , but leave all these things to the infinitely wise god , who has done , and will do all things well . oh that he would return to this land again , to repair our breaches , and take away our back-sliding , and appear for his work : oh that he were pacified towards us ; oh that he would pass by scotland once again , and make our time a time of love , come lord jesus , come quickly . himself hasten it in his own time and way . the lord is my light and life , my joy , my song , and my salvation ; the god of his chosen be my mercy this day , and the inriching comforts of the holy ghost keep up and carry me fair through , to the glory of his grace , to the edification of his people , and my own eternal advantage . amen . sic subscrib . john kid. august , 14th . 1679. tolbooth , ante horam septimam . finis . a brotherly and friendly censure of the errour of a dear friend and brother in christian affection, in an answer to his four questions lately sent abroad in print to the view of the world. published according to order. walker, george, 1581?-1651. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96917 of text r212426 in the english short title catalog (thomason e265_4). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 40 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96917 wing w355 thomason e265_4 estc r212426 99871050 99871050 123448 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96917) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 123448) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 44:e265[4]) a brotherly and friendly censure of the errour of a dear friend and brother in christian affection, in an answer to his four questions lately sent abroad in print to the view of the world. published according to order. walker, george, 1581?-1651. [2], 10 p. printed for nathaniell webb, london, : 1645. attributed to george walker by wing. a reply to: prynne, william. foure serious questions of grand importance (wing p3959). annotation on thomason copy: after brother in title: "mr prin"; "by mr george walker"; "sep: 20". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng prynne, william, 1600-1669. -foure serious questions of grand importance. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. lord's supper -early works to 1800. excommunication -early works to 1800. a96917 r212426 (thomason e265_4). civilwar no a brotherly and friendly censure of the errour of a dear friend and brother in christian affection,: in an answer to his four questions lat walker, george 1645 7171 13 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 angela berkley sampled and proofread 2007-07 angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brotherly and friendly censure of the errovr of a dear friend and brother in christian affection , in an answer to his four questions lately sent abroad in print to the view of the world . prov. 27. 5 , 6. open rebuke is better then secret love . faithfull are the wounds of a friend ; but the kisses of an enemy are deceitfull . published according to order . london , printed for nathanael webb , 1645. to the reader . christian reader , i will take it as a great favour from thee , if in reading this my answer thou wilt judge me to be , as indeed , and in truth i am , an adversary of the cause , and not of the person . he who is commonly reported to be the author of the foure questions in hand , is one whose person i have , from my first knowledge of him , dearly loved , honoured , and admired , for his excellent parts , profitable paines for the publike good , and his unwearied labours , and patient sufferings in the cause of christ . if he hath but once in all his life stumbled upon a bad cause , and pleaded for it , ( which is a common , and in some sort a necessary evil , hardly to be avoided by men of his vocation : ) let not this blemish his great learning , nor his judgement , sound in all other points , and least of all his approved piety and zeale for true religion . his name , which was happily concealed , and not annexed to these foure questions , shall ever be precious with me , and i hope with all gods people also , who truly feare the lord , long for the peace of zion , and unfeignedly seek the reformation of christs church , in all these three kingdomes . it is no small griefe to me , that i am compelled to move my pen in writing against any paper , published by an hand so deare to me : but in the cause of christ , and in a point so prejudiciall to the peace and pure reformation of the church , who can be silent ? the nearest relations of love which one christian can have to another in this world , must not hinder us , nor stay our hands , tongues or pens from performance of any duty , in which we all stand obliged to the lord christ our redeemer , and to his church our deare mother . and wherein can we be more necessitated to shew our duty to both , then in resisting with all our power whatsoever tends to the common and continuall prophanation of the holy sacrament of christs body and blood ? which cannot possibly be avoided , if the power of the keys , which christ hath given to his apostles and their successors , with a promise to be with them to the end of the world , be taken , under any pretence , out of the hands of the pastors and presbyters of the church , and no power left unto them to put by any sinners , openly scandalous and impenitent , from the holy communion nor to exclude such spirituall lepers , most loathsome and infections , from the sacred meeting at the lords holy table . who doth not see that the maine cause of the schismes and separations of divers godly and zealous christians from our communion , is the mixture of the prophane among the pious and godly , and the admission of persons openly scandalous to the holy sacrament ? this is that which hath moved many out of their blinde zeale to proclaime our church , a whore a strumpet , a synagogue of antichrist ; and our faithfull ministers , baals priests , and limmes of the beast . all true christians , and most of all the ministers of the word , are bound to put to their hands and shoulders for the removing of this stumbling-block and rock of offence out of the way : and i especially more then others , by reason of that singular love i bear to this deare brother erring in this point , and least i should offend against that commandement , lev. 19. 17. thou shalt not have thy brother in thine heart : thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sin upon him , or bear sin for him . his paper is gone forth in publike , private rebuke will not hinder the hurt which it may doe : it hath given such publike wounds , as cannot be cured but by a publike remedy . the lord , the great healer of soules , give a speedy cure to the maladies of his church , and all our soule-sicknesses : to him be praise for ever and ever . a brotherly and friendly censure of the errour of a dear friend and brother in christian affection , in an answer to his foure questions lately sent abroad in print , to the view of the world . the inscription . four serious questions of grand importance , concerning excommunication and suspension from the sacrament ; propounded to the reverend assembly and all moderate christians , to prevent schismes , and settle vnity among us , in these divided times ; by a lover both of peace and truth . the answer to the inscription . when i did first meet with this paper of foure serious questions , fleeing abroad in print into every book-sellers shop in london , and ready upon the wing to take flight into all parts of the land ; that flying toll , which appeared to the prophet zecharie ( presently upon my viewing of the matter and scope thereof ) came to my minde , which is said to be a curse going forth over the face of the whole land , zech. 5. 3. for as that was a curse to punish , cut off and consume even to the timber and stones of the houses , into which it entered : so i feared this would be a corrupting curse in the heart , house and family of every one that entertained it with approbation , and did welcome it with applause , seeing it proclaims liberty for all sinners , though openly scandalous and impenitent , to come boldly to the lords supper , and to eat and drinke their own damnation , without controll of the pastors and presbyters of the church , whom christ hath ordained to have the rule over them , and to watch for their soules , heb. 13. 17. and whereas the questions are by the author professed to be serious , and of grand importance , propounded to the reverend assembly , for the setling of unity among us , in these divided times : first , i must professe that i am much grieved , that any learned christian brother should seriously urge such arguments ▪ so weak , so fallacious , and of so little strength , to maintaine so bad a cause as this , even the opening of a wide gap to libertinisme , and prophanation of the holy sacrament of christs body and blood , and giving this liberty to carnall and prophane men , of dissolute and scandalous life , that they without repulse may intrude themselves among godly communicants , to the just offence and scandall of the whole congregation : which they may have opportunity to doe at severall times , before the sentence of excommunication , can in a way of orderly proceeding ( especially when there are appeales made to higher consistories one after another , by obstinate and contentious offenders ) come forth against them , and be put in execution . secondly , i hope it will be made to appeare by this , and other answers of more able brethren , that here is no matter of grand importance in these questions , except encouragement of men to live in scandalous sins , without feare of suspension from the lords table , and to intrude boldly thereunto , which is a power of grand tyranny , and oppression of the consciences of ministers , may in any but an evil sense , be called a matter of grand importance . thirdly , i wish with all my heart , though now too late , that these questions , as in the title is pretended , had first been propounded to the venerable assembly . for i doubt not but they then should have received such a solid and satisfactory answer , as would have staid the publishing of them in print , and prevented the infection of the mindes of the vulgar people of weak judgement , and saved us the labour of composing antidotes against them . fourthly , i pity the author , in that he hath so erred from his intended scope of these questions : for his handling and carriage of them , is so farre from preventing schismes , and setling unity among us in those divided times : that on the contrary we finde by experience to our griefe , that they worke strongly in corrupt and perverse mindes , to the breeding , and increasing of schismes , to the disturbance of the desired reformation , in a point of greatest concernment , and to the raising up of divisions and dissensions , not onely among others , but also betwen the parliament and assembly , which is a strange practice , in a lover of peace and truth . the preface . the businesse of excommunication and sequestration from the sacrament , &c. the answer to the preface before the questions . 1. the businesse appeares plainely to be of no difficulty , unlesse men will be difficult , and through their owne averseness ▪ hardly perswaded to grant and establish that which gods word expressely holdeth forth and commendeth , and which we hope , and humbly pray , that the honourable houses of parliament will be willing to doe without difficulty . you your selfe doe quote divers texts of scripture which establish excommunication , and you presuppose it , in this your paper severall times , where you say none is to be suspended from the sacrament but such as are excommunicated , and in your excommunication ( for which you cite tertullian , schoolemen , and canonists , ) you are more rigorous then any presbyterians , whom you closely intimate to be indiscreet , passionate , oversevere and revengefull : which is a point of unchristian jealousy , and uncharitable surmise . for they dare not by excommunication exclude obstinate offenders from all ordinances , but suffer them to heare the word , though not in communion as members of the church , but as infidels may doe ; or else what hope can we have of an illiterate person excommunicated , that he will ever repent and be restored ? as for suspension from the sacrament , it is a thing more easy , in it selfe , and may be done orderly with lesse labour then excommunication , and with great ease and facility , and more frequently , and with good successe is practised in all the best reformed churches , which also our late abolished liturgy did allow largely to all pastors and church-wardens : and it had been more easy to them that were godly , and also more usuall in our congregations , if the proud prelates , fathers of prophanenesse , had not taken that power wholly to themselves : which intolerable usurpation of theirs , we hope is with themselves quite taken away : but not the power from the church , nor the lawfull exercise of it according to the rules of christ . secondly , whereas you make no medium between prophanation and scandall on the one side , and arbitrary , tyrannicall , papall domineering over the consciences and spirituall priviledges of christians on the other , herein passion and partiality seem to blinde you : for there is a plain open way between the two extremes , that is , the lawfull power which christ hath given to ecclesiasticall rulers , pastors and elders in his church , which all godly ministers , and all orthodox members of the assembly stand , plead , and petition for , that it may be backed and confirmed to them by civill sanction , even power to prove and try who are fit , and who are unworthy to come to the lords table , and by admitting the one , and puting back the other , after strict triall , and due proofe and examination , prophanation and scandall may easily be prevented , and arbitrary , tyranicall , papall domineering over the consciences of pastors , and godly christian people shall have no place in gods church ; scandalous proud impenitent sinners shall not come desperately to out-face christ and his ministers at his own table , nor have an action against ministers , who out of tender conscience , and fear of god , refuse to reach to them judgement and damnation , and so to partake with them in the guilt of christs body and blood ; the congregation of the godly shall not be scandalized , nor tyrannically forced either to countenance and harden the impenitent in their open wickednes ▪ by communicating with them , or to separate from our congregations , and abhor the ordinance of the lord , as men did in old eli's daies , when his wicked sons made them to abhor the offering of the lord , 1 sam. 2. 17. but on the contrary , let scandalous , obstinate sinners have liberty to intrude and come boldly to the lords table , and the pastors and elders have no power to keep back from them the holy signes and scals , which belong not to them , this is more then arbitrary , tyrannicall , papall domineering over the consciences of pastors , elders , and godly people . 3. but here me thinks you speak very untowardly , to the great offence of all godly people , against all christs ministers and ecclesiasticall rulers ; for in these words ( if it fall into indiscreet , over-severe , ambitious , passionate , or revengefull hands ) you either suppose that generally the hands of ministers and elders of christs church are such , and therefore they ought not to be trusted with power of suspension and excommunication ; which if you do , your heart is not f●ee from malignity against their holy calling , and the lord christ , who hath trusted them , will finde you out . or else your meaning is , that , as in the daies of the papacy and prelacy , so now it may again under presbyteriall church-government happen , that some of the rulers ecclesiasticall may act with such hands . what then ? do you infer thence that all of that high calling are to be abridged of that power ? a desperate inference , striking at the prerogative and power of parliaments , and all civil judges , and courts of justice . for upon the same grounds , viz. because under the papacy , parliaments made laws for suppressing true religion , and establishing idolatry and superstition , you may go about to abridge them . and under the late domineering prelacy and tyranny , judges wrested laws to take away the subjects birth-right and liberty , and to maintain oppression , and they made ( you know whose ) will and lust , law . and lawyers soothed them , and you know when , not one ( in all the bunch ) could be found , nor hired to plead in the just cause of an innocent . and even then many presbyters and ecclesiasticall persons stood out couragiously , and feared no persecutions , bonds or losses , in the cause both of religion and justice . why then will you not take away all power also of judging from judges , and of pleading and expounding the law from lawyers , and leave all civil government in the hands of the common people ? take heed , sir , you be not partiall and unequall to one side more then another . aretius hath given you a very good caveat , not to strive so earnestly against this point of christian discipline , in those words of his by you cited ( impossibile praesentibus moribus colla submittere ejusmodi disciplinae ) which words tell us , that the corrupt manners and profane lives of men desperately bent , in these evil times , to continue in their lewd and scandalous courses , make it impossible to bring them to submit their stiff necks to this discipline of excommunication , and suspension from the holy communion , which is christs light yoke to tractable christians . if you proceed to take part with such refractory opposers ( which , i hope , your religious heart will not permit you to do ) and spend your strength in so unworthy a cause , in hope by justifying these questions , to prevail against the votes of your best friends , and most faithfull lover which you have in this world , who truly honour you , and wish all good to you : i trust in god , you shall fail of your hopes , as aretius did in his judgement , where speaking of this discipline set up by some in the churches of germany , he seems to deride it in those words by you rehearsed , cecidit in spongiam ridiculus mus ; for now this despised mouse is become an high mountain in all the best reformed churches of germany . 4. as for your addresse to the assembly , whom you charge unjustly with falling into extreams , and indeed calumniate them , as if they seemed to affect a great lording power over the consciences and priviledges of their christian brethren , which of right belongs not unto them , usurping that to themselves , which they vehemently declaimed against , and caused to be taken quite away from the pope and prelates . to this i answer , that you utterly mistake the matter . for they abhorre all affectation and usurpation of lording power over the consciences of any christians , but have condemned it in the pope and prelates ; and their humble petition to the houses of parliament is ; that none may usurp lordly power , as the proud prelates did , over them , and the people of their flock , compelling them either against their consciences , and with great offence and scandall to the godly , to admit scandalous sinners to the lords table , and to profane the sacrament of christs body and blood , by giving the seals thereof to them , or else to decline the administration of that holy ordinance , and their ministerie , chusing affliction rather then iniquity . in plain truth , this is the lordly tyrannicall power over their consciences , and the iron yoke which you in your question seek to lay on them . after the preface answered , i proceed to your questions ; the first of which is , quest . 1. whether those places of scripture , matth. 18. 16 , 17. & 1 cor. 5. 5. 11. & 1 tim. 1. 20. joh. 9. 22. 32. & 12. 42. & 16. 2. & ●thess . 3. 14. & 2 joh. 10. 11. & joh. 3. 10. & numb. 12. 14. & deut. 23. 1. be properly meant of excommunication , which you take upon you to prove from fathers , school-men and others , to be an exclusion from all ordinances , or of suspension from the lords supper onely . the first you hold , and we will grant it to you . the latter you deny , and i affirm , that it is here also meant inclusively , but not only . the first place you seem to weaken and enervate , by intimating that our saviour speaks of private personall trespasse between man and man , and not of publike scandalous sins against the congregation , and that the censure is private not publike , because it is said , let him be ( not to the whole church and all others , but ) to thee , as an heathen man and a publican ; and you quote , luk. 17. 3 , 4. to prove that such private trespasses must be forgiven , if seventy times seven : which no man will deny , if the trespasser repent , as often as he offends . but now suppose be stand out and persist in his sin , and scorn private admonition ; yea , when he is convented before the church , he will not hear nor obey publike admonition , doe you not think that this is publike scandall against the cong●egation , and deserves excommunication ? surely , if it were not so , our saviour would not have passed against it that dreadfull censure of excommunication , saying , let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican . and if to the private person for his private wrong , much more to all others in the congregation , for publike contumacy and scandalous obstinacy in his sin against the church . it is a dangerous doctrine to teach any private person to censure and judge a brother to be in the state of an ethnike , and as a publican , for a private trespasse ; if for his contumacie against the whole church , and obstinacie in that sin , the sentence of excommunication be not by the church publikely given against him . whereas you make it a branch of your question . what warrant there is in scripture for ministers to suspend men from the lords supper only , and not from the congregation , and all other publike ordinances with it . i answer this very easily : that because suspension from the sacrament is a step , yea the next degree to excommunication ( as reason , and the practice of all the best churches of christ doe teach us ) the scriptures which warrant excommunication , do also warrant it as a profitable and necessary means , either to prevent that dreadfull sentence by bringing the sinner to repent and be ashamed , or to make his impenitency more evident and notorious , and to justifie the more the excommunication of him . but i marvell , that you should thinke it so strange and unwarrantable a thing to suspend a man from a sacrament , who hath communion in all other ordinances of the church , seeing it was the practice of all the ancient churches to exclude the catechumeni from baptisme , till by catechising and hearing the word publikely preached they were better instructed . and how dare you dispute against that which is resolved in this present parliament ? to wit , that ignorant , and some scandalous persons shall not be admitted to the lords table . q● . your second question is the same which you propounded last before as a branch of the first : belike you are well pleased and affected with it , and have some thing more to say in urging it . i omit what i have answered before ; and here i doe first adde , that christian compassion , and moderation in dealing with perverse men is commended and commanded in the scripture , 2 tim. 2. 24 ▪ 25 , 26. & jude 22 , 23. and this is a maine point of compassion and moderation in ecclesiasticall rulers , to try all inferiour meanes ; whereof suspension from the lords table is one ; before they proceed to the last and greatest censure of excommunication . though the popes and prelats excommunications , which belike doe still runne in your minde , were brutish thunderbolts thrown out upon every small occasion presently , and like the fooles dagger which is out to stab , at every crosse word , and makes but a word and a blow : yet gods word teacheth godly wise pastors and presbyters more meeknesse and gravity , in proceeding to the utmost censure , that is , first to reprove , admonish and rebuke , and if those more gentle meanes doe not prevaile , then to suspend from the sacrament ; which by experience is often found to humble stubborne offenders , and bring them to repentance , and so prevent cutting off from the congregation ; and all godly christians doe here see a double warrant of divine authority . first , from gods word : secondly , from his blessing of this proceeding with good successe . this is my first answer . secondly , to your bold assertion , that in the old testament we reade of no circumcised person ever debarred from the passeover by the priests , that was desirous to eat it . i answer , that it is as void of truth , as full of boldnesse : for levit. 22. 3. & numb 9. 5. and divers other places . every circumcised person who was legally unclean , is forbiden to eate of the passeover , or any holy thing , under pain of being cut off , and might not eat of it till he was cleansed and rightly prepared as appeares , 2 chron. 30. 3 the very chapter by you quoted , according to the expresse words of the law , numb. 9. 11. and therefore much more ought baptized persons , now under the gospell , who are manifestly unclean with the spirituall defilement of scandalous sin , be suspended from the more holy sacrament of christs body and blood , untill he be cleansed by repentance . thirdly , to the instance of judas whom our saviour knew to be a devil and a traytour . i answer first , that judas was not admitted to the sacrament , for judas went out before the supper was ended , immediatly upon his receiving of the sop , joh 13. 30. but our saviour did not ordaine this sacrament till after supper , luk. 22. 20 when he had supped , 1. cor. 11. 25. secondly , if judas had been admitted , it makes nothing to the matter , for judas professed faith in christ , and in his outward conversation appeared so unblameable , that when our saviour told them , that one of them twelve should betray him , they did not suspect judas more then themselves , but every one asked , saying , master , is it i ? and indeed let a man be an hypocrite , traytor or devil inwardly , the minister is not to judge of such secret things which belong to god , but to looke to the outward profession , life and conversation , and accordingly deal with them . fourthly , s. pauls admonishing of the corinthians of the great danger of unworthy receiving , namely , that it was eating damnation to themselves , and making them guilty of christs body and blood ; and thereupon enjoyning a strict examination of every one before he eat of that bread , and drinke of that cup , doth sufficiently instruct the elders , to put back all such as did outwardly appeare to be scandalous impenitent sinners , and so most unworthy to receive the holy signes and seales of the lords body and blood . fifthly , to that question of yours , whether a minister hath not discharged his full duty and conscience , if he doth admonish his flock of the danger of unworthy receiving , and seriously dehort such as he deemes unworthy , from receiving the sacrament , till they become more fit to participate , under paine of eating and drinking their own damnation and other judgements ? i answer , that this is no full discharge , neither doe those scriptures which you quote , ezek , 33. 1 , 2 , &c. act. 20. 16. or ours and french liturgies prove any such thing in this case . for they who suspend scandalous persons , doe also admonish all others to examine themselves , and mention the danger of unworthy receiving , that none unprepared may presume . it is a discharge of a ministers duty , when he admonisheth onely of the danger of a sin , in which when it is committed , the party admonished hath onely an hand : but here the minister is partaker of the sin , and as much guilty by giving , as the other by receiving . i pray you tell me , sir , if you have a cup in your hand which will poyson and kill a sick distemperd man if he drinke of it , will you give it unto him if he desires it ? and doe you thinke it enough to admonish him that it is deadly poyson ? and first dehort him from drinking of it , and then immediatly reach it to him , with intent , that he shall drinke of it ? i perswade my selfe , that as he shall perish , so his blood shall be required at your hands , and that you shall as guilty hold up your hand at the barre for it . quest . 3. the third question intimates that you conceive unworthy hearing of the word to be as great , as dangerous , as damning a sin , as unworthy receiving of the sacrament : that ministers are no more partakers of other mens sins , not more guilty of their sins , and of giving holy things to doggs , and casting pearles before swine , by giving the sacrament of christs body and blood to unworthy receivers who are openly scandalous , then by preaching the word to unprofitable hearers , to whom he is the favour of death unto death . and hereupon you would inferre , that ministers may as well refuse to preach the word unto their people , lest it should not profit them , as they may refuse to give the sacrament to scandalous persons , who eat their own damnation . to this i answer ▪ that there is vast difference between these two , preaching the word to unprofitable hearers , and giving the sacrament to persons openly scandalous , impenitent and prophane receivers . first a minister preacheth the word to many that are unprofitable hearers , not knowing them to be such , and in hope to convert and profit them , if there be any such in the auditorie , and so also he gives the sacrament to some unworthy receivers , unwillingly , not knowing them to be such : and in such cases he is blamelesse : but if he gives the holy seales of christs body and blood to scandalous impenitent persons , he knowes that he gives them damnation to eat and drink , and he is halfe sharer with them in the sinfull act . and therefore though the sin of unworthy hear●●● of the word is as dangerous and damning , as unworthy receiving of the sacrament , to the hearen and receivers : yet to the minister in the one , to weet , preaching without knowledge of the hurt which some receive by it , there is no fault ; but in giving to the scandalous receiver he wittingly acts and partakes of the profanation of the holy ordinance . secondly , the lords holy table in the holy communion , is for the time a place of gods more speciall presence then the common auditory , and there we come neerer to god , and receive with the word and promises particularly applyed to us , the seales of our communion with christ , and of our right and interest in him and all his benefits . but preaching to a common auditory , is only a generall propounding of the word and promises to all , not a particular applying of it to any , especially that hear unprofitably : for that were giving holy things to doggs : therefore there is more danger and greater sinne in admitting unworthy receivers to the lords table . a small errour in such an holy ordinance doth provoke the lord to wrath , who will be sanctified in them that come neere to him , as appears in aarons two sonnes , levit. 10. ● , 2 , 3. & vzza● , 2 sam. 6. 7. thirdly , preaching the word to such as are openly knowne to be scorners of the gospell , and persecutours of the preachers , and doe more rage and are hardened thereby , is a prophanation of an holy thing , and a casting of pearles before swine , which our saviour expressely forbids , matth. 7. 6. & matth. 10. 14. bids his apostles turne from such , and shake off the dust from their feet , as a testimony against them ; and so paul and barnabas did , act. 13. 51. fourthly , in preaching the word , the minister of christ propounds the truth to many wicked men generally , but doth not particularly apply any word of comfort , or promise of blessing to any but profitable hearers , and upon condition of repentance : but in giving the sacrament to known impenitent persons , he preacheth most palpable lyes against his own conscience , when he saith . the body of christ was broken for you , and his blood wasshed for you : and therefore the points urged in this question are very dangerous , and divers scriptures herein quoted , are wrested and grossely perverted . quest . 4. the fourth question ( upon that received truth , that god only knows the secrets of mens hearts , which ministers doe not , but mistake hypocrites for worthy receivers , and more honest simple weak men , for unfit communicants ) would inferre , that ministers ought not to have power to judge or censure . i● which reasoning ; first , i finde grosse absurdity : for what can be more ridiculous then to argue , that because ministers know not secret things which belong to god , therefore they know not revealed and manifest things , as open scandalous sins , and impenitency professed in the face of the church , and by consequent may not judge and censure them by the word of god , which doth plainly reveal their wickednesse to them and the whole consistory . secondly , observe how the scriptures , which forbid rash judgement concerning mens estate before god , which is secret , or concerning mens last end , and the like , as matth. 7. 1. luk 6. 37. rom. 14. 4. are wrested to overthrow all judging and censuring in generall , both civil and ecclesiasticall . thirdly , how vainly the power of god is abused , to prove that he will in the midst of a profane wicked act change notorious sinners hearts in a moment , which if he should doe , how shall these sinners manifest their repentance in a moment to the church , which they have offended , that they may he admitted orderly , and not rashly without just ground or satisfaction ? fourthly , the breaking of a bruised reed , and quenching of smoking flax , is most miserably applied to the suspending of proud , refractorie , impenitent sinners from the holy sacrament ; between which two sorts of persons and actions there is as vast a difference as between heaven and hell , light and darknesse . for the bruised reed signifies men of broken heart and contrite spirit , groaning under the burden of their sins , and fleeing to christ for ease : and smoking flax signifies such as have a weak but true faith , which like a spark in flax sheweth by smoking that there is fire , striving to break forth , and to shew light of holy life . now how contrary these are to proud , scandalous impenitent sinners , let reasonable men judge ; the first are such as the publicans and sinners , who came to christ repenting and confessing their sins , and by him were received , cherished and comforted ; the latter are like those trees which brought forth no good , but bad fruit , unto the root of which the axe was laid , to hew them down , and cast them into the fire . the not breaking nor quenching the first is a point of mercy , and a work of christ ; the tolerating of the other and cherishing and encouraging them in their scandalous sins , by admitting them to the holy communion of christs body and blood , is a point of great impiety , and a diabolicall act of profanation . here therefore the scriptures are dangerously abused and wrested , where scandalous , impenitent and refractory persons are confounded with humble penitent sinners , breathing after comfort and communion with christ . fifthly , here is a strange supposition , that all , bearing the name of christians , even scandalous , impenitent sinners , are invited to the sacrament , and are bound to come and receive it under pain of sin and contempt . i am sure the french and our liturgies before cited doe admonish all impenitent persons to abstain , lest they eat and drink their own damnation . and the scriptures here quoted , 1 cor. 11. & heb. 10. 29. do shew that unworthy wicked sinners doe by unworthy receiving count the blood of the covenant an unholy thing . therefore to inferre that no minister in point of conscience can refuse to give the sacrament to such , is to conclude , quidlibet ex quolibet . but whereas it is added , that ministers may not refuse any christian , not actually excommunicated , the sacrament , if he desires to receive it , in case he professe sincere repentance for sins past , and promise newnesse of life for the time to come : this we embrace with all our hearts , and if he obtrude on us no other but only such , we will not be so uncharitable as to judge them unworthy , neither need we fear to partake of their sin , or suspect their unworthy receiving . for our rule is to proceed with men according to that which manifestly appears , whether it be in truth or in hypocrise ; if any so professing doth eat unworthily , he eats damnation to himself , not to the ministers , who therein doe nothing against their consciences , but proceed according to the judgement of charity , and he shall bear his own burthen . the ministers act of administration to them who professe sincere repentance , is an holy and divine institution ; but to open scandalous impenitent persons , it is a manifest profanation , and they are partakers in the guilt and punishment . the conclusion being the result of the former arguments , which are plainly shewed to be weak and of no strength , doth of it self fall to the ground and vanish . for i have shewed , that unworthy hearing and unworthy receiving are equally sins in the hearers and receivers ; but in the preachers of the word and the givers of the sacraments it is farre otherwise : the preacher doth onely propound the word generally , and not falsely apply the promises of blessing and life to any particular scandalous persons , but upon condition of their beleeving repentance and obedience . if he knows any in the auditory , who are scorners of the word , and haters and persecutours of him and his doctrine , he denounceth a curse from god against them , and desires them to keep away , and holds himself guilty of sin , if he should cast the pearl of the gospel before such swine , when they are alone and separated from other hearers : he will not wittingly be to any the savour of death unto death . but the minister who gives the sacrament to open scandalous sinners in their impenitency , doth wittingly profane gods holy ordinance , and lyeth against his conscience in saying that christs body was broken , and his blood shed for them , and makes himself guilty of their blood , while he gives them wittingly to eat and drink their own damnation , as is before shewed . whatsoever power takes from christs ministers the lawfull and necessary liberty to exclude from the lords table scandalous sinners openly impenitent , that is such a transcendent arbitrary , unlimited power , as lordly prelates sometimes exercised , and no lesse then tyrannie and oppression of the consciences both of ministers and their godly people . and therefore here the divines of the assembly are charged most unjustly and calumniously , who have humbly desired , by way of petition to both the honourable houses of parliament , that their consciences may not have this yoke of oppression laid on them , which will force them either to profane the sacrament of christs body and blood , by giving it to unworthy persons , or to decline their ministery and administration of that holy ordinance , chusing affliction rather then iniquity . finis . a true representation of presbyterian government wherein a short and clear account is given of the principles of them that owne it, the common objections against it answered, and some other things opened that concern it in the present circumstances / by a friend to that interest. rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1690 approx. 45 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57861 wing r2228 estc r28113 10409875 ocm 10409875 44974 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57861) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44974) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1389:11) a true representation of presbyterian government wherein a short and clear account is given of the principles of them that owne it, the common objections against it answered, and some other things opened that concern it in the present circumstances / by a friend to that interest. rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. 18 p. printed at the society of stationers printing house ... for george mosman, edinburgh : 1690. "licensed aprile the 18th, 1690."-colophon. attributed by wing to gilbert rule. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterian church. presbyterianism -apologetic works. 2004-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true representation of presbyterian government wherein a short and clear account is given of the principles of them that owne it . the common objections against it answered , and some other things opened that concern it in the present circumstances . by a friend to that interest . edinburgh , printed at the society of stationers printing house in harts-close over against the trone church , for george mosman bookseller in the parliament-close , anno dom 1690. a true representation of presbyterian government . that any of the truths or ordinances of god should need an apology to be made for them , should be for a lamentation : for it proceedeth either from the ignorance or perverseness of men. the principles , and way of presbyterians , have undergone the common fate of other of the parts of that religion that christ hath taught : it is the sect every where spoken against ; and there hath been no small stir about that way : and this hath proceeded partly from the enmity against that curb of mens lusts , and enormities that is in ungodly men : and partly , from want of knowledge of that way , which even they may be under , whose studies and thoughts are imployed about things of another nature , and not about these matters , though they be otherwise knowing and thinking men : or from prejudice that their interest may fill them with , to the hiding of truth in this , from their eyes ; wherefore we think it our duty to endeavour the vindication of this our profession , ( with as much brevity and clearness as we can attain ) by first giving a plain account of what we hold . 2 dly , taking off the most material objections , and these that are most common , or reproaches that are used against us ; for we have to do not only with men otherwise sober and judicious , who differ from us : but with many whose temper , practices , and designs ; are not such as becometh the gospel . we desire as to approve our selves to our blessed lord and master jesus christ ; so to satisfy the minds of all inquirers after truth , but especially to stand right in the opinion of his majesty , our gracious soveraign , of his grace the kings high commissioner , and of the noble , and honourable estates of parliament ; who we hope , as nursing fathers to the church , will own us in those ways that the lord owneth us in . our principles we lay down in a few propositions . f●rst . we own christ the mediator , as the only head over , and lawgiver , to his church ; and we disown any visible governing head over the church , however pretending to act in subordination to him : because we know none that he hath given such commission to . 2 dly . christ as head of the church hath given forth laws , whereby the affairs of his house should be managed ; and hath not left any nomothetick power in the church to make laws for her self ( her work being to declare and execute the laws of christ ) and the laws of the magistrate are not to appoint new ordinances , or officers in the church ; though he ought to give his civil sanction to what christ hath appointed ; and may make laws about these things that are external to the church , that is , which are common to her with other societies . 3 dly . christ hath appointed officers in his house , and declared , how they should be qualified , and what should be their work : as in the beginning of the gospel , he was pleased to appoint several extraordinary and temporary officers , that were immediately called and extraordinarily gifted by himself , as apostles , prophets and evangelists , &c. the apostles by divine direction , did immediately choose some by themselves for itinerant work ( either from amongst the ordinary , or extraordinary officers of the church ) to exercise hic & nunc . their extraordinary power ; ( which officers we commonly call evangelists ) so we do not find that he appointed any ordinary and perpetual officers , except elders , ( called also bishops ) and deacons . phil 1 1. of these elders some were to rule the church , and also to teach her , heb 13 7. 17. others only to rule , 1 tim. 5. 17. which also was the practice of the first antiquity , and it s desuerude complained of by ambrose in the end of the fourth century : and there are few of the fathers in the first three centuries , but they mention sentores ecclesiae , that represented the people in the government of the church with the ministers . 4 ly how the officers of gods house should be qualified , is at length set down , 1 tim. 3. 2. under the name of bishops ( which was the name of all church rulers ) and deacons , and tit. 1. 6. 5 ly . their work is fully set down , both negatively , that they should not be intangled with worldly affairs , 2 tim. 2. where having mentioned ordination of ministers vers 2. he requireth them , vers 3 , and 4. as souldiers to endure hardness , and to be abstracted from worldly business , which is to be understood , as much as their necessity doth permit . also positively it is told us in general , that they are directed in this 1 tim. 3. 14 , 15 and particular directions are given about preaching , and that in all the parts of it , 2 tim. 4. 1 , 2. censures , 1 cor. 5 4. 5. 2 thess. 3. 14. ordination , 2 tim 2. 2. ii tim. 5. 22. 6 ly . in all these , ministers and elders have no lordly authority over the people , but must act as christs servants , and theirs , ( in order to their salvation ) 1 pet. 5. 3. 2 cor. 4. 5. yet they have real and proper ( though ministerial ) authority under christ. 7 ly . it is not only of divine authority natural ; that there be a government in the church ( anarchy and confusion in any society being contrary to the dictates of natural reason ) but the lord jesus hath positively revealed his will in this : he having expresly committed the keyes of the kingdom of heaven to his servants , and that for binding and loosing ; retaining , and remitting of sins : the authoratative inflicting of censures , whereby the man is declared to be free from guilt , and that his sin is pardoned so far as men can discern . 8 ly . what should be the species of this government is not left indifferent to men ( whether the magistrate or the church ) to chuse , but is determined by christ and revealed in the new testament : in that he hath appointed what officers should be in his house , how they should be chosen and authorized , viz. by election and ordination : what should be their qualifications and work : how they should manage their work , and rule the church in common : that the apostles committed the ordination of ministers to the presbytery , 1 tim 4. 14. and the censures of the church to a community , 1 cor , 5 2 cor. 2. and not to one person , even in their own time ; is an unanswerable argument for this ; their example being declarative of the mind of god , where no peculiar reason appeareth for their action . 9 ly . this government the lord hath not committed to magistrates , who have no power to ordain , nor deprive ministers , or elders ; nor to excommunicate , or to relax from that sentence : nor to administer , or manage any part of that work that is peculiar to the church , as it is a religious society ; nor to appoint how the church should be governed : but he hath committed it to the church guides . ministers and ruling elders ; for to them are all the directions about it given in the word , not to the magistrates ; they are to give an account of it . heb. 13 17. they did manage it for diverse hundreds of years , when there was no magistrate that did own , or countenance christianity : and there is no hint in scripture , nor principle of reason that can evince , that this power should devolve into the hands of the magistrate , when he should become christian ; neither are any directions given to the magistrate how he should administer any of the ordinances of christ. 10 ly . yet we own the civil magistrate as nursing father of the church and custos utriusque tabulae legis upon which account he is not only to provide 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the church , and to procure her peace and unity by all good means ( as repressing of heresie , schism , and other disorders , wherein he is to use a judgement of discretion ; and not blindly to execute the sentence of the church ) but also may require all the officers and members of the church to do what is their duty : and that he may ( when the case requireth ) convocat synods , and indict times of fasting and thanskgiving : though for these we assert an intrinsick power in the church ; to which that of the magistrate is not privative but cumulative : for we maintain a twofold kingdom of christ , one , as god over all men , in which the magistrate is his vicegerent ; another as mediator over the church as such , in which he hath deputed no magistratical , but only ministerial power : we hold also , that the persons and actions of church-men are subject to the civil magistrate , and that they may be punish'd when they transgress the laws . 11 ly . this ministerial governing power in the church , the lord hath not committed to all the members ; nor to all the males thereof : but hath made a manifest distinction between rulers and ruled , in the scriptures mentioned already . 12 ly . the lord hath equally intrusted all his servants the ministers , not only with the power of dispensing the word , and sacraments , but also with the power of governing the church : which by his appointment , and acoording to the practice of the first and best ages of the churches , ought to be , and was done in common by ministers acting in parity , and not by a single prelate set over the rest . this is accknowledged by most , and the most eminent of our prelatick brethren : and must be so by all of them who do not plead for a divine right of episcopacy . besides that , neither names , directions , or reproofs given to church guides in scripture , do import any such imparity of power , nor is their any footstep of the exercise of it in scripture ; to infer this disparity of power from that of the apostles , is most inconsequential : they being universal , extraordinary , unfixed , and temporary officers ; whom the lord immediatly called , and abrogated their office with their death ; in that he neither called others to succeed in that power , nor gave any hint that it should be done by the church . it is as if one should say the church was once governed monarchically by a visible head ( viz. while christ was on earth ) ergo , it should be so still : which no protestant will aver . the argument in timothy and titus is of the same kidney , they being extraordinary and unfixed officers , and so no precedent for after times . neither can any argument be drawn from the angels of the churches ; words not being often used properly in that mystical book ; and we know that theologia symbolica non est argumentativa . besides that the angel of thyatyra was certainly a community , being spoken to in the plural number . revel . 2. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 13 there being no disparity of power amongst ministers , by christs grant of power to them : no man can make this disparity by setting one over the rest : neither can they devolve their power on one of themselves . for christ hath given no such warrant to men to dispose of his ordinance as they see fit . and power being delegated to them by him , they cannot so commit it to another to exercise it for them , as to deprive themselves of it . also , it being not a license only , but a trust , of which they must give an account , they must perform the work by themselves , as they will be answerable . but we must contract , not being now disputing , but asserting what we shall be ready to defend as occasion shall be offered . 14 we assert presbyterial government to be so of divine right as we can make no composition with men about it ( though none shall be more condescending to them that are otherwise minded in what is consistant with truth and necessary duty then we . yet it is not alike so in all the parts of it . for some parts of it are of christs institution ; as the officers of the church the laws , and censures of it . and others of the dictates of natural reason ( which is also a beam of divine light ) as that there be a government and meeting , for managing of it ; that one preside in them , that lesser and greater parts of the church had their meetings , as congregational , classical , provincial , and national assemblies for government ; that there be a subordination and appeals amongst these . to require positive assertions of scripture warranting every one of these ( though there want not scripture examples and other hints to countenance severals of them ) is as unreasonable as if we should be called to bring a text to prove that we should come in to the publick assemblies cloathed and not naked : in an usual and not in an antiquat garb 15 whether the moderator , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of rulei●g church meetings should continue for one or more diets or for how long a time is not determined by any institution of christ , not by any general dictate of natural light : yet we judge a constant moderator , highly inconvenient , and by all means to be shuned : for it he be imposed on the meeting it is an encroachment on their intrinsick power of governing themselves in such things as are peculiar to them . and though chosen by themselves , fatal ; and constant examples together with the inclinanations of men to usurpation , do shew it to have so violent tendency to lordly prelacy , as rately doeth it fail or the bad effects , nor can be expected , not to issue in it . we maintain that no church judicature ought to cognosce of affairs of state nor of mens civil rights , or interests ; except their advice should be sought by the magistrat concerning sin or duty in any such matter : as if the thing be manifestly scandalous , and evidently dangerous to the interest of religion and the souls of men. neither do they inflict any punishment save spiritual censures . their work is to enquire into , and declare controverted truths ; to censure scandalous sinners : to try and ordain ministers : to absolve the penitent , by applying the comforts of the gospel to them and such like : wherefore there is no ground of fear that they should clash , or cope with the magistrate , unless they go beyond their line ; in which case they fall under the magistrats coercive power . 16 the way how men come into any office or power in the church , is by election of the people , which designeth the person ( in which election as in other things they are to be under the conduct and regulation of the church guides ) and ordination by laying on of the hands of the presbytery , which is the meane of communicating authority to him : and the former of these ought to preceed the latter : for we find no warrand for a ministerium vagum in the church , seeing even in times of great trouble and persecution we read of none ordained by the apostles , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the suffrages of the people . 17 though superintendency , that is a power of inspection delegated from the church to one , used in case of necessity when a qualified minister could hardly be had in a province : he might for a time be appointed to oversee them who could do little more then read the word publickly , that is no warrant for bringing qualified ministers under that subjection in a constituted church , where there are ( through the mercy of god ) competent number of ministers . if our principle be rightly understood , we confidently hope they will sugest grounds of answer for most of the objections made against us , to the minds of the intelligent and unbyassed : yet we shall endeavour to afford some farther light this way also . 1 it is objected ( or rather we are reproached with ) by some , that presbyterial church government is inconsistant with civil government . answ. 1. a simple denial is enough to stop the mouth of such bold asserters : neither hath the world yet seen any topick ( except calumnies ) whereby this could be pretended to be proved . 2 experience proveth the contrary , civil government is advantageously managed in several of the most eminent of the reformed churches , with that discipline of christs house that we plead for . and our own land is a confounding instance that might stop the mouth of impundence it self ; wherein presbytery commenced with the reformation from popery , and continued with much peace , till an bitious men by labouring to unsettle it , did disturb , and at last overturn the state. 3. we have already shewed how we give to caesar that which is caesar's , and to god that which is gods ; neither can our adversaries make any power appear to be due to the magistrate , but what we allow him : indeed errastians do require for the magistrate some power that the presbyterians cannot approve of : but this is not peculiar to us , but common to all that assert a government in the church distinct from that of the state : which is the principle of papists , prelatists ( that are only such ) and independents , as well as it is ours . 4 our obedience to magistrates in all their lawful commands , and our peaceful sufferings of unjust violence are no●●our to all that can behold us with an unprejudiced eye . and if instances can be given to the contrary , the disloyalty of some is not to be impured to all ( for what party of men hath not afforded such instances ) and where the peace was broken by men of our way ( which were but a few ) it was the fruit of such insupportable severities and hardships , as even they could not have born who blame others for that practise : as late instances do make manifest . 2 it is next objected that presbytery and monarchy are inconsistant , no bishop , no king ; at least it is not so adapted to monarchy as pre ▪ lacy is ; and the government of the church should be so moulded as it may best sure that of the state. answ. 1 the falshood of the assertion , and maxim , is evident from what hath been said : presbytery and monarchy have well consisted in our own land , and in france 2 none maintaine more loyal principles towards kings then presbyterians do , who think themselves oblidged to feare god and honour the king : and were alwayes ready to obey him in the lord. 't is true they cannot give him unlimited obedience : but this is not as they are presbyterians , but as they are men of conscience , and will obey god rather than man , which i hope the objecters will not say is peculiar to presbyterians , if they do , and plead for the publick conscience ( as some of them have done ) to the laying aside the use of particular consciences in the actions that are moral , ( which is to introduce practical atheism ) they do not hurt our cause but their own . 3. our practice hath also been loyal in abhoring the murder of king charles the first , and in contributing the most effectual endeavours to restore his son : and in owning and submitting to a king of a contrary religion , so long as our religion and liberties were in any tolerable safety ; or the laws that were the measure of our obedience were any way regarded ; and what was then done , was not by us alone , 4 it is boldly alledged but not proved , that the church government should be fram'd according to that of the state , for that may be various , but this is one : and was so under the old testament , though the civil government varied . 3 't is said that presbyterians encroach on the authority of the magistrate , by medling with state affairs . answer . 1 our principle in this is already declared . and whatever instances of former times , this allegation may seem to be built on had their rise from statesmen taking the advice of church men in their assemblies : who sometimes gave advice contrary to the inclination of the leading men of the state : and if their zeal for a good interest led them at any time to press their advice with reasons and threatnings from the word of god : and if some excess did happen this way , the blame lay on them who gave the first rise to it . besides this when the actings of rulers have a manifest and direct tendency to lead people into sinful courses , ( such as imposing of unlawful oaths , and engaging people in a false religion ) who could be silent without unfaithfulness to god , and cruelty both to to the souls of rulers and people ? another answer may be , by retorting this argument on the prelatick clergy : do not bishops fit in the counsels , and interpose directly and formally in affairs of state , which presbyterians never pretended to . 4 the rigidity of presbyterians is objected . answ. 1 can any man have the brow to compare the rigidity of presbyterians , with that of either papists or prelatists , either in bearing with no dissent from their way , even in the least matters , and which themselves count indifferent , or in the bloody and cruel way of persecuting such as dissent ; by massacres , inquisitions , horrid tortures , imprisonment , fining , and strange severities : is there any thing that can be alledg'd against presbyterians that can be once compared with the persecutions that many in the west of scotland , and elsewhere , have lately endured ? yea independents cannot compare with the moderation of presbyterians ; for they ( most of them ) will not communicate with any but of their own way ; and so with none but those of their own congregation ; which is far from our way . as for anabaptists and quakers , they own none for members of the church but men of their own stamp : so that it may be on good ground said . that presbyterians are the most moderate of any party that pretend to religion . 2. that which men call rigidity in presbyterians is mostly against men's immoralities , that are unquestionable such : if other men be gentle to these , it may recommend them to wicked men's good liking , but will not render them acceptable to god : this strictness of discipline against scandalous sins , is injoined in scripture , and we go not beyond the bounds there set ; we rebuke such before all ; we do not punish them in their bodies or purses ; and our strictness falleth very far short of that of the primitive times ; as every one who hath read any thing of the history of the ancient church knoweth , both their catechumeni were detained from church priviledges ; and their penitents put to long and hard pennance , at another rate then any thing that we do . 3. wherein lyeth the regidity of our discipline ? do not our ministers deale with them who fall into scandalous sins , with all meekness and tenderness , admonishing them , laying before them the evil and danger of their way , the necessity of repentance , the hope of mercy through christ that there is to the penitent . it is our way , even where the sinner is most obstinate and rejecteth all advice , to wait for many weeks , before we proceed to excommunication , that , that dreadful sentence , if possible , may be prevented . we give publick admonition three several lords dayes , and sometimes oftner : we poure out prayers to god , not only in secret , but with the congregation as long ; that the sinner may be turned from his evil way : and after all this we use to wait patiently for the mans repentance : if he appear penitent , the sentence doth not pass against him ; and after sentence is past upon the hardned sinner , if afterward he shew any signs of repentance , how readily is he received into the church again , and we chearefully confirme our love to him and where church censures are used , it is not for worldly matters ( not paying church dues , as is the practice of some others ) not for small offences , but for gross and scandalous sins , 4. for their severity toward such as differ from them in principles , they think it their duty not to bear them that are evil , and to try them that say they are apostles , and are not ; they have a zeal against errour , disorders and usurpations in the church , and cannot understand how they who do not own presbyterial government , should be the managers of it : yet can use that moderation ( and resolve to do so when opportunity shall be put in their hand ) as not to deny church communion to any sober and religious person , though of a contrary sentiment to them , in these inferior points of truth . 5 ly . another objection , is from the indiscretion of the present ministers of this way : their want of that learning , prudence , and other good parts that may fit them to manage so great a trust , as is the government of the church . answ. we know these are the diminutive thoughts that our adversaries have of us : and we have not such high thoughts of our selves , as to magnifie our selves : we have cause to be humbled , ( as we hope we are , in some measure ) for our imperfections , both in gifts , and grace : yet we may , and must ( being thus put to it ) say , that there want not men amongst us , who fall not short in ministerial qualifications , of them who have lately had the rule of the church ; and for the generality of us , it is the opinion of the world , and of unbyassed men ; ( yea even of some , that are not of our way ) that these of the other party have no cause in their glorying over us in this . 2 church government doth not require any great degree of politick accomplishment : a plain man who understandeth the laws of christ , and the scripture directions concerning censures , is fitter to govern the church , than a great statesman is . 3. any indiscretion that of late years hath appeared in our conduct , may and should be imputed to our want of liberty to govern the church : every one ( among ministers and people ) did what was right in his own eyes , and we do not deny , but there are some indiscreet persons among us , as there are in all parties : and even wise men in our circumstances , could not shon some acts that might seem indiscreet , either to adversaries , or to less considering persons . 6 ly . the divisions of presbyterians are objected . answ. 1. where are these not to be found ; neirher bishop , nor pope have been able to keep them out of the church ; or from among their own party . 2 our divisions we do not deny , or approve ; we are men of like passions with others ; we labour to shun divisions as much as is possible , and through grace have come to more unity than they who reproach us with our divisions . 3. the divisions that were among us , as we deny not that our mistakes and corruptions had a hand in them , so we knew that enemies were active to promote and heighten them : which though it excuse not us a toto , yet it doth a tanto , and put our enemies in mala fide to reproach us with them . 4. the unity that the prolatick party made in the church , was like that of a conquering tyrant , who beholdeth all that oppose him , slain before him ; there was peace to the king and haman , when there was none to the people of god ; the unity of some , is a combination in errour , and the result of a conquest over mens consciences , that now dare not mutter against the 〈◊〉 of their imposing task-matters : we think contending about truth , more desirable than such peace : it is known that our church enjoyed such unity for many years after the reformation , as was celebrated by churches abroad , as is evident from the preface to corpus confessionum till ambitious men began to trouble her with their innovations , and usurpations , and so were the cause of division . 7. many object that if presbyterians get power , they will force all to make public , repentance who have owned bishops , taken the test , or other oaths that they dislike . ans. our principle is that , that publick scandals ought to be publickly rebuked ; yet there are cases in which the strickness of discipline in this matter , may and must be relaxed : i shall name two . 1. when the matter of offence is controverted , and the sinful practice is from the mis-information of the conscience : where the matter is not of the highest moment , and the person appeareth conscientiously to follow his light , church discipline may then be forborn . 2. when the fault is universal , either the whole , or the greater part , or a great part of the church is guilty : the rigour of censure ( that otherwise might be due ) is to be abated , even the primitive church , though very severe in discipline used a great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this case : when many , or most had fallen in persecution ; though the crime was of the highest nature , even denying the faith a general humiliation of the whole church may be in stead of particular application of censures ; i hope there is no cause of fear from men of such moderate principles . if in this , or any thing else , we have been chargeable with excess , ( as who can clear himself of all blame ) i hope our riper thoughts . studies , and sufferings , ( by the blessing of god on them ) hath taught us , and will engage us to let our moderation be known to all men ; considering that the lord is at hand : and though we have been severely beaten by our fellow servants ; yet we will stand in awe , and be loath that the lord , when he cometh , should find us so doing to them . 8 ly some object . that in this way , ministers may domineer over people , even the greatest men , at their pleasure . answ. beside that they must walk by the rule set down in the word ; and if they exceed that bounds , they may be curbed by superior judicatories : or if their insolence amount to the disturbing of the peace , the magistrate may restrain them : we say , beside this , the ministers do nothing alone , but with the peoples representatives , the elders , who may be of the nobles , or any other rank , as they are qualified for that work , and chosen to it by the church . some other objections are tossed among men that talk of these things , which do not so much concern presbyterial government in general , as some parts of it , or things about it , that are now in agitation . the 9 th . objection then , may be framed against the taking away the election of ministers by patrons , viz. that if that be done , men of note , and interest in parishes may be over-ruled by the multitude ( which often is ignorant , and heady ) and have ministers imposed on them . answ 1 that patronages are an intolerable grievance , and yoak of bondage on the church , and have alwayes been the cause of pestering the church with a bad ministry ; and a temptation to intrants please the patron ( farther than to his edification ) rather than to please god : beside the simoniacal buying and selling of gospel ordinances , that frequently , and in all times have attended this device of men : but ( which is worst of all ) that it is a direct crossing christ's institution , and a robing his people of the priviledge he hath bequeathed to them : these things , i say , are fully proved elsewhere . and therefore if it be supposed that the incovenience mentioned should follow from taking away of patronages , yet it will not ( i hope ) move them who regard christ's institutions ; or the good of his church , the salvation , and edification of souls , to be for their continuance . 2 the same inconvenience was apt to follow on popular election in other ages of the church ; and yet in the apostles times , and in the first and best ages , till the seventh or eight century , or later , patronages were not settled in the church ; they came in among the latest antichristian corruptions and usurpations ; the primi●ive christians were not so tender of their grandeur , and such priviledges as their rank in the world gave them , nor so little tender 〈◊〉 the liberties of the church , and the interest of christians , as such and if any such pretensions appeared to be owned by the grand●●● of these times , they met with a severe check , and that in lesser matters than acclaiming a power of choosing ministers for the whole church● as appeareth by the apostles reproving the distinction even in 〈◊〉 seats in their assemblies , that was made between the man with the gold ring and gay cloathing ; and the man in vile raiment : we are content to allow great men all due respect , but not to complement them with what is christs legacy to his people . and therefore we hope that they who are willing to subject themselves to the laws of christ , will be content to stand on equal ground ( tho we be far from aiming at the leveling principle in other things ) with their poor brethren in the church , with respect to church priviledges , which belong not to men as poor or rich , as great or small ; but as they are christs disciples . 3. it is carefully to be observed that the election of a minister is not to be left to the management of the confused rabble ( tho' the meanest adult male member of the church hath a right to assent or dissent ) but it is to be ordered by the eldership and that under the inspection of the presbytery ( and by the presbytery where no congregational elderships is ) in the number of which elders it is to be supposed , that he●etors and men of interest in the paroch will be , if they be tolerably qualifyed for , and will undertake , such an office , and then they have a special hand in the election , and cannot complain of being imposed upon : and the eldership is to exclude from having an hand in the election , them that are scandalous grosly ignorant , heady and scismatick , or any way disorderly . and if divisions fall in , the elders are judges of the difference between the two parties ; and are to consider the reasons on both hands ; and to ponder and weigh , as well as to number the votes . they ought also to exclude from voting in such elections all such as are not fixed members of the congregation . and to lay more weight on the suffrages of them that are more fixed , and less on them that are otherwise ; caeteris paribus . for though christianity maketh one a member of the church catholick , yet a fixed abode is needful to make one a member of , and to give a share in the priviledges of that particular flock . but how to limit this fixation is not easie : for though some be manifestly unfixed as servants ; and others are manifestly fixed , as ancient inhabitants who are like to continue long in that place ; yet there may be a midle sort who cannot be determined by general rules , but it must be left to the prudence of the church to judge in this . if these things be duely considered . great men need not fear having a minister obtruded on them ; especially if we add that men of interrest usually are able to influence those that live under them , or that do depend upon them . 4. in the times wherein patronages were taken away by law men of interest and respect found no cause to complaine of being ●●●●osed upon , but the church laid down such directions ( as may b● 〈◊〉 in the acts of the general assembly august . 4. 1649. sess 4● and the constant practice of the church was to give such deference to ●●em as they were generally satisfyed with the elections : and they may still be perswaded that it will be the care of elderships and presbytries to do nothing that they can justly complaine of . besides that it may be presumed that no minister , who regardeth his being useful , or his own peace and comfort , will enter into a place with the dislike of any considerable part of the people , either for number or quality . if it be objected that there were great divisions and tumults about elections , in and about the year . 1650. answer . 1. so there were in the primitive church , which the advocats for patronages use as an argument against our opinion , and yet that church did not think of such a remedy as puting the election in the hand of one single person , nor of taking it from the people . 2. at the time mentioned there was a lamentable schism in the church about other matters ; and therefore it was no wonder it appeared in this matter also , people were for choosing ministers that were of the same sentiment with them about the things then in controversie , and this schism was industriously kept up and promoted by the rulers that then had enslaved this nation by force of armes , and made use of our factions to wreath their yoake on our necks . it is a wide consequence to infer from this , that the priviledge of choosing their own pastors should alwise be taken from the people of god. 3. when divisions appear in this matter , the controversie is to be decided by the session . or presbytery , synod , or general assemblies ; and if it amount to the breach of the peace , the magistrate is to interpose his authority : these are the proper remedies of such divisions and not to deprive both parties of that which is their right and christs grant to them , because they cannot agree about it : it were a strange way of composing civil contendings about meum and tuum , if that which they con end about should be taken from both , and given to a third person ; the better way is , the judge competent is to decide in favour of him who is found to have the best right ( if arbitrators cannot compremise the matter ) so it is here . another objection ( the 10 ) is concerning a question that ariseth from the present circumstances of this church , under which it is judged necessary that the goverement of the church should be in its first setlement in the hands only of them who are known to be truely presbyterian . before we consider what is objected against this , it may be nedful to lay down the case and the grounds of the necessity of what we desire , resulting from it . it is then to be considered that the church of scotland hath almost ever been presbyterian : it received that government with christianity and retained it while the antichristian doctrine and government prevailed in other parts ; as hath been of late made appear . and after it had been overrun by popery , it was reformed by presbyters and that government as it is founded on scripture , so it hath continued in this church ever since the reformation , save that it had some short interruption which did alwayes breed disquiet in the minds of people , and troubles in the nation , and sufferings to some of the most sober and best of the ministers and people : and when in the yeare 1662 that government was suppressed ▪ and prelacy set up by an act of parliament , this deed was never consented to by the national church , but presbytery as it had been settled by the authority of the church and state , so continued , and doeth continue settled by the authority of the church : whence it may rationally be deduced , that the ministers that entred by and under prelacy , neither had nor have any right to be rulers in the presbyterian church ; they having had no call nor authority given them from her ( whatever they might have in another church that the state set up in the nation beside the church that then was in being , from which a great body of ministers and people did dissent , which authority they were never suffered to exercise even in their own church ) it is also to be considered that on this happy revolution the king and parliament have been pleased to abolish prelacy : and have declared their resolution by their authority to settle presbyterian government . from this it followeth that the prelatick clergy should not be admitted to a share in this government : except such of them as shall by the presbyterian church be found qualified for the ministry , and such from whom there is no hazard of overturning that government that now is intended to be established : for they being more in number than the presbyterians , is it to be imagined that presbyterian government can be safe in their hands , or that they will not erect a prelacy in the church , or something instead of it , or some way that is inconsistant with presbytery in its purity ? and there being many among them known to be insufficient , scandalous , or erroneous , it is not possible that the church can be purged of such , if they have the government , but rather there is an hazard that the best men should be cast out , and that by church authority , least they should stand in the way of their designs . wherefore as they have no just right to such power , so necessity ( which quicquid coegit , defendit ) doth barr their exercise of such power in the present juncture . mean while presbyterians do declare , that they do not desire that all these men should be restrained from the parochial exercise of their ministry . and that who ever among them ( as soon as the church can be in case to purge her self ) is not proved to be insufficient , scandalous , erroneous , or extremely negligent , shall be cordially received into her society , and have the full exercise of their ministry , and that where uncontroverted scandals cannot be charged on them , none shall be dealt with as scandalous , because of their having had a hand in this late publick defection . these things thus laid down , let us hear what is objected against this course . 1 st . this is to set up prelacy among ministers , even while it is so much decry'd , that a few should have rule of the churches and the rest excluded . answ. it is no prelacy , but a making distinction between ministers of one society , and th●se of another : though they be ministers , they are not ministers of the presbyterian church , they have departed from it ; we have continued in the good old way that they and we professed : it is not then unreasonable , that if they will return to that society , they should be admitted by it , and not be imposed on it , to overturn it . at the reformation from popery , was it a prelacy in the few protestant ministers , that they were not willing to let the popish priests govern the church ? or did nehemiah and the iews pretend to any power over tobiah , sanbaliat and their party , that they would not suffer them to build with them ? pardon these comparisons , they are not intended to parallel our brethen with either of these sorts of men , except in this , that they are not of the presbyterian church , more than those others were of the protestant , or iewish church ; and that there is hazard from them to our way , as well as there was from the other to their wayes . obj. 2. by this means the lesser party in the church of scotland shall exclude the greater from the government . ans this is not absurd , where the greater party have left the church they were of ; and the lesser hath abode in it , or rather , are left as the constituent members of it : and when that greater party hath set up another frame of a church , which they are now forced to part with , when they would return to the former way , they cannot incorporate again with them who abode in it , without their consent ; especially where this consent is ready to be given on any tolerable security for the way that the lesser party doth o●●e , and the other departed from . obj. 3. what warrant is there for leaving to these men the parochial exercise of their ministry , and to deprive them of the other part of if : seeing the exercise of the ministry in teaching and ruling is quid indivisum . answ. there are two reasons for this ; one is the necessity of the church , which for such a critical interim as our lot is fallen into , may warrant that , which out of such an exigence , and for a constant continuance in the church were unwarrantable : it is necessary on the one hand , that the parishes be not deprived of their labours , l●st a great part of the country should be destitute of all gospel ordinances : it is as necessary on the other hand , that they have not ruling power in the church with the p●esbyterians , left that government which christ hath instituted , and which is now designed to be settled , be over-turned : and we know , that many things may be done in turbato statu ecclesiae ( such as we now are in ) which ought not to be allowed in paccato ecclesiae statu . another reason is , we do neither deny their teaching , nor their ruling power : yet teaching being common to the one church way with the other , we may well allow to them the exercise of that among us , while ruling being different in their way and ours , and the principle that they hold in it being eversive of our way , it is rational to deny them a share among us . not to insist on farther objections , whatever inconveniences may seem to follow on this conduct , may be answered by the force of necessity already held forth , and objected by the speedy settling the church upon its right basis. finis . licensed , aprile , the 18. 1690. the censors censured, in a brief discourse to which is adjoyned the authors letter to an anti-episcopal minister concerning the government of the church : written in the year 1651, but not printed till now. edmonds, hugh. 1661 approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37900 wing e178a estc r36147 15612637 ocm 15612637 104118 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37900) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104118) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1590:40) the censors censured, in a brief discourse to which is adjoyned the authors letter to an anti-episcopal minister concerning the government of the church : written in the year 1651, but not printed till now. edmonds, hugh. [6], 14 p. printed for phil. stephens ..., london : 1661. "to the reader" signed: hugh edmonds. reproduction of original in the sion college library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. church of england -apologetic works. episcopacy. presbyterianism -controversial literature. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the censors censvred , in a brief discourse : to which is adjoyned the authors letter to an anti-episcopal minister concerning the government of the church . written in the year 1651. but not printed till now . london : printed for phil. stephensat the kings armes over against middle temple gate in fleetstreet , 1661. to the reader , courteous reader , although the many books which have been already printed in defence of episcopacy , may seem not only to forestal the credit , but to evacuate the use of future impressions , about the same subject ; yet considering the messe of confederate brethren , who are sworn to oppose it , which ( being an oglio of all sects ) is of far greater dimension then the defendant party . i presumed it would not amount to the reckoning of a vanity to enter with my unkeen weapon into the same field : which ( though unworthy to be mustered with those forces of wit , that fight for victory ) may serve ( like the attendants of an army ) to face the enemy . it is the fate of truth for its naked simplicity to be as little known , as trusted , with earthly inhabitants : whereas errour , clothed with glosing variety , finds not only acceptation , but maintenance in the hearts of most . what gangrenes of heresies , and fretting sores of schismatical opinions have infested the body of our national church ? since bishops ( the ministerial preservers thereof in soundnesse of doctrine ) were first divorced from their office , as the history of former ages can yield no examples to parallel , so ( being by satans subtilty heightned to an exquisite degree of wickednesse ) the possible corruption of succeeding times , will want invention to excel . such was the sudden growth of greedy innovations in the black art of enmity , against their ancient guides , that experience hath proved them to be a true exception to the philosophers saying , nemo repente fit turpissimus . and if their master , who raised them to the pinacle of preferment , had not thrown them down headlong by a timely temptation , they would have all turned conceited monarchs , and not lookt over , but for the kingdomes of the earth . it will be as much shame hereafter to report , as it is now grief to remember the fiery generation of those meteors o● men , which ( rising by the fall of our great stars ) have vapoured from the regions both of pulpit and presse , into the houses of the honourable , and musty cottages of the basest people , deluding them into such a lamentable deviation from their right principles , that the greatest part of them ( like benighted drunkards ) are not yet able to finde the way home . the consideration whereof doth offer us so much occasion , to pity the dangerous estate of their diseased souls , that i could wish no better successe to attend this work , then that , by detecting the malignant distemper of their faults , it may become a direction for their recovery . but knowing that habituated crimes will not readily yield to a seperation from the subjects that possesse them , and that custome in sin , ( holding reason in bondage to the dominion of sense ) doth seldome nauseate the sinner to a detestation thereof . i am disposed to doubt , that the event will be unanswerable to the scope of my desire . however the chiefest part of this book being written in time of persecution , when tyranny had stated the tribes of all honest men in a fitter capacity of receiving wrongs then giving reasons , i shall not now disown the exposing thereof to publick view , though it happen to make a fermentation of humours in the cholerick stomacks of our english pharisees . for being set forth with the same intention wherewith it was first penned , more to declare my willingnesse to approve , then ability of mind to defend the right of episcopal government . it may not be coujectured to be composed with confidence to confute those that deny , but out of love to confirm them who believe the same . to thee therefore , gentle reader , whosoever thou art of this number , do i principally dedicate this my labour , wherein if thou apprehend nothing deserving thy condemnation , but the truth of my affection to the welfare of the church , it will be applause enough to satisfie the expectation of thy well-wishing friend , hugh edmonds . the censors censured . as in natural , so in bodies politique , there are no distempers more smartly afflicting , than those which invade the most noble parts , and amongst the many causes , which work a solution of unity , in a civill constitution of government , the corrupt humours of a brain-sick clergy are the most intrinsecal . the truth whereof , though we have by the sad experiences of our own past miseries been better taught to bewail , than dispute ; yet being farther instructed by the present discovery of their propagated mischiefs ( notwithstanding the bountiful rayes of mercy diffused amongst them from our englands sun ) we cannot but account it a pitifull folly to commiserate them , who think it a virtue to be cruel to themselves ; for they , whom neither the sense of their own sin , nor apprehension of the kings pardon can reform , must needs be not onely the charity , which submitteth to the worst of governours , and it may be justly feared , that no true concordance will inhabit the centre , whilest such heteroclites are left to lurk in the circumference of the church , who will rather professe themselves st. peters animals by standing out in their own conceit , than st. pauls souls in stooping to the authority of their lawful superiours , neither can they be well thought fit trustees for the securitie of the gospels treasure , who having once shipwrackt their allegiance to the king , are still bankrupt of faith and honesty . those are the old stocks , whereupon satan hath graffed the variety of sects , which hath been the shame , and is yet the grief of englands church , whose first non conformity to canonical orders , hath been the very originals , whereunto the many copies of obstinate fanaticks , that are now extant , have their true reference , who following the tracts of st. judes murmurers , in admiration of some mens persons for advantage sake , do dissociate themselves from the community of saints , not only in opinion , but practise , than which nothing can be more destructive to the concord and peaceable unanimity of spiritual congregations ; for as in physical compositu●s , a violent disunion of integrable parts breeds a more dangerous shisme in the body , than a humerous distemper ; so in ecclesiastical corporations , an actual seperation from the catholick fellowship of beleevers in gods service is a greater pandor to confusion , than the scandal of a speculative distraction . it is time therefore for our seminary presbyters , who have been the protoplastiques of a rebellious generation , both in church and state , to make a confession of their past faults , as well as their present faith to the king. they are now sufficiently read in the book of their own consciences to know , nemo periculosius peccat , quam qui peccata defendit , to apologize for sin is more damnable , than to act it , and not to retract inexcusable errours , doth as much unqualifie a delinquent for mercy , as the perpetration thereof can adapt him to justice . repentance , though it may be too soon ended , can never bee too late begun ; he , that lives like st. lukes judge on the bench , neither fearing god , nor regarding man , may have the grace to die like the jewes theef on the crosse , with profession of both ; for that power which expresly denyeth forgivenesse to one sin onely , doth implicitely conceede a possibility of pardon to all others . on this consideration it would be worth their paines to translate their petition for presbytery into a suit for indempnity , and publickly to acknowledge his majesties declaration which is the proof of his grace , to be an argument of their guilt , who ( like cunning fencers , that aim at the legs , when they intend to veny the pate ) under a reformative pretence of destroying those revenous beasts , which worry the people , begg'd leave of their master to hunt the kingdome , which being granted , they took liber●y of themselves to make him their chief game : for it is well known from dan to beersheba , that the credit of their false doctrine was the very leaven wherewith the people were first moulded into a sowre lump of armed malice against their sovereigne . and i may truly say , it was the unlucky boutefen , which not only yielded smoak to smother all treaties into a nullity of successe , but that gave light also to clear the way for more active instruments then themselves to take off the head of our eternally renowned saint charles , together with the government from his soulders ; for although they entred not the stage with those miscreants that personated pilate in the fifth act ; yet because they appeared with others who playd the parts of annas and caiphas , in the first scene of the tragedy , we may justly christen them the grandfathers in law of that bloudy fact , which being unmatchable in humane stories , may be in some sort compared to the crafty complement of the cruel wolfe in the fable , who told the sheep , da mihi potum , & ego mihi dabo cibum , meaning to eat him up for his courtesie . a fact , which as former ages have not been so learnedly wicked to invent , so i hope the future will be more honestly wise than to imitate ; a fact , which may schoole our kings of england into a use of the italians prayer , to be delivered from their friends whom they trust , as well as from their enemies whom they fear , and inform the people with the spaniards soul , rather to sheath their swords in one anothers bowels upon private quarrels , than to draw them against their sovereign in open war. but , if the recognition of such an execrable murder be not caution enough for subjects to restrain them from rebellion , let the memorable example of the amalekites punishment be their exhortation to obedience , 2 sam. 1. 13 , 14. who ( though a stranger to sauls kingdome , and by them requested to conclude his pain with the inference of death ) was by davids command for touching the lords anointed , instantly condemned to loose his life . if kings lives then are so precious in gods account , that they may not be touched in the heat of proclaimd hostility , what a cursed sin must that be , which justifieth those who take them away in cold bloud ? by these animadversions i hope the whole host of spirituall officers , who have fought against the regiment of the church , will be victoriously fens'd into a unanimous iudgement , that it is far better for them to have the apostles doctrine in their hearts , then the scots discipline in their hands , to be content with that estate wherein they have been , then to covet that wherein they ought not to be , to submit to the king in causes ecclesiastical , rather then by calling his power in question , to abuse their own authority in the gospel , to give caesar his , will be no substraction from their due , had not our saviour paid for himself and peter , it might be doubted , whether the clerks of this age ( like the old egyptian priests ) would not plead their estates untributary , as well as their offices unsubj●ct to the king. with what tenure of spiritual power they are invested jure divino , none but those laicks whom the popes mandate hath screen'd from the sun-shine of gods word , can be ignorant . the officious acts of jehoiada to jehoash , and nathan to david , are not only presidents to warrant the right , but boundaries to limit the extent of their claim ; they must instruct kings as the one , and may reprove them as the other did , which was not executed by an excommunicative scourge to make david do pennance for his offence , but with the monition of a meek spirit , to give him a penitent sense thereof ; for as the act of reproof argued the king to be gods subject : so the mode of reproving maintain'd him to be the proph●ts sovereign . and thus i believe azariah withstood vzziah by no other force , save that of the tongue , whose aim was to strike at the fact , not the person of the king , to induce him into a consciousnesse of his fault , not to require his submission to punishment , which , because immediately inflicted of god ▪ supposeth him priviledg'd not to receive it from man : so that rebus sic stantibus , our ministerial guides have little reason , and lesse grace to pride themselves in their ghostly authority of reb●●ing kings , such verbal reprehensions being no more then religious servants ( not adventuring beyond the sphear of their calling ) may lawfully practise towards their ungodly masters ; for as it is the resolve of divines , that in case of neccessity quil●bet christianus est sacerdos , so it is not only the liberty , but the duty of every one in gods case boldly to reprove an offending brother , as i think my self bound to tell the associated brethren , that they have highly wronged the majesty of god & the king , both by their orall and manual prolusions to introduce a new fangled government in the church , & that it will be more safe for them to observe the duty of looking into their own , then the false commission of overseeing their superiours actions , the performance whereof might happily make that saying ex culpa sacerdotum ruina populi , to be as well known to themselves , as felt by others , and convert the hypocrisie , which some do , into the sincerity of obedience , which all should professe ; for though none of them be puritanized into donatisme , but can protest it their necessary obligation to reverence the kings person , yet most are so far sublimated from the drosse of superstition , that they cannot without defiling their consciences vaile to the train of his ceremonious titles , they can easily concoct supream governours , dryly swallowed , but with the sawce of ecclesiastical causes it quite nauseates their stomacks , and the name of head is more offensive to their palates , then perfumes are to the nostrils of those that are grieved with an histerical passion ; a monstrous straw for such mighty men to stumble at , which may be put in the same ballance with that of their schismatical predecessours in the conference at hampton court , who were scandalized with the word absolution in the liturgy , but well content with the term remission of sins . what difference there is betwixt supream governour and head in a notional acception , is more fit for grammatical criticks , then politick christians to inquire , as they are complicated in one subject , and determined to a constant onenesse both of action and end , they must by the rules of honesty as well as art , be construed synonymous , and in a promiscuous manner adjudged to contract their literal variety into an identity of sense . indeed we cannot deny but the title of supream head was first given to king henry the eight by the pope , who being by his own institution in the world ( as the soul is in the body by gods creation ) totus in toto , and not onely singulis , but universis major , cannot be supposed to part with a piece of himself but for his own ends ; yet we conceive it no trespasse against any canon , either of scripture or reason , to convert that to a good use , which was first bestowed to an ill purpose , but for presbyters to take that away for the better esteem of their own authority , which was given by the pope , to disgrace the kings jurisdiction in the church , is no lesse unreasonable to devise , then irreligious to practise . that great bulwark of objection , ( christ is the sole head of the church , ergo no other can have the title ) which hath been presumed too strong for an army of schoolmen to beat down , must necessarily yield upon terms to our side . for although as the church is internally considered in respect of the kingdome of grace , and our saviour christ as lord thereof , by right of redemption , ruling the hearts of the faithful by his spirit , there is no subjection allowable , nor headship to be attributed but to him only ; yet as he is king by right of creation , loving an imperial sovereignty over all his creatures , and the church in a militant condition , which ( by reason of an inseperable commixture of good and bad , and common relation of the inward and outward man ) doth necessarily require an external policy to maintain a uniformity and order in the worship of god , so he hath ordained his vicegerent on earth to whom both clergy and laity must be subject . and in this qualification of sense kings may be truly stiled supream heads in causes ecclesiastical , within their dominions ; thus samuel called saul the head of the tribes of israel , 1 sam. 15. 17. which in eodem signo rationis doth imply all persons , as well ecclesiastical as civil in that commonwealth , to be his subordinate members . and that the priests were subject in their very offices to the supreame power of their magistrates , 2 chron. 8. solomons acts in ordering their courses , and appointing the levites to their charges , ( who in manifestation of their duty are said not to depart from the commandement of the king ) do sufficiently evidence , whose authority likewise to punish sins of the first table , that refer to religion as well as those of the second , which belong to humane society . gods own prescript laws to moses , deut. 13. deut. 17. levit. 17. are the authentique seals to confirm , whereunto we may annex that fact of our saviour christ himself , chastising the jewish pedlers , by vertue of his divine royalty , for profanation of the temple , as an exemplary proof beyond all exception . having pickt out the pith of their divinity in the former objection , there resteth one hard argument more a break , wherein lies the marrow of their logick , if the power , say they , in ecclesiastical matters be proper to the supream magistrate as a magistrate , then it should belong to all magistrates , and consequently to the heathen : the definition of a magistrate being one in christian and heathen princes ; but this would be both sinful and ridiculous to assert , ergo that cannot lawfully be maintained . truly this is a witty sophisme , which deserves the reply of an ingenious respondent in the philosophers school , salse profecto , sed falso quidem . i presume the same learning which qualified them to oppose others , may enable them to answer themselves in this point ; for if their consequence be good , baals priests had as much right to the service of the temple , as the levitical clergy-men , neither can our protestant ministers have a better title to the dispensation of christs ordinances , then the officers of the romish church do now claim . therefore if they will honestly defend their own as we do the kings authority in the church , they must acknowledge their argument to be contrary to the principles of art , as their opinion is to the precepts of religion ; for when a restrictive term is adjoyned to an equivocal subject ( as magistrate is ) to argue from an indefinite to a universall , is an illegal consequence , the reason is , because what is attributed by such a note of limitation , is not an absolute but a comparate propriety , which doth convenire subjecto mediante alio , as the power of the king in c●uses eccl●siastical is not proper to him , simply secundum naturam , but relatively as he is a true christian magistrate ; according to which univocation , if their argument had been formed , the consequence would be logically true . but as we do appropriate this power onely to kings truly christian , so i must acquaint them that the heathen subjects had such a reverend respect to the authority of the supream magistrate in matters of their idolatrous religion , that aristotle , polit. l. 3. could say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the king is lord and ruler of things that pertain to the gods. to conclude , i wish those men , who ( like the first matter have an indifferency to all forms , and are so unfixedly disposed ●n religion , ●hat they can be content with the sichemites , to ●e circumcised for their advantage , would ( not for wra●h but for conscience sake ) give a seasonable testimony of their obedience by a willing conformity to the kings power in ecclesiastical causes , that the church may be no longer grieved with the rapine of forreign wolves , or 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 , but that sound doctrine may flourish within her gates , and true discipline be established in her borders , to which end the lord send us a speedy restauration of our ancient government by the hands of zerubbabel and joshua , the king and the bishop , that as we are baptized in one faith , so we may be subject to one rule , & as we are of one body , we may be all of one mind , to worship god both in the purity and beauty of holinesse , and to preserve the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . amen . finis . a satyr against hypocrites phillips, john, 1631-1706. 1655 approx. 51 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54783 wing p2101 estc r19268 13054851 ocm 13054851 96986 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54783) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96986) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 748:31) a satyr against hypocrites phillips, john, 1631-1706. [2], 25 p. : music printed for n.b., london : 1655. marginal notes. in verse. an attack upon oliver cromwell and puritanism by john phillips, nephew of milton, originally published in 1655. published in 1661 under title, "the religion of the hypocritical presbyterians in meeter", and in 1710 as, "mr. john milton's satyre against hypocrites. written whilst he was latin secretary to oliver cromwell." attributed to john phillips. cf. nuc pre-1956. reproduction of original in duke university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng milton, john, 1608-1674. cromwell, oliver, 1599-1658. presbyterianism. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2002-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion satyr against hypocrites . si natura negat facit indignatio versum . juvenal . satyr . 1. london , printed for n. b. 1655. a satyr against hipocrites . tedious have been our fasts , and long our prayers ; to keep the sabbath such have been our cares , that cisly durst not milk the gentle mulls , to the great damage of my lord mayors fooles , which made the greazie catchpoles swear and curse the holy-day for want o'th'second course ; and men have lost their body's new adorning because their cloathes could not come home that morning the sins of parlament have long been bawl'd at , the vices of the city have been yawl'd at , yet no amendment ; certainly , thought i , this is a paradox beyond all cry . why if you ask the people , very proudly they answer straight , that they are very godly . nor could we lawfully suspect the priest , alas , for he cry'd out , i bring you christ : and trul ' he spoke with so much confidence , that at that time it seem'd a good pretence : then where 's the fault ? thought i : well , i must know , so putting on clean cuffs , to church i go . now 'gan the bells to jangle in the steeple , and in a row to church went all the people . first came poor matrons stuck with lice like cloves , devoutly come to worship their white loaves ; and may be smelt above a german mile , well , let them go to fume the middle-ile . but here 's the sight that doth men good to see 't , grave burghers , with their posies , sweet , sweet , sweet , with their fat wives . then comes old robin too , who although write or read he neither do , yet hath his testament chain'd to his wast , and his blind zeal feels out the proofs as fast , and makes as greasie dogs-ears as the best . a new shav'd cobler follows him , as it hapt , with his young cake-bread in his cloak close wrapt ; then panting comes his wife from t'other end o' th' town , to hear our father and see a friend ; then came the shops young fore-man , 't is presum'd , with hair rose-water'd , and his gloves perfum'd , with his blew shoo-strings too , and besides that , a riband with a sentence in his hat : the virgins too , the fair one , and the gypsie , spectatum veniunt , venient spectentur ut ipsae and now the silk'n dames throng in , good store , and casting up their noses to th' pew dore , look with disdain to see the pew so full , yet must and will have room , i , that they wull ; streight that she sits not uppermost distast one takes ; 't is fine that i must be displac't by you , she cries then , good mistris gill flurt ; gill flurt , enrag'd cries t'other , why ye dirt tie piece of impudence , ye ill-bred thief , i scorn your terms , good mistris thimble-mans wife . marry come up , cries t'other , pray forbear , surely your husband 's but a scavenger ; cries t'other then , and what are you i pray ? no aldermans wife for all you are so gay . is it not you that to all christenings frisk it ? and to save bread , most shamefully steal the bisket , at which the other mad beyond all law , unsheaths her talons , and prepares to claw . and sure some gorgets had been torn that day , but that the readers voice did part the fray . now what a wardrobe could i put to view , the cloak-bag-breeches , and the sleek-stone shoe , th' embroider'd girdles , and your vsurers cloaks , of far more various forms than there be oaks in sherword , or religions in this town , strong then of cypres chest appears the gown : the grogram-gown of such antiquity , that speed could never find its pedigree ; fit to be doted on by antiquary's , who hence may descant in their old glossary's , what kind of fardingale fair helen wore , how wings in fashion came , because wings bore the swan-transformed leda to iove's lap , our matrons hoping thence the same good hap ; the pent-house bever , and calves-chaudron ruft , but of these frantick fashions now enough , for now there shall no more of them be said , lest this my ware-house spoil the french-men's trade , and now as if i were that woollen-spinster , that doth so gravely show you sarum minster , i le lead you round the church from pew to pew , and shew you what doth most deserve your view , there stood the font , in times of christianity , but now 't is tak'n down , men call it vanity ; there the church-vvardens sit , hard by the dore , but know ye why they sit among the poor ? because they love um well for love o' th' box , their money buys good beef , good wine , good smocks . there sits the clerk , and there the reverend reader , and there 's the pulpit for the good flock-feeder , vvho in three lamentable dolefull ditty 's unto their marriage-fees sing nunc dimittis here sits a learned justice , truly so some people say , and some again say no , and yet methinks in this he seemeth wise to make stypone yeild him an excise , and though on sundayes ale-houses must down , yet wisely all the week lets them alone , for well his worship knows that ale-house sins maintain himself in gloves , his wife in pins . there sits the mayor as fat as any bacon with eating custard , beef , and rumps of capon ; and there his corpulent brethren sit by , with faces representing gravity , who having money , though they have no wit , they wear gold chains , and here in green pews sit . there sit true-blew the honest parish-masters . with sattin caps , and ruffs , and demi-casters , and faith that 's all ; for they have no rich fansies , no poets are , nor authors of romances . there sits a lady , painted fine by art , and there sits curious mistris fiddle-cum-fart : there sits a chamber-maid upon a hassock , whom th'chaplain oft instructs without his cassock : one more accustom'd unto curtain-sins , than woman is to wet her thumb , that spins . o what a gloss her forehead smooth adorns ! excelling phoebe with her silver horns . it tempts a man at first , yet strange to utter , when one comes near , fogh gudds , it stinks of butter . another tripping comes to her mistris's pew , where being arriv'd , she tryes if she can view her young mans face , and straight heaves up her coats , that her sweet-heart may see her true-love knots . but having sate up late the night before to let the young man in at the back-dore . she feeleth drawziness upon her creeping , turns down one proof , and then she falls a sleeping . then fell her head one way , her book another , and she sleeps , and snores , a little a tone with t'other . that 's call'd the gallery ; which ( as you may see ) was trimm'd and guilt in the year fifty three . t was a zealous work , and done by two church-wardens , vvho for mis-reckoning hope to have their pardons , there will writes short-hand with a pen of brass , oh how he 's wonder'd at by many an asse that see him shake so fast his warry fist , as if he 'd write the sermon 'fore the priest has spoke it ; then , o that i could ( sayes one ) do as but this man does , i 'de give a crown . up goes another hand , up go his eyes , and he , gifts , industry , and talents cries . thus are they plac'd at length : a tedious work , and now a bellowing noise went round the kirk , from the low font , up to the golden creed . ( o happy they who now no eares do need : ) vvhile these cought up their morning flegm , and those . do trumpet forth the snivel of their nose ; straight then the clerk began with potsheard voice to grope a tune , singing with wofull noise , like a crackt sans-bell jarring in the steeple , tom sternholds wretched prick song to the people : vvho soon as he hath plac'd the first line through , up steps chuck-farthing then , and he reads too : this is the womans boy that sits i'th'porch till th' sexton comes , and brings her stool to church . then out the people yaule an hundred parts , some roar , some whine , some creek like wheels of carts , such notes that gamut never yet did know , nor numerous keys of harpsicalls in a row their heights and depths could ever comprehend , now below double are some descend , 'bove ela squealing now ten notes some flie ; straight then as if they knew they were too high , vvith head-long haste down staires again they tumble ; discords and concords o how thick they jumble ! like untam'd horses tearing with their throats one wretched stave into an hundred notes . some lazie-throated fellowes thus did baule they a i hin a moy a meat uh ga have a ha me uh a ha gall a. and some out-run their words and thus they say , too cruel for to think a hum a haw , now what a whetstone was it to devotion to see the pace , the looks , and every motion o' th sunday levite when up stairs he march't and first behold his little band stiff starcht , two caps he had , and turns up that within , you 'd think he wore a black pot tipt with tin , his cuffs asham'd peep 't only out at 's wrist ; for they saw whiter gloves upon his fist , out comes his kerchief then , which he unfolds as gravely as his text. and fast he holds in 's wrath-denouncing hand ; then mark when he pray'd how he rear'd his reverend whites , and softly said a long most mercifull , or o almighty , then out he whines the rest like some sad ditty , in a most dolefull recitative style , his buttocks keeping crotchet-time the while ; and as he slubbers ore his tedious story makes it his chiefest aim , his chiefest glory , t' excell the city dames in speaking fine , o for the drippings of a fat sir-loyn , instead of aron's oyntment for his face , when he cries out for greace instead of grace . up stept another then , how sowre his face is ! how grim he lookt ! for he was one o th' classis , and here he cries , blood , blood , blood , destroy , o lord ! the covenant-breaker , with a two edg'd sword . now comes another , of another strain , and he of law and bondage doth complain : then shewing his broad teeth , and grinning wide , aloud , free grace , free grace , free grace , he cry'd . up went a chaplain then , fixing his eye devoutly on his patron 's gallery , who as duty binds him , cause he eats their pyes , god bless my good lord and my lady , cryes , and 's hopeful issue . then with count'nance sad , up steps a man stark revelation mad , and he , cause us thy saints , for thy dear sake , that we a bustle in the world may make , thy enemies now rage , and by and by he tears his throat for the fift monarchy . another mounts his chin , east , west , north , south , gaping to catch a blessing in his mouth , and saying , lord ! we dare not ope our eyes before thee , winks for fear of telling lies . mean while the vulgar frie sit still , admiring their pious sentences , as all inspiring ; at every period they sigh and grone , though he speak sometimes sense , and sometimes none : their zeal doth never let them mind that matter , it is enough to hear the magpy chatter ; they croud , they thrust , are crouded , and are thrusted , their pews seem pasties , wherein they incrusted , together bake and fry ; o patience great ! yet they endure , though almost drown'd in sweat . it seem'd as if those steaming vapours were to stew hard doctrines in , and to prepare their rugged doubts , that might breed some disease being tak'n raw in queasie consciences . but further mark their great humility , their tender love , and mutual charity , the short man's shoulder bore the tall man's elbow , nor he so much as call'd him scurvy fellow , wrarh was forgot , all anger was forborn , although his neighbour trod upon his corn ; and in a word , all men were meek and humble , nor dar'd the sexton , though unfeed , to grumble ; he honest man went with his neck a skew , gingling his bunch of keys from pew to pew ; good man to 's market-day he bore no spleen , but wish'd the seven dayes had sabbaths been ; how he worships sattin , with what a gospel-fear he admires the man that doth a bever wear , room , room , bear leave , he cries , then not unwilling with a pater noster face receives the shilling . but what was more religious than to see the women in their streins of pietie , who like the seraphins in various hews adorn'd the chancell and the highest pews . stand up good middle-ile-folks and give room , see where the mothers and the daughters come ! behind the servants looking all like martyrs , with bibles in plush jerkins and blew garters , the silver inkhorn , and the writing book , in which i wish no friend of mine to look . nor must we now forget the children too , who with their fore-tops gay stand up i th pew . brought there to play at church , and to be chid , and for discourse at meals what children did . well , be good children , for the time shall come , when on the pulpit-stairs ye shall have room , there to be asked many a question deep , by th' parson , with his dinner , half a sleep . but now aloft the preacher 'gan to thunder , when the poor women they sit trembling under , and if he name gehenna or the dragon , their faith , alas ! was little then to brag on ; or if he did relate , how little wit the foolish virgins had , then do they sit weeping with watry-eyes , and making vows one to have preachers alwayes in her house , to dine them well , and breakfast 'um with gellies , and caudles hot to warm their wambling bellies ; and if the cash , where she could not unlock it , were close secur'd , to pick her husbands pocket . another something a more thrifty sinner , to invite the parson twice a week to dinner ; the other vows a purple pulpit-cloth , with an embroyder'd cushion , being loth when the fierce priest his doctrine hard unbuckles , that in the passion he should hurt his knuckles . nay , in the church-yard too was no small throng , and on the window-bars in swarms they hung : and i could see that many short-hand wrote , where listning well , i could not hear a jote ; friend , this is strange , quoth i , but he reply'd , alas ! your ears are yet unsanctifi'd . cuds so , i had even almost now forgot to tell you th' chiefest thing of all ; what 's that ? how the good women in a row do come , to bring the new-born babe to christendome . the midwife , captain of the gang , walks first , laden with childe , and naples-bisket crust ; most reverently she steps , drest all in print , if she be not a saint the devils in 't : for so demure she looks , that you would guess she were some holy penitent votaress , with eyes and mouth set in her looking-glass , on purpose for to carry babe of grace : nor is 't a thing inspir'd , but got by art , and practice , as the beggar learnt to fart . then follow th' guests , each one in her degree , most punctual in their parish-heraldry . being come to church , they keep their close order , and go on , and go on , and go farther and farther , till they arrive where for the priests ease , god wot , stands a pretty , little , stone syllabub-pot ; water 't had in 't , though but a little , god knows , scarcely to wet the tip of the childs nose : men say there was a secret wisdom then , that rul'd the strange opinions of these men ; for by much washing child got cold in head , which was the cause so many saints snuffled : oh cry'd another sect , let 's wash the cock , and eke that other thing that lurks in smock ; th●●e were the members whence did first arise the sinfull cause of all our miseries . but their wise wives reply'd , fuming and fretting , 't was dangerous , least the part● should shrink in wetting ; and for that cause they only did be-sprinkle the pretty birdsney-pigsney-periwinkle . now when the priest had spoke , and made an end , and that the child was made the churches friend , the women straightway they went home agen , to talk of things which they conceal from men : then midwife carries child t' ask mother blessing , who gives it a kiss in her flanders-lace dressing , she sate with curtains drawn , most princum prancum , and call'd the women every one to thank 'um : full threescore pound it cost in plumbs and dishes , which women eat as pikes eat little fishes ; but when the claret and hypocriss came in , then the tittle tattle began to begin ; the midwife takes a tankard and drinks up all , of all the saints , quoth she , god bless st. paul , he bid the men give the women their due ; if they do'nt , may the women ne're prove true : well fare my son here , he is a yonng man , but let any other do better if he can ; five in six years ! — hey ho , — here daughter , here 's to the next bout , and what shall come after . but what ayles my neighbour here to look so grum ? a year and a half , and nothing yet come . — alas , i lost time , quoth she , i married a fool , — 't was six months ere he knew he was to use his tool : but i ha' taught him a new lesson i faith ; quo i , fye upon 't , such a fool at these years , — but learn more wit , — if ye do'nt — alas , cryes one , you are happy to me , weeping and drinking most heartily , my husband whores and drinks all the week , judge you then neighbours how i am to seek : ( then they all shook their heads , and lookt most sad ) these are they , quoth the midwife , spoyl our trade ; but be of good cheer daughter , come , come , if he wont , another must in his room . alas , quoth she , with a jolly red nose , there 's many an able christian , god knows , would leap at that which thy husband despises : then 'gin they to talk of the several sizes , of the long , and the short , the little and great , 't would put a modest gam ster into a sweat . i thank my god , quoth the midwife then , i have buried three husbands , all proper men ; i thank my god for 't , though i say 't that shou'd not , yet i can't say , like one that understood not , there was no difference between the three , but if any man a good workman be , he may well do enough , if he be intent , to give a reasonable she content . i speak merrily neighbours , — hah — hah — here 's to you all , god send us more of these good jobs to fall : by and by they single out a poor woman , that has had the luck to have as good as no man ; but her they use m●st unmercifully , calling her husband do-little , and cully , fumbler and gelding , and then they all exhort her , rather then be sham'd , to hire some strong porter . now after this discourse , and th' wines drank up , they all depart to their own homes to sup ; after that to bed , and 't is a pound to a doight , if their husbands sleep for their quail-pipes that night . others not so concern'd , walk in the fields , to give their longing wives what cake-house yields ; and as they go , god , grace , and ordinances , is all their chat , they seem in heav'nly trances ; thus they trim up their souls with holy words , shaving off sin as men shave off their beards , to grow the faster ; sins , they cry , are fancies , the godly live above all ordinances . now they 're at home , and have their suppers eat , when thomas , cryes the master , come , repeat ; and if the windows gaze upon the street , to sing a psalm they hold it very meet . but would you know what a preposterous zeal they sing their hymnes withall ? then listen well ; the boy begins , go too therefore ye wicked men , ' depart from me [ thomas ] anon , for the [ yes sir ] commandments will i keep of god [ pray remember to receive the 100 l. in gracious-street to morrow ] my lord alone . as thou has promis'd to perform , [ mary , anon forsooth ] that death me not assaile , [ pray remember to rise betimes to morrow morning , you know you have a great many cloaths to soap ] nor let my hope abuse me so , that through distrust i quaile . but sunday now good night , and now good morrow , to thee oh covenant wednesday full of sorrow : alas ! my lady anne wont now be merry , she 's up betimes , and gone to alderman-bury ; truly 't was a sad day , for every sinner did feast a supper then , and not a dinner ; nor men nor women wash their face to day , put on their cloaths , and piss , and so away ; they throng to church just as they sell their ware , in greasie hats , and old gowns worn thread bare , where , though the whole body suffered tedious pain , no member yet had more cause to complain than the poor nose , when little to its ease , a chandlers cloak perfum'd with candle-grease , commixing sents with a sope-boylers breeches , did raise a stink beyond the skill of witches . now steams of garlick whifting through the nose , smelt worse than assa-fetida , or luthers hose ; with these mundungus , and a breath that smells like standing pools in subterraneal cells . compos'd pomanders to out-stink the devil , yet strange to tell , they suffer'd all this evil , nor to make water all the while would rise , the women sure had spunges 'twixt their thighs : to stir at this good time they thought was sin , so strictly their devotion kept them in . now the priests elbows do the cushion knead , while to the people he his text doth read , beloved , i shall here crave leave to speak a word , he cries and winks , unto the weak , the words are these , make haste and do not tarry , but unto babylon thy dinner carry , there doth young daniel want in the den , thrown among lyons by hard-hearted men . here my beloved , and then he reaches down his hand , as if he 'd catch the clerk by th'crown . not to explain this pretious text amiss , daniel's the subject , hunger th' object is , which proves that daniel was subject to hunger , but that i may'nt detain you any longer , my brethren dear prick up your ears , and put on your senses all while i the words unbutton . make haste , i say , make haste and do not tarry , ] why ? my beloved , these words great force do carry . au ! 't is a waundrous emphatical speech , some men beloved ; as if th 'had lead i' their breech , do walk , some creep like snails , they 're so sloe pac't , truly , my brethren , these men do not make haste . but be ye quick dear sisters , be ye quick , and lest ye fall , take hope , hope 's like a stick . to babylon ] ah babylon ! that word 's a weighty one , truly 't was a great city , and a mighty one . which as the learned rider well records , semiramis did build with brick and bords . wicked semiramis , accursed bitch ! my spirit is mightily provok'd against that wretch . lustful semiramis , for will i wist thou wert the mother of proud antichrist . nay , like to levi and simeon from antiquity , the pope and thee were sisters in iniquity . strumpet semiramis , like her was non , for she built babylon , ah! she built babylon . but , brethren , be ye good as she was evil , must ye needs go because she 's gone to the devil ? thy dinner carry . ] here may we look upon a childe of god in great affliction : why what does he aile ? alas ! he wanteth meat , now what ( beloved ) was sent him for to eat ? truly a small matter ; only a dish of pottage , but pray what pottage ? such as a small cottage afforded only to the country swains , from whence , though not a man the place explains , 't is guess'd that neither christmas pottage 't was , nor white-broth , nor capon-broth , good for sick maws , or milk-porrage , or thick pease-porrage either , nor was it mutton-broth , nor veal broth neither , nor any broth of noble tast or scent , made by receipt of the countess of kent ; but sure some homely stuff crum'd with brown-bread , and thus was daniel , good daniel fed . truly , this was but homely fare you 'l say , yet daniel , good daniel was content that day . and though there could be thought-on nothing cheaper , yet fed as well on 't as he had been a reaper . better eat any thing than not at all , fasting , beloved , why ? 't is prejudiciall to the weak saints ; beloved , 't is a sin , and thus to prove the same i here begin : hunger , beloved , why ? this hunger mauls , au ! 't is a great mauler , it breaks stone-walls ; now my beloved , to break stone-walls you know , why 't is flat felony , and there 's great woe follows that sin , besides 't is a great schism , 't is ceremonious , 't is pagan judism ; judism ? why beloved , have you ere been where the black dog of newgate you have seen ? hair'd like a turk , with eyes like antichrist , he doth and hath ye brethren long entic't . claws like a star-chamber bishop , black as hell , and doubtless he was one of those that fell . judism i say is uglier than this curr , though he appear'd wrapt up in bear-skin furr . thrown among lyons by hard-hearted men , ] here daniel is the church , the world 's the den. by lyons are meant monarchs , kings of nations , those worse than heathenish abominations : truly dear friends , these kings and governours , these bishops too , nay all superiour powers , why they are lyons , locusts , whales , i whales , beloved , off goes our ears if once their wrath be moved ; but woe unto you kings ! woe to your princes ! 't is fifty and four , now antichrist , so says my book , must reign three days , and three half days , why that is three years and a half beloved . or else as many precious men have proved , one thousand two hundred and threescore dayes ; why now the time 's almost expir'd , time stayes for no man ; friends then antichrist shall fall , then down with rome , with babel , down with all , down with the devil , the pope , the emperour , with cardinals , and th' king of spain's great power ; they 'l muster up , but i can tell you where , at armageddon , there , beloved , there , fall on , fall on , kill , kill , haloo , haloo , kill amalek , and turk , kill gog and magog too . but who dear friends fed daniel thus forsaken , truly ( but there 's one sleeps , a would do well to waken ) as 't is in th' english his name ends in uck , and so his name is called habacuck . but in th' original it ends in ock , for that dear sisters calls him have-a-cock . and truly i suppose i need not fear but that there are many have-a-cocks here : the laud increase the number of have-a-cocks , truly false prophets will arise in flocks ; but as a ●arding-candle shut up quite in a dark lanthorn never giveth light ; even such are they . ay but my breathren dear , i 'm no such lanthorn , for my horns are clear ▪ but i shall now conclude this glorious truth with an exhortation to old men and youth : be sure to feed young daniel , that 's to say , feed all your ministers that preach and pray . first of all , 'cause 't is good , i speak that know so , and by experience find 't is good to do so : fourthly , 'cause 't is not evil ; nextly and thirdly , for that 't is very good , unless the word lye . sixthly , for that y' are mov'd thereto ; and twelfthly , 'cause there 's nought better , unless i my self lye . but now he smells the pyes begin to reak , his teeth water , and he can no longer speak : only it will not be amiss to tell ye how he was troubled with a womans belly ; for she was full of caudle and devotion , which in her stomach raised a commotion , for the hot vapours much did damnifie her that was wont to walk in finsbury . so though a while she was sustain'd with ginger , yet at the length a cruel pain did twinge her ; and like as marble sweats before a shower , so did she sweat , and sweating forth did pour her mornings draught of sugar-sops and saffron , into her sighing neighbours cambrick apron . at which a lard she cry'd , full sad to see the foul mishap , yet suffer'd patiently : how do you , then she cry'd ? i 'me glad 't is up : ah sick , sick , sick ; cryes one , oh for a cup of my mint water that 's at home : as patt as might be , then the parson cry'd , 't is good ; one holds her head , let 't come , let 't come , still crying ; just i' th' nick the priest reply'd , yea like a stream ye ought to let it flow , and then she reach'd , and once more let it go . streight an old woman with a brace of chins , a bunch of keys , and cushion for her pins , seeing in earnest the good woman lack it , draws a strong-water bottle from her placket ; well heated with her flesh , she takes a sup , then gives the sick , and bids her drink it up . but all in vain , her eyes begin to roul , she sighs , and all cry out , alas poor soul ! one then doth pinch her cheek , one pulls her nose , some blest the opportunity that were her foes , and they reveng'd themselves upon her face , s. dunstans devil was ne're in such a case . now priest say what thou wilt , for here 's a chat begun of this great empyrick , and that renowned doctor , what cures they have done : i like not mayern , he speaks french sayes one . oh sayes another , though the man be big , for my part i know none like dr. trig. nay , hold you there sayes t'other , on my life there 's none like chamberlain the man-midwife . then in a heap , their own receipts they muster , to make this gelly , how to make that plaster , which when she hears that but now fainting lay , up starteth she , and talks as fast as they . but they that did not mind this dolefull passion , followed their business on another fashion ; for all did write , the elder and the novice , methought the church lookt like the six-clerks-office ▪ but sermon 's done , and all the folks as fast as they can trudge , to supper now make hast : down comes the priest , when a grave brother meets him , and putting off his broad-brim'd hat , thus greets him : dear sir , my wife and i do you invite o' th' creature with us to partake this night : and now suppose what i prepare to tell ye , the city-dame , whose faith is in the belly of her cram'd priest , had all her cates in order , that gracious-street , or cheap-side can afford her . lo first a pudding ! truly 't had more reasons than forty sermons shew at forty seasons . then a sur-loyn came in , as hot as fire , yet not so hot as was the priests desire . next came a shoulder of mutton roasted raw , to be as utterly abolisht as the law. the next in order was a capon plump , with an use of consolation in his rump . then came a turkey cold , which in its life had a fine tail , just like the citizens wife . but now by 'r leave and worship too , for hark ye , here comes the venson put in paste by starkey : which once set down there , at the little hole immediately in whips the parsons soul. he saw his stomachs anchor , and believ'd that now his belly should not be deceiv'd . how he leans ore the cheer toward his first mover ! while his hot zeal doth make his mouth run over . this pastie had brethren too , like to the mayor , three christmas , or minc'd-pyes , all very fair : methought they had this motto , though they flirt us , and preach us down , sub pondere crescit virtus . apple-tarts , fools , and strong cheese to keep down the steaming vapours from the parsons crown . canary too , and claret eke also , which made the tips of their ears and noses glow . up now they rise , and walk to their several chairs , when lo , the priest uncovers both his ears ▪ most gracious shepherd of the brethren all , thou saidst that we should eat , before the fall ; then was the world but simple , for they knew not either how to bake , or how to brew . but happily we fell , and then the vine did noah plant , and all the priests drank wine : truly we cannot but rejoyce to see thy gifts dispenc'd with such equality . to us th' hast given wide throats , and teeth to eat ; to the women , knowledge how to dress our meat . make us devoutly constant in thy cup , and grant us strength when we shall cease to sup , to bear away thy creatures on our feet , and not be seen to tumble in the street . we are thy sheep , o let us feed , feed on , till we become as fat as any brawn . then let 's fall to , and eat up all the cheer ; straight so be it he cryes , and calls for beer . now then , like scanderbeg , he falls to work , and hews the pudding as he hew'd the turk : how he plough'd up the beef like forrest-land , and fum'd because the bones his wrath withstand ▪ upon the mutton he fell like woolf or mastie , still hewing out his way unto the pastie : at first a sister helpt him , but this elfe sir , wearying her out , she cryes , pray help your self sir. upon the pastie though he fell anon , as if 't had been the walls of babylon . like a cathedral down he throws that stuff , why , sisters , saith he , i am pepper proof . then down he pours the claret , and down again , and would the french king were a puritan , he cryes : swills up the sack , and i 'le be sworn , quoth he , spains king is not the popes tenth horn . by this his tearing hunger doth abate , and on the second course they 'gan to prate . then quoth priscilla , oh my brother dear , truly y' are welcome to this homely chear , and therefore eat , good brother , eat your fill ▪ alas for daniel my heart aketh still . then quoth the priest , sister be of good heart ; but she reply'd , good brother eat some tart. rebecca then a member of the ' lection , began to talk of brotherly affection ; for this , said she , as i have heard the wise discourse , consisteth much in exercise ; yet i was foolish once , and did resist , and but that a dear brother would not desist , carried forth by a strong believing power that i would yield at length , even to this hour i had liv'd in darkness still , and had not known what joys the laud revealeth to his own . then said the priest , there is a time for all things , there is a time for great things , and for small things : there 's a time to eat , and drink , and reformation , a time to empty , and for procreation ; therefore dear sister , we may take our time , there 's reason for 't , i never car'd for rhyme . do not the wicked heathen speak and say , gather your flowers and rose-buds while you may ? ay truly , answer'd she , 't is such a motion as alwayes i embrac'd with warm devotion : i mean since it did please the laud in mercy , to shew me things by feeling , not by hear-say ; and truly brother , there 's no man can prove that i was ere ingratefull for his love ; but sometimes angels did attend his purse , at other times i did him duly nurse with many a secret dish of lusty meat , which did enable us to do the feat . truly quoth dorcas then , i saw a vision , that we should have our foes in great derision . quoth martha straight , ( and then she shook the crums from off her apron white , and pickt her gums ) so did i too ; methought i went a maying , and the word of the laud came to me , saying , martha put off thy cloaths , for time is come , that men may bauble shew , and women bum , for that the seed of them that do profess , shall only need be cloath'd with righteousness . 't is true dear sister , there are some that now are come to this perfection , and i trow we may in time grow up to be as they , grant us , ah laud , that we may see that day ; let 's i th' mean time at home and eke abroad , uncloath and unbrace our selves before the laud , on all occasions that time shall yield , that our dear sisters dream may be fulfill'd . why did not iacob dream , and so it was ; and pharoah dreamt , and so it came to pass . then dorcas cry'd , reach me the cheese up hither ; sister , quoth she , give this unto our brother , 't is very good , if well wash'd down with sack , his wasted spirits much refreshing lack . recruited thus , all this good chear , quoth he , is but an emblem of mortality . the oxe is strong , and glories in his strength , yet him the butcher knocks down , and at length we eat him up . a turkey's very gay , like worldly people clad in fine array ; yet on the spit it looks most piteous , and we devour it , as the worms eat us . then full of sawce and zeal up steps elnathan , [ this was his name now , once he had another , untill the ducking-pond made him a brother ] a deacon and a buffeter of sathan : truly , quoth he , i know a brother dear , would gladly pick the bones of what 's left here ; nay he would gladly pick your pockets too of a small two pence , or a groat , or so , the sorry remnants of a broken shilling ; therefore i pray you friends be not unwilling . as for my self , 't is more than i do need , to be charitable both in word and deed ; for as to us , the holy scriptures say , the deacons must receive , the lay-men pay . why heathen folks that do in taverns stray , will never let their friends the reckning pay ; and therefore pour your charity into the bason , brethren and sisters eke , your coats have lace on . why brethren in the lord , what need you care for sixpence ? we 'll next morn enhance our ware : your sixpence comes again , nay there comes more ; thus charity 's th' encreaser of your store . truly well spoke , then cry'd the master-feaster , since you say so , i freely give my tester : but for the women , they gave more liberally , for they were sure to whom they gave , and why . then did elnathan blink , for he knew well what he might give , and what he might conceal . but now the parson could no longer stay , 't is time to kiss , he cryes , and so away : at which the sisters , once th' alarum taken , made such a din as would have serv'd to waken a snoring brother , when he sleeps at church ; with bagg and baggage then they 'gan to march ; and tickled with the thoughts of their delight , one sister to the other bids good night . good night , quoth dorcas to priscilla ; she , good night dear sister dorcas unto thee . in these goodly good nights much time was spent , and was it not a holy complement ? at length in steps the parson , on his breast laying his hand , a happy night of rest refresh thy labours , sister ; yet ere we part , feel in my lips the passion of my heart . to another straight he turn'd his face , and kist her , and then he cryes , all peace be with thee sister . next her that made the feast he kisses harder , and in a godly tone , cryes , god reward her : and having done , he whispers in her ear , the time when it should be , and the place where . thus they all part , and for that night the priest enjoys his own wife , as good as ever pist . this seem'd a golden time , the fall of sin , you 'd think the thousand years did now begin , when satan chain'd below should cease to roar , nor durst the wicked as they wont before come to the church for pastime , nor durst laugh to hear the non-plust doctor faign a cough . the devil himself , alas ! now durst not stand within the switching of the sextons wand , for so a while the priests did him pursue , that he was fain to keep the sabboth too , lest being taken in the elders lure , he should have paid his crown unto the poor ; and lest he should like a deceiver come 'twixt the two sundays inter stitium , they stuft up lecturers with texts and straw , on working-days to keep the devil in awe . but strange to think , for all this solemn meekness , at length the devil appeared in his likeness , while these deceits did but supply the wants of broken unthrifts , and of thread-bare saints ▪ oh what will men not dare , if thus they dare be impudent to heaven , and play with prayer ! play with that fear , with that religious awe which keeps men free , and yet is mans great law : what can they but the worst of atheists be , who while they word it 'gainst impiety , affront the throne of god with their false deeds , alas , this wonder in the atheist breeds . are these the men that would the age reform , that down with superstition cry , and swarm this painted glass , that sculpture to deface , but worship pride , and avarice in their place . religion they bawl out ; yet know not what religion is , unless it be to prate . meekness they preach , but study to controul ; money they 'd have , when they cry out your soul. and angry , will not have our father said , 'cause it prays not enough for daily bread . they meet in private , and cry persecution , when faction is their end , and state-confusion : these are the men that plague and over-run like goths and vandalls all religion . every mechanick either wanting stock , or wit to keep his trade must have a flock , the spirit , cryes he , moveth me unto it , and what the spirit bids , must i not do it ? but having profited more than his flock by teaching , and stept into authority by preaching for a lay office , leaves the spirits motion and streight retreateth from his first devotion . but this he does in want , give him preferment , off goes his gown , god's call is no determent . vain foolish people , how are ye deceiv'd ? how many several sorts have ye receiv'd of things call'd truths , upon your backs laid on like saddles for themselves to ride upon ? they rid amain , and hell and satan drove , while every priest for his own profit strove . can they the age thus torture with their lyes , low'd bellowing to the world impieties , black as their coats , and such a silent fear lock up the lips of men , and charm the ear ? had that same holy israelite been dumb , that fatal day of old had never come to baals tribe ; oh thrice unhappy age ! while zeal and piety lye mask'd in rage and vulgar ignorance ! how we do wonder once hearing , that the heavens were forc'd to thunder against assailing gyants , surely men , men thought could not presume such violence then : but 't was no fable , or if then it were , behold a sort of bolder mortals here , those undermining shifts of knavish folly , using alike to god and men ; most holy infidels , who now seem to have found out a subtler way to bring their ends about against the deity , than op'nly to fight ; by smooth insinuation and by slight : they close with god , seem to obey his laws , they cry aloud for him and for his cause . but while they do their strict injunctions preach . deny in actions what their words do teach . o what will men not dare , if thus they dare be impudent to heaven , and play with prayer ! yet if they can no better teach than thus , would they would only teach themselves , not us : so while they still on empty outsides dwell , they may perhaps be choakt with husk and shell ; while those who can their follies well refute , by a true knowledge do obtain the fruit . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a54783-e100 ingredients that compound a congregation . hang it . robert wisdom's delight . practice of piety . hey-day ! jack-a-dandy . to be heard of men . to the tune of s. margarets chimes . behold the zeal of the people . the exposition . 1 vse . not like an anchor . babel battered . 2 vse . would he have been so content . 3 vse . several reasons . description of antichrist . and hey then up go we . ☜ the doctrine of generation . for ministers may be cuckolds . vse of exhortation . motives 1. 4. 3. 6. 12. hunger a great enemy to gospel-duty . a crop-sick sister . a very great creature-comfort . a great cry , and a little wool . a great sign of grace . bill of fare . grace before meat . much good may do you sir. christian forgivenes● no grace after meat , nothing beyond ingratitude . a man may love his brother , but not better than himself . christian liberty . ne're a prophane kiss among all these . plain dealing being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. gordon, john, m.d. 1689 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41557 wing g1285 estc r34919 14908527 ocm 14908527 102857 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41557) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102857) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1571:6) plain dealing being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. gordon, john, m.d. [8], 28 p. printed, and are to be sold by richard baldwin ..., london : 1689. attributed to john gordon, m.d., by halkett & laing, citing david laing as authority; this gordon is to be identified with sir john gordon in munk's roll of physicians ...--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -establishment and disestablishment. presbyterianism. episcopacy. church and state -presbyterian church. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion plain dealing : being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns . with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there . licensed , september 11. 1689. london , printed , and are to be sold by richard baldwin near the black bull in the great old-bailey . 1689. to the right honourable and truely religious lady jane countess of sutherland . madam , the publication of this little piece ( at this juncture ) was not the effect of my forwardness , but of that deference i owe to several good men , and well-wishers of the present government , by whose importunity i was induced to take this task upon me , without prejudice to the rights of more abler men , to whose elaborate works on the same subject , as ( 't is here limited ) this essay has the honour to lead the way . those gentlemen my good friends had very good reason to be moved , when they heard the good measures of the government misrepresented to strangers by the artifices of designing men , having no less in their aim than to divide the common interest of protestants . they unanimously concurred in their judgments that it was expedient to put a stop to the spreading of this contagion , and urged me with motives that were too weighty for me to resist , having all the inclination imaginable to shew my zeal for our religion and liberties within my sphere . herein is contained a true ( tho a general ) account of the matter of fact to undeceive strangers of their mistakes , whose different opinions as to church government , and other circumstances , ought not to remove their christian charity towards one another , but ( being concerned in one bottom ) to promote the common interest and salvation of mankind , ( laying aside all prejudice , animosity and rancour , ) tho it should tend to the removal of any earthly thing most dear to them , that proves a stumbling-block or occasion of offence to either strong or weak brethren , imitating the apostles precept , acts 15. concerning the difference of the circumcision . and the apostle paul's resolution in the like case , romans , chap. 14. & 15. and in 1 cor. 8. last verse , if meat make my brother to offend , i will not eat flesh while the world standeth , lest i make my brother to offend . which no doubt is preceptive to the christian world , who pretend not to infallibility . but being 't is come this length , the dedication for its patronage and encouragement is due to your ladiship ; chiefly for three reasons . because , first , that your ancestors and relations had not only a great share in the reformation , but also ever since were great promoters of the protestant reformed religion in scotland , and protectors of its ministers and professors , and your charity upon that account to suffering ministers and professors , having been very considerable . secondly , that without any flattery , i dare say , ( and all those who have the honour to know your ladiship , will confirm my assertion ) that none understands the matter in hand better than your self . thirdly , that your honourable husband , your self , eldest son , and most of all your relations , were chiefly concerned in the last efforts , and great enterprize made , and the signal deliverance wrought of late for these oppressed nations , of which god was pleased to make our present gracious king his glorious instrument : ( and for which your endeavours , i hope your family will meet with its due reward . ) your ladiship must not expect a fine stile of language , it being sufficient that the matter of fact is true , tho design honest , and the language intelligible . madam , i might have been more plain , particular , and ad homines , but declin'd that method , designing to give offence to no good christian , be his profession what it will , if his principles be good ; i don't value how evil or byassed men may criticise upon this matter ; provided , that moderate good men may be pleased , and that the honest design of this little plain piece may be any ways serviceable to the present government , your ladiships honourable family , and other good subjects ; which that it may , and that , as god in his infinite wisdom has made our gracious king his glorious instrument of our redemption , from our fears of popery and slavery , as the effects thereof ) so the same almighty god would be pleased to settle the imperial crown of this kingdom upon the heads of king william and queen mary in peace and truth , and be so transmitted from them after they have lived a long , happy life here ( and received crowns of glory hereafter ) to their posterity and lawful successors for ever . and that your ladiship and honourable family may live happily under their auspicious reign , is and shall be the constant prayer of , to the reader . candid reader , i was desired to write the parts of particular ministers acted upon the last theatres of government , but judged this not to be a fit time , so that i hope you will excuse my writing of this in so general terms , and also for laying down some general hypotheses and propositions , argumentandi causa , ( which perhaps the more strict on either side will not allow ) being no divine ▪ myself , yet a well-wisher of the government , as well as of moderation and christian charity amongst all those of the reformed protestant religion , whose circumstantial differences occasioning some heats and animosities , i wish god will be pleased to remove to the common good of both . please to be as impartial and moderate in your reading and censures of this little plain piece , as i have been in exposing particular mens faults to publick view , and you will not only be more able to make a judgment of the thing , but also the impressions received of a violent procedure in church affairs in scotland will be removed , and if this moderate and general account do not perswade you to the contrary opinion , there will be a necessity to expose particulars and particular persons to more publick view , which i desire altogether to decline . i did design to add to this piece the objections made against the setling of the presbyterian government in scotland , with the answer to these objections ; with a list of the reformers from popery in scotland , and those that suffered martyrdom upon that account ; but being importuned not to put either of them to a publick view , i have laid it by for the present , but if this have a kind reception , i shall publish the other . a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergy's proceedings in the later reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there . it being too much spread abroad ( whether out of ignorance of the matter of fact , or design of an intriguing party to divide the interest of protestants , i will not divine ) that the present procedure in scotland tends to the oppression or persecution of the episcopal ministry there : but whatever be an evil parties design in it , sure i am , these surmises tend to load the good and unanimous designs of the present government with unjustifiable things : and to remove these mistakes which might give encouragement to an evil designing party , ( who are always like the salamander in the fire , and love to fish in muddy waters , acting both in different elements for the same ends ) or discouragement to the good party , whose different opinions about circumstances , ought not to divide them in the main . i shall first state it as my hypothesis ( as many learned moderate divines under both governments do ) that church government , whether it be this , or that , is a matter indifferent ; there being no platform of government left in the church , either by christ or his apostles , or their disciples , further than appointing bishops in every church ( which word in the common acceptation in the originals and translations , by both parties is understood to be overseers , without mentioning any preheminence to them over their brethren ) these being presbyters , and their deacons and elders ; so that church government in this case would seem to be left indifferent ; and every nation or people link'd together in one body or society , in their own civil government ( whether monarchical , democratical , aristocratal , &c. ) have it left in their option ( being free from engagements either to the one or the other ) to settle that church government , which the major part of that people or society judges most suitable to the word of god , and the general inclination and genius of the people . this being granted in the general ; in the next place let us consider , that when that nation in particular , as generally all europe were enslaved to the romish bondage , there was no other , and could no other government be , but prelacy suitable to that of their universal bishops , whose vassals they , as well as all other prelats were ( as they called them ) who assume to themselves always the title of head of the church , and christ's vicars upon earth , which all those of the reformed protestant religion , episcopal or presbyterial , look upon as blasphemous ; and therefore the pope is called by them all antichrist , and no doubt he is . but when that peoples eyes came to be opened to see clearly , the fundamental errors which that church maintained for several ages , and the many cheats , villanies , and wickedness committed by that clergy in general , they began to be reformed in their lives and manners , by the indefatigable pains and labour of some few presbyters , who suffered several kinds of martyrdoms and other cruelties therefore , by the popish clergy : and the romish clergies barbarous cruelties in those times towards those valiant champions in christ's cause , did at last animate the people to prosecute a general reformation in that nation , and their reformation being by presbyters , it seems gave the rise there , to that denomination of presbyterian . and the romish clergies cheatry , and wickedness in their lives and conversation , and cruelty towards those reformers , and those of the reformed religion , occasioned the peoples general hatred at the very order of bishops : and besides , that the bulk of the scots clergies opinion , being , that a well constitute presbyterian government is both more agreeable to the word of god , and general inclination and genius of the people , than any other . and though superintendants were appointed there at the beginning of the reformation ( the generality of the people not being as yet well reformed ) the reformers that they might prevail the more readily in moderation with the generality of the people ; especially considering the nearer they came to the last settlement ( being governed in civil matters by a popish king regent and queen ) in the infancy of their reformation , the easier the work appeared to be ; yet the presbyterian was the first established government , being fully settled in the year 1592. by a general meeting of the estates , and confirmed by parliament , and continued so till the year 1606. after that king james came to the imperial crown of england , when he endeavoured to make an union between the two nations , setled an episcopal government there , ( though contrary to the inclinations of the people and clergy in general ) expecting thereby to unite them as well in trade as in church government ; and the hopes of an union in trade , and other things beneficial to scotland , moved many of those who were presbyterially inclined , to go beyond their inclinations , and opinion , alongst with that settlement for present . but that settlement by bishops in scotland being all ( it seems ) that the then english clergy and others designed ( and in which settlement many eminent men of that kingdom were too precipitant , to their regret afterwards when they could not help it ) that being done the union was blown up , though i am of opinion , as are many eminent men of both nations , and well-wishers to the present government , that neither england or scotland can ever be truly happy , till there be an union in parliaments , as well as in trade : for though england be more opulent and powerful by sea and otherwise , ( by reason of their trade ) yet when england has a powerful enemy in the front , scotland might prove as dangerous , if not a fatal back-door to england ; and it 's not to be doubted if there were an union , but the product and export of scotland to other foreign countries at present might be of equal gain to england to what scotland might expect by an union in trade from england ; which could be made appear to a demonstration . but this not being hujus loci , i hope to be excused for this digression from the thing proposed , there being some sympathy between the one and others interest ; and to come to the point in hand , when there is any revolution in the state of that kingdom , as of late , and they are so happy as to have a king and governours that design nothing more than the tranquillity and happiness of the people , the people eagerly in their reformation desire to establish that church government which their clergy and people in general are of opinion is most consonant to the word of god , and their own inclination . and to make it clear that the first reformers were not at all for establishing the order of bishops , mr. knox being in exile in england , by reason of the clergies great persecution in king james the fifth's time in scotland , king edward the sixth , having a great esteem for mr. knox , he proffer'd him a bishoprick in england ; but he thanked that good king heartily , and refused it . and a long time after that kingdom was turned to the christian faith , they had no bishops , nor does any of our own or foreign historians assert that there was any that had the title of bishop in that church before paladius in the fifth century ; nor was this paladius either a diocesian or provincial bishop , adrian in the ninth century , being the first diocesian , nor was there any archbishop , primate or metropolitan to consecrate diocesian bishops till the year 1436. that patrick graham was made archbishop of st. andrews , and yet 1200 years before this there was a church in scotland , ruled by monks and presbyters , and not to mention many other eminent men , that treat upon that subject , of undoubted credit , i cite only fordon lib. 3. cap. 8. ante paladii adventum habebant scoti fidei doctores de sacramentorum administratores , presbyteros solummodo vel monachos ritus sequentes ecclesiae primaevae : and beda , baronius , and all others confirm that paladius was the first that was called bishop in that kingdom ; attamen s●●●l christiani prima●●i , saith another , so that long before there was any order of prelatical bishops allowed in scotland , even after paladius time , there was a church there ; and tho foreign and domestick authors ( favouring prelacy ) write upon this subject , and name many bishops to have been in scotland before and after paladius ; yet none of these authors dare have the confidence to say , that these bishops had any medling in state affairs till that nation was enslaved to the church of rome , and even when that was , the kings and church of scotland in general would never own the pope so much , or subject themselves to him , as other princes and churches did . look but the 43 cap. p. 6 th . k. ja. 3.39 cap. par. 4. k. ja. 4 th , 85 cap. par. 11. k. ja. 3 d. 4 cap. par. 1. k. ja. 4.119 . cap. par. 7. k. ja. 5 th , &c. which were but confirmations of k. ja. 1 st . acts cap. 13. parl. 1 st . cap. 14. &c. and there and elsewhere much more you will find to prove how little respect our kings had to the pope's thunders in the time of scotland's greatest devotion to rome . and a king who would rule wisely , and to the general satisfaction of the people ( in which case they can and will serve him faithfully ) will give liberty of conscience to his people in innocent or indifferent matters , which are perhaps matters indifferent to himself : and no good man dare not but attribute the epithetes of a heroick mind , as well as of a calm well disposed spirit to our present gracious king and queen , who condescend indulgently to any thing may make their people happy , so far as they are rightly informed ; and i am hopeful will verify seneca's saying in time , mens regnum bona possidet : besides , that the constitutions of bishops in scotland and england , are not the same thing , and in their dependance have not the equivalent power or influence in their publick and private managements in relation to the state ; for in england , the laws there seem to secure bishops so in their offices and benefices ( when ordained and consecrated ) that though they should not go along with the court in disagreeable things , without a new law , or ranversing the old in a parliamentary way , they cannot be put from their benefices , though they should be suspended from their offices . but in scotland that order depended so intirely upon court favour ; that the governours could , and actually have , without any supervenient law or statute turned out bishops , tam ab officio quàm à beneficio , of which there could be many instances given , but the matter of fact being so well known , we need not trouble the reader with them here . but certain it is , that the difference of these two constitutions is an encouragement to the one to own what is good , and is a bait to the other to maintain even more dangerous things than the doctrine of non-resistance it self if required : and to make a parallel between the english and scots bishops in many things , but particularly in their practices ; would be but a reproach to our nation , to render in publick , were it not that it clearly appears in matters of fact , whether it be the fault in the constitution of scots bishops , or the bishops own natural temper . that the old scots proverb holds true , that lordships changes manners ; for be they habit and repute never so good and moderate men when only in the state of ministers , yet when once bishops or prelats , for the most part they become like that emperor who was very good till he became emperor , and had power to do evil , whose answer upon a question of the alteration of his different temper and practices is well known to all versant in history , and there was one of the popes who proved to be of the same temper also . but now to come to give an account of some particular practices of their late bishops in scotland in the last two reigns , which generally created an irreconcileable hatred in mens minds to the order it self ( though church government were a matter indifferent to clergymen and laicks ; ) and the first step was , that when the general assembly of divines in scotland , who were not only very active to crown king charles the second at scoon in 1650. but also , great instruments to restore him to the imperial crown in the year 1660. and that the presbyterian government was confirmed act 16. par. 1. ch. 2 d. they looking upon mr. james sharp as one of the most violent presbyterians in the english time , of great credit with the presbyterian clergy , and of no less fame for his almost violent zeal that way , which all the presbyterian party there , solemnly swearing to stand by the church of scotland , as it was then established in a presbyterial government , was intrusted by them in the year 1661. as their commissioner to the king , to have that government continued : but the promise and fair prospect of an archbishoprick prevailed with his judgment , and gave him a new light , for which he was tainted with that epithet of the betrayer of the church of scotland , and his brethren , who being a politick man , failed not to contrive , and ( with other politicians in the state , and laxer clergy who looked for benefices ) to concert the new establishment of the order of bishops in its full extent , after the form almost of the old popish order , and abolishing the presbyterian government in the year 1662. it was no doubt a failure in some of the presbyterian ministers , then ( many of which were great eminent and loyal men , though refusing benefices from the late king ) to desert their churches and vocations in the publick assemblies , until they had been forced from them ( as no doubt they would have been without compliance . ) but certain it is , that when some of them left their charges , and others were forced to quit the same immediately thereafter , by imposing new engagements to that government , contrary to their former solemn oaths , and vows ( though it be much my opinion , that no oaths ought to be imposed in point of government , except that of allegiance to the king in his political government of the church , as well as in the civil state ; because good men need not to be loaded with oaths , and evil men will never keep oaths when they find opportunity to break them to any earthly advantage ) , which others imbraced for love of the benefices , and the ministers that either quit or were put from their charges , were not only restrained from preaching and praying in any publick meetings to their congregations , or privately in their houses , ( though they expected nothing for their labours ) by imposition of arbitrary penalties , and contriving penal and sanguinary laws , equivalent to that which was made against papists , seminary priests , and jesuits ad terrorem , 2 act. sess . 3. parl. 1 st . ch. 2 d. &c. acts 5. and 7. par. 2 d. sess . 2 d. acts 9. and 17. par. 2 d. sess . 3 d. but several more severe acts were made in parliaments 1685. and 1686. and though none of those laws were once put in execution against papists , priests , jesuits , &c. yet how violently were they put in execution against those poor ministers , their flocks and families , for the one's preaching , and the other's hearing of the word of god , without mixture or the least grains of schism or disloyalty ? which oppression ( meerly for the difference of opinion ) tended to so great a persecution ( which verified that old saying , that oppression makes a wise man mad ) that it put the people in such a terrible consternation , that this persecution or oppression ( call it what you will ) forced the people in the year 1666. to gather together and rise in arms in defence of their preacher's , religion and liberty , against those persecuting clergymen ; who not only contrived , but forced the statesmen and the king's privy-council to stretch these penal and sanguinary laws , against both their religion and liberty in which they were educated : and what devastation , forfaultures , cruelties and bloodshed followed thereupon in that poor kingdom for several years is so generally known , that it 's needless to relate it here , and the late king charles , who had nothing of violence in his nature , considering the common evil their divisions occasioned , ( with the concurrence , and by a representation of some honest men then in the civil government ) did give a little respite by a toleration to some ministers to preach in several congregations , but the regular clergy were so exasperated against this indulgence , that they themselves made terrible clamours and complaints to the king and clergy of england ( who were not so immoderate , nor so immoral in their actions against dissenters , nor so vitious and scandalous in their lives and conversations ) and to the officers of state , and the privy council in scotland , not only against those poor people , but also against any that favour'd or pitied them , alledging it was a schism in the church , that the ministers preached rebellion , which the council found frequently upon tryal to be false , and that those that gave any dissent to their violence against these people were disloyal . and many that were vitious and the most scandalous of their inferior clergy , not agreeing with the abstemious lives and the singular examples of those godly ministers , made it their business to harrass and malign them and the people , to the government ; till they got their point wrought so far as to remove this liberty which the king graciously granted , and procured an army of wild highlanders to be sent to those countries in anno 1677. which army committed the greatest barbarities and unnatural things that ever was heard tell of in a christian nation , by their oppressions , robberies , plunders , rapines , &c. making no distinction of persons or sexes . this being with great difficulty represented again to the king , he out of his wonted clemency , caused remove his army , and those poor people , though left in a manner desolate , having got the least respite ( their religion and profession being dearer to them than their lives ) they frequenting those meetings again without tumult or uproar , where they thought they had the word of god truly and more purely preached to them : the episcopal clergy ( being again allarm'd ) made the greatest clamour that could be , and made their interest at court to send arms again ( as they alledged , to suppress them ) upon which violent persons did get commissions , when other moderate men that had commissions laid them down ; and others refused them upon such cruel expeditions ) and raised regiments of foot , horse , and dragoons , and many of them , who having neither principles of religion nor humanity , were sent thither with those troops , and treated the people in a most barbarous manner , which forc'd those poor oppressed people to guard their meetings with armed men , till they fell in blood with those cruel mercenary souldiers in the year 1679. which cruelty and persecution increased their number the more ; which verifies that old saying , cinis & sanguis martyrum semen ecclesiae , for the more they were oppressed and persecuted , the more their number increased . and were there not then some of the greatest personages in that kingdom in disgrace with the king by the instigation of that clergy , and some other ministers of state , not only for their dissents to their violent proceedings against protestants ; but also for complaining of some other mismanagements in state ? but god has at this time been pleased to honour them , so as to put them in capacity to be most instrumental in setling the present government , i hope upon sure and lasting foundations . but not to make a greater digression , then was the duke of monmouth sent generalissimo to scotland to suppress those protestants ; yet he was to be over-ruled by the clergy , and the king's council ; who notwithstanding of his limited commission did , and for his favour shewn to those poor people ( who he knew suffered meerly upon the account of their religion and stricter lives ) was by the clergy and the violent party , their adherents , put in disgrace with the king , as other great persons were , and how many families of all ranks and degrees were then and since destroyed by this oppression and clergy's persecution ? how many were tortured without mercy ? how many were banish'd , drown'd , beheaded , shot , &c. many of them without the liberty of once calling upon god before their death , is incredible ; but all europe knows it , and it cannot be denied . and who knowing , or in the least understanding the affairs of scotland in those times , will deny but that these cruel proceedings against the presbyterian ministers and their hearers , ( by banishments , imprisonments , forfaultures , intercommonings , or outlawries , deaths , &c. ) were the very things that forc'd many of the vulgar sort of professors to fly to the hills and mountains , where ( though no doubt they had opportunity to hear some good ministers preach ) yet popish emissaries , trafficking priests , &c. being never idle , and never neglecting occasions by the divisions of those of the reformed religion , to propagate their hellish designs , were not wanting to be there as wolves in sheeps clothing , or devils in angels shapes , to seduce those of meaner capacities to imbibe some dregs of the jesuitical principles , which brought many of those poor innocents to end their days in misery . but that , when the late king james was dealt with ( for reasons best known to his cabin councellors ) to grant a general toleration , doubtless out of no respect to the presbyterian party ; they did , it 's true , take hold of that opportunity and freedom to preach the gospel , and no further , ( when in the mean time the episcopal clergy did give their thanks to the late king , for his liberty and toleration to papists , quakers , and all other sects ) of which they were hindred before by the episcopal clergy , their procurement ; and they no doubt had reason to thank the late king , or any , for the liberty it self ( having by it received a glimps of the gospel by their freedom to preach it ) though they desponded of its long continuance , but expected a greater persecution thereafter , which they preached to their hearers , and no doubt their prophetick sentences had been fulfilled , had not god in his mercy prevented it , by preparing a fit and glorious instrument to preserve his people from the designed overflowing deluge of popery and slavery . and what good protestant would not thank a turk or pagan , nay , the pope himself for life , liberty , and freedom of the reformed religion ; much more a native prince , especially considering what is before related about a 26 years oppression or persecution from those called the regular clergy then , and by their instigation ; for from that clergy they could expect no good tidings : for some of them had the impudence to say in pulpit , that rome should have it e're jack presbyter should have it ; this is a matter of fact , for who would not rather receive a favour ( in the acceptance innocent ) from a professed enemy , than be oppressed or cruelly used by a counterfeit false friend or unnatural relation , judge ye ? and whether these proceedings against those poor protestants , does not too much imitate the romish clergy and missionaries imposition on magistrates and governors to be their executioners , let any indifferent man judge : so that any impartial unbyassed person indued with common sense and reason ( considering what is said ( which is but a specimen of a system that could be written on this unpleasant subject to any good protestant , were it not to vindicate the generality of the nation , unjustly aspersed of purpose to make the government unfavourable to strangers , who know no better ) may conclude that this persecuted people , as well as the generality of the scotch nation , have reason not to continue the order of bishops there ; for if the practices of particular bishops in scotland , were rendred publick , none would tax or reproach that kingdom with violence , inhumanity , persecution , or rashness in their present management of church affairs ; especially considering how great instruments most of the episcopal clergy have been of late , by their connivance , forwardness , or contrivance to encourage the ministers of the late government to encroach so much upon the religion , laws , liberties , and properties of the protestant subjects , we shall only instance two ; so ex ungue leonem . the first is , of their behaviour in the parliament 1686. when there was no less design than to rescind the penal laws , fram'd and enacted against papists , seminary priests and jesuits , hearers and sayers of mass ad terrorem , to hinder the growth of popery in that nation , which was the only legal bulwark and security of the protestant religion , these all the bishops ( excepting three ) concurred to remove ; by removing of which laws , all persons lax in their principles , or evil-designing men would be left loose , and at their full liberty to act in the matters of religion as they pleased , and in which case a prevailing party might easily impose whatever they pleased , the power being in their hand , and the prerogatives screwed up above the highest note in the scale of musick : but god who did not design to destroy that nation ( meerly by his providence as the execution of his eternal decrees ) wonderfully prevented all those hellish designs beyond humane expectation , and disappointed the actors . the next was that when all rational foreseeing men had a jealousie of a popish contrivance , to impose a prince of wales to deprive the lawful heirs of their rightful succession , and men having searched more narrowly into the affair , they were fully convinc'd in their minds of a popish imposture , the whole bishops of scotland ( when in the mean time they could see no less than the persecution of their honest brethren in england for religious matters ) they ( some of them no doubt , for worldly interest , whither that would drive them , god knows , and others in compliance , for fear of suspension from , or loss of their offices and benefices ) did make the most solemn , though the most unreasonable , unchristian address , and disagreeable to the pretended character that ever was upon the birth of a supposed prince of wales ; and what expressions are in that address ( so generally known ) cannot but be nauseous to any good protestant to rehearse , in which they called that prince , the darling of heaven , &c. but to come in the next place to the late procedure of the convention , their committees during their adjournments , and the parliament now sitting , in relation to church affairs , i shall give an impartial account of the particulars , so much as is needful . and first , when the nobility and gentry of scotland that were here in january last 1689. did give their advice to the then prince of orange ( now our gracious king ) what methods to take in relation to the settlement of the scotch nation then in great confusion , having no government , by reason of the late king's desertion of the government ; the king did follow their advice ; and albeit that some alledged a general proclamation , to be published in ordinary times and accustomary places , for calling the ensuing general meeting of the estates , would be the best method to call them together , for reasons neither fit nor necessary to be inserted here ; yet his majesty , to a general satisfaction , did take very knowing mens advice to dispatch his circular letters , which he did by vertue of the trust they reposed in him , and the advice given by the gentry and nobility of scotland to such as had right to represent the nation in a general meeting , not omitting the then bishops , their order being as then established by a standing law , which his majesty would not transgress . and when those representatives of the nation did meet freely , frequently , and fully in a general meeting , by virtue of our now gracious king's warrant before explained , had the bisshops then behaved themselves as became persons of their profession , pretended honour & character , if they thought not the call sufficiently warrantable , they ought either not to present themselves at that general meeting , or when they did appear by vertue of that general warrant , they might have protested and deserted the meeting , as in their opinion not legal , before it were constituted so by the general meeting it self : otherwise , to have complyed fully upon their meeting , and not only to have acknowledged their faults , errors , and mismanagements in the late government , but also to have gone on honestly , and vigorously with the other estates , in prosecution of the good designs of their meeting . first , by concurring to heal the breaches made in the hedges of religion , and removing the encroachments made upon its laws . secondly , by restoring the wholsom laws , liberties & properties of the estates & their fellow-subjects , so much encroached upon by popish emissaries , and any other wickedly designing party in any of the later reigns , but contrary to this , being it seems conscious to themselves of some guilt , they did all bandy together , not only with those that were too active to carry on the mischief in the later governments , but also with a new designing party who had no principles , not only to vindicate all the evils that were done in the late government , but also to bring the nation under more slavery than ever ; the particulars thereof are too generally known . and considering their profession by their actions , contraria juxta se posita clariùs elucescunt . i will not be too opinionative to assert , that the generality of people in that nation , or the major part of this great and wise council of the nation did incline to continue the establishment of that hierarchy , they finding it in a manner very improbable , if not altogether impossible , ( considering all that is said , and much more might be said ) to reconcile the ignorance , debauchery and persecuting humour of the most part of the prelatical party in scotland , with the singular , exemplary strict , and orderly lives and conversations of the presbyterian clergy , and most of their adherents : but sure i am , that clergy's former and later behaviour were the reasons that induc'd that great and wise meeting of the estates so suddenly to tender that order of bishops as a grievance of the nation to his majesty , in their preliminaries , in order to be abolished in the next parliament , now sitting , and to vindicate that nation , the general meeting of the estates , and the present parliament , from all aspersions which are industriously spread abroad , loading them with a persecution of the episcopal ministry there . take this for truth , of which no intelligent man in britain can be ignorant . that the first act the estates made , was to secure their own sitting . the second material to our purpose was their declaring themselves a free estate , and a legal meeting , and declaring that they would not separate , but continue to sit by frequent meetings , till they had restored and secured their religion , laws , liberties , and properties ; as well as that of their fellow subjects so much encroached upon , and till they had established the government of the church and state. both which acts the bishops voted in and approved of . and this being done with several other things , establishing the legality of the meeting , &c. too tedious to rehearse here , being intended but an abbreviat ; who would think that the reverend protestant fathers of the church of scotland would have stood in the way of any proposition that might tend to the security of the protestant reformed religion , restoring the wholsom laws , and securing the liberties and properties of the subject ? yet with the next breath , they were not only for continuing profess'd papists in chief commands of strong fortresses , and in the army , expecting their greater security that way , as it seems they had reason , considering their former deportment ; and the then present circumstances of the nation ; but were also for recalling home the late king , which they alledged they looked upon to be the only way to secure religion , to give the standing laws their lustre ( no doubt there is something understood there , & latuit anguis in herba ) and to secure the liberty and property of the people ; these were their very express●ons . but as i doubt not , that there is any good christian , but is heartily grieved for the bigottry of the lat● k●ng's religion , his evil council and mismanagement of affairs in state and church , and encroachments up ●n all that was dear unto us , which brought him to his low estate , much more brittish inhabitants , and m●st of al● t●e s●ot●h pro●e●●ants , who can endure no government ●ut a monarchical ; whose love to that governm●nt is such , that they did always undergo great burthens , and did peaceably forbear many faults and infirmities in several of their kings for many ages , as unquestionable good historians make appear : yet to give a call to the late king in his and our present circumstances , to return with a french , irish , and other cruel popish crew , were either to make him more miserable , who could not but be utterly destroyed in the attempt , or the protestants in britain most miserable , by reducing of them all to popery and slavery , or to the french most unchristian cruelty , and untolerable heavy yoke , and our foreign protestant allies and their confederates , though of different religions , more uneasie , if not in hazard to be destroyed by the french ambition and slavery , which is more untolerable beyond doubt than that of the turks and tartars , his dear confederates ; but it seems our bishops when they desired to recall a popish king did not mind , or rather did not value the verity of claudian's remarque , in case the late king did return with the least favour of a reeling populace , — componitur orbis regis ad exemplum — and a little after , mobile mutatur semper cum principe vulgus . and who doubts , but that if the late king returned by force , the fate of all those of the reformed religion ( if real protestants ) whether episcopal or presbyterial , would be sudden in the execution , and if invited home , were his promises never so fair and specious , the same fate would no doubt befall them in a short time : and the mobile is not always to be trusted for a bulwark in every exigence . but to the next matter of fact. upon the day of april , the estates having fully considered that it would be dangerous , to have the government longer unsetled , and having upon good grounds , too tedious to relate here , resolved to declare the crown vacant , and the late king james's right , &c. forfaulted , the bishops not only urged frivolous arguments , but also voted against it ; notwithstanding their chearful voting affirmativè to the former acts. and there being an act ordaining the clergy not to pray for the late king james , &c. as king and prince , their right being forfaulted , and the crown declared vacant , the bishops all removed without any compulsion , except 2 , or 3 , who were the most moderate ; and one of those being desired at the rising of the meeting to say prayers , he , that he might not omit his pretended allegiance to king james in his prayers , omitted to say prayer in common form , or extempore , but only repeated the lord's prayer , desiring it seems to give offence to none : but a person present alledged , that several persons used to conclude their prayers with the lord's prayer , and so did that bishop ; for he suspected it should be his last prayer in that place . at the next sitting of the estates it was moved , that , considering the bishops behaviour in the later governments , their behaviour in that general meeting , ( where notwithstanding their being present , and voting in several acts affirmativè , which they contraveen'd contrary to their profession ) their order should be declared a grievance to the nation ; which motion being remitted to the consideration of the grand committee , they at their next meeting brought it in as their opinion , that the bishops were one of the greatest grievances of the nation : which opinion the whole meeting after serious consideration approved of , and voted them out of doors . after which , all the bishops withdrew themselves in cabals with several disaffected people , called several of their inferior clergy together , prompting them to disobedience in the present juncture : which principles many of the episcopal clergy did then vent too much in their preachings and publick prayers . the estates having emitted a proclamation proclaiming william and mary then king and queen of england , king and queen of scotland , without a contradictory vote , and only one non liquet ; and another proclamation enjoyning the clergy after the proclamation to read the declaration , and to pray for king william and queen mary ; and in doing of which , many did comply , but several refused ; yet all , even those of the episcopal clergy ( though not complying with this ) who would live peaceably and regularly as subjects , the estates took into their particular protection , putting forth another proclamation , prohibiting all or any of the subjects whatsoever to trouble or molest any of them in their lives or estates . and none will be so impudent as to alledge in publick , that any either of the bishops , or their inferiour clergy , whether complying or not , were ever troubled in their persons or estates since the said prohibition , and few even before , by the unruly rabble , unless it be those whose deportment no good men can vindicate , and those moderate men of untainted lives and conversations of the episcopal communion , who have chearfully complyed with the estates , and present government , will declare how they were caressed by the presbyterian party in this juncture , and others who might be nice and scrupulous in some points , christianly exhorted and invited to joyn with them without engagements , further than reading the declaration , and praying for king william and queen mary ; and i have reason to think that the present wise parliament will impose nothing capable to trouble their consciences in their complyance with the present government . and truly it would seem to be no small reproach to the scotch bishopsto hear those who were lately their inferior clergy now declare in the pulpit and elsewhere , how these many years by-past , they themselves have groaned under their bishops tyranny and oppression of several kinds . but after the bishops were declared a grievance to the nation for many undeniable good pregnant reasons , and now voted out of doors , the estates took many calm methods by exhortations , &c. with their clergy , to have their deportment suitable to their profession in the present juncture ; but several of them continued so obstinate , and endeavoured to seduce others to the defaming of the government in publick and private ; so that they were necessitated to deprive some of them ( though they indulged some eminent men till they advised better ) and ordered presbyterian ministers to preach in their churches : and sure i am notwithstanding the frequent complaints given in to the estates , of the episcopal clergy's and their parties meeting in cabals with papists and other disaffected people , to the contempt of the present government ; yet that they were so tender of their character , as ministers of the gospel , that none of them were once prosecuted by the estates , their committees , the privy council , or the present parliament , since their deprivation , except one minister , who was accused to have spoken some treasonable words ; and how tenderly they dealt with him in his misbehaviour and infirmities , for fear of bringing a reproach upon any that preached the gospel , whether6 of one order or another , is well known ; and it is too publick , how one of those deserting ministers wives , and others of that perswasion , who converse with papists ( as the effects of their cabals ) were apprehended , endeavouring to get into the castle of edenburgh ( with fresh meat , and other provisions ) when it was block'd up , and declared treason to converse with , or assist any therein ; and yet how tenderly they were proceeded against , is generally known ; there are many others of their evil practices in the late conjuncture , might be spoken of , too tedious to the reader ; but to conclude with the episcopal clergy's behaviour in scotland of late , who have been more active , or like to be found more guilty in a correspondence with , and assisting the lord dundee and his party , now in rebellion , and committing most inhumane actions , than several of those who are called the regular clergy ? which must be publick to their shame ; besides , that the late bishop of galloway is certainly concluded to be with the late king james in person in ireland . and as a further evidence of the estates , the present parliament , the council , and other people of scotland , their favourable deportment and lenity towards the episcopal clergy there , it 's undeniable that both the bishops and their inferiour clergy , who by their ill deportment and late obstinacy , deprived themselves of their benefices , do walk and travel in town and country , on foot , in coach , and upon horseback , at their pleasure , and live peaceably in their houses without any trouble or molestation whatsoever : and it will be found unquestionably true , that neither the episcopal clergy , nor any other , who have been grievous and great persecutors and invaders of the religion , and encroachers upon the laws , liberties , and properties of their fellow subjects in the late government , were in the least fear of their lives or estates in that kingdom , since the first general meeting of the estates ; notwithstanding of the great clamours and false aspersions , of purpose and industriously invented and spread abroad by some persons for their own ends , being either afraid to abide the test of the law by way of moderate justice , or being uneasie to themselves , and troublesom to others under any government , were it never so good and easie , but where they have a power to gratifie their lusts and voracious appetite , and to do mischief to others . and as for that allegeance that the bishops , whose order is abolished in scotland , and their inferiour clergy , who have deserted their charge , out of an ill principle , for the most part have not a livelyhood or subsistence , it must be very gross and ridiculous ; for it 's well known , that both the bishops and those of their clergy , who have deserted their charges had opulent benefices , and are rich ( though not to satisfaction ) or might have been so in a cheap country , where , with the least management , the half or third part of their yearly benefices might maintain them and their families very well ; for it 's known generally there , that several ministers with lesser benefices than any that quit their charge now , have made good fortunes for their children ; and it 's hardly known that ever their charity or pious acts was the occasion of their poverty , though they have had examples enough from many of their good english brethren clergy-men ; and if they lived too sumptuously , sibi imputent . and certain it is , that their presbyterian brethren , when they labour'd under the greatest poverty and affliction in the world , by the scots episcopal or regular clergy ( call them what you please ) their immediate procurement , none of them pitied their distress , or relieved them in their wants in the name of disciples , ( when it must be confess'd they were sheltered and connived at , not only in england and ireland , but caressed abroad in holland , and elsewhere ) though there is good reason to believe that these ministers and other presbyterians both pity these called lately the regular clergy , for their miscarriages , and pray for their reformation ; which god grant . but i conclude this point with a good church of england man's saying , that the bishops of england were like the kings of judah , and the bishops of scotland like the kings of israel ; for that there were several good bishops in england , but never one good bishop in scotland . and though this be a general rule or maxim of the scots bishops , yet no general rule wants its exceptions , there being some few eminent men of that order in scotland , who disssented from , and disapproved of their violent procedures , and inhumane and unchristian-like practice ; but this was rara avis in hisce terris . and i sum up all with a saying of a great father in the church , that whoever is of a persecuting spirit , whatever he profess outwardly , is of the devil ; which made persius in the like case in his satyrs , make that imprecation to tyrants in general , or persecutors , which is the same thing upon the matter ; both being tyrants : summe parens divum , saevos punire tyrannos haund alia ratione velis , &c. and tho tyrants or persecutors may have a time allotted them to diffuse their venom to the terror or affliction of others ; yet they will meet with their correction or judgments here or hereafter , when the oppressed and afflicted shall be released . and now being that the order of prelatical bishops is abolished in scotland by an act of parliament ; it is not once to be supposed that any other government can be established there in the church but a presbyterian ; the model thereof i submit interim , to the consideration and the final and unanimous resolution of a just and wise king ( who favoured the peoples general inclination ) and this wise , loyal and free parliament . and to make it evident to all unbyassed men , that it is not only the general inclination of the people , to have the presbyterian government established ; but also , that that kingdom can never be in peace , without the establishment of it : though i might urge many , yet i only offer two undeniable proofs . first , there being 32 shires or counties , and two stewartries ( comprehending the whole body of the nation ) that send their commissioners or representatives to parliaments , and all general meetings of the estates or conventions ; of these 34 districts or divisions of the kingdom , there are 17 of them entirely presbyterians ; so that where you will find one there episcopally inclined , you 'll find 150 presbyterians . and the other 17 divisions , where there is one episcopally inclined , there are two presbyterians . secondly , make but a calculation of the valued rent of scotland , computing it to be less or more , or computed argumentandi causa , to be three millions , and you will find the presbyterian heritors , whether of the nobility or gentry , to be p●oprietors and possessors of two millions and more ; so that those that are episcopally inclined cannot have a third of that kingdom ; and as for the citizens or burgesses , and commonalty of scotland , they are all generally inclined to the presbyterian government except papists , and some remote , wild , and barbarous highlanders , who have not a true notion of a deity , acknowledge neither king nor superiour , but the chief of their tribe , and have little subsistence but by rapin and plunder , and who ought to be subdued and reduced by force , and garrisons placed amongst them ; without which , they can never be kept in order , or obliged to serve the precepts of law or gospel . all which is true , and can be made appear to a demonstration . finis . truths defender, and errors reprover: or a briefe discoverie of feined presbyterie dilated and unfolded in 3. distinct chapters. the first, shewing what english presbyterie is. the second declareth what the failings and errings are, in the practise of those that have constitution by ordinance of parliament. the third chapter discovereth the conceited fancies, of such as minde not parliamentary directions, either for their own constitution or execution and yet denominate themselves presbyterians. and both parties being found guilty of transgression, are admonished to repentance, according to the rule of the word of the lord, that commandeth his servants, saying, thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour, and not suffer sinne upon him, or as it is in the margent, or thou beare not sinne for him levit. 19. 17. and also capt. norwoods declaration, proved an abnegation of christ. / by j.g. a servant to, and lover of the truth. graunt, john, of bucklersbury. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85550 of text r206472 in the english short title catalog (thomason e633_5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 52 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85550 wing g1596 thomason e633_5 estc r206472 99865629 99865629 165886 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85550) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 165886) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 97:e633[5]) truths defender, and errors reprover: or a briefe discoverie of feined presbyterie dilated and unfolded in 3. distinct chapters. the first, shewing what english presbyterie is. the second declareth what the failings and errings are, in the practise of those that have constitution by ordinance of parliament. the third chapter discovereth the conceited fancies, of such as minde not parliamentary directions, either for their own constitution or execution and yet denominate themselves presbyterians. and both parties being found guilty of transgression, are admonished to repentance, according to the rule of the word of the lord, that commandeth his servants, saying, thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour, and not suffer sinne upon him, or as it is in the margent, or thou beare not sinne for him levit. 19. 17. and also capt. norwoods declaration, proved an abnegation of christ. / by j.g. a servant to, and lover of the truth. graunt, john, of bucklersbury. [4], 16 p. printed by matthew simmons, next doore to the golden lyon in aldersgatestreet, london : 1651. the epistle dedicatorie signed: john graunt. annotation on thomason copy: "july. 2". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng norwood, robert, -captain. presbyterianism -england -early works to 1800. christianity -early works to 1800. a85550 r206472 (thomason e633_5). civilwar no truths defender, and errors reprover: or a briefe discoverie of feined presbyterie dilated and unfolded in 3. distinct chapters.: the first graunt, john, of bucklersbury. 1651 9412 5 15 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion truths defender , and errors reprover : or a briefe discoverie of feined presbyterie dilated and unfolded in 3. distinct chapters . the first , shewing what english presbyterie is . the second declareth what the failings and errings are , in the practise of those that have constitution by ordinance of parliament . the third chapter discovereth the conceited fancies , of such as minde not parliamentary directions , either for their constitution or execution and yet denominate themselves presbyterians . and both parties being found guilty of transgression , are admonished to repentance , according to the rule of the word of the lord , that commandeth his servants , saying , thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sinne upon him , or as it is in the margent , or thou beare not sinne for him levit. 19. 17. and also capt. norwoods declaration , proved an abnegation of christ . by j. g. a servant to , and lover of the trvth . london , printed by matthew simmons , next doore to the golden lyon in aldersgatestreet , 1651. to the right honourable john bradshaw lord president of the counsel of the state of england . meeting of late ( my lord ) with some strange undertakers in point of church-governement , who thought they had done well , and yet missed at a great distance the marks both divin and humane , not onely in that which concerned their impowerment , but also thier direction for government , and finding my brethren injuriously dealt withall , and over-mastered by more then ordinarie insultation , i could do no lesse there & then , but defend them by my advice and counsell , which did so seasonably relieve and refresh them , as that they earnestly desired , that i would send them the like in writing , for their better satisfaction , and vesoluton in future times , whose christian importunity , hath so prevailed with my weake abilitie , as that i have made a briefe , yet a true discoverie of fained presbyterie : and notwithstanding your lordship , hath formerly taken notice , of the contents of the two first chapters , yet that experience i have had of your ready eare for hearing , and soundnesse of judgement in knowing , makes me bold to acquaint your honour with the whole discoverie , and therein especially with the contents of the third chapter , in which are such strang and new things , as i presume your lordship never read the like , and i humbly beseech , that my boldnesse may finde pardon of your goodnesse , & amongst your great offerings let this mite of mine receive acceptance from him whom the lord hath made his servant and yours , to serve him the great god of heaven and earth , and your lordship in a higher imployment . my lord , no sooner had i thought thus to conclude this short epistle : but presently was given me a grosse delusion of captain norwoods asserted under his owne hand . and wondring that such an impudent falshood should put on a face of confidence and boldnesse , i thought it my duty to the common-wealth in a few words , to breake his bands of ●ruths restraint asunder , as sampson arose , and cast away the strumpets intanglements : and because i have declared before against these approbrious injuries offered to the misterie of godlinesse , touching our lords personall death and resurrection , i thought good to add them , and this to the aforesaid discoverie , commending all to your honours meditations , who am alwayes ready to serve you , john graunt . a discoverie of fained presbiterie . first , presbyterie is that regulate way of a religious christian profession , that is declared by the parliament . and secondly , feigned presbyterie is something denominated like it , being taken up at the pleasure and will of diverse christians , carrying on thereby an arbitrary way of bondage and slaverie towards their weake brethren , who give themselves up to the will and pleasure of such as erre , not knowing the scriptures , notwithstanding their pretence of church-government . the first chapter , shewing what english presbyterie is . for the first sort of presbyterie , it is such as authority instituted in anno 1645. 1646. and 1647. by the power and vertue of divers ordinances of parliament : and first , we must take notice of such rules and directions , as doe enable each parish , to make choice of elders , and that is when a county or country is made a province by authority of parliament , that province divided by them into classis , in which classis respectively there are nominated ministers and others to be judges and triers , who are authorized to trie and examine the elected elders , which the parishes in the said classis shall present unto them , under the hands of the minister and church-wardens , and within 14 dayes after election , to heare the exceptions against them , made and exhibited by any parishioner or others , in matters of ignorance or scandall committed within 12. moneths before , according to the descriptions of both enumerated in ordinance of parliament , october 20. 1645. and as the triers shall judge , either to approve , or disapprove , the said elective elders , and when the convenient number , more or lesse , chosen by the parishioners , be approved of , then and not before , are they in capacity to act , that is to meet once a weeke or oftner ; and the congregationall eldership , consisting of minister and elders , or the major part of them are impowred to summon before them , the parishioners or any part of them , to examination in maters of ignorance and scandal , according to the particular heads , of each enumerated , in the ordinance before mentioned , and they are impowered further , to take an oath of such witnesses , as shall accuse the examined ; and as the eldership shall judge , to admit , and suspend them from the lords-supper , and further it is ordained , that of the congregationall elderships , are made and constituted all other degrees of presbyterian government , for by one minister at the least , and two ruling elders , sent from each congregation , is made and constituted the classicall elderships , who are to meet once a moneth , and by two ministers , and foure elders sent from each classis , is made and constituted the provincial-assembly , who are ordered to meet twise a yeare , and so by the like sent from the provinciall , is the nationall assembly made and constituted , who are alwayes to attend the high court of parliament . and it is also provided , that for the reliefe and righting of such as shall thinke themselves wronged in the congregationall elderships , that such shall have liberty to appeale from them to the classis , from the classis , to the provinciall , from the provinciall , to the nationall , and from them to the parliament , if right may not be had otherwise : and further , each classis being constituted , they are also impowered for examination and ordination of ministers . the second chapter shews the errours and failings of this first , which is the best sort of englsh presbitery . for although this way and order was first ordained for the good and bettering of christian congregrations , yet wofull experience hath proved it to be very prejudicious and injurious , through the ignorance of some , and malice of others , against the streight way of the lord , and the children thereof , for whereas the elderships ought to have proceeded according to the rule , for the increase of grace , love and knowledge , and the maintenance of peace and amitie , for the flourishing of true and pure religion , instead thereof , they have acted by their owne corrupt mindes and wils , and vented their hatred and spleen , and have prevented truth , and promomoted falshood , and where there was quiet and peace before , they have now raised up discord and dissention , and instead of denying themselves , and bearing with , and edifying one another , they have destroyed and devoured each other , witnesse the third classis of london , and the assemby of syon-colledge , which committee as they call themselves , did declare in print to all the world , that this forementioned government was the will and appointment of jesus christ , and avouched it to be jure divino , and of themselves made additionall orders , without notice to , or leave given them by the parliament : that all elected elders of every parish , should have their names very fairely written , and set upon the church doore , desiring any whomsoever , that could make exception against any thre mentioned they should be heard , at such a time and place , where the triers would sit and receive all such accusations , they observing no rule or directions therein , provided by the ordinance of parliament , neither for the time limited , nor the particulars enumerated , nor the competetency or number of witnesses required , whereby illimited jurisdictions , innovations , and arbitrary proceedings may be avoided , and as this lawlesse committee then , and the triers afterwards declared their owne wils , so they all acted as corruptly ; for i knew a man then chosen an elder in one of the parishes of the third classis , whose election was with the greatest freedome and affection of the parishioners , as any that hath been chosen , the man being auntient in the congregation , and had gone through most offices amongst them , and it so fel out at the same time , there was another younger , yet a richer parishioner , chosen also , that was one of the triers nominated in the ordinance , who causelesly , divers times before had declared himselfe an opposer , of the former , and in the vestry he affirmed , the party they had chosen should never be allowed of , and presently used all his endeavour , to finde cause of exception , in such a malicious and inveterate manner , as the whole parish tooke notice of it , so that at the next vestry , some of them blamed him , that the state having appointed him a judge , he should so maliciously make himselfe the accuser , the prosecutor , the condemner , and executioner and all : to whom he made this answer againe , he whom you have chosen shall never be allowed of , and i will never give him the right hand of fellowship , nor be reconciled unto him ; upon his thus speaking , the opposed elder desired the parish to take notice of two things , in his implacable adversarie ; first , that he sets up his owne will , above the ordinances of parliament , which gives you power to choose your owne elders , and leaves it not to his perverse will and pleasure , and againe he supersedes all the rest of the triers and judges , for the ordinance refers the tryall and approbation to nine men , or any fix of them . and secondly , he exalts himselfe above god , and his ordinances , in saying peremptorily againe and againe , i will never be reconciled ; for gods word commands , and his servants beseech the contrary ; wherefore i pray ( said he ) observe what an unworthy elder , and judge you have chosen to governe you , for his opposition is not so much against me , as against you all , for your yea , is his nay , and you claime a publique interest in me , but he denies it you , from the which to be excused , tends to my particular ease and freedome ; and truly , as this his beginning was vile and corrupt , so his prosecution abundantly exceeded in hatred and malice , for in all hast , he caused divers exceptions to be drawn up against him , which he pretended to be scandalous , both in practise and judgement , and upon summons , the accused appeared , and after their clerk had read the exceptions , he required a copy of them , which being denyed by the prolocutor , ( which afterwards through much importunitie was obtained ) he then presently disclaimed and disavowed so many of them as tended to practise , and that most of them were false in many respects , and requiring them to proceed , by the rule limited to a year before , for the time , the enumeration in the ordinance for the particular matters , and two honest christians at least for evidence ? doe you tell us of the rule wee should walk by ( say they ) we would have you know we are not tyed to the letter of the rule , but the meaning of it , is left to our judgements : i hear you , said he , but i never heard before of a mystical humane law , & i tel you all plainly , that if you wave the letter of the ordinance of parliament , which is your direction to trie me by , then i would have you know , i have as much power to try you all , as you all have to trie me ; and added that he was sorry to finde them so unlimited and arbitrary in their proceedings ; and because the exceptions in practise were vaine and frivolous , and no way ordered by the ordinance , i will not now mention them , but referre them to another day of hearing , and proceed to give you a breviate of the exceptions touching scandalous judgement : the first was that he had affirmed , that the first day of the weeke was not commanded in gods word to be a sabbaoth . he answered , i have so affirmed , and if it be an errour so to say , then shew me it commanded in the word of god , to which they did not reply , but proceeded and said , it was further objected against him , that he denied the moralitie of the sabbaoth . he said , before i can properly and clearely answer you , i must aske you a question , what you meane by sabbaoth , whether the signe or the thing signified ? and also what you meane by moralitie , because , i do not finde the terme in our english tongue , used in the scripture ? the prolocutor or moderator , being at a pause , i answered , i affirme that the command of the seventh day , extended not to the christian gentiles , and i think you are all of my mind , or else you would observe , and not prophane it as you doe . secondly , i do hold that which the seventh dayes rest did signifie , doth remaine and continue to the end of the world , and in some respects forever also , and pulling out a bible out of my pocket , read part the of third and fourth chapters of the hebrews , and opened to them those scriptures , that speak of the sabbaoth , or rest of god , before mentioned , also by the prophets david and isaiah , saying , to day if you will heare his voice , harden not your hearts , least you enter not into his rest , &c. and againe , wee that have believed , have entred into his rest , and have ceased from our workes , as god did from his , proving to them by the scriptures , that the rest that remained unto the people of god , was a spirituall rest , and not a corporall , and you that are ministers here , said he , know well enough , that it is concluded in the harmony of all christian churches , their confessions , that the command for sanctifying the first day of the weeke , is an ordinance of the church , but they being weary of his exposition and exhortation , they replyed little , and less to the purpose , but proceeded to further exceptions , and said , that he was accused for affirming , that divine examples , doe not alwayes binde the conscience of a christian , to which he answerered , that in saying so , he said no more , then what themselves justified , for said he , there is a divine example , that the baptizer and the baptized , descended personally into the water together , and you baptizers follow not this holy example ; they replyed , it was not the custome of this country : behold said he , your hands and your tongue , and all that you doe , is against you , to justifie that to be lawfull in your selves , which very thing , you accuse in me for a scandalous exception ; these and such like , they debated some three or foure houres , but i will not tell you for shame , how shamefully they parted from my friend , least you should be ashamed to heare it : but to put a face upon the businesse , they summoned him twise or thrise afterwards , to make him wait , but they durst not dispute , and he finding their delayes , were to the parishes prejudice , in their right , and for their satisfaction , he made the case knowne to that worthy , and now right honourable counsellour , whose place is too high to declare his name , in so low a discoverie as this ; yet i cannot doe lesse , then tell you his judgement was , that the triers had much wronged the accused , in not bringing his accusers , face to face , according to ordinance of parliament , in such cases provided , and commanded him to tell them so from him , which message he delivered to them , the next time they sate ; which when they heard , they told him they did not believe him , wherupon he required them as they had power to take an oath , so they would give him his oath to confirme the truth of it , and when they would not , required what answer he should returne to him that sent him , they said , that they could not approve of him to be an elder , he desired their reasons , and their hands for his removing , that the parish might choose another , all which they unworthily denyed him , notwithstanding the ordinance required them . if such grosse injuries as these , through selfishnesse and carnalitie , have been done by the best and choicest presbyters , by the judgers and triers , such as were heedfully and consideratly appointed , by immediate authority of parliament , and if it be so with the best , what can wee expect from the choice of the multitude , both parochiall and classicall , of which if i had but time to tell you , would make both your eares to tingle , to heare what ignorance , contradictions , nonsense & impentenency they are guilty of , besides their pride , vaine glorie and hypocrisie : yet a hint of it you shall have in the chapter following . the second sort of english presbyters , are such as take upon them the name of the former , and are in some practises like them , but wholly without institution by authority of parliament , who in their practise heed not , but are opposers both of the law of god and man . therefore the third chapter discovereth the conceited fancies of such as have no authority for their practise , but their owne inventions . first , for the constitution of their church-officers , they minde not the ordinances before mentioned , thereby to be made capeable for election , nor to be impowered being elected , and allowed , but according to their owne inventions , goe on in the name of presbyterians , and choose elders and deacons , whereas the parliament knew well , that the office of deacons was sufficiently already provided for , by divers acts and statutes under the name of church-wardens , and over-seers for the poore , and therefore have wholly left out , that sort of church-officers , in their ordinances , thereby giving us a cleare evidence , that they never intended to destroy parochiall congregations , as these men unwarily doe but to reedefie and repaire them , by adding a helpfull , carefull , and watchfull office of elders , to those officers that were formerly , although they prove not as they were intended , and such as doe thus practise a presbyterian way in the parochiall congregations , not authorised as aforesaid , it is so farre from being beneficiall , as that it will prove wholly prejudiciall , and it tends more to a teaching sense of the supreame judicature of this common-wealth , then of obedience , of selfishnesse in judgement , then of sincerity of engagement , for if such as were ordained prove not to the purpose , what can we expected of them that ordaine themselves ? and if those faile that are regulated , what can wee looke for from such , whose rule is their will ? how helplesse are the people that submit to them , that are not provided for to appeale from them , to free them from the wrongs they shall doe them ? what defence shall a christian have from amongst them , for speaking the truth in reproofe of their false doctrine , you may judge what they will doe with you hereafter , by what they doe , and have done heretofore ; have they chosen themselves ? have they set up themselves above their brethren ? what good fruit can you expect from such evill plants ? and the choice they made was so strange and new , that as there is no example to paralell it , so there is scarce a dialect to expresse it , without smiling at it ; that such an unanimous people , such a great corporation , and constant communicants , so that i know not a more fuller , or willing congregation in this common-wealth , for frequenting gods publique ordinances , for these to be denyed the lords supper , for five yeares together by the same teacher , that all on a sudden , through imposing a new fancie of his owne devising , neither warranted by the law of god or man , but destructive to both , yet all that now would follow , and daunce after his pipe , should be admitted to that he had so long time detained , & yet now also publiquely declared that all that would not ob●y his humane invention should not presume to come to the communion , and thus he conceived and brought forth vanity , for being in the pulpit , desiring the people to meet him next morning in the church , and some fourscore of many hundreds appearing to him , he then taught them a necessity of believing his humane conceiving , to be sound doctrine and then and there , to choose a minister , and church-officers of their own devising . and the first question he askt them , was , who they would choose for their minister , and with one voice they chose himself , a fair election to choose one out of one , and he being chosen in such an unwarantable manner as this , and accepting thereof he told them that as they had made choice of their minister , so now they must proceed to choose other church-officers , and for my assistant , i choose mr. maior said he , and mr mayor presently chose for his assistant , an alderman , then the alderman chose a. and a. chose b. and b. chose c. and c. chose d. and so one chose another , till eight elders were chosen to the minister , or rather chose themselves , and then by their teachers direction , the last elder chose the first deacon , and so from the first , one chose another , till there was as many deacons begat as there were elders , and officers multiplying so fast , from so small a number assembled , they presently tooke counsell together , how to officiate , and so at that instant , appointed two weeke dayes , before the next lords day , to give attendance to examine communicants , and some did come and were admitted , but others who better knew the difference betweene will-worship , and true worship , forbore , and heard themselves forbidden that , by man , which gods word did allow them : now in this respect , those you have for so long time heretofore condemned , shall rise up in judgement against you , and be justified in comparison of you , for as they wave the rules of authority , and in that are blameable , as you are , yet they doe it without doores , and not within , they leave all quiet at home , from whence they goe , whatsoever they doe abroad where they are , but you befoul your own nest , set fire of your own house , cause divisions and dissentions in your owne congregation , that before was quiet , so that nothing can be expected from you , by your owne doings , but confusion and destruction ; wherefore i advise my friends that are free , not to medle with such as are subject to change . and these things being so , for my brethrens cause i must speake , and for the truths sake , i cannot keep silent ; my brethren are captivated and inslaved , and the truth is with-held in unrighteousnesse , by such as exalt themselves above all authority , that is , all that are called god , for as their discipline , as they call it , is warrantlesse both for matter and frame , so are their doctrines , which forces me by way of discoverie , thus to dissect and anatomize the whole body , or rather a monster of this fained presbyterie . not long since it is that i heard this minister on mich. 4. 3. in these words , and they shall breakr their swords into ploug-sheares , and their speares into pruning-hoocks . affirming the prophet in these words , prophesied of the churches state and condition under the gospel , before the lords comming or generall resurrection , on whom should be poured forth such great gifts of the spirit , that they should in converting men unto god , turne their finnes into graces , and their wickednesses into rightousnes o strange ignorant unheard of expression ! not only contrary to divine , but naturall principles , how will this teacher prove , that that evill must be turned to good , which god commands to be cast away , broken off , killed , and forgotten , a thing so contsary to grace , that the fountaine thereof washes it away , , from the truly converted , the minister endeavoured to prove this doctirne by a paralell scripture where wolve are turned into lambs , and smarling dogs into harmelesse sheepe , as he said , alluding to isaiah 11. 6. the wolfe shall dwell with the lamb , and the leopard shall lye down with the ktd , &c. now the gentleman is not alone in this last exposition , for many others besides him , have declared the same mistake , neither is this last scripture paralel to the first , for this last proves evill creatures shall be made good , but not as you expound the first , that wickednesse shall be converted and turned into goodnesse : sir , i dare not use my strength , now i have you at an advantage , through your own weaknesse , but for your further information , i affirme , that neither of these places are figurative , but both litterall expressions , and teach not the doctrine of mans conversion , but the whole creations restitution , holding forth the state of perfection , and not that of regeneration , according to rom. 8. that when the sonnes of god shall be revealed or manifested , then also shall the whole creation in the apostles meaning , participate according to their abilitie and capacity , in the glorious liberty of the inheritours of salvation . and i further affirme , that the elect of god are never called in the scripture dogs and swine , as the reprobates are , because the truly sanctified never returne to their loathsome vomit againe , nor the purely washed , to wallow againe in their filthy mire , nor after putting their hand to the plough , to turne back , nor never shall tread the blood of the holy covenant under their feet , after they are throughly sanctified thereby , nor sinne willingly , in hating and despising the blessing after the true knowledge of it , and in this respect only , it cannot be said of the saints , as of the wicked , but such were some of yee , although in other respects it may be so said . now my conclusion shall be an exhortation to repentance , for when we have done , that we should not have done , the next way we are to take is to repent of it , therefore see how you have transgressed the rule , which saith , give unto god the things that are gods , and unto cesar the things which are cesars ; that is , to the supream power , whether it be in one or many , the things that pertaine to them , now both the law-givers require submission to their directions , that so there may be quiet and order in the common-wealth , without which you are not true thereunto , & so walk not according to your engagement , & for you to raise up a select congregation out of an authorized or legal one , it tends rather to strife and dissention , then peace and unity , and thereby as much as is in your power , deny that to cesar which belongs to him , and in so doing you deny god his due also who commands obedience to every ordinance of man for his sake , and for your conscience sake also . and for asmuch as you are all before named , faulty in one respect or other , i admonish you all to repent , and advise you to looke higher , then these outward externall administrations , which are common as well to outward christians , as to those that are inward , and labour for that holy-eye-salve , which will enable you to see and discerne those spirituall high and heavenly administrations , that none but the elect , called ▪ and sanctified , can understand or participate in such peculiar treasures , and priviledges , that the world can neither give nor take away , which will make us christians indeed , and members of the church of christ indeed , and true worshippers of god indeed , and to be approved ( though not of wicked men , yet ) of god , in whom i am yours to be commanded in defence of the truth . j. g. captain norwoods declaration , proved an abhegation of the truth of christs incarnation , discovering therby those strong satanical delusions , to which he is given up , even to the beliefe of lyes , in opposing the author of salvation the doctrine of regeneration , the hope of the second and better resurrection , and the glorious and endlesse reward in the world to come . and because wee are to deale with the old nicholitan doctrines which alwayes hath been and now are the depths of sathan , we must first premise such tenets of his , which are plainely avowed , or else from what he hath written , necessarily or absolutely concluded , remembring also that he will yeild to all manner of scripture readings , although never heeding their proper and distinct meanings , and i marvaile to finde this declaration in scripture expression , for as much as he and his have most wickedly affirmed , that the scriptures the old and new-testament is ante-christ , even that scarlet cloathed whore , which hath made the nations drunke with the wine of her fornications , now you shall finde this abhominable boldnesse accompanyed with miserable ignorance , of the faith the just doe live by , in that he knows not what the hope of true believers is they stand by . for page 5. and the last line , he is as corrupt in his expressions , as he is in his delusions , for the apostle doth not speake in his language of the saints bodies in the resurrection of the just to call them earthly , and beastiall , like the beastly spirit he is lead by , but being guided by the holy spirit of truth , cals them incorruptible , immortall , spirituall bodies &c. 1 cor. 15. and proves plainely that the resurrection of the body ( that which the captaine denyes ) to be an unquestionable truth , by the common and dayly experience of the sowing and growing of seed , vers. 37 , 38. thou sowest some bare graine of wheate or other ( which is not quickned except it dye ) but every seed comes up with its owne body , not bare , as it was sowne , but glorious or cloathed upon , so also is the resurrection of the dead , saith he , meaning man , its sowne in corruption , it is raised in incorruption , it is in dishonour when it is sowne , but it is glorious when it is raised , verse 43 , 44. a more cleerer and fuller manifestation of this i made to mr royle in my defence following , in the 5 , 6 , 7 , and 8. pages of lamp of light , as also in my first answer to him , the cure of deadly doctrine , page 4 , 5. furthermore as capt. norwood doth in his confession of faith , pag. 1. in words acknowledge the divine nature of the second person in the trinity , as giving to him the name and title of infinite power and wisdome in creation , according to that which is written , by it all things were made , and without it , was made nothing that was made : so farr his expression is true , what ever his meaning be of the divine nature , but whereas he further saith , which is also called christ the first borne , or only begotten of the father , or the annointed , these titles or appellations cannot relate to his divine nature alone , but his humane , as the name jesus or christ was given to his person , when he was circumcised , his proper name by which he was known from other men so the prophet david in psal. 89. 27. applies the appellation of the first borne , to christs humane nature ; as a king in his glorious kingdome ( and yet not divided from his divine ) i will make him my first borne higher then the kings of the earth , pointing to the time when he shall take unto himselfe his great power and personall reigne : agreeing with another expression of his , in the psal. 2. 6. i have set my king upon my holy hill of zion ; that is , christ personally and not mystically , and by this name he cals his church and kingdome , also ephraim ( saith the lord by jeremiah the prophet ) is my first borne , jer. 31. 9. likewise the capt. applies the terme only begotten of the father to the divine , which most properly is applyable to christs human nature , his incarnation , and so doe the prophets and apostles speake psal. 2. this day have i begotten thee , god the father speaking to god the sonne , in and by david , and so the apostles testifying to christs incarnation , death and resurection , acts 13. 30. they prove it by the same propheticall words , foreteling of christs comming in the flesh , thou art my sonne , this day have i begotten thee , and they add for further proof of christs humanity , vers. 35. wherefore he saith also in an other psalme , thou shalt not suffer thy holy one to see corruption , psal. 16. which words point plainly to christs body in the sepulcher , and in proofe hereof the author to the hebrews is beyond all exception , for in this respect only of the personall suffering of death , he was made a little lower then the angels , who as touching his divine nature , he was above them , but in regard of his humanitie in suffering inferiour , now see ( most ignoble captaine ) how your opposition exceeds the cursed jewes crucifixion , for they did but kill that body of his which through the power of god was raised the third day , but you utterly destroy , deny , & annihilat that body , and roared it out dayly to your deluded disciples , that jesus christ is a quallitie , and no way to be conceived or understood personally for that you make an allegorie . observe further , that whereas this captaine unwarily hath joynd these termes annoynting and annointed together , thereby as he saith to declare the second glorie or manifestation of one unitie in the trinitie , and yet plainely abnegating and denying the humane nature of christ , how the infinitenesse of unction , in any true consideration can be said to be annointed within it selfe , implies finitenesse , and for as much as the finite annointed is inferiour to the fulnesse of annointing being infinite , i know not how he will cleere his owne words from obsurditie , but in this grosse mistak he concurreth with his friend mr. royle , which makes the letter of the scriptures , that speake of christs humane nature , to be but figurative expressions , and fulfild in every one of them by severall removes and degrees of dispensations , as you may see more cleerely opened in the 4. and 8. pages in the lamp of light following . againe , the capt. in page the second hath these words , the same christ i stedfastly believe to be my only and alone right , and life , and salvation , and so much , and so farre as i have attain'd him or it , or rather he or it is risen up or brought forth it or himselfe in me , so farre i judge my selfe to live or be alive , or saved , , or to have attaind salvation , &c. under which plausible words of his , lyes abundance of corruption and rottennesse , for he intends by the partie spoken of , not only himself , but every man also , and by him or it the light or life before mentioned , which he saith is inherently in all man-kind , as the soule in the body , and when he that is his fancied christ jesus , is manifested and revealed or raised , then is this salvation accomplished , the resurrection at the last day finished , and the world to come possessed , and all what glorie soever the scriptures speake of , or the saints of god hope for , is now compleated and perfecteded in men , in which insertion is included many grosse falshoods and absurd contradictions of the truth of god . first , that a mans happinesse and salvation proceeds from something within man , as he is man , and not from some one thing without him , and so becomes happy , by himselfe , or by something of himselfe , which was borne with him , and not by imputation of anothers righteousnesse from without him . and secondly , he overthrowes all future hopes whatsoever , and affirmes there is no other resurrection , glorie , or happinesse then what is enjoyed in men , in this cursed world , in this vild and corruptible body , by which it plainly appeares the man is both ignorant and destitute of the lively faith , and assured hope of gods elect , for which there needs no greater proofe against him then his owne confession , which wild and mad doctrine , is further discovered and condemed in the lamp and cure following . againe , the capt. seemes to vaunt much of his knowledge of heaven and hell , and saith that there is no other of neither , but what is now in mens bodies , a thing as strange as the rest , yet that he may be prov'd deluded , we must first consider that the terme heaven is variously taken , and hath different meanings in the scripture : first in a strict , secondly in a more generall sence ; in a strict sense , is sometimes meant the doctrine and beginning of the kingdome of heaven sometimes the righteousnesse of the kingdome , sometimes the children of the kingdome , sometimes the glorious kingdome it self altogether considered , sometimes the contenent and place of this kingdomes perfection . and secondly , in a more generall sense , the profession of the doctrine , and place of the kingdomes regeneration , now as i formerly told your brother royle , in cure of deadly doctrine , pag. 4. that the truth of tearmes is the preservation of proprieties , which here now i shall more cleerely open to you ; and sir , i pray take notice , for you to speake indefinitely , as you have done of a tearme , which admits of such different exceptions , in so doing you have spoken altogether unprofitable , because in such cases , the definition shews the meaning , not the tearme , so that in the rule of reason , no man can expect a full answer to a doubtfull assertion , yet that you may be answered we will presume your intention that , by the tearm heaven , you meane the place , and everlasting glorious salvation of the saints , now the scripture shews the place , in which they shall injoy eternall salvation to be without them , i go to prepare a place for you , ( saith their lord ) again i wil prepare a place for my people , & they shal be removed no more , now this holie place promised , is the new heavens , and new earth , in which dwelleth righteousnesse , in which place there shall be no evill nor sinne , nor curse , nor death nor sorrowing , nor crying , even such a place of holinesse and perfection , as adam injoyed in his innocencie , which place was not contained within his body , but his body within it , he personally had dominion over all the whole cr●●tion , and not all the whole glorious creation contained within his person , but as it was without the holy man in his innocencie , so it shal be with christ their king , & the whole house of jacob in their excellencie in the world to come , whereof the prophets speake , in which all things ; that is , all created things shall be subjected and subdued under christs and his saints feet , heb. 2. and then also shall the kingdomes of this world , become the kingdoms of our lord and his christs , where he and his saints shall reigne personally for ever and ever , and then all kings and kings subjects shall feare and fall downe to him , for all nations shall serve and worship him . consider likewise how the saints desired expectation is to be cloathed upon with their house that is from heaven , which is such an extraordinary glorie as moses & elias was cloathed with in the holy mount , which were visible and transparent beauties as wel as internal : and in the morning of the saints awaking , at the general resurrection they shal shine ( saith the prophet ) as the brightnes of the firmament , and as the stars for ever and ever . and so saith our saviour and emanuel , as truly god , so truly man , whom you despise and scorne , thus understood and acknowledged , neverthelesse at the end of this world , when the time of separation shall be betweene the children of the kingdome , and the children of the wicked one , then shall the righteous shine forth as the sun , in the kingdome of their father , and this is added , who hath eares , let him heare , which hearing eare , your declaration shews you have not , as certainely as any thing you want in the world besides , and when these things come to passe , as truly speedily they shall , then shall you be forced to confesse a hell without you also , as well as a hell within you , and condemned with shame , and cloathed with confusion , as with a mantle , when the undying worme is spread under you , which shall also cover you ; then shall you see him and his , whom you now blaspheme and persecute , to be personally glorified , but your selfe justly and everlastingly tormented and condemned except you repent : in the meane while i leave it to all people , to whom these presents shall come , to judge if you be not a lying deluded prophet . and as i feare not to undertake the captaine of my lords enemies , although he be an uncircumcised goliah , and ▪ a leader of the hoast of the huge camp of the philistims , the lords adversaries : so i feare not likewise to reprove all such ministers , of all denominations , that pretend to feed and lead the lambs army , and to be shepheards of gods holy flock , and yet doe let such wolves as these , to worrie and destroy the harmelesse sheep , and so smite the shepheard , as to kill and crucifie him the second time , and this done , not in a corner but in the sheepfold , before all their faces , and yet not one of you have had a word to speake , for your pretended master , nor his faithful servants , i could tell you where in london and westminster , both publiquely and privately , by men of your owne coate as you call them , as well as by others at yorke and canterbury and all over the nation , of which the cure behinde will tell you more , how these corrupt , abhominable and rotten doctrines have been plainly advanced and put to sale , to the killing of the head of christs church , and the poysoning of the members thereof , and yet not one of you all as i know of , have appeared in the cause of truth against them ; now how will you acquit your selves from that wofull sentence , and lamentable reward of unprofitable servants , without repentance i cannot tell you , but i admonish you all to looke about you , for the houre of account and reckoning is very nere comming , of which saith he that is your friend , come lord jesus , come quickly . j. g. these two letters came to my hands after i had fully concluded the premisses , which in regard they concerne the said capt. and his blasphemy , are thought fit to be here annexed . sir , my due respects presented unto you ; whereas i understood by a friend of yours , by accident , that you are now about or intend shortly to write , ( and that justly ) against one capt. norwood , a notorious blasphemer in our age , i could not choose but acquaint you with my thoughts upon this subject , viz. that without controversie , 't will be a very shame to the rabbies of this time , presbyterians & independents both , i meane , that pretend so highly on all sides to the truth of their master ( as they say ) and yet leave ( like hirelings as for the most they are ) his truth and poore flock , to be torne , and rent by ravenous wolves , and not once appeare , or so much as open their mouthes in publique , to speak a word in their behalfe : sir , the word long before declared is now fulfilled , that grievous wolves should enter , &c. men speaking perverse things , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. lovers of pleasure rather then of god , &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . whose god is their belly , whose glorie is in their shame , who minde earthly things ; to their shame be it spoken ; sir i have herein sent you a coppy of a letter writ to a schollar , mr simpson by name , by some sirnamed of holland , of whose congregation the said capt. was sometimes one , and by him excommunicated , as 't is reported : the language for some reasons is lattin as you see , the effects to delare some horrid blasphemies maintained by a goldsmith ( whose name i know not ) and the said capt. norwood : and in the conclusion a secret check to mr. simpson , as ( by his not preaching repentance ) being occasion to the said captaines apostasie , after whom it is justly feared , many blind ( their leaders being blinde ) will draw back and fall into perdition . sir , i have no more to say but this , that if the thing be true , then goe on carefully and prosper , and let this letter inclosed ( if you thinke good ) be added to your paper , and the printer will give you thankes , by which meanes this and the ensuing , and last age , may better discerne and reject the said captaines blasphemies which is the chiefe thing herein desired by london 10. june 1651. your friend , philalethes . nudius tertiùs ( dom. ) conventui , cui presuisti , super insignis ob apostasiam tantum istius ad exitium usque & tenebras aeternas seipsum & alios ducentis norwooodi erroribus seu blaphemiâ potiùs & in deum suaque scripturarum eloquia sacra , testimonia veritatis aeternae certissima , tabernacula atque sua , & illa habitantes nefariis convitiis & execrandis accito , fortè quidèm adsui ; contra ipsum , atque nil certè nisi verum referentes ( de erroribus innuo tantùm rebus de navis venditione tunc , memoratis mihi penitùs ignotis ) quosdam audivi ; audita , verissimè prolata ac testata esse cognovi . sepè enim ( amici cujusdam primùm rogatu , ducis praedicti domi die dominicâ , quam plurimis undique illùc conglomerantibus interfui . aurifabrum atquequendam effrontem admodùm ore atque impio quasi tenebrarum spiritu inflatum , tibi audita , alia & in super quam plurima , e faenestrâ capite exerto , effutientem , inter quae saepissimè , & deum esse omnia , & omnia esse deum , animam atque ipsissimam esse {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , imò & deum ipsum esse , impudenti blaterantem ore , verbis praeterea conceptis , penultimâ die dominicâ , talia evomuit , scil. hic ( inquit ) peccatum antichristum esse , ille romanum pontificem ( vel romanorum summorum pontificum successio nem ) magnam illam meretricem babylonicam ( johanni , in apocalypsi perspectam ) esse dicit , alii atque alia de illâ somniant , assero autem ego ( inquit ) evangelium ( testimonia nempè divina ) magnam illam meretricem babylonicam esse , cum quâ scortati sunt reges terrae , quae atque natione : omnes & totius pene orbis terrarum populor scortationis suae vino sopitos inebriavit . plura insuper hisce non dissimilia , audaci admodùm ac fronte perfricti balbutire nequaquam horrentem , vel refugientem , audivi ; norwoodum atque ipsum in sui magistri , aurifabri nimirùm verba effutititia etsi , & horrenda , vel jurare tunc paratum fuisse , omnibus astantibus , luce meridianâ clarius perspectum esse constat . infanda haec tibi ( dom. ) super illis ( opinor ) dolenti , inaudita ipsa adhùc , & neoterica ratus , scribendo retuli , te atque & tuos , de praefato à vobis descito ejiciendo solicitudine haudquaquam obstrictos esse volo ; quùm ipsum jamjam , deum in notitiâ retinere nolentem , refipiscentiâ , humilium nempè ac pauperum , spiritu scilicet & corde contritorum dei servorum tenui quidèm statu & implacido , sibi jamdudùm & aliis quam plurimis hodiè delitentibus spretâ & posthabitâ , à deo in mentem judicii omnis & veritatis expertem mendacia atque obcaecatum absorbere inhiantem , traditum penes satanam , praesenti clarissimè constet . plura nolo , nisi quod te , ( dom. ) execranda ista praefata , odio habere , & in aeternum rejicere , & refipiscentiam ( cujus expers omnis , quisquis sit ille vel illa mortalium , adventu christi domini nostri novissimo , resurrectionis nimirum die omnibus divitiarum , voluptatum , requiei atque presentis scatentibus , quibus cordis praeputium non circuncisum est , soporis spiritu semper torpentibus , & callo obductis , otio & mundi praesentis perituri deliciis diffluere potiùs quam resipiscere , eligentibus , singulis atque cervice durâ & spiritu infracto , timendâ valdè , ac tremendâ , mundo & securo impendenti , celeri atque admodum nunc gressu advenienti , certè peribit ) tuos posthac , ut iram effugiant venturam aeternam , docere admonet london 23. die aprilis 1651. penitus tibi ignotus finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85550e-310 2 pet. 2. 22. flagellum flagelli: or doctor bastwicks quarters beaten up in two or three pomeridian exercises, by way of animadversion upon his first booke, intituled, independency not gods ordinance. / by j.s. m.a. published by authoritie. sadler, john, 1615-1674. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a92974 of text r200240 in the english short title catalog (thomason e298_25). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 54 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a92974 wing s276 thomason e298_25 estc r200240 99861046 99861046 113173 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92974) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113173) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 49:e298[25]) flagellum flagelli: or doctor bastwicks quarters beaten up in two or three pomeridian exercises, by way of animadversion upon his first booke, intituled, independency not gods ordinance. / by j.s. m.a. published by authoritie. sadler, john, 1615-1674. [6], 19, [1] p. printed by matthew simmons, dwelling in aldersgate-streete., london, : 1645. j.s. = john sadler. the first leaf is blank. a reply to: bastwick, john. independency not gods ordinance. annotation on thomason copy: after j.s.: "adler"; "septem: 1st". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bastwick, john, 1593-1654. -independency not gods ordinance -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. chruch polity -early works to 1800. a92974 r200240 (thomason e298_25). civilwar no flagellum flagelli: or doctor bastwicks quarters beaten up in two or three pomeridian exercises,: by way of animadversion upon his first bo sadler, john 1645 9391 4 35 0 0 0 0 42 d the rate of 42 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion flagellum flagelli : or doctor bastwicks quarters beaten up in two or three pomeridian exercises , by way of animadversion upon his first booke , intituled , independency not gods ordinance . by j. s. m. a. published by authoritie . london , printed by matthew simmons , dwelling in aldersgate-streete . 1645. to doctor bastwick . sir ; when i first tooke your book in hand , it was to read , not to write , but finding it easie , and advantage enough , i fell on : i had thought to have scand the particulars as i began , but the course i was in at the wells for my health forbad me , and i presume i should have been no otherwise advised by your selfe , whose judgement in such matters might be worthy of more account . i therefore quarterd your book , and tooke hold of the pillars of your discourse , which if i have shaken , how can your building stand ? if some few hands more would doe but as much as this , to what parts ( or passages rather ) are omitted , you might perhaps come to know all the faults of your book in time , which is the worst wish of the truths friend and yours , j. s. flagellum flagelli : or , dr. bastwicks quarters beaten up , &c. page 1. it hath ever been observed , that diversity of judgement and opinion bath made a difference in affection . answ . but you prove not that to be other then the fruit of corruption ; therefore throw the stone at corruption , solomon sayes , only through pride ( therefore not through difference ) comes contention . there is an antipathy between the hound and the hare , but was it so from the beginning ? or , must one of them be destroyed ? 2. we see many a husband and wife , neighbour and neighbour , friend and friend of severall judgements , that yet live very amicably and friendly together , therefore the observation is not universally true : and if a few do , and may do so , all might , had they the same grace , and were there the like mortification of pride . and as for your instance , of the disciples animosity against the samaritans , whereby this grave sentence is exemplyfied : doth not christ reprove his disciples instead of contriving the ruine or removall of the samaritans , though it was not difference in religion , but incivility and inhumanity against the very person of christ himself , that so stird the disciples choler ? but whatsoever it was for , will you humour , justifie and make provision for such a passion , which christ so sharply condemnes in his disciples ? pag. 2. therefore should all care and diligence among brethren be used to get a right understanding of one another . answ. 1. if by a right understanding one of another , you mean properly , viz. a calling of every thing by its right name , aggravating nothing , nor looking through multiplying glasses upon the inconveniences of each others opposite opinion i am for you , and shal call you a man of peace : or , if you speak metonymically , using the cause for the effect , and by right understanding , mean an incorporation into one opinion ; yet if you carry this impartially , and beg not the question , but put them into an equall ballance , resolving your self , as well as desiring others to imbrace whatsoever shall appeare to be the truth , you do well : but if you will anticipate and forestall the judgement of your reader , and nothing will please you but a coming over to your opinion , what singular thing , or what new invention towards an agreement do you offer more then the rigidest presbyterian confident of his own way , and abounding in his own sense , hath done before you ? certainly , if wee could turn presbyterians , wee question not but the strife were ended : but here were a part worthy of a man of parts , in case we cannot be of one minde , to find out a way of peace and love , and to move brethren to beare with one another , as you say , contiguously with the former , but have little endeavoured it yet , and not a little the contrary . pag. 3. the honour of the church , for which you professe you contend , is an unsavory expression , too much symbolizing with the stile of the papists , as doth the practice of some men with theirs also . and whereas you say [ the honour of that church ] you speak very ambiguously , and improperly , not determining where , or who that church is , whether in england or scotland , or elsewhere , or every where , whether catholike or nationall , tell us , that we may honour it with you . pag. ead. . some few lines below , where you undertake to reckon all the undeceiveable marks of the true church , saying expressly , these are all those undeceiveable marks , &c. yet having named only three , you eeke them out with an [ all other requisites ] not naming the rest , like the bishops et caetera ; who juggles now ? and whereas you say contiguously , from such a church as hath the gospel purely preached and believed , the sacraments rightly administred , and in the which there is the true invocation of god and all other requisites , &c. there is no just separation . i answer , there is a whole category of amphibolies in your speech ; for neither by all the requisites , do you say whether you mean essentialls or integralls : nor by separation , whether you mean absolute and totall separation , or partiall ; from communion ordinary or from all communion ; from internall or externall ; therefore i might justly take no notice of this , till you speak plainer ; yet to undeceive the world , we give this account and answer : an internall communion there is , and ought to be acknowledged between all the members of the body mysticall , whether they be in bodies ministeriall or no : an externall communion in all the common duties of religion ; as praying , hearing , conference , admonition , may not be denyed with all christians , and with all men occasionally to edification : an externall communion in church-ordinances , as sacraments and censures , may not be substracted or withdrawn from a church right for the essentialls , as if it were no church , or under such a notion , but as from an imperfect church , if it want integralls ; or a corrupt , if it be redundant with superstitions , &c. so it may : lastly , an occasionall communion even in the lords supper , may be admitted with a church that walks up to their light , with whom yet , perhaps , we cannot with comfort sit down ordinarily . as for your apologie for the non-dedication of your book , in regard of your sufferings for your former , i say only this upon it : it was far better with you when you suffered for presbyterie in opposition to prelaticall tyranny , then now , if you would make others suffer by presbytery , in opposition to the congregationall government ; only i doubt , in the sequele of your discourse you will not be found to intitle the lord jesus to your book , ( as in terms you professe . ) if so , i hope there will be no quarrell between us ; for all wee contend for , is that the government may be left where it is laid by the father even upon his shoulders . as for god and faith , which you joyn together , pag. 5. saying , you have learned to believe god and faith upon their word and bond : i know not what that faith should mean ; we ordinarily take faith for that whereby we believe , and not that which we believe : or if you take it so ( metonymically objectively ) what is it other then god , or the will of god , which i suppose you mean the word of god ? for god , or his will in its essence is not immediately objected to us , but hee reveales his will in his word ; but to the substance of this boast , and that that followes ( if there be any substance in it ) if you will believe god and the sufficiency of his institutions , without the sureties of humane reason and authority , as you do here equivalently professe , you will not be offended at the congregationall way for that inconsistency and deficiency that is carnally objected against it . as for that you say , pag. 6. that this is no new opinion of yours , it is no more then the papists may say for their mysterie of iniquity . and as for your sufferings for it , which you boast of ; alas , sufferings are subject to the same vanity and bondage of corruption as doings ; yea , and the whole creation are ( i. ) to be applyed to ill things , and graffed with an ill cause , though i say not it was ill as opposing prelacie , or as it was a graduall recidivation from that tyranny . and as for the acceptance of your endeavours and sufferings , in that cause , and your inference thereupon , that therefore you see no good reason why a truth then should not be counted a truth now ; you beg the question : prove first it was a truth , otherwise 't is no wonder if that which seemed to be a truth six or seven yeers ago , finde not the same acknowledgement now , as might be instanced in many particulars . next you come to state the question , pag. 7. and immediately you give that which you call a simile of it , but if it be , it is 1. a carnall one , and i had rather heare , and it would better become a spirituall man to compare spirituall things with spirituall : for christs institutions must not be exacted by the last and rule of humane ordinances . god gave moses the pattern of the tabernacle in the mount , he doth not send him to take a pattern for it from any earthly frame or fabrick , though there were far more costly and curious , but the tabernacle was to have , and had a fashion by it self that differed from all : when we know the true nature of spirituall things , of the devices of god , as i may call them , wee may finde a resemblance of them in things here below , which are made after them , but wee cannot fetch the knowledge of heavenly composures from these earthly things . 2. yet neither is this bed of your simile large enough for the tall and proper limbs of your presbytery to stretch themselves upon : for though the severall companies in each city , as you say , ( though wee have not many such cities in england , except you have more of them in scotland , wherein there are such severall companies that have all their severall halls , ( e. g. ) merchant taylors , grossers , &c. for to yeeld the matter of this simile ) are not independent , but associate and combined in a common councell , &c. yet there are corporations as small as these companies in the kingdome , that are independent , and doe not act in association or coordination . so that if the churches in the citie must , to hold correspondence with the forme of civill government , be in association and act in a presbytery , yet this simile will not carry any such thing to an ordinary understanding , that in the countrey ( where they live three or foure , or more miles asunder , and act their civill affaires independently ) they must doe so . nay then , we will argue from the simile : if the townes in the countrey be independent in their civill government , that is , act singly and independently ( in respect of any other townes intermedling ) their own businesses and concernments , as they doe , why should not the churches in those townes doe so too ? then at least the churches in the countrey must be exampted from presbytery . but 3. i answer to your simile , that as it is shorter then that presbytery , as you would be willing to extend it in the praxis , may stretch it selfe upon , so it is abs re , farre from illustrating the sense you intend . for your simile in the true resolution of it proposes no other then whether inferiors may act independent of their superiors . for all those appeales , whereof you speake , are still resolved into a higher notion , power , and authoritie , ( e. g. ) the lord major , court of aldermen , and common councell , are superior to any company or companies of the citie , in degree as their rulers , or amount to a superioritie in value and summe , as the representative of the citie , the whole , which is better then any part : therefore your simile is not fit for this purpose . but now if you would propose a proper simile , it should be thus ; whether companies or corporations , equall and coordinate , may not and doe not act their owne proper affaires and concernments independently in respect of one another ? ( i. ) whether if a citizen of merchant-taylors company , be aggrieved by the carriage of any thing in that company , he can so appeale to the company of the stationers , and the company of the vintners , and two or three more , or the heads of these , as to subject the company of merchant-taylors to the jurisdiction and arbitrament of those companies ? for this is the case here . as suppose there be no imparity ( i. ) superioritie or inferioritie in the churches , but all are coordinate , all are one spouse to jesus christ , and he intrusts one congregation as well and as much as another , and gives them as large a share of common interest in spirituall government , or managing the matters of his kingdome , one church as another , and hath made no common councell , no court of aldermen , no lord major in his church , nor no officers or distinctions answering to these . and suppose further , that as neither male nor female , bond nor free , so such a distinction of whole and part , have no place in this matter , but christ jesus the quickening spirit be , as in all , so all in all , and each of these particular bodies ; and as a whole christ went for the ransome of each particular beleever , and a whole christ is in every beleever , ( as the soule tota in toto ) so the whole and intire glory of jesus christ be intrusted with every particular congregation , ( i. ) an intire and perfect administration of all government be committed to them , and the intire * spirit of government be in each such congregation . suppose , i say , it be thus ( as i conceive it will be found to be , ) that each part be to christ as the whole ; christ being indivisible , and recollecting his whole selfe in himselfe , and in every part of himselfe ( which the spirit of humane power , order , and authority cannot doe ) and so we cannot weigh christ against christ , christs power against christs power , nor many congregations against one . i say , suppose these things be so , then is it any question , whether such congregations may act independently ? when as wee know that companies doe act independent of their fellow-companies , and corporations in the countries doe act independent of other neighbour-corporations : indeed they act not independently incontroulably of the higher names above them ; but a company is not indicted by a company , a corporation by a corporation . untill therefore you shall prove that churches are not coordinate , or that there are higher names then churches and church-presbyters , or that the same persons are in higher place and office in a classis , then in their owne particular spheares and congregations , ( which if it were so , then why should they not have suteable names , that might import the superiority of the relation ( even as the common-councell-men , though they be masters and members of the severall companies , yet when joyned in a common councell , they are not called the masters of the companies of the citie , but by a distinct name of interest and honour , the court of aldermen , and common councell ) untill , i say , you prove these , your simile will lye in the dirt . i know wee have such names , as classes and synods , adapted and adopted to this ecclesiasticall hierarchy , but they being onely jure humano , will not passe with us for grounds of authority or superiority in the things that are called by them . next after your simile you come to your question , and to divide your position into foure branches , which yet you fall off from again by a digression of sixteen or seventeen pages long , to prove , viz. that all the churches we read of in the new testament , were pregnant churches , or accumulated of many , govern'd by a common presbytery : which labour you might have saved , if you had hopes to make good the foure branches propounded , ( two of which are , that the mother-church was such a church , and so govern'd ; and secondly , that all other churches are to be govern'd as that was : ) at least you might have kept this for a reserve , if they had failed . but besides that , you prove neither part of your assertion , viz. either that they were aggregated churches , or that the presbytery to which they were committed , was a joynt presbytery , and not each church to its particular , ( for those many scriptures you quote , do neither of themselves sound so , nor for ought i see , doe you put such a twang into them : ) you commit these errors by the way . 1. you impose upon your reader , without any authoritie or reason , that diotrephes was an independent , and that was the quarrell john had against him ; and that his church was in the faction with him , when as wee have no mention of his church at all , nor of his prating against the presbytery . and for the crime objected , of seeking the preheminence , if the lord keepe us that the world be never able to charge us with a likelier fault , we shall not be afraid to make our accusers our judges ; alas , our offence is , that we are against preheminence . 2. you confidently exclude the people from having any hand in the government , ( in which you account the solving of difficulties in doctrine , as well as other matters to be a part ) when yet in the places quoted , especially and most expresly , act. 15. 22. the interest of the brethren and the whole church is spoken of , not in actu signato onely , but in actu exercito . 3. pag. 18. you make the names of pastors and shepheards , when applyed to church-officers , to import that authoritie , power , and government , as they doe when applyed to magistrates : at least you make the symbolizing of church-officers with civill magistrates in those names an argument of communicating with them in such a kinde of power as they have , though not the same degree ; but how weakly , let all men judge . 4. pag. 19. you exact the wayes of god by the line and rule of humane reason , and will give no more to an institution , then it will goe for in that market . 5. in the same page you put such an objection upon the independents about requiring miracles , as the condition and qualification of elders now adayes , els not to be acknowledged elders , as i am confident the congregationall judgement will not , nor ever did they owne , what ever some other independents ( for it is a genericall name , appliable to whomsoever the inventers of it please , and more properly to some others , then they that are commonly called by it ) may doe ; but that it might be a scandall to all of the name , you doe very wisely , and take the right course , not to name the booke or author , where you finde that objection . pag. 29. you lure after your reader ( who might very well be turning his back upon your discourse ) that now you come in order to prove the foure propositions , but you keepe not this order long . the first proposition is ; that there were many congregations and severall assemblies in the church of jerusalem , &c. for the proofe whereof you bring the multitudes of converts to johns baptisme ; the people of jerusalem , all of them , and all judea , &c. whereby ( say you , ) they all became christians , or members of the christian church : for ( say you , ) johns baptisme was into jesus christ , and the very same with that of the apostles . wee answer to your reason ; 1. johns baptisme was into christ , but it was in christum moriturum , not in christum mortuum . 2. to say it was the same with christs and the apostles , is flat contrary to the assertion of john himselfe , and the apostles ; i baptize you with water ( sayes he ) but there comes one after me , who shall baptize with the holy ghost , and with fire . 3. therefore now by johns baptisme they were not all made christians , no more then the body of the jewes before john were turn'd christians by being baptized in the red sea , &c. for they were baptized into christ by their baptismes . i deny not but this baptisme of john was to prepare men for christ , and did beare a more immediate relation to such a worke , then any ordinance before , but it did not make them absolute christians ; it did not absolve and perfect the new church , i meane not so farre as that ordinance of baptisme was to doe afterwards . 4. the learned and judicious know , that john was but the messenger before christs face , and his baptisme was but as the streamings of light in the heavens before the day , and he did onely bring and restore all things to their legall perfection by water , the element of the law ; but christ jesus he comes and baptizes with fire , consummates all things with this transforming powerfull element , even his spirit . 5. so farre was it that all that were baptized by john , were made christians , that even johns owne disciples ( who had the best and frequentest instruction , ) not onely hesitated , but were downright * scandalized at the true messias ; and others did under that forme of johns baptisme , fight against the true baptisme and baptizer the lord jesus : so that i conceive this argument ( were it granted that all the people received johns baptisme ) will stand in little stead to prove the conclusion , viz. that they were made christians , much lesse cast into a church-mould , according to the new testament forme , and least of all that they were all members of one christian church at jerusalem . but note an absurdity in the sequell of the discourse , where the doctor having got a multiplying glasse in his hand , goes on to make strange discoveries of the increase of christian beleevers , pag. 36. he tells us , that christ made many more disciples and beleevers then john , and added daily to the church that was then in jerusalem , such as should be saved . here 's two paradoxes . first , that christ made more disciples then john : out of whom should he make them , when as john had swept all along with him , as you affirme before , pag. 32. med. not taking it synecdochically , ( whatever you determine of it here . ) secondly , that christ should adde daily to the church that was then in jerusalem , is not this a marvailous anticipation and mistake , to apply that which was done by the disciples after christs ascension , act. 2. last , unto the ministry of christ himselfe , and yet in the sequell you reckon this to the apostles also expresly , pag. 56. judge if here be not false musters . and let me tell you , you give us occasion shrewdly to suspect your ignorance ( to say no worse ) to talke of a church in jerusalem , besides the nationall church of the jewes in the life-time of our saviour . and thus farre i have taken notice of most of the materiall excipienda in your booke : i had thought to have bestowed as much time on the rest , but that other considerations forbad me , therefore i shall onely briefly examine the maine propositions that follow , omitting the amplifications and collaterall notions that fall in the handling thereof . and so i shall leave this proposition , without taking any further exceptions to it , or any more passages in the asserting of it , and the rather , because there are , and those so able , already ingaged in the dispute thereof ; and come to the second proposition , viz. that all these congregations and severall assemblies made up but one church : which proposition , except the former stand good , is to little purpose , as the doctor foreseeing is therefore very briefe in the manifestation of it , i shall not therefore be long in the examination of it , though in that little compasse of lines he gives cause of manifold exceptions . for first whereas you say , the brethren themselves acknowledge , that all the beleevers in jerusalem were all members of that church : if you meane the church spoken of act. 15. 4. i deny , and say , it is a grosse presumption , and begging of the question , to say , that wee acknowledge all the beleevers in jerusalem to be members of that one ministring church , especially if you reckon all johns disciples and converts to these beleevers : for as there was a good space of time after there were multitudes of beleevers , ere there was such a church , so for any thing hath yet been brought to the contrary , it is probable enough that the true beleevers , ( which were not so many after you have cut off johns converts , i meane those that did stick in johns baptisme , which were multitudes , and temporary beleevers , which ceased to walke with christ , which were not a few , and strangers , which did afterwards disperse themselves into severall countries ) those that did remaine at jerusalem , did gradually grow up unto church-fellowship . and it amounts to no lesse then the former begging and presumption , that which followes , viz. that this proposition is manifest out of the scripture , viz. that they that were convented , are said to be added to the church . for what if that be to be understood of the church catholick , and not a particular church ? it may not be denyed , that the word church , is often so used in the new testament , and it is suspicious that the three thousand converted at once , were not so soone instructed in church-followship as converted . as for that which followes , that they continued in the churches communion , and the apostles doctrine : the doctor hath moulded the text for his own advantage , and indeed hath falsified it ; for 't was in the apostles doctrine and fellowship , not in the churches fellowship , except you are content it should be understood in the communion of the church catholicke , which is no more then in christian communion in generall : and for ought i know , that is all that is meant there : and tell me any act wherein the multitude of beleevers did communicate , that can bespeake it necessarily to be any more then a christian communion in generall , or what christians may have together , though not of the same church ; and the doctor himselfe says before , the chiefe publique ordinance they communicated in was preaching . to the third assertion or branch , pag. 82. which is , that the apostles and presbyters , governed , ordered , and ruled this church of jerusalem , consisting of many congregations and assemblies , by a common councell and presbytery . i answer ; first , i am not satisfied by any thing hath been alledged , that that church consisted of many congregations and assemblies , and that upon the scruples before instanced . secondly , in asserting that the presbyters did rule that church , and ordinarily other churches , whom doe you hit ? sure not the independents , as you call them ; we grant , 't is their part to rule : but we distinguish between authority and jurisdiction on the one hand , and power and interest on the other : this latter belongs to the people ; the other is proper to the officers , which yet they exercise in the name of the church : so they , ( i. ) the officers ordaine , they excommunicate , ( i. ) pronounce excommunication , they lead and direct in all government and disputes , they have the executive power , as you demand pag. 93. but the people have a power and interest too , as those places alledged by your selfe shew expresly , act. 15. for tho ver. 2. paul and barnabas are said to be sent to the apostles and elders only , yet ver. 4. they are said to be received of the church , and apostles , and elders , therefore they were sent to the church also ; and that word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} with one accord , ver. 25. imports a multitude met together ; and this to be the result of that multitude , els it were no great commendation of the resolution that it was convened about and issued forth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . and though onely the apostles and elders are mentioned , as coming together to consider of the question , ver. 6. yet it is said , ver. 22. that it pleased ( not onely the apostles and elders ) but the whole church also , therefore the church also came together to consult ; or the apostles and elders ▪ as a committee , first prepared the dispute , as not counting it so safe perhaps to admit the weake to the same , while it was intricate , and then reported it , and had their assistance and concurrence ; and the letters of resolution run in the name of the brethren ( i. ) the church as well as the apostles and elders , ver. 23. and so in ordination {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( i. ) election by lifting up of the hand , belongs to the brethren , though {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( i. ) imposition of hands , be proper to the officers , where there are officers , as in a church constituted and compleat . 3. that where the whole church is written to and exhorted to a part of discipline , that the officers onely should be intended , as in confirmation of your assertion you afterwards affirme by the instance of the church of corinth , we can no way admit . rather on the other hand , christ many times writes and directs his commands to the officers , when they appertaine to the whole church , and are so to be understood , onely written and sent to them , as being principall parts of the churches , by and from whom they are ex officio , to be communicated to the whole . and for your simile of kings directing their mandats to a citie or corporations , which are to be executed by the majors , sheriffes , &c. i conceive it doth ire in contrarium , it is contrariously framed to the manner , which is rather to direct to the sheriffe or major , what doth concerne the corporation , and is required of the whole : and so we finde christ to doe in the epistles to the seven churches . for that anticipating assertion , that the apostles ruled this church ▪ aggregate , not by vertue of their apostleship , but by vertue of its union . i shall referre it to the next head , viz. that the church of jerusalem , and the government of the same , is to be a pattern for all congregations and assemblies in any city or vicinity to unite into one church , and for the officers and presbyters of those congregations to govern that church joyntly in a colledge or presbyterie , which is your fourth and last branch of your first question , pag. 97. answ. 1. they are not an example of uniting or aggregation , except it be found that there were many churches aggregated , which a very facile and swasible reader may well doubt of , for any thing that hath yet been said to make it good . 2. if this were granted that many churches did aggregate and unite in the beginning , yet would not this example be bindingly presidentiall : for as many things were done out of that ordinary course that was after setled , in the creation , and in a singular way by themselves , as the enlightening of the world without a sun , the watering of the earth with a mist before it rained , the producing of fruits ex tempore ; which things afterwards ceased , being digested into orderly rules and courses ; so might it be in the first plantation of churches : many things might pro tempore be taken up , which might not afterwards be continued . ( e. g. ) the apostles did * serve tables at first , but afterwards an office was instituted for that on purpose : so suppose there were in the church of jerusalem a greater multitude then could meet in one place , and yet all one church , and ruled joyntly by the apostles and elders thereof , ( which yet wee do not admit ) yet could not this from hence be drawne into president , because , that howsoever the acts of government which the apostles exercised , together with the elders , in and over this church , were common and ordinary and done after the ordinary manner ( as the doctor contends ) yet i shall make bold to remember him again of that which it seemes hee remembers very well to have been answered in this case formerly ( though he make not so good an use of it ) viz. that the extent of their power in the exercising of these acts there and elsewhere was extraordinary as was their persons and calling to apostleship . and we do not so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by this distinction , that hee should not know where to have us , for 't is easily apprehended what we say is imitable , and what not imitable in these apostles . and now for that cavill ; that the apostles did not this by vertue of their apostleship , but by vertue of the union of those assemblies . i answer , that in asserting it thus exclusively of their apostleship , you suppose the apostles to have been the officers ordinary , or at leastwise extraordinary of this church of jerusalem only , and so that they could not elsewhere exercise the like power , or not otherwise then by vertue of an union of churches , which is no greater prerogative then you will grant to ordinary officers now ; and so the apostles shall have no greater a commission then we , which is as to say , their persons were no more extraordinary , nor their office , then common presbyters now adayes . but thirdly , to abound in the answer of this same matter , if that many churches in jerusalem did unite and transact their affaires , or some of them joyntly , and that therefore we may do so , yet it followes not that wee must , whether we will or no , for this is to urge us beyond the pattern . the churches in jerusalem ( admit ) voluntarily , spontaneously through the opportunity and advantage of the apostles help , and through the strength of the spirit of love and confidence which they had one to , and towards another , and for other good causes and considerations , did act many things ( that concern'd the churches ) in an associated way , therefore all churches , will they nill they , have they the same grounds , reasons and incouragements , yea or no , must do so : is this good logick ? and that you may not think here is prevarication or jugling in this businesse , i for mine owne part must ingenuously grant and confesse , that i am not very solicitous concerning the answer of this matter ; for whether it were so , or it were not so then , that they did , or did not associate , i think it might be so now ; i mean , some kinde of aggregation and union might be , though wee might tread more confidently , having the steps of the primitive churches before us , that is , to speak more plainly , the churches of christ now , though possessed of an entire independent church-power in each body ; yet may , when , and where , and with whom , and in what cases or things god shall perswade them , transact such affaires as they shall think fit joyntly and sociously ; provided , that hereby they devest not themselves of , nor prejudice themselves in any priviledge of an entire , sole , and and single administration , or the like , which christ hath given them , but retain that power of resuming and recollecting themselves to themselves , when they shall see o●casion . and if the churches in jerusalem did so , wee have cause to think this was all they did ; and if the brethren of antioch did appeale ( acts 15. ) we have cause to judge it was a free and voluntary appeal , and they were not call'd and compell'd thereto . and that they , and wee in imitation of them , might do this , is no wave of the sea , but stands upon this bottome and foundation , viz. that no priviledge is a hinderance in that thing wherein it is ordained for a priviledge : and so the intirenesse of a congregation whereby it is able to recollect it self , as having the whole spirit of government in it , is not to be made a barre to a church or churches , that shall finde it convenient , and for edification to joyn with other churches ( where god shall knit their hearts reciprocally ) in the common transaction of such affaires as they shall think fit and consent unto : but this cannot be prescribed and injoyn'd upon them by man , but is to be done electively by them , as flowing indeed , from a speciall love and pleasure , which those churches take in one another , and beare to one another . this we say in their ordinary affaires they may do , we speak not of cases extraordinary for difficulty and moment ; wherein , if their own means suffice not , they are bound to seek the help of other churches . briefly , to shut up all , had we a collegde of apostles , or apostolicall men , wee should make as much use of them , and reference to them as they did ; and were there more churches of such a temper and quality as they ought , ( that might be the foundation of such a mutuall dearnesse , pleasure and confidence ) wee might do more in this way of associating then we do ; but wee hold it our right , liberty , and priviledge , to do what wee do in this kinde freely , and not to be compelled thereto ; nor indeed would it be any other then a meere formall association did it arise otherwise . win us therefore to an association by the beauty of your fellowships , and you shall not need to compell us . the second question which takes up full one third part of his book , is of the manner of gathering churches , and of admitting members and officers proposed by him : 1. in the chaos it seemes : 2. orderly , ( as he supposes ) drawn forth into six queries , though i dare not say there is not interfering tautologie and great confusion . the nature in which the things are , viz. of quere , incourages mee the rather to do something in them , for that i hope the doctor wil not be great of his own sense , but take an answer of these things from those that know the way better then himself , who it seems , is but a caetechumenos therein . i shall here therefore indeavour to instruct him in stead of refuting him , for as much as to me it seemes unmeet , that a man should be polemically exercised before hee be positively principled . the first quere which must go but for one , though it be legion , i must answer to , part by part , as followes : whether for the gathering of churches , there be either precept or president in the word of god ? a. yes ; is not the word a gathering ordinance ? are not the people thereby invited , yea , compelled to come in , and called to fellowship with the saints as well as with the father and the son ? is not man a sociable creature ? doth not nature teach us for politique advantages to fall into societies ? is there not heat where two lie together ? and is it not foreprophesied they shall serve the lord with one shoulder ? and lastly , doth not christ say , where two or three are gathered together in my name , &c. but all this hitherto you would be as sorry it should once come into question as i : for who or what should be saddled for the presbytery , but such a like thing as they call a church at least ? ( only by this i perceive what churches you would have {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ ( i. ) all together , tag & rag , no selection , this is the way indeed to imbase the kind and make them carry gentle . ) i demand therefore further : ought not church-societies to be particular , certain , and definite , for as much as that which is every ones work , is done by no body ; and to professe to owe equall and immediate duty to all , is both the way to perform it to none , and a signe that a man intends so ? but if that that followes must be taken for the meaning of this quere , viz. whether preachers and ministers of the gospel did ever leave their own ordinary charges ( to which they are called , and whereto they are fixed with a command not to leave them ) and under pretence of a new way , &c. did run about , and alienate the mindes of the people well-affected formerly to their severall ministers , &c. i answer , by no means is this warrantable : but i count a vast difference between a minister or ministers , going abroad of their own heads , and meerly under pretences in a secret clandestine way to get the hearts of men from their sound and orthodox teachers , for this was the practice of the false * apostles ; and on the other hand , a minister or ministers going forth with the consent and approbation of a church or churches , when , or where christ shall make an opportunity , and open a doore for the peaceable , comely and orderly doing thereof , either to vindicate some truthes under reproach and disgrace through a cloud of ignorance and prejudice hanging over the eyes of men ; or to discover and lay open certain errours or usurpations wherein christ is injured , and the saints liberties infringed ; and this in a free ingenuous way of preaching and dispute , offering and commending their doctrine and way to the impartiall search and examination of all , both pastors and people , ( that heare or will heare them ) by the word , and all this not to such an end to breed any disaffection or alienation between people and their ministers , but to make them both free by the truth , that they may both of them know and practice their severall duties , and christ may reap the fruit of it in the honouring of his name , and themselves in the comfort of their own soules , through obedience and faith . the former is dishonest and abominable , but this is honourable , and a duty for which wee have pauls example , not only by a publique epistle , undeceiving the galatians of that errour they had suckt in from men , perhaps , of a worse quality , but even withstanding peter ( an apostle ) to his face , for haking in the matter of circumcision . for the third and last division of this quere , whether it was ever heard of in the apostles and primitive times , that any believing christians were in great numbers congregated from among other believing christians ? i answer ; 1. that 't is well known there hath been , and may be , great defects , even in believers themselves ; and such , as that they may need even to be cast into a new mould , as witnesse the galatians , of whom the apostle did travell in birth again , till christ were formed in them . 2. it will be granted , that believing christians should desire and indeavour to be instructed in the whole will of god , that they may touch no unclean thing ; and as they know , to be still true to their principles ; and if in any thing their principles exceed or go beyond others , they must not come down to them , although they carry the odium and prejudice of a separation for it , but it is the duty of the others to come to them , which if they will not , liking rather to correspond with the world , how can it be helpt , or whose fault is it ? the second question is , whether for the making any man or woman a member of the church , it be requisite and necessary ( to their believing and being baptized ) that they should walke some dayes , weeks , moneths , perhaps yeers with them , &c. answ. who holds it so ? but only that they appeare to the church that receives them to be believers , let the means of the churches knowlege , or discovery , be what it will , ( as it is various ) so that it be not extraordinary and miraculous , we dare not trust enthusiasmes nor blind charity . and to the other part of this quere , whether confession are required , &c. i answer , confessions are good , and may be to edification , but are not absolutely necessary , therefore not insisted upon as the condition of admission . these things being of fact and practice , let a briefe account suffice . for the third question , whether to the admission of any to membership or office-bearing in a church , the consent of the congregation or the major part thereof , as well as officers , be requisite . wee hold it yea , and that as well in regard every one takes a charge upon him , as in respect of interest . for the fourth quere of an explicit covenant , whether necessary to admission . ans. i know not why it should be more inconvenient then a publique nationall covenant , which the doctor by nation is bred to approve highly of . but necessary we hold it not , therefore not as the condition of admission , so that wee see cause to judge it not to be scrupled in a way of provision for an arbitrary libertie of a roving and unsetled minde to slip the knot , when they dislike and dispense from dutie and obligation when they please , but that it be meerly a conscientious scruple , because they see not sufficient ground for it out of the word to make it necessary , yet will owne a particular tye and relation for spirituall edification , in such case who will deny these admission ? for the fifth question , of womens votes whether they are admitted in elections , &c. i remember a question once in the schooles , an doctoris uxor eodem gaudeat privilegio quo maritus ; but as for this , of womens voting in the church , wee have no such custome , nor any of the churches of god that i know of . for the last question or quarrelsome captious quere rather , whether the practice and preaching of all these things , &c. be to set up christ as king upon his throne ? i answer , no question but the purging and purifying of church-ordinances and fellowship , which some contend for , is to set christ upon a higher throne visible to the world , then by some other wayes he is ; though wee deny not he may have a throne in many congregations not of this mould , and may be very highly advanced in the hearts of many of our brethren , who never yet gave their names to the congregationall way . in relation to whom my prayer is , that if they be in the right , the lord would make them joyfull instruments of instructing us with meeknesse ; or if wee , that the lord would by us shew them his will , who would doe it , and have already received hearts from him to submit to truth , from whomsoever ministred to them . finis . the postscript . as for your postscript , i finde it so foule , that i have adjudged it to lie in the stone-bason at tunbridge wells , there to be washed till it be clean and fit to finger , and then i doubt it will be washed all away . only , lest the frenzie thereof should have prevented me , and ere this have derived it selfe up and down , it may be needfull to adde , that whereas * * pag. 61. of your postscript . you wonder at the lenity and humanity of this nation , towards those men , whom you nickname independents , we conceive there will rather be cause to wonder at the clemency of the parliament if they shall take no notice of this and other your seditious instigations , ( though i had rather see you repent then suffer . ) in the mean time , it sufficeth us , that you never wrote , nor could write such lines by those new lights you jeare , with such unchristian , yea , unmanly levity : for a man may safely say , such stuffe was written in the dark , not by any light , either old or new . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a92974e-260 prov. 14. 10. luke 9. vers . 53. vers . 55. isai. 9. 6. pag. eadem . 1 cor. 2. 13. exod 25. 40. 26. 30. isai. 28. 20. * rev. 1. 4. 1 cor. 1. 13. 3 epist. joh. mat. 21. 25. act. 18. 25. 1 cor. 10. 3. mal. 3. 1. * joh. 3. 26. to the second proposition . act. 2. 42. act. 6. 5 , 6. * act. 6. 2. luk. 14. 23. 1 ep. joh. 1. eccles. 4. 11. zeph. 3. 9. mat. 18. * gal. 17. gal. 4. 19. 2 cor. 6. 17. the primitive christian justified and jack presbyter reproved, or, a scripture demonstration, that to be innocent and persecuted is more eligible than to be prosperously wicked delivered in a sermon in the abby-church of bath by william goulde. gould, william, d. 1686. 1682 approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41707 wing g1441 estc r9434 12418302 ocm 12418302 61785 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41707) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61785) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 939:15) the primitive christian justified and jack presbyter reproved, or, a scripture demonstration, that to be innocent and persecuted is more eligible than to be prosperously wicked delivered in a sermon in the abby-church of bath by william goulde. gould, william, d. 1686. [6], 28 p. printed for r. royston, london : 1682. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -o.t. -job xxxvi, 21 -sermons. presbyterianism -controversial literature. sermons, english -17th century. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-01 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the primitive christian justified , and jack presbyter reproved ; or , a scripture demonstration , that to be innocent and persecuted , is more eligible than to be prosperously wicked . delivered in a sermon in the abby-church of bath . by william govlde . no flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous , than those which make religious pretentions , grounds of factions . k. charles the first . london , printed for r. royston bookseller to the king 's most sacred majesty . 1682. to the reader . this discourse following had never seen the light , if jack presbyter would have permitted the author to be quiet ; the principle here defended is a plain truth , justified by our saviour's life , that an afflicted , is more eligible than a sinful state , which i presume was sound primitive doctrine , and will be always so esteemed by the regular protestant : notwithstanding it gave great distast to the presbyterian brotherhood . one gentleman would have had me whipt for saying it was irrational and irreligious to commit a sin that good might come thereof . another told me i forgot to preach jesus christ and him crucified ; and yet ( if i mistake not ) he was a man of sorrows , and acquainted with grief , yet knew no sin , niether was guile found in his mouth . a third zeal-drunk monseur complimented me in the queens bath , that mr. topham ( a serjeant at arms , i think ) was my very good friend , and desired a copy of what i delivered , and that if i had any service to him , he would effectually present it ; my answer was very sharp , and being publickly known abroad , needs not now be repeated . hang the rascal , said a fourth , he preached for a cardinals cap at the coming in of the pope ; by which you may guess what will become of william goulde , if these gentlemen once give law to the church and state. but i have however printed it , to shew i dare be honest , and will not be huft out of my integrity by noise and tumult , for i have learned to fear him who can cast body and soul into eternal torment , more than a speaker , or a pope , or the reprimand of either or both . in this discourse i affirm and will prove it , that by the laws of god , by the principles of the true protestant religion , publiquely professed in the church of england , the bill against the duke of york is not to be justified , and my reason is grounded in the text , it is not lawful to chuse sin to avoid being persecuted ; and that bill which renders a man dead in law for want of grace , will bring more confusion unto a state than it pretends to avoid , and approaches too near the doctrine of the conclave , of the popes power in disposing the kingdoms of an heretique . i declare my self as free from popery , as any zealot of the kirk , and in two great points , the regall and episcopal government , i have a greater value for these than any presbyterian or independent either rigid or moderate . he that shall consider how the jesuitical party in the conventicle of trent , undermined the power of king and bishop to give the jurisdiction of both to their lord god the pope , and compare it with the practices of the covenanting presbyter against prince and bishop , to make them both truckle under the lay-elder-government , will think it unreasonable to excuse these later , whilst the others are subject to the penalties of the act of the 35th . of queen elizabeth . if jack-presbyter think any injury done him , i hope the two following arguments will clear me from his charge in all moderate mens judgment . first , the votes of non-addresses to , or receiving any messages from the late martyr'd monarch , was certainly cozen-german ( if not more nearly related ) to the bull of pope pius against queen elizabeth , be it remembred that those votes were never recalled , till the king was under the armed power of the independent . secondly , the bill against bishops root and branch , solemnly attending upon the league and covenant , was as much prejudicial to the episcopal government of the church of england , as any thing said or acted against that ancient order , by any jesuit papists in the council aforesaid . of these two arguments ( if the reader dares be honest and candid ) he is left to be the judge between the presbyterian brotherhood and william goulde . job xxxvi . 21. verse . regard not iniquity ; for this thou hast chosen rather than affliction . to have the favour to receive commands , and the meekness to obey them , is the satisfaction of angels : and it is hence concluded by gerson ( the late learned chancellor of paris ) that if an angel were to set out himself in lustre and triumph in a magnificat , it would be rather in the blessed virgins stile as a servant of god , than a prince of so many myriads of subjects : would the scripture allow me that kind of idolatry , the binding my faith or obedience to any one infallible earthly judge or prince , were it reconcileable to my creed , it would be certainly with my interest to get into that posture of obedience ; yet we find subjection so hard a lesson to the sons of men , that neither wrath nor conscience can prevail with us to obey god , ( or for his sake ) to submit to our lawful superiours : this is so well understood by wise princes and states , that they have invented new ways to entertain busie and active spirits , to keep them from tampering with their publique laws and constitutions . the body of a flea or an ant , will afford a vertuoso many choice observations , demonstrating problems , solving phaenomena's and drawing schemes and diagrams , may divert your busie mercurial witts , from making new ideas and platforms for churches and kingdoms : the ground of which aversness is the want of a right understanding of that great principle of our christian religion , the going the high-way of the cross to the kingdom of heaven ; and hence it comes that christianity is scandalized by recusants , popish and puritan , who prefer rebellion before martyrdom , and so are lyable to elihu's reprehension for chusing iniquity rather than affliction . i shall summ up the substance of the whole text into one plain and genuine observation , that sin is neither eligible in its self , nor to be chosen to avoid the suffering of persecution . sin i say cannot ( properly taken ) be the object of a rational mans , or true christians choice ; first , if considered in its self or consequences ; secondly , if we look on sin as opposite to gods essence and attributes ; thirdly , if we consider it as the transgression of gods laws ; fourthly , as destructive to our own souls ; fifthly , as the original of all the distempers of our bodies ; and sixthly , as the occasion of death in all kinds , temporal , spiritual , and eternal , as divines distinguish according to the scriptures ; lastly , ( which includes the second branch of the thesis , ) it cannot be the object of a rational choice as put in the ballance with the greatest pressures , afflictions and difficulties . none can deny ( considering the present juncture of affairs ) but that i have pitched on a seasonable subject of discourse , and ( if you will pardon my hasty conceptions ) i resolve to speak what is very plain , innocent , and honest ; consonant with the primitive rule of reforming , and preservng churches recommended by christ and his apostles , and their immediate and best successors . first , sin is not the object of a rational man's choice considered either in its self or consequences . 1. not with respect to its self , for it is de numero ineligibilium ( as the schools speak . ) there is no form nor beauty in it that we should desire it : election is the act of the will , whose adequate object is good ; and so sin , which is malum in se , evil in its self , cannot be properly said to be elected : hence it comes to pass that such who have not their senses exercised to discern between good and evil , chuse sin by a mistake , thinking it to be good , putting light for darkness and darkness for light ( isaiah 5. 20. ) thus saint paul ( rather saul ) before he was converted , verily thought with himself , that he ought to doe many things against jesus of nazareth ; and christ tells his disciples , that some that kill'd them by a mistaken zeal , should think they did an acceptable service unto god : thus iniquity in practice passeth for duty , and error in opinion for truth , and evil is chosen sub ratione boni , not for its own sake , but under the notion of being at least seemingly good . others chuse sin that good may come thereof , that god may have glory or themselves advantage by it : this was objected against st. paul and his doctrine , which in great disdain he rejected , not as we are slanderously reported , and as some affirm that we say , let us doe evil , that good may come : whose damnation is just . ( rom. 3. 8. ) others chuse evil , to escape danger by it , elect the evil of sin to avoid thereby the evil of punishment ; so demas resolving to sleep in a whole skin and not to be persecuted for christs sake , forsook st. paul and imbraced the present world : now in all these three respects , whether sin be chosen under the notion of good , by a mistake , or that good may come thereof , or that danger be escaped by it ; each of these single , and much more united , are a clear demonstration that sin is not eligible for its self . sin indeed is the worst of any thing that is enemy to god or man , it is very much worse than hell , not only as its cause or parent , but considered in its self ; for hell is good for something , even to glorifie god's justice , but sin serves only to abuse his grace and goodness ; hell was of god's making , sin of the devil 's ; nay god made hell as well to terrifie men from coming there , as to punish the willful intruders into that place of torments : and hence the chief end of christs taking our flesh , was to save us from our sins , ( our worst kind of enemies : ) hence in scripture when god is said to be angry to the highest pitch , the stile runs thus ; i will give him up that is filthy , to be filthy still ; i will choose your delusions , give them over to their iniquities ; so that were there no hell , 't were in this sense a kind of damnation to be sinners : of all sorts of punishments sin it self is the greatest , and so not the proper object in its self of a rational mans , or true christians choice . secondly , as sin is not to be chosen in and for its self , so neither with respect tothe consequences thereof . the first and most immediate fruit of sin is ignorance , man was first tempted by the promise of knowledge , and fell into darkness by believing the devil holding forth his new lights ; adam and eve knew what was good before the devil promised them the knowledge of evil , and had they not imbraced this temptation they had continued in their happiness : this knowledge of evil was the introduction of ignorance , the understanding being baffled , the will became foolish , and both conspired to ruine each other ; for the will beginning to love sin , the understanding was set on work to commend and advance it , and so became both factious in approving their new miserable purchase : for ever since adam and eve yielded to the tempter , who told them they should be as gods in knowledge , man hath a double disadvantage ; for the devil is hence grown more quick-sighted to abuse us , and we the more blind by his opening of our eyes , as is sufficiently manifest by the prevalence of atheism , and idolatry in the world , than which nothing can be more ridiculous , occasioned originally by the fall of our first parents from their native paradise . a second effect of sin , is shame , which is an immediate consequence of all sort of wickedness , what fruit had you then in those things whereof ye are now ashamed ? rom. 6. 21. we see the truth of this by a too sad experience , what arguments , what preaching , what necessity can perswade men to confess their sins , how do men chuse to involve sin in excuses and denials , in the clouds of lying and the white linnen of hypocrisie , to shew that a mans spirit is amazed and his face confounded when he is dressed of so shameful disease ? it was the unhappy patrimony which our first ancestors bequeathed us , first to sin , and then to be ashamed of our selves and actions ; the woman which thou gavest me , said adam , charging his sin upon god ; the serpent beguiling me , said eve , imputing it to the devil , both betraying the nakedness of their souls , as well as bodies , and proportionably making aprons of excuses as well as leaves : and you may read the character of the parents in the childrens foreheads , for shame makes us as backward to reveal our sins as we are forward to confess our sicknesses , and less desirous to trust god with the diseases of our souls , than the physician with those of our bodies . none will own sin amongst all its acquaintance . if a man pursue vengeance he will christen it justice ; he that hates another mans person pretends enmity to his sins , and the theft of rachell shelters its self under the modesty of her sex , genesis 30. 34 , 35. he that designs to play the devil , first personates the saint , and rebells call themselves the people of the lord ; thus sacriledge and schism are a godly thorough reformation ; popular fury is zeal ; obstinacy against laws , tenderness of conscience ; treason and nonsence , praying by the spirit ; to dye in rebellion , a glorious martyrdom ; and the madness of the commons against the king and the priests , is courage in the cause of the lord jesus christ ; oppression of our brethren subjects , calls its self a high court of justice ; and such as seize our estates , were the keepers of our liberties ; and doctors , elders and deacons , the only sceptre of christ ; and ( to avoid arbitrary government ) we kneel at the bar of our fellow-subjects , and are imprison'd for new unheard of crimes , to preserve our properties and privileges : a clear argument that sin dares not appear in its own colours , and that shame is its never failing consequence , and so ineligible in both respects . absalon's rebellion was covered over with a fit of devotion ; one herod murthers with worshipping the blessed babe , and another herod strikes off the baptists head , to avoid being perjur'd ; saul excused his sin by bringing it to the altar , and the worst of men ( incarnate devils ) of whom st. paul speaks , 2 timoth. 3. chap. from the 2. to the 7. ver . had a form of godliness . now were sin an eligible thing , the proper object of a rational choyce , what need were there of excuses or denials , after the commission of any wickedness , or giving it glorious , or borrowed titles to cover its deformities ? and so sin is not to be chosen , either for its self , or with respect to its immediate fruits or consequences . thirdly , sin is not the object of a rational mans , or true christians choice , because every way opposite to all gods glorious attributes , and his very being and essence : if we consider gods sovereignty , sin is rebellion ; if his justice , it is iniquity ; if his goodness , sin is unkindness ; if god's holiness and pureness , sin is defilement : consider god's holiness as a rule , sin is a transgression ; if as an excellency , sin is deformity : thus it is contrary to the whole nature of god , and strikes at his attributes and essence . as god is every way in himself good , so sin is evil in its self , and good in no respect ; and as god is to be loved for himself , because the chiefest good , so sin is to hated for it self . the holy ghost could not call it by a worse name than its self , as rom. 7. 13. sin that it might appear sin , and sin by the commandment appeared exceeding sinful . again , god is the great reward of himself , and sin the punishment of its self , ( dyametrically opposite . ) we are hereby enemies to god , coloss . 1. haters of god , rom. 1. 30. sin is contrary to the glory of god essential , and manifestative ; it denies the glory due to god , rom. 1. 21. titus 1. 16. despiseth and reproacheth his glory , and misimployes it , by giving it to men , to our selves , or to the devil , ( as they who told our saviour that he cast out devils by belzeebub . ) sin wrongs god in his very nature and being , as psal . 14. 1. every sinner wisheth there were no god , and saith it in his heart ( as david observeth . ) upon each of these heads i might insist very largely , but to avoid trespassing on your patience , i pass to the following particulars . fourthly , sin is the transgression of god's laws , and so not the object of a christians choice : in the law there is a rectitude , every thing in god's commands is just , and right , sin is crookendness : the law teacheth wisdom , sin is folly , and the wicked man a fool , and both in scripture ( and very frequent in the proverbs ) made convertible terms : god's commands are pure , sin is filthiness , rom. 7. 12. there is liberty in the law , james 2. 8. sin is a bondage , 2 timothy 2. 26. the keeping of the law brings a reward , but sin shame and death , rom. 6. 22 , 23. but that which aggravates the sinfulness of sin upon this account is , that it is the transgression of such laws as are not grievous . 1. laws reasonable and suitable to our nature , and advantageous to our interest ; 2. such laws as the author of which hath given us sufficient power and strength ( if not wanting to our selves ) for the performance ; 3. such laws by obedience to which we arrive at an eternity of happiness . 1. the laws of god ( of which sin is a transgression ) are reasonable , suitable to our nature , and advantageous to our interest ; he hath shewed thee o man , what is good , and what doth the lord thy god require of thee , but to doe justice , and love mercy , and walk humbly with thy god ? this is the summ of the natural law , that we behave our selves reverently and obediently to the divine majesty , and justly and charitably towards men ; and for the better discharge of both , to govern our selves in sensual delights with temperance and moderation ; and what is there grievous in all this ? that we inwardly reverence and love god , and express it by external worship and our readiness to obey his will revealed , testifie our dependance on him in all dangers and wants , by offering up to him our constant prayers and supplications , and acknowledge our obligations by continual praises and thanksgivings for all his mercies ; to entertain of god no unworthy thoughts , nor give to others that honour and reverence , which is only sutable to his excellence and perfections , carefully to avoid the prophanation of his name , and take heed of the neglect and contempt of his worship , or any thing belonging to it ; this is the first part of natural religion , the generals of those duties which every mans reason tells him he owes to god ; and here thus far there is nothing commanded but what agrees very well with the reason of mankind . as for the six last precepts of the decalogue relating to the good order and government of our selves , with respect to our selves , equals , inferiours or superiours ; these are such laws as tend to our own peace , and the happiness of humane socieites , and as expounded in christ's sermon on the mount , nothing more can be devised for the welfare of mankind , by sweetning their spirits , and allaying their passions and animosities . 2. the author of those laws ( of which sin is the transgression ) hath not left us destitute of strength or power for performance ; 't is true , we have contracted a great deal of weakness by our wilful degeneracy from goodness , but that grace which the gospel offers to us for our assistance , is sufficient for us ; greater is he that is in us , than he that is in the world , 1 john 4. 4. and if so , then it clearly followeth , that such as apply themselves seriously to religion , and yield themselves tractable to good motions , will find the spirit of god more ready and active for their incouragement , than the devil to pull them back ; unless we think god hath given a greater power and a larger commission to the devil to doe us mischief , than to his holy spirit and his holy angels to doe us good , which were blasphemy to assert , and the calling in question the goodness of god. some say we cannot keep the commandments , and its true , of our selves ( as of our selves ) we are not able to think a good thought , much less to doe a good work . ( as of our selves . note that ) for the same apostle saith , i can doe all things through christ that strengtheneth me , and these two must be reconciled , we cannot , and we can keep the commandments ; that is , we cannot of our selves , but we can , through christ that strengthens us , and whose grace is never wanting to us , unless we are wanting to our selves : to say we cannot keep the commandments without adding saint paul's comment ( as of our selves ) i look upon as a crude position , incourageing idleness , for god inquestionably offers us an assistance equall to the difficulty of his commands , or else st. john was in an error , ( which may not be supposed ) when he tells us that his commandments are not grievous , ( 1 john 5. 3. ) and grievous they must be , if gods grace ( we being weak of our selves ) be not sufficient for the performance in such evangelical measures and degrees as god expects from us . i can doe all things through christ that strengthens me , philip. 4. 13. observe here three things , 1. the strength of christ is the original and fountain of all ours , 2. the strength of a christian , derived from christ , hath a kind of omnipotence , sufficient for the whole duty of christians , ( it can doe all things . ) 3. the strength and power thus bestowed , is the work of a christian , ( the man strengthened by christ ) i can doe all things : i paul can ( through christs strength , and assisted by grace ) keep the commandments in the gospel sense . if this be not the apostles meaning , i must even go to school again to understand english . through god who strengthens us , we are able to perform what he is able to injoyn ; we can suffer by his patience , what in his wisdom he can inslict ; chuse , by his direction what in his goodness he can propose . in short , we can believe his promises and doe his will ; we can resist his enemy and drink his cup ; but by his wisdom , and by his grace , by his power , and by his patience ; and if arminius say more than this , or calvin less , with submission to better judgments , the middle way between both extreams , is certainly the safest , and proves god's commands , the only measure of our obedience , not to be grievous ; and consequentially to chuse sin , which is the transgression of such just and reasonable laws , must be irrational and irreligious . 3 , that law of which sin is the trangression , is such a law by obedience to which we attain ( through christ ) eternal happiness ; and well did david speak upon this account , thy commands , o god , are righteous , and in keeping of them there is great reward , psal . 19. 11. an exceeding eternal weight of glory , such as eye hath not seen , nor ear heard , nor hath entred into the heart of man to conceive , ( as st. paul speaks ) a happiness that doth silence invention , non-plus hyperbolies , exceeds all our conceptions , and imaginations , and the oratory of men , or angels . now to chuse sin , which is the transgression of such laws as are suitable to our natures , advantageous both to our temporal and eternal interest ; laws , holy , good and just in themselves , and not grievous to us ; to chuse sin , which is opposite to such laws as these , is the greatest folly and madness , we hereby degrade our selves from our very essences , and bid defiance to our understanding ( the candle of the lord in our own breasts . ) fifthly , as sin is not eligible for its self or consequences , not with respect to gods attributes and essence , nor with reference to his laws , so not the object of a rational choice , because it is destructive to our own souls ; as 1. to the purity of the soul , ( sin takes away its beauty . ) 2. to its dignity , ( so sin casts down the soul from its excellency . ) 3. to the souls liberty ( sin makes it a captive . ) 4. to the strength of the soul , ezek. 16. 30. impotens libido , ( sin makes us weak , and impotent . ) 5. to the peace of the soul , ( ubi peccatum ibi procella , ) there is no peace ( saith my god ) to the wicked ; and lastly , to the safety and life of the soul , ( 2 thessal . 1. 9. ) there are known topical heads which may be inlarged upon in your private meditations . sin is expoliatio gratuitorum , ( say the schools ) a stripping of the soul of all those supernatural excellencies that god gave men when created after his own image ; and 't is vulneratio naturalium , sin wounds the soul as to its naturals and morals , as well as spirituals . in short , sin is the disease of our souls , and no rational man that knows what health is , will chuse a sickness , and be in love with a disease : sin is as destructive of the souls health , beauty and safety , as distemper'd humours defect in any member , solution of parts , or dislocation of a joint can be to the body : an ignorant mind is equivalent to a blind eye ; a will disabled worse than a lame hand ; and vile affections more ugly than deformed members ; an evil conscience is more afflictive than a cancer in the breast ; pining envy , more vexatious than the knawing of our stomachs ; the furies of lust , rage and intemperance , are as unnatural distempers , as feverish heats , and the insatiable desire after worldly wealth ; and greatness is an hydropique thirst ; and hence in scripture the sicknesses and diseases of our bodies , are used to represent those of our souls , which he that attentively reads and meditates on , will furnish himself with many instances of great usefulness and advantage : our first parents got this disease by eating of an apple which the devil had poysoned , and infected all their posterity with the venom of it ; adam fell in paradise , and all his off-spring are mephiboseth's line from their mothers womb. sin now runs in a blood , and flies higher and higher instead of abating its first vigour , 't is morbus epacmasticus , epidemicus & contagiousus ; as symptoms still heighten , it is a catching and contagious disease seizing upon those that come near such as are infected with it , flee from sin ( ecclesiasticus 21. 2. ) as from the face of a serpent , for if thou comest near , it will bite thee , the teeth thereof are as the teeth of a lyon slaying the sons of men ; this was the poyson that lay under the teeth of the old serpent the devil , when he bit our first parents : nay sin is ( morbus compositus ) so complicated a disease , that all other diseases are indeed but the symptomes of this : which brings me to the sixth particular , that sin is not only the souls sickness , but the sourse and fountain of all the maladies and distempers that happen to our bodies , and so an enemy to body and soul at once ; and as so , not the proper object of our election or choice : hast thou a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? does thy head ake ? 't is sin , it may be , pride , or self-conceit have distended the membranes of thy brain . hast thou an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? are thine eyes inflamed ? sin is the cause thereof ; perhaps thou hast been too vain , in gadding after sinful objects . hast thou an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? — is thy speech taken from thee ? 't is sin hath struck thee dumb ; perhaps thy hearkning after lies , prophane , idle and libidinous discourses . hast thou an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? do thy loines chasten thee in the night season ? sin is the occasion ; perhaps thou hast given thy youth and thy strength unto strange women . hast thou a volvulus intestinorum , a miserere mei , and forc'd to cry out , oh my bowels , my bowels , ( as 't is exprest jer. 14. 19. ) 't is sin , perhaps thy gluttony , ryot , and debaucheries . hast thou a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? — is thy body turned black and sallow , and thy beauty faded ? 't is probably occasioned by a too great delight and content in admiring the excellency of thy frail complexion . hast thou a paralysis ? is the use of thy limbs taken from thee ? 't is sin is the cause ; perhaps thy hands have been shut to the poor , or thy feet swift to shed blood , or to walk in the paths of ungodliness . sin therefore is not the object of a rational man's choice , because it is the souls sickness and the sourse of all bodily distempers and diseases . seventhly , sin is not a sit object to be elected , because it is the unhappy parent of temporal , spiritual and eternal death . by sin , death entred into the world , rom. 5. 12. death is the child of sin , not of nature ; nay , it destroys our souls as well as our bodies , the soul that sinneth shall dye ; the death of nature and the death of grace , sin occasion'd both ; and not only so , but the death that never dies is sins wages ; 't is sin keeps in the fire of hell to all eternity , that lays on those everlasting torments prepared for the devil and his angels ; 't is sin that not only feeds the worm with our bodies , but the never-dying worm with our souls likewise ; it kindles the slames of lust here in our hearts , and blows the coals in hell to torment both our bodies and souls to eternal ages ; and who can dwell with everlasting burnings ? lastly , sin is not the object of a rational man , or good christians choice , if put in the ballance with afflictions , and that is the last branch of the thesis , which i laid down at the beginning of my discourse , occasioned by elihu's reprehension of job , under the notion of chusing wickedness rather than sufferings , and this i shall demonstrate briefly and plainly , and make application to our selves . my position is this , without any equivocation ; it is the property of a good man to chuse the greatest affliction before the least sin , or there is more evil in one sin , than in all whatsoever suffering . this appears in ten particulars , 1. sin separates from god , but affliction not . 2. affliction is not , sin is evil in its self . 3. a sinful state cannot , but an afflicted may consist with the love of god. 4. the evil of suffering is but momentany , of sin everlasting . 5. we are called to suffering , commanded by christ to take up our cross , and to follow him , but not called to sin . 6. the end of suffering is glory , of sin shame . 7. by suffering we lose some outward good , by sin the soul . 8. suffering speaks our conformity to christ , sin to the devils . 9. god is the author of affliction , not of sin ; lastly , afflictions may be good if sanctified to us , but not sins . i shall not observe a strict order , as to every one of these heads , but single out the chiefest and most useful for a mixt audience . 1. to chuse affliction is a hard choice , for affliction is not good in its self , but however it may be useful to us ; happy is the man that endureth temptations , and chastnings , the scripture speaks in many places ; but happy is the man that commits iniquity , hath not the patronage of one single text : david could say upon tryal , psal . 119. 71. it is good for me that i have been afflicted , that i might learn thy statutes ; but he never said , it is good for me that i have sinned , unlearned thy precepts , or broke thy commandments : david pleased himself in being afflicted , but not in thinking he had sinned , as is visible enough in his seven penitential psalms ; and particularly if we compare the 2 sam. 10. chap. 11. ver . with psalm 51. we shall find david reckoning his sins . as the 1 , 2 , 3. greatest punishment in all the world ; david did not first pray , that his house might be delivered from the fury of the sword , or that his wives might not be violated before his face , his children might not be rebells ; the good man passed by these things as temporal and trivial punishments , but he cries upon his sins , his sins , his sins , three times in a breath , psal . 51. 1. as so many haunting devils that disturbed his rest . when paul , of a persecutor , became a persecuted apostle , and was delivered from his sins , he was immediately so ravished with the love of his deliverer , and the joy of his deliverance , that he cared not to be delivered from any misery besides ; he even gloried in tribulation , as very useful both to exercise and feed his patience , as rom. 5. 3. acts 21. 13. he was ready , not to be bound only , but dye for the lord jesus . sickness and plunder , banishment and bonds , and every kind of persecution , are heavy burthens to the flesh , but light , being wighed in the ballance with the pressures and miseries of sin and wickedness ; when god the father of spirits afflicts his sons and daughters , he doth it that they may be partakers of his holiness , as heb. 12. 10 , 11. but sin is the sting of all afflictions , 't is the suffering as evil doers that keeps men from being martyrs , but they are happy who suffer in a good cause , for even hereunto are ye called , because christ also suffered for us , leaving us an example that we should tread in his steps who did no sin , neither was guile found in his lips . moses well understood himself when he chose rather to be afflicted with the people of god , than enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season , heb. 11. 25. so the old martyrs , will you have a prison , or deny your saviour and your lord ? will you burn in this fire , or commit that idolatrous act ? will you dye by a halter , or forsake the faith ? oh , say they , give us prisons , fires , axes , gibbets , wheels , lyons , all the torments invented by men or devils , rather than we will comply with sin and wickedness . this is a point necessary in all , but especially these times , wherein men boast of a zeal for god , but not according to knowledge ; and seek to avoid future possible afflictions by present unlawful actions : as in the duke of york's case , no man that understands the scriptures , and will not suffer his reason by passion to be ecclipsed , can believe it lawful by gods laws , to bar any man of his right of succession to a crown ( of all temporal rights , the greatest ) to avoid future probable inconveniences , in sacred and civil administrations ; nor do i believe that any the framers of this bill would think it a piece of justice to have their children ( or in default of issue ) their brethren in the flesh , thus debar'd of their rights , for different modes of worship from what is now legally established . that which is simply evil , may not for any good be done ; ( the case we are now upon ) if saint paul , or the holy ghost ( speaking by him ) understood the christian religion , 't is not lawful to tell an officious lye for the glory of god , as job 13. 7. will ye speak wickedly for god ? or talk deceitfully for him ? if not for the glory of god , then not for an inferiour end , not for the saving of a life , or the peace of a state. nay , ( as anselm , austin , and others observe ) we should rather hazard the salvation of mankind than commit a sin to save it : if st. paul say true , ( and 't is hard to say he does not ) damnation is due to such as do a present evil , upon the prospect of a future good , rom. 3. 8. suppose there were presidents to justifie a bill of this nature by the laws of england , shall humane laws evacuate the laws of god ? how often hath jack-presbyter ( the framer of that bill ) pleaded that god must be obeyed rather than man , &c. let him stand to his own argument , or give a reason for the why not ? 't is strange to me , that men calling themselves protestants — can be guilty of such votes as these , which are disowned by the true protestant religion by law established in this best of reformed churches . i am neither papist nor popishly affected , but i assert a true protestant principle founded on holy writ , that sin is not to be elected if there be no other expedient left to avoid being persecuted : as for the distinction which some make , that we may not do evil that good may come , that is not for a private good end , but we may for a publique benefit ; i have not so learned christ , i thank god , and i desie the jesuitical , and presbyterian brotherhood , to give me one scripture text , or any one sound reason to justifie that distinction aforesaid ; and till that be done , let the lawful successor be zealot for the interest either of kirk , or conclave ; as i will not reade mass , nor swallow the covenant , so i will not rebell against the ordinance of god , but leave god to govern his own world , who restrains the spirit of princes , and is wonderful among the kings of the earth . god , who turns the hearts of kings as the rivers of water , as it pleaseth himself : the god who remembers mercy in his wrath , and punisheth less than our sins deserved ; and this was the judgment and practice of the saints and churches apostolically primitive . a parisian masacre , a guiscan league , a powder treason , a covenant reformation , a spanish inquisition house , and an english high court of justice , the fighting for reformation , and bidding defiance to heaven , by whom kings reign ; these are abominations so scandalous and antichristian , as do non-plus hyperbolies , and silence invention ; and next to these there is scarce any thing more criminal than the equally sinful and ridiculous bill against the succession of his royal highness , ( in case he survive the king ) to the crown and sceptre of this nation . i wish the king may out-live his brother , and put a period to this question ; but i believe the framers of that bill had a farther design than the dukes person , and am clearly of opinion , that there is both a popish plot , and a presbyterian one at this time against the church , or the king , or both in conjunction , and hath been more or less so , ever since the reformation ; and i am heartily sorry , that since papists and presbyterians call themselves christians , that by their seditious principles and actions , they should rather seem proselytes to mahomet , ( the victorious ) than to the humble , innocent and persecuted jesus ; and yet that the latter saints should be so far insensible of this , as to call all that will not concur with them in their actions , tantyvies , and tories , and french pensioners , is very insolently ridiculous . 2. afflictions are the exercises of our graces , as faith , patience , humility , and charity , in which christ in his life ( who was a man of sorrows and acquainted with griefs ) was pleased to be exemplary to us , and we should and ought to look up to this jesus who endured the cross , &c. heb. 12. 2. 't is an excellent expression of charles the martyr to his son , ( our sovereign ) this advantage you have above other princes , that you have begun , and now spent some years in the experience of troubles , and exercise of patience , wherein piety , and all vertues are commonly better planted to a thriving , as trees set in winter , than in the warmth and serenity of times : he gives instance in david and rehoboam , the one prepared by many afflictions for a flourishing kingdom , the other unsoftned by the unparallel'd prosperity of the court of solomon ; and this is indeed the great advantage of afflictions above earthly greatness , that this last makes us proud , and insolent , and to say , who is the lord ? and by the other our graces are exercised and increased ; ye have heard of the patience of job , saith st. james , but we had never heard of any such thing but for his afflictions , and we have heard of job , saith , though he kill me , yet will i trust in him ; but this was the fruit of his patience in suffering . st. stephen's charity had never been upon record for our imitation , but for his persecution . had the old army of martyrs took up arms against their emperors ( being heathens ) instead of being patient , and charitable , and humble , and meek , like men that understood christ's religion , they had neither been presidents to us , nor found for themselves a place in heaven . the assaults of affliction may be terrible , like sampson's lyon , but they yield much sweetness to those , who can encounter , and overcome ; who know how to out-live the witherings of their gourds , without discontent or peevishness whilst they may yet converse with god , as the royal martyr charles the first , rarely expresseth it . 3. afflictions wean us from the world , and bring us nearer to god , and sin makes us earthly minded , and makes a separation between god and us : the sufferings of the saints are the summ of christian philosophy , they are sent to wean us from the vanities and affections of this world , and create in us strong desires after heaven , whilst god here treates us rudely , that we may long to be in our country , where god shall be our portion , and angels our companions , and christ our perpetual feast , and never ceasing joy the entertainment of all injured and patient sufferers . oh death ! how bitter art thou to a man that is at ease and rest in his possessions ? but he that is uneasy in his body , and unquiet in his fortunes , vexed in his person , and discompos'd in his designs , who here finds no pleasure or rest , he will be glad and rejoice to fix his heart where he shall have the full of his desires , and what can only make him partaker of real happiness . as long as the waters of persecution are upon the earth , ( the allusion is pardonable i conceive ) so long we dwell in the ark , but where the land is dry , the dove its self will be tempted to a wandring course of life , and never return to her house of safety ; this blessed effect afflictions had upon job , in making him bid adieu to the world , naked came i out of my mothers womb , and naked shall i return thither , &c. and the same effect affliction wrought in the late martyr'd king of england ( who as he imitated the piety , so he had the troubles of david ( i shall not want ( saith he ) the heavy and envyed crowns of this world , when my god hath mercifully crowned and consummated his graces with glory , and exchang'd the shadows of my earthly kingdoms among men , for the substance of that heavenly kingdom with himself . thus afflictions wean us from the world and bring us nearer to god , but sin and the world , are a kin , and of a blood , and sin is a departure from god ; the lord saith to sinners , you are departed and gone , your iniquities have separated between you and your god , as the prophet isaiah expresseth it . 4. we are full of worldly mindedness , adhaesit pavimento , as david spake ; but in another sense , our soul cleaveth to the dust : we all complain the world is naught , and so it is , the whole world lyeth in wickedness , and yet as bad as it is , it finds an entertainment in our hearts proportionably to our outward prosperities ; the faster riches , and honours , and other vanities increase , the more eagerly we pursue and dote on these transitory things . 't is affliction that takes off their seeming pleasantness , and imbitters the lusciousness of them to our taste ; that we have any apprehension at all of the vanity of the world , is due to those vexations of spirit , that are interwoven with it . 5. to be innocent and to be afflicted , is the body and soul of christianity its self ; i john your brother , and partaker of tribulation , and in the kingdom and patience of jesus , said good st. john. these were the titles and ornaments of his profession , that is to say , i john your fellow christian , for the former descant this is the plain song . love is the soul of christianity , and the soul of love is suffering ; god hath given a single blessing to other graces , but a double to this ; it is a double kindness we receive at gods hands , first to be innocent , and then to be persecuted with jesus christ . the church is like moses his bush , when it is all on fire it is not at all consumed , but made full of miracle , full of splendor , and full of god ; and unless we can find something that god cannot turn into joy , if he so please , we have reason , not only with the well instructed heathens , to be patient under , but ( with st. paul ) to rejoice exceedingly in tribulation , not to think a fiery tryal strange , but rejoice that we are partakers of christs sufferings ; as st. peter ( paul's beloved brother and our fellow souldier under the banner of the cross , ) exhorts us , and proportionably his brother james , my brethren , count it all joy when ye fall into divers temptations . take the prophets , saith st. james , as an example of suffering afflictions ; but jesus christ is beyond all these , for he suffered for us , leaving us an example that we should follow his steps . these things considered , is it not a barbarous thing , for a grave society of men to press their sovereign wholly to lay aside the rightful successor of his crown , by the laws of heaven , which is the doing evil , to commit a known sin , to secure thereby the protestant religion , that is , ( that good may thence come ) or rather that the zeal-drunk presbyterian , who prefers rebellion before martyrdom , may not run the hazard of shewing himself no christian , by remonstrating against suffering persecution ? a papist cannot be a worse king than a nero , or dioclesian , and when st. paul said we should stand to our faith , to imagine he intended we should stand to our arms , is a new and strange interpretation . but the mischief is deeper yet , for we cannot disinherit this gentleman but by a known principle of the court of rome , that grace gives a a title to dominion , and accordingly the pope disposeth of an heretick kingdom , and barrs the successor , and gives it to another man of his own nomination , and to the next of the line , if he be of the romish perswasion : and with what conscience can these men ( mutatis mutandis ) press the king to an imitation of the pope of rome , whilst they condemn in this very point his unjust usurpation ? when st. paul preached obedience to the higher powers , and the primitive christians prayed that the father might be succeeded by the son , or the next of the blood , and line ; could they be supposed to mean unless he were of this or that religion , and then it should be lawful to disinherit them ? he that maintains such a point in a parliamentary session , and at the same time calls himself a christian , is not so well qualified for westminster as bedlam . the doctrine of taking away the right of succession came from rome , the pope had it from the devil without question , for st. peter his pretended predecessor , taught no such thing , but quite contrary exhorts all christians ( and so includes the presbyterian ) to endure the fiery tryal , and rejoyce in being partakers of christs sufferings ; now christ came to give us an heavenly , not to take away any mans earthly crown , and accordingly , as he knew no sin , so he underwent all sorts of affliction . he that saith i will not have this man to reign , because a papist , or a puritan ; or saith , this is the heir , let us by all means bar him of possession , is a much worse christian than he that saith , it is the lord , let him doe as it pleaseth him , i will bear his indignation because i have sinned against him ; this is the present question under debate , with reference to the succession , and not the fighter for reformation , but the patient under god's correction , is the best defender of christ religion , i can , and will prove against all the papists and sectaries in christendom . i ask the presbyterian these questions , and request an answer to them . 1. doth the wrath of man work the righteousness of god ? 2. doth the saviour of the world ( who came to save us from sin , not from affliction ) stand in need of the sinful man to promote his religion , or the interest of his kingdom ? 3. did christ teach us by his example or doctrine , to prefer rebellion before martyrdom , and is not the contrary position equal to a mathematical demonstration ? 4. can the pope in cathedra , or pope populus in parliament , by voting evil good , and good evil , sanctifie an unlawful action done with a good intention ? if these things be so , i require him to prove it , if not , st. paul's doctrine will be found billa vera in the court of heaven , that we may not commit a present known sin to avoid a future probable persecution , all the bills , votes and resolves of froward men to the contrary notwithstanding . i understand not the over-looking the lawfulness to pass to the expedience of the thing , for strafford lost his head to please the faction , and then it was voted on again , by making it no president for the peers of the kingdom . suppose it be his majesties judgement , and perswasion ( as he hath declared ) that he cannot give consent to the bill of exclusion ; is it either religion or good manners ( my brethren ) to perswade our lawful sovereign against st. paul's advice ( which the presbyterians quote sometimes to serve their own interest and turn ) whatsoever is not of faith is sin ? have not princes consciences as well as other men , and may they not as well plead their judicium discretionis , who are only responsable to the god of heaven , as any private person , who is , and ought to be accountable both to god and man. is it not sufficient for his majesty to say ( what his father exemplified ) better one man unjustly perish , than the people be displeased , is a fallacious maxim , especially considering the late king's conclusion hereupon ; i see it a bad exchange to wound a mans own conscience , thereby to salve state sores , to calm the storms of popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in a mans own bosome . i hope the commons of england will never arrive to that insolence , as to answer with bradshaw to their sovereign , your reasons , sir , are not to be heard against the supream jurisdiction of this nation ; and yet they have lately huss'd their brethren , and made them do penance for being jury-men , and pay excessive fees for no crime , under the notion of abhorrers of petitioning . and now we are upon the petitioning point , i remember a passage in mr. calamies sermon preached in 1645. at michael basing-shaw london , to the lord mayor , and his brethren , when the solemn league and covenant was renued with prayer and fasting . you have ( saith holderforth ) shot one arrow already , shoot another , and if that miscarry , shoot another ; he that cuts down a tree , though he cut it not down at the first or second blow , yet the first and second blow , prepare to the speeding blow that cuts it down : you have delivered one petition , deliver another ; if that miscarry deliver another , the speeding petition will come at last . that is in plain english , worry out your prince with perpetual noise and clamours , give him no rest till he submit to your requests . what this fellow preached in 1645. hath been practised for two years past , yet must not i say so , during the sitting of the commons , for fear of a reprimand in such language as was never given a priest by imperial princes . but i bless god , i have the spirit of an english man , and my knees , due to god and the king , shall never be yielded up to usurpers , come what will , come hanging , burning , or any other , or all the torments that exercised the patience of the primitive christians , and herein i shew my self a protestant , whose great principle it is , rather than sin , to chuse affliction . finis . groanes for liberty· presented from the presbyterian (formerly non-conforming) brethren, reputed the ablest and most learned among them, in some treatises called smectymnuus, to the high and honorable court of parliament in the yeare 1641, by reason of the prelates tyranny. now awakened and presented to themselves in the behalf of their now non-conforming brethren. with a beam of light, discovering a way to peace. also some quæres for the better understanding of mr edwards last book called gangræna. with a parallel betweene the prelacy and presbytery. / by iohn saltmarsh preacher of the gospel. saltmarsh, john, d. 1647. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93642 of text r200661 in the english short title catalog (thomason e327_20). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 75 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93642 wing s489 thomason e327_20 estc r200661 99861343 99861343 113476 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93642) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113476) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 53:e327[20]) groanes for liberty· presented from the presbyterian (formerly non-conforming) brethren, reputed the ablest and most learned among them, in some treatises called smectymnuus, to the high and honorable court of parliament in the yeare 1641, by reason of the prelates tyranny. now awakened and presented to themselves in the behalf of their now non-conforming brethren. with a beam of light, discovering a way to peace. also some quæres for the better understanding of mr edwards last book called gangræna. with a parallel betweene the prelacy and presbytery. / by iohn saltmarsh preacher of the gospel. saltmarsh, john, d. 1647. smectymnuus. [10], 34, 33-36 p. printed for giles calvert, at the black spread-eagle at the west end of pauls, london, : 1646. smectymnuus = stephen marshall, edmund calamy, thomas young, matthew newcomen and william spurstow. with a preliminary imprimatur leaf. imprimatur and t.p. are printed in red and black. annotation on thomason copy: "march: 10th 1645"; the second 6 in imprint date crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng smectymnuus -early works to 1800. edwards, thomas, 1599-1647. -gangræna -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -controversial literature -early works to 1800. a93642 r200661 (thomason e327_20). civilwar no groanes for liberty·: presented from the presbyterian (formerly non-conforming) brethren, reputed the ablest and most learned among them, i saltmarsh, john 1646 11676 14 5 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-06 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion these groanes for liberty , out of smectymnuus his own mouth , i approve to be printed . iohn bachiler . febr. 27. 1645. if any are ignorant who this smectymnuus is , stephen marshall edmund calamy thomas young matthew newcomen vvilliam spurstow can tell you . groanes for liberty . presented from the presbyterian ( formerly non-conforming ) brethren , reputed the ablest and most learned among them , in some treatises called smectymnuus , to the high and honorable court of parliament in the yeare 1641 , by reason of the prelates tyranny . now awakened and presented to themselves in the behalf of their now non-conforming brethren . with a beam of light , discovering a way to peace . also some qvaeres for the better understanding of mr edwards last book called gangraena . with a parallel betweene the prelacy and presbytery . by iohn saltmarsh preacher of the gospel . mat. 18. 32 , 33. i forgave thee all that debt because thou desiredst me ; shouldst not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow servant , even as i had pity on thee ? london , printed for giles calvert , at the black spread-eagle at the west end of pauls , 1646. to the honorable the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the house of commons in parliament . honorable , i here present you with some notions of the brethren of the presbyterian way , which were presented to your house some foure or five yeares since ; wherein they doe in much strength and piety , as it seems to me , open the way and secrets of spirituall tyranny , and conscience-yoaks ; there is some occasion now of reminding the brethren of these , because the straine of their preaching and printing seems to have forgotten these principles : spirituall yoaks and burdens being taken off from us ( through the hand of god upon ye ) the memory of them seems to be gone off too from some ; some have forgotten that they were strangers in the land of egypt ; the lord hath seemed to forgive the formerly nonconforming brethren all their debt , because they desired him : and now the question is , whether they should have compassion on their fellow servants as he had pity on them ? the controversy now before ye , is of all your faithfull ones , and therefore it cals for the tenderst judgement : fathers may better beat servants then children out of doores ; the one sort ( if i mistake not ) contend that they may rule with ye , the other , that they may be ruled by ye in the things of your own kingdom ; and in that of the kingdom of god , that iesus christ may rule both ye and them : how just , how spirituall , this latter plea is , will appeare from the choycest reasonings of some in reputation with ye , which i have awakened . the things i present ye , i would not presume to make too positive , because i would not conclude a wisdome of your latitude under any notion of mine , ( though i see private men take too much liberty in that way towards ye ) though it is your indulgence not to know it . i here present ye things only to be considered , to be quared , in the behalfe of truth and the advancement of your state , to which i am covenanted ; and i am the bolder and freer , having sold something that i had for that pearle , for which we are bidden to sell all : i shall adde some considerations here to the rest . 1 consider whether under popery the mystery of the nationall priesthood was not rather held up by the power of princes and states ▪ then states themselves by such a way of power ; and whether the mystery of the nationall ministery be not rather held up by the power of states now , then the states themselves in such a way of power ; and then , whether all the pretences and consequences to draw in states and kingdomes for the churches interest ( if clearly discussed ) be not rather a way of antichristian mystery , then of zeale to religion or the power of magistracy ? 2 consider whether in the kingdom of jesus christ any other scepter should be lifted up then that golden one of his owne , and whether if there be a kingdome of god , if iesus christ be the law-giver , and the spirit of christ the interpreter of those lawes , and this kingdome of god within the throne of that king of kings , and lord of lords the lord jesus , any other power should rule , any other scepter , any other lawes , or any other sit downe in that throne , which is only the throne of the son of david , whose throne is for ever , the scepter of whose kingdome is an everlasting scepter ? 3 consider whether there be not an heathenish or gentilish world , and an antichristian world or a world of many called christians and believers in christ , and yet a church of christ which is neither of these ; and if so , whether is all this kingdome of england that church of christ , or not rather much of it that part of the antichristian world , over which one part of the mystery of iniquity hath sate long , and is yet upon it ? and if so , then is there not roome in england both for presbyteriall churches , and believers of other wayes to live in that part of this kingdome which is the world , and not that church ? and if so , ye may be rich in people , rich in peace , rich in the praises of the people of god . honourable , goe on to doe worthy things for our nation , as worthy things have been done by you , and may ye be as the wings of a dove covered with silver , and her feathers with yellow gold . so prayes your humble faithfull servant john saltmarsh . to the reverend divines of the presbyteriall way . brethren , these are the sighings of some of your own spirits under episcopacy , under the tyranny of that government . o how acute and sensible were your iudgements and consciences then of the usurpation , dominion , imposed forms , when you were the sufferers ! but now that your brethren are becom the non-conformists to you , as you were nonconformists to the prelates ; and you the imposers , and your brethren the sufferers ; i finde times and conditions are forgotten , and yoaks are called for which neither we nor our fathers were able to beare . i see by your printings and preachings the working of new dispositions in you , and symptomes of something like dominion and persecution ; surely brethren your crying out thus for the civill power to help you or all is undone , is a signe you trust not to the gospel strength , nor truth of your way , but to the arme of flesh . methinks of late your sun is turning into darknesse and blacknesse over us , and your moon into blood : is it possible that yoaks , burthens , whips , prisons , banishments , can bee so soon forgotten ? can saints like naturall men see their faces in a glasse , and so soon forget what manner of men they were ? i have here reasoned with you in your owne arguments ; i hope your own arguments may finde accesse to your spirits when ours cannot ; men are sooner perswaded by their owne reason then anothers . o that the same sounding of bowels may be heard in you to your brethren , that yee wished to heare in others who were once your task-masters ! what ioseph said in his affliction , wee shall say to you , think on us i pray you when it shall be well with you , and shew kindnesse ; for it may be as mordecai said , yee are come to the kingdom for such a time as this ; if not , enlargement and deliverance shall arise from another place . iohn saltmarsh . groanes for liberty . 1 divisions ought to be no prejudice to the truth . bvt he upbraids us with our divisions and subdivisions , and so doe the papists upbraid the protestants with their lutheranisme , calvinisme , and zuinglianisme ; and this is that the heathens objected to the christians , their fractures were so many they knew not which religion to chuse if they should turne christians . and can it be expected , that the church in any age should be free from divisions , when the times of the apostles were not free , and the apostle tels us it must needs be that there be divisions ? in greg. nazian. his dayes there were six hundred errours in the church ; doe these any wayes derogate from the truth and worth of christian religion ? quaere . 1 whether are not divisions and subdivisions objected now to all that are dissenting brethren from the present way of church-government ? and whether are divisions any more scandall to religion now then before ? 2 whether is independency , anabaptism , brownism , seekers , of more evill report now , then lutheranism , calvinism , zuinglianism formerly ? 3 whether is an hundred and eighty opinions , as some would reckon them , more to be cast in the face of religion now , then six hundred in the dayes of nazianzen ? 4 whether is this faire dealing for brethren to make apologies for divisions and severall opinions , when they are oppressed , and to turne back in accusations upon their brethren when the oppression is off from themselves ? 2 stinted formes not to be imposed ▪ the validity of which plea your honours are best able to judge ; and therefore we leave it at your barre : yet these two things we know , first that this forme viz. of liturgy , was never established to be so punctually observed , so rigorously pressed to the casting out of all that scruple it , or any thing in it . quaere . 1. if former liturgies were never established to be so punctually observed , why is there such pressing now for establishment of formes , now to be observed in worship and discipline ? seeing the former divines walkt as they thought by as true a light then , as the divines of this age doe now ? 2. if synods did not formerly establish things for such punctuall observations , why are there any penalties , fines , imprisonments called for now , upon non-conformity to things established by them ? 3. why are the formes composed now so rigorously pressed , uniformity so urged , when such practises and designs were condemned but a few yeares since ? and they who urge it now , would scarce then seem to believe it to be the minde of former synods and parliaments ? 4. if things were not to be rigorously pressed then to the casting out of any that scruple , why now ? 3 no formes of particular men to be imposed on all the rest . but if by liturgy he understand prescribed and stinted formes of administration , composed by some particular men in the church , and imposed upon all the rest ( as this we must understand , or else all he saith is nothing ; ) we desire and expect that those formes which he saith are yet extant and ready to be produced , might once appeare . quaere . 1. if formes composed by particular men be not to be imposed on all the rest , why do the brethren now urge upon us all , and upon all the kingdome , their own uniformity and formes , since theirs is no more a truth to others , then others formes were formerly a truth to them ? 2. whether one synod of divines is not as well a few 1 , compared with all the rest of the kingdom , as another synod ? and the same that were but a few 2 six years since , or sixty years since , but a few 3 still , unlesse the same numbers and accounts alter by yeares and seasons ? and if so , what reason is there for ones imposing more then anothers , since truth is no more to be reckoned by multitudes and synods in one age , then in another ? 4 no binding to the use of composed formes . all other reformed churches , though they use liturgies , yet do not binde ministers to the use of them . quaere . 1. why doe any reformed churches now undertake to binde any to the use of their formes , seeing the churches formerly durst not usurp it ? and why under penalties now more then before ? 2. whether is that lawfull now which was not foure years since , and for these brethren to doe , which was unlawfull for their predecessors ? 5 severe imposing , a sinne and a snare . that which makes many refuse to be present at our church service , is not only the liturgy it selfe , but the imposing it upon ministers . quaere . 1 if imposing of forms was a snare before , how comes it to be none now ? 2 if ministers were not to be compelled then , why are they to be compelled now ? 6 liberty in use of formes breeds no disturbance . obj. if it be objected that this will breed divisions and disturbances in the churches , ans. it hath not bred any disturbance in other reformed churches . why should the free liberty of using or not using breed more confusion , then the free liberty of reading or not reading homilies , especially when ministers shall teach people not to condemne one another in things indifferent . quaere . 1 how comes it to passe that liberty in the use of formes bred no disturbances before , and yet now all is pretended to be undone if uniformity be not preserved ? 2 why are divines more jealous of conscientious and inoffensive liberty now that the government is comming into their own hands , then when it was in their predecessors ? 3 if brethren are not to condemn one another in things indifferent , why do they teach now a persecution to all that conform not to things indifferent only , but unlawfull , as all parts in worship and government are , which are devices of men ? 7 no set formes for the first 300 years . for christian liturgies which the remonstrant had affirmed to have beene the best improvement of the peace and happinesse of the evangelicall church ever since the apostles times , we chalenged the remonstrant , setting aside those that are confessedly spurious , to produce any liturgy that was the issue of the first 300 yeares . quaere . 1. if solemne and set-formes and directories were excepted against , and accused then as no friend to the peace and happinesse of churches , why are they made now the choicest meanes of peace and unity , and all those churches condemned as erroneous that are without them ? 2. if no set-formes can be produced as the issue of the first 300 yeers , why are they continued still * , which have neither precept from scriptures , nor president from apostles or primitive practise to warrant them ? why are the crimes and will-worship of forefathers condemned by their children , yet afterwards taken up ? the fathers eate sowre grapes , and the childrens teeth are set on edge . 8. things that even offend anabaptists are to be removed . it is under carefull hands and hearts more mercifull , viz. the parliament , then this remonstrant is , ( to remit troubled consciences to no better cure then mr. fishers book ) who we hope will do by those as the helvetians did by some things that were stumbled at amongst them , though there were none but anabaptists that stumbled at them , yet the state did by authority remove them , and zuinglius their professed adversary gives them thanks for occasioning the removall . quaere . 1. why may not the brethren look for better cure to their troubled consciences from the state now , then from some of their brethren , because the hands and hearts of the state have appeared more carefull , more mercifull then some of them ? the priests and levites walke by , while the good samaritans comfort the wounded 2. if the state of the helvetians would not offend the very anabaptists , but remove the scandall : why should any state now be set on and inflamed not only to offend , but persecute them ; nor onely anabaptists as they are called , but all other their brethren that dissent ? if states are commended then for being so tender , why are they preached now into severity , wrath , revenge , and tender troubled consciences made the onely trouble ? 9. rigour makes separatists . but we thinke , nay we know that some few prelates by their over-rigorous pressing have made more separatists then all the preachers dis-affected to ceremonies in england . quaere 1. if it hath appeared formerly that rigorous imposings have occasioned separation , why doe they now cry out of so many separatists , and not look up to themselves ? why do they beat their fellow-servants out of doors , and then cry out of their running away ? 2. why is not persecution and imposing more forborn by the brethren now , when they have found it the cause of their own separation formerly ? 3. why do they cry out of separatists , when they see separatists have not so much made themselves so , as they have been made so by others , and they have been rather driven away , then they have drawn away themselves ? why do they cry out of of separation , when they force them into corners first , if they would have the communion of their brethren more , why make they not their persecution lesse , and their offences in worship and government lesse ? 10. burthens to churches to be removed . in the mean we blesse god who hath put into the hearts of others into whose hands he hath concredited the work to judge more wisely , and consider more mercifully , and to professe in the hearing of some of us , they would willingly part with that which was indifferent to themselves , if they were but truly informed it was offensive to others , according to that of gregory , those customes which are known to bring any burthens upon the churches , it becomes us to consider of the remooving of them . quaere . why may not the state to be petitioned by their people now of tender consciences , to the same temper of tendernesle and mercy to them , that the brethren then desired for themselves ? whether are those good neighbours , that would have it raine onely in their owne gardens , and the sun to shine only on their owne blossomes , and have peace only in their own dwellings , and their neighbour townes running with blood ? 2. were the times of non-conformists then times only for removing burdens from churches , and the times of non-conformists now times of burdening churches ? 11 mens devices ought not to hinder preaching . this is just as our bishops were wont to doe , who give a full power to a presbyter at his ordination to preach the gospel with a charge to do it , yet will not suffer him to preach no not in his owne cure without a license . quaere . 1. when any then was gifted and called to preach the gospel , and licences were complained on to hinder , why are there any other wayes devised against the liberty of the gospel now ? as uniformity &c. 2. were licenses chaines and fetters to the glorious and free spirit ? and are interrogatories and questions at times of ordination and admission about anti-paedo-baptisme , antinomianism now no restraints nor devices to the same purpose , is this to rejoyce that christ is preached howsoever , nay is not this to forbid him because he followes not with us ? 12. mens inventions to set up jus divinum to advance government . they that have studied to advance the babel of episcopacy , have endeavoured to underpin it with some texts of scripture , that they might plead a jus divinum for it . quaere 1 was it unlawfull , and politick in some to underpinne episcopacy with some texts of scriptures , and so to get up a jus divinum for it ? and is it not as unlawfull to set up another form that is not purely of god , underpinned with texts of scripture for a jus divinum or divine right , as some would have had it ? 13 oath ex officio an unlawfull engine . we desire to see further how abominable this oath is , how cryed downe by learned men , how contrary to the word of god , the law of nature , to the civill and canon lawes , and to the statutes of our kingdome , he may finde in mr ▪ parker . quaere was it so contrary to the word of god , to all civill and common lawes , and the law of our own kingdom , to extort from men conscience secrets ; then of what kinde are all formes of poseing , examining , interrogating to finde out the opinions of those who are to preach in any congregation ? 14 when presbyters grow as tyrannous as bishops , they are to suffer . but if the presbyters should be as generally corrupted as bishops now are , have as much strength to suppresse the gospel and promote popery , as the bishops by their supreame power have , and if they can bring no more evidence of divine institution then bishops can , and are of no more necessity to the church then bishops are , let the function suffer . quaere may not that very thing be more justly feared and presumed by us now , from some late experiments of them , viz. that the presbyters may grow strong to suppresse the gospell , and tyrannous &c. and may be corrupted , as bishops formerly , as well as they might prophesy this of themselves ? caiaphas thought as little of christ when hee said , one should die for the people , as some presbyters thought of suppressing the gospell themselves , and suffering for it , when they wrote thus against bishops and presbyters . 15 change of words in religion an ill signe . we finde that the late innovators which have so much disturbed the peace and purity of our church , did first begin with alteration of words ; and the apostle exhorts us to hold fast the forme of sound words , 2 tim. 1. 13. and to avoyd profane novelties of words . quaere if the change of words be so dangerous , and vnwholsome formes , and so condemned before , why are unwarrantable words taken up again , as classicall , provinciall , nationall , triers , directories , which are no more formes of wholsome , nor scripture words ? 16 reproaches no arguments . if confident slightings and scornfull denials be sufficient answers to us and our arguments , never any man hath better defended episcopacy , or more strongly confuted those that oppose it . quaere . if confident sleightings , &c. were counted no sufficient answers from the prelates to the presbyters , why are presbyters sleightings counted so sufficient arguments for their dissenting brethren now ? and if to raile be to reason , and to revile be to refute ; mr. edwards and some of his brethren have as strongly confuted us , as the prelates did formerly them . 17. prelates impropriate orthodox ▪ in impropriating to the same party the praise of orthodox , as if to speak a word or thinke a thought against them were no lesse heresie , then it was in former times to speak against the popes supremacy or the monks fat belly . quaere . 1. if it were so ill taken by the presbyters then , that the prelates impropriated the name orthodox : how may it be taken now by all the rest who are cast out as hereticks and schismaticks , while they walke abroad cloathed only in the name of orthodox divines ? 2. if the popes supremacy and the monks fat belly , and the prelates could not bear a word nor a thought against them ; are not some divines working for a supremacy and a revenew , against which it may prove as great a crime to speake . 18. all not of their opinion are factious . sure the man thinks he hath obtained a monopoly of learning , and all knowledge is lockt up in his bosome , and not only knowlege but piety and peaceableness too ; for all that are not of his opinion must suffer ▪ either as weake or factious if he may be their judge . quaere . 1. whether do not they who hold all other in schisme and heresie and a company of mechanicks who conforme not to them , conceive they have the monopoly of learning as once the prelates did : and who are these now ? 2. whether do not they who look on their brethren that dissent as troublers , factious , schismaticall ; conceive all piety and peaceablenesse to be lockt up in their own bosomes ; and who are they ? and who are the weak and factious if they may be judges ? 19 prelates pathes causes of divisions . it is no wonder , considering the pathes our prelates have trod , that there are divisions in the nation ; the wonder is the divisions are no more , no greater . quaere . if the usurpation , tyranny , persecution of the prelates , were reckoned for the supreame division-makers in the kingdome , when the non-conformists were the only separatists ; why doe they not finde out some other , or such like cause now , in some other place , rather then amongst their dissenting brethren themselves , whom they now only accuse of division , and faction ? but this is the difference of being parties and judges ; we naturally spie out faults furthest from our selves . 20 where is the church of england ? we desire him to tell us what the church of england is , for it doth not please him that we should call the convocation the church of england , much lesse the bishops or archbishops . quaere . if it was so hard to finde out the church of england in the prelates dayes , surely it is hard to finde it out now ; then it seemes neither synod , bishops , nor archbishops were the church . then quaere , where is the church now ? not in the assembly , they are but consulting how to build the church ; not in the presbytery , for that is a church unbuilt yet ; not among the parishes , they are not scripture churches or congregations as the same smectymnus sayes ; then where is the church of england ? 21 the name of church is the gorgons head . but these episcopall men deale as the papists that dazle the eyes , and astonish the senses of poor people with the glorious name of the church , the church , the holy mother the church ; this is the gorgons head that hath enchaunted them and held them in bondage to their errours ; all there speech is of the church , the church ; no mention of the scriptures of god the father , but all of the mother the church . quaere . 1. if the name of church then , the mother church , the church was such a gorgons head by which prelates as well as papists enchanted thousands of people to believe : why is that very thing or device taken up in another forme to enchant with still , viz. the church of england , the orthodox churches , the reformed churches ? 2. if the mother church was so much spoken on before , and the scriptures so little ? why is not the church of england , the reformed churches , the orthodox churches and divines lesse spoken on , and the scriptures more ? 22 an ill custome to say church of england and conformity . it hath been the custome of late times to cry up the holy mother the church of england , to call for absolute obedience to holy church , full conformity to the orders of holy church , neglecting in meane time god the father and the holy scriptures . quaere . if it hath been the unwarrantable custome of late times to cry up the church of england , and absolute obedience to the church , and conformity , why is this custome still kept up ? conformity , obedience and uniformity as much called for still , as before ? why is not the word more spoken on , and the reformed church lesse ? why is not free christian liberty , peaceable forbearance of each others differing opinions , and practices in unity more heard among us , and obedience , conformity and uniformity lesse ? 23 to call schismaticks and hereticks the bishops practice . only there is one practice of our bishops , that is their casting out unconforming brethren commonly known in their court language by the name of schismaticks and hereticks . quaere . 1. if the bishops did practice the casting out the non-conforming brethren , whither ought any such practice to be taken up by the non-conforming brethren against brethren now not conforming to them ? 2. if all the non-conforming brethren were in their courtlanguage hereticks and schismaticks , whither ought not such names to be sent packing to court againe , rather then taken up by the same brethren , who were so much called so themselves , hereticks and schismaticks that they have taken it up against others ? 24 heresies and schisme harsh words . but we had hoped the refusall of the use of a ceremony , should never have been equalized in the punishment either to heresie or schisme . quaere . if you hoped that the refusall of a ceremony would not have been punished with heresie and schisme from bishops , may not your brethren hope much more from you , that their dissenting from you in things of outward cognizance and forme , as church order and bapisme , would not be so branded for heresie and schisme by you ( who glory in a more gospel way ) as you were branded your selves of late ? 25 heavie censures for non-conformity . i am sure above the crime of the remonstrant , non-conforming brethren , who are unsetled in points of a meane difference ( which there usual language knowes by no better terme then schimaticks and factious ) yet even such as have fallen under the heaviest censures of excommunication , deprivation , suspension , &c. quaere . 1. why was it such a crime to count any schismaticks and factious , under prelacy ? and why is it now under presbytery matter of just report against others ? 2. if excommunications , deprivations , suspensions , &c. were esteemed so burdensome and cruell ? then why are fines , penalties , and imprisonments , so much preached for now ? why doe not the brethren of the presbyteriall way , think it as hard for the magistrates to afflict their brethren , as they thought it hard in the prelates to afflict themselves ? 26 no presbyters to be ambitious . neither in any of his writings the least intimation of superiority of one presbyter over another , save only where he names diotrephes as one ambitiously affecting such supremacy . quaere . if none but such as diotrephes is observed in scripture for affecting supremacy , and superioricy , and if one presbyter cannot be found affecting place above other presbyters in opposition to bishops ; then how is it cleared , that a presbytery may be supream to a whole church or congregation : and that it is not as much superiority for some few presbyters to affect being above many saints together in one church , as for one in name or office as a bishop to affect place above another in name or office as a presbyter , and so episcopacy be as warrantable as presbytery , and both alike unwarrantable ? a beam of light to discover a way to the peace both of church and state by way of considerations . consid. 1. let it first be considered where the great obstructions lie against liberty or teleration of brethren of severall wayes , and if it may not be found to be in these things , 1 a taking the whole kingdom of england for the church of england , and so setting up the nationall magistracy of israel in the nation now as it was then , which how it may be warranted , would be well considered . 2 a jealousie how to preserve the present ecclesiasticall interest without the choicest power of the magistrate to help it ; which if well observed , makes it appeare to bee lesse of god , and more of man . 3 an interpretation of these gospell scriptures which concern magistracy , rom. 13. 4. 1 tim. 2. 2. 1 pet. 2. 13 , 14. ( which i humbly conceive to be so farre as concerns any good or evill either of the law of nature or nations ) into a good or evill purely spirituall , and of meere revelation in the gospel , as things of gospell light , and mystery , and notions of heresy and schism are : this latitude of interpretation of the generall rules in the gospell concerning magistracy , into all particulars of truth and heresie , is of high consideration . consid. 2. let it be considered , how the kingdom of england may be called the church , taking in all the northern parts , the western parts , the whole nation generally to the very walls of london , with mr marshalls testimony , that many thousands nay thousands of thousands ( which accordingly reckoned takes up almost the greatest part of the kingdom ) not knowing their right hand from their left in the very principles of the doctrine of christ . and saith mr marshall , no land can be esteemed christs kingdome where the preaching of the word is not established : is any countrey esteemed a part of a princes dominion that is not ruled by his lawes ? consid. 3. let it be considered then seeing the kingdome of england is not a church , but in the generall a nation baptized into they know not what at first , and beleeving generally they knew not in whom ever since , as mr marshall , whether there may not be a free , peaceable cohabitation of the people together , viz. of those called presbyteriall , independent , anabaptists , enjoying their severall wayes of practice in things of outward cognizance and order , as baptism , church order , &c. in all peaceable demeanure and godlinesse , as well in this sp●rituall variety , as so many corporations , counties , divisions , armies , and severall companies , in that their civill variety , and yet in all a civill comelinesse , peace , and unity . consid. 4. let it be considered , whether the civill power in such a gospell mystery , as presbytery is , and the way of baptism is , and the way of independency is , may not with more lawfulnesse , lesse hazard of sinne , and safety , keep off , or suspend his engagements from all sides , seeing there lies gospell strength and arguments on all sides , and walk only according to those generall rules the gospell hath layd him down in rom. 13. 4. 1 tim. 2. 2. 1 pet. 2. 13 , 14 not daring to draw himselfe to revenge any misbeleefe of particular scripture mysteries ; forcing either side , either for presbytery , inde , endency , or baptism , which the gospell hath no where warranted him in speciall , or in any clear consequence to do ; but such as the present prevayling brethren draw out from the iudiciall law of moses to help : and from these generall gospell rules , which can bring forth but an opinionative iustice , as their arguments an opinionative truth , or presbytery ; and whether the magistrate ought not to demand a more clear and equitable rule in things of spirituall cognizance , i humbly present to be considered . whether there ought not to bee a certaine rule for a certaine iustice : so if there should ever bee a proceeding to fines , imprisonment , banishment , the divines can administer no more certain grounds for the magistrates conscience , then such as they have for their own , which are but probable , controvertible , doubtfull , as the arguments on all sides will make appear . consid. 5. let it be considered , whether it hath not been one of the nationall sinnes , viz. making lawes against all other forms but what it did establish it selfe nationally ; by which experience hath told us , how gospell truths have been kept out whole generations ; popish states kept out protestantism , and prelacy kept out presbytery , and whether presbytery proceeding on the same ground , is not in the same danger of sin , and of keeping out other truthes ; and whether upon this ground , any gospell revelation or light ( of which there shall bee an encreasing every day , as mr case himselfe preached , ) ever shall come into this nation , but of the nationall size and temper ; and we know that is not often the gospell way ; the lord hath chosen the weak things , and base things . 6. consideration . let it be considered whether part of the great mystery of iniquity be not that of drawing in the strength of the nations , the princes of the earth , to support the ecclesiasticall or church glory , and let this be sadly considered ; did not popery get in the kingdoms of the world to support it selfe ? ●id not prelacy stand by the same power ? doth not presbytery hold it selfe by the same strength of magistrates ? are not the same iron rods and scourges of steel conveyed over from one of them to the other ? did not the pope whip the protestant with fines , imprisonments , and the prelate take the rod our of his hand and whip the non-conformist , and the non-conformist or presbyter take the same rod out of the prelates hand and scourge those that are non-conformists to him ? consid. 7. let it be well considered , whether the design of the nationall ministery , ever since the first working of it upon the magi●●rates , hath not a design for strengthening their owne interest by the magistracy of the kingdomes , and how have kingdomes been embroiled for the serving of this designe , and whether is not this guilded with the glorious name of reformation . consid. 8. let it be considered from the severall wayes and formes of proceeding in which the beleevers of severall opinions have gone in these times to support themselves , which stands most on a pure gospel spirituall bottome , supported by its owne innate congeniall and proper strength , clasping about no stones no pillars of the world , or humane strength . consid. 9. let it be considered , whether the whole cry of the divines of the other party ( as in the late booke ) is not all to the magistrate : help us parliament , help us city or we are undone , the heresies and sects will undoe us ; what said ezra , i was ashamed ( saith he ) to require of the king an army and horsemen to help us against the enemy in the way , because we had said the hand of our god is upon all them that seek him . consid. 10. let it be considered whether they whom he calls hereticks and schismaticks , make it one of their choicest principles to desire the magistrate to help their opinions with their prisons , fines , pillories ; but rather that they would let them alone to stand and fall by the power or weaknesse of their gospell principles , and that they may have liberty to pray for them , pay to them , and possesse the gospell . each opinion stated briefly , respectively to toleration . let it be considered to what each pretended heresie will amount to . independency . independents beleive that since the parishes are so generally corrupted , the churches ought to consist of those of them onely that professe more purely , as they finde scripture rule and practice ; and as the presbyteriant themselves many of them practice in some ordinances , as that of baptisme●nd the supper , giving them onely to the purest beleivers . they also beleive that they ought not by a few ministers and elders of the churches to bring all the churches and congregations under their power and dominion , but rather under their advice and consultation . quaere . becaus● then they practice to meet more purely , and to rule lesse one over another ; whether is this enough that they should be fined , imprisoned , banished ? the anabaptists . the anabaptists so called , they hold that beleivers ought only to be baptized , and that baptisme ought to be so for the manner , as may set forth christs death , buriall , and resurrection by water , as the greek word and apostles practice seems to imply , and some of the ablest divines both of england and the great adversaries the papists themselves deny not ; and for children , they reade of none the apostles baptized , and they see not any scripture cleare enough to warrant , and they therefore forbeare . quaere . because they will not practice then what is not cleare in command , and confessed by all to be but in hidden consequence ; because they baptize as they finde the clearest rule and practice , and as none can deny but it was the apostles generall practice to baptize believers : therefore whither is this enough that they should be fined , imprisoned , banished ? the seekers . seekers , some of them question only the way of church and ordinances , as of baptisme , &c. because they finde that the power was at first given to the apostles with gifts , and from them to others , and they dare not take it from antichrist and the bishops , as the reformed kingdomes generally take it , nor from the churches , because they finde no such power begun from the churches , but only of choyce or consent , not of power nor churches begun before apostles , or disciples with gifts . quaere . whither then is this enough , because they conceive they dare not take ordinances , but from such , and in such a manner as was given at first , to fine , imprison , or banish them ? a modell or short draught of the whole difference betwixt the divines for the presbytery and them of the other way respectively , to the magistrate or state , drawn from the late books and practice of both parties , in a petitionary way . they of the presbytery to the magistrates or state . we humbly petition ye , that hereticks and schismaticks ( wee believing all that differ from us to be so ) may have your power inflicted upon them , whither to fines , imprisonment , or banishment , and upon this condition , ye shall have what we can doe , or preach , &c. the independents to the magistrates or state . vvee humbly petition , that ye will not hazard nor endanger your civill power of the state to help our opinions against our brethren , for we are not infallible nor apostolicall , we see but in part , and that ye will not punish any of our brethren presbyterials or others , for what they believe or differ from us in things of outward order in the gospel , and that we may have leave to pray for ye , to pay tribute to ye , to fight for ye , and to worship the lord among our selves peaceably as we believe , and to punish us when we disturbe ye by tumults , or trouble your peace in our way of worshiping some quaeres for the better understanding of mr edwards last book , called in latine gangrena , but in english , a book of scandals , against the honourable houses of parliament , the army , the saints and churches of christ , that differ from him . quaere 1. vvhether this be not a new way , and work of providence , to bring forth some gospel , light to the world by presenting some truth under the name and notion of errours and heresies , which can scarce obtain from the presse and pulpit any other way of appearing abroad : and if this be not to take the wise in their own craftiness , and to make mr cranford the licenser , and mr edwards the publisher of some such truths , which the world had else never known so publikely , but under the form of heresie , and from their two pens , but under this disguise ? 2. whether that story which mr edwards tels of brasteed in kent , where he sayes a woman preaches which is known to my selfe , and all in that place to be a meere untruth , be not a way to judge of most of his stories , letters , relations ? 3. whether this late book called gangrena , where there are so many letters writ to the reverend mr edwards , to the worthy mr edwards , to the good mr edwards , to the father mr edwards , to the worthy , reverend , good mr edwards , with divers other insinuations of his own worth , be not a way of seeking glory , and praise from men ? 4. whether so many lettters as are in the book called grangrena , where there is not one name subscribed , may not be as well written from mr edwards , as to him : and whether the authours of those letters whose name are suppressed , are not afraid to be questioned for their relations , and therefore have either concealed their names themselves , or mr edwards for them ? 5. whether the great reasonings and conflicts , which mr edwards saith he had in his spirit in the writing of this book , and sayes were only carnall conflicts , were not rather conflicts with that spirit of god , which breathed on him more love and charity to his brethren , then it seemes hee would receive at that time . 6. whether his accusing the parliament and army , the one for tolerating as never christian state or magistrate were known to do ; the other for antinomianism , independency , familisme , seraphinisme , &c. be not of high and dangerous insinuation to the people at such a juncture of time , and of desperate irritation to our brethren of scotland , and is against the solemn league and covenant , one great article of it ? 7. whether this be a sufficient confutation of my book called the smoak in the temple , to call it a book of errors , as he doth in page 3. epist. and in page 180. where he saith only , this is an errour , and that is an erour , without the least particle of reason or scripture to prove it ; where if meere accusations may passe for crimes , i wonder hee made his book so large , and rather summed not all up into one grand affirmative , viz. this is all heresie , and so have spared the reader much paines , and himselfe much paper ? 8. whether hath mr edwards delt faithfully and ingenuously as became a brother , pretending to so much clearnesse and integrity of spirit ( and which makes me suspect him in the rest ) viz. to charge me with positive errours ( which my book can witnesse to the world ) i writ as exceptions to serve a design of peace and reconciliation , and not as my opinions ? 9. whether the design which mr edwards pretends in setting forth his book , viz. to make the blasphemies and errours of the times ( as he calls them ) to be detested , is not rather a farre contrary design , viz. to spread poyson , infect many souls who by this shall come to the knowledge of such things as they never heard before , having provided no antidote , nor any answer of scripture or reason against them , but meerely contradictions , and ill words ; it was observed that some books set forth for the discovery of witch-craft , made many witches ; and so who knows how many hereticks he may make by this his pretended design against them ; sure either some of the heresies or diseases were so above his cure or remedy , or he had a counter design to make hereticks or the wisdome of his design was turned into folly , making hereticks by writing against them . mr. edvvards designes against his brethren that differ from him . gangrena p. 164. let us fill all presses , and make all pulpits ring , and so possesse parliament , city and whole kingdome against sects . quaere . whether this be not according as the priests and elders did about christs , resurrection , saying to the souldiers , say you they stole him away , and if any thing come to the governours eare , wee will perswade him , that is , let us cry out they are all hereticks and schismaticks , and we will perswade the governours that it is so . mr. edwards book , p. 172. let the magistrate put out some declarations declaring they shall be proceeded against as vagrants and rogues . quaere . whether is this wisedome like that from above which is first pure , then peaceable : whether these be such words as the angel give who would not give the very divel himself ill language , but the lord rebuke thee o satan . mr. edwards book , epist , page 4. when i thinke of &c. how many powerfull sermons you have had preached before you about the covenant against the sects , the many petitions , and yet how little is done &c. god accounts all those errors , heresies , let alone and suffered , to be the sins of those who have power . quaere whether is not this a representing to the world and a publike insinuation that the parliament are sermon sleighters , covenant breakers hereticall , unjust , petition . sleighters , and whether this ought not to have been rather represented by him in private papers , then thus to arraign them before the people , and to make themvile in the eyes of the world , who have exceeded all their predecessors in being tender of the blood and sufferings of gods people , and giving the churches rest , for which they have prospered more in the field in victories for this their peace at home , then ever before . mr. edwards p. 2 , epist. to gangrena . you have done worthily against papists and prelates , &c. but what have you done against other kinde of growing evils , heresies , libertines , &c. quere . whether is not this to charge upon the parliament , all those things which hee so grosly aggravates to the world as blasphemies , &c. and to bury all the honour of the good they have done , in the sepulcher of the evill which he sayth they are now in doing . mr edwards epist. noble senatours , be pleased to pardon the boldnesse i shall take , &c. not to impute it to my malignity , &c. i am one who out of choice , and of judgement , have embarqued my selfe with you . quere . whether doth it not clearly appear by this apology and insinuation of his own worth and good affections , that he knew well to what a crime and transgression both against parliament and piety the book he had writ would amount to , and therefore bespake their just indignation and censure before hand , with this story of his good affections , and imbarquing himselfe for them . whether did mr edwards consider the parliaments honour , quality , capacity , that durst entitle them to the patronage of such immodest , ridiculous stories and tales , as he brings in his gangraena ? an expostvlation with mr edvvards vpon his book called gangraena . sir , the uncharitable expressions of your book against those who see not by your light , and write not by your candles your binding up the tares with the wheat together , and the pretious with the vile ; your trampling upon your brethren as the mire in the streets , have forced my spirit into these few queries : for sions sake i cannot hold my peace . the designes of your book seem to be these ; 1 a designe of provocation to the magistrate against your brethren . 2 of accusation , under the old project of hereticks and schismaticks . 3 of historicall recreation to the people , that they may make themselves sport with the beleevers that differ from ye , as the philistins with sampson upon the stage . can your wounded brethren make yee good musick ? can their faylings make ye more innocent ? or their sinnes make ye more spirituall ? you would have all the beleevers that are not of your minde , banished &c. will you who pretend your selfe to be a friend , be such an enemy to the state , as to cut off ( like nero the tyrants wish ) so many thousand of their faithfull servants at a blow , in such a juncture of time when they need so many ? ought ye to work off so many choyce ones from this cause , till you have as many more of your way for their places , and till as many battels , yeares , experiments , prove them as gloriously faithfull , as these are ; is this faire dealing with the state ? you have brought forth before israel and the sunne , many pretended sinnes and crimes of your brethren : suppose they should write by your copy , and bring forth the assembly sins , the crimes of all those of your way , of all the divines and others that you take in , and rake back into the ashes of their unregenerate condition , keep almanacks for the yeares and dayes of their faylings , watch their haltings in all things they say or do , tell all the stories of them they heare , what would the next generation think of their book and yours ? at this rate of writing they would not read one honest man of all their forefathers , yet this is your course and method . i have done for this time , and i hope all that are not enchanted with the gorgons head of hereticks and schismaticks and church of england , ( as your own smectymnians say ) will read and judge . i had said more to ye , had you printed us more reason , and lesse reviling , and something more then stories and winter tales . and for our licenser , whom you so rayl at , he is so much a friend to all the world of beleevers , as to give them the scripture liberty of proving and trying all things ; and not to silence the presse , as some would , and as the prelates did silence the pulpit . and now let any age , weighing all the differences ( excepting the blasphemies , &c. ) and the nature of them , nakedly without aggravations , and fallacy of words , bring forth a book printed in such letters of blood , as this gangrena ? binde up all the oxford aulicusses , the mountagues , the pocklingtons , and see if this gangrena do not exceed them all ; this is persecution and prelacy sublimate . and yet for all this , i would not have the civill power drawn against you , ( if we had all the magistrates on our side ) but rather that you may in the flowings of a more hevenly spirit , with your head of waters , and your eyes a fountain of teares , write against your own book , and let the world see that men in these times are not infallible , as you all conclude , but may mistake their brethren for enemies , some truths for errours , and zeal for persecution , as the very iewes did when they crucified christ , as they thought , for blasphemy ; and some shall kill ye , sayth christ , and think they do god good service . a parallel between the prelacy and the presbytery . quaere . vvhether if we should reply to mr edwards in his own words , and as solomon saith , answer him according to his , &c. we might not compare things as followeth , and trace up their proceedings into the very mystery of prelacy ? 1. the prelates were ordained ministers by the bishops . quere . whether may it not be said , the divines that sit now are ordained by the same power of bishops to be ministers , and so by that power ordaine others ? 2. the prelates when they had made canons , procured the power of the state to impose them upon all the kingdome . quaere . whether may it not said , the divines now get the same power to what they decree , and accordingly impose them upon the kingdom ? 3. the prelates composed one great service-book for direction to uniformity of worship , according as they had ordered under penalties , yet without the least word of scripture to prove the truth of any thing in it . quaere . whether may it not be said , divines have composed one great book accordingly now for the like uniformity , viz. the directory to be observed under fines and penalties ; and yet without the least word or title of scripture to prove the truth of any thing in it ? 4. the prelates ordered that from that book prayers should be read to the people . quaere . whether may it not be said , the divines now have not east the prayers of the spirit into such formes and methods , that a little invention will make them as stinted currant and legible formes as before , and accordingly read in divers places ? 5. the prelates counted all that would not conforme to them , schismaticall and hereticall . quaere . whether may it not be said , the divines now count not all so that will not be uniforme with them ? 6. the prelates forbade all to preach and print , that did not preach and print for their way of worship and government . quaere . whether may it not be said , the divines now would not have all hindred from pulpit and presse that will not be of way of worship and government with them ? 7. the prelates possessed themselves of the states power and favour . quere . whether may it not be said , the divines now wholly labour after the same interest , both in parliament and other counsels ? 8. the prelates had their licensers to stop all that write against their power and pompe . quaere . whether may it not be said , the divines now labour to engrosse the power of licensing only to themselves ? 9. the prelates had for part of their government , fines , pillories , whips , imprisonment . quaere . whether may it not be said , the divines now have those very things for part of theirs ? 10. the prelates had parishes for their churches , and tythes for their maintenance . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now have the same parishes now for churches , the same tithes for maintenance ? 11. the prelates called all other meetings but their parish-meetings , conventicles . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now call the churches and people that meet now together apart from them , conventicles , as formerly . 12. the prelates called the non-conformists factious troublers of the state . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now do accordingly call any that write or oppose their presbytery , factious and state-troublers ? 13. the prelates ever accused their non-conforming brethren to the king and councell . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now accordingly accuse their non-conforming brethren to the parliament and other councels ? 14. the prelates had a designe to send all their non-conforming brethren to strange kingdomes as new england . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now endeavour to send their non-conforming brethren to other places out of the kingdome ? 15. the prelates ingrossed all the preaching and preferring divines to all places of honour and popularity in the kingdom to themselves . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now do accordingly preferre to all places of publique trust , honour , and employment , as vniversities , navy , armies , garrison-towns , counties , cities , & c ? 16. the prelates would not suffer men whom they called lay-men to speak of the scriptures . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now do forbid and contemne all lay-mens gifts in the same manner ? 17. the prelates would not suffer any to goe from the parish minister . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now accordingly labour to have all keep to heir parishes . 18. the prelates called truths which they received not , new lights , errours . quere . whether may it not be said the divines now accordingly call all things they receive not , new lights , whimsies , errors . 19. the prelates laboured to scandalize their non-conforming brethren with nick-names , &c. quere . whether may it not be said the divines now accordingly labour to make their non-conforming brethren vile and scandalous to the kingdom ? ezek. 18. 2. thus the fathers have eaten soure grapes , and the childrens teeth are set on edge . thus if we would compare crimes and times , we might write and speake . quere . whether mr. edwards in reckoning up divers things for errors , hath not much aspersed his own brethren doctor twisse , mr. gattaker and many others in many doctrinall points they hold ? the testimony of mr. samuel ruthorford one of the scotch commissioners in the last page of his epistle to the reader in his book intituled , the divine right of church government and excommunication . no incroaching on christs prerogative , but it is a controversie ( say some ) whether the government of the church of the new testament , belong to the magistrate or to the church ? to which i say , 1. it was a controversie created by men willing to please princes , with more power in the courts of christ then ever the lawgiver and apostles gave them , and that against the mind of glorious lights , the first reformers , and the whole troop of protestant divines who studied the controversie against the usurped monarchy of the man of sin , more exactly then one phy●●tian , who in a cursory way diverted off his road of medicine of which he wrote learnedly , and broke in on the by upon the deepest polemicks of divinity , and reached a riders blow unawares to his friends . 2. in things doubtfull conscience hath refuge to the surest side : now it s granted by all , and not controverted by any , that in the apostolique church , the government of the church of the new testament was in the hands of apostles , pastors , teachers ; and therefore conscience would sway to that in which there can be no error , except on supposall of abuse ; and christian rulers would not do well to venture upon eternity , wrath , the judgement to come ; confiding on the poor plea of an erastian distinction , to incroach upon the prerogative royall of iesus christ . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a93642e-1100 see the ministers book called smectymnuus , presented to the parliament , sect. 18. printed 1641. mr edwards . see the same smect. sect. 2. see smect. sect. 2. 1 a some . 2 or some 3 or some ▪ see smect. quaere 2. see the same quaere 2. see the same quaere . unlesse there be a uniformity . smect. sect. 2. * viz. in the worship now . see smect. sect. 2. see smect. sect. 2. see smect. sect. 2. see smect sect. 7 , 8. see smect. sect. 13. sect. 11. the same smect. sect. 16. smect. in quaere about episc. see smect. ep●st . see smect. epist. smect. sect. 3. see sect. 28. sect. the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . smect. sect. 17. sect. the same . sect. the same see sect. the same . see smect. sect. 13. sect. the same . notes for div a93642e-5160 mr marshals serm. novemb. 17 1640. m● . case sermon gods waiting , p. 62. rev. 17. 12 , 13. mr. edw : his gangrena . ezra 8. 22. notes for div a93642e-6670 mr. perkins aquinas sum . a modell of the government of the church under the gospel, by presbyters, proved out of the holy scriptures, to be that one, onely uniform government of the universall visible church, and of all nationall, provinciall, classicall and congregationall churches: which is according to the will and appointment of jesus christ. which may serve to stay such as are doubting, with hope of full satisfaction, and clear demonstration of this truth, shortly to be made by the reverend assembly of divines. / composed by a presbyterian minister of the city of london, and approved by divers of his learned brethren, and at their request published. walker, george, 1581?-1651. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96941 of text r200927 in the english short title catalog (thomason e342_3). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 80 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96941 wing w362 thomason e342_3 estc r200927 99861540 99861540 113677 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96941) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113677) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 55:e342[3]) a modell of the government of the church under the gospel, by presbyters, proved out of the holy scriptures, to be that one, onely uniform government of the universall visible church, and of all nationall, provinciall, classicall and congregationall churches: which is according to the will and appointment of jesus christ. which may serve to stay such as are doubting, with hope of full satisfaction, and clear demonstration of this truth, shortly to be made by the reverend assembly of divines. / composed by a presbyterian minister of the city of london, and approved by divers of his learned brethren, and at their request published. walker, george, 1581?-1651. [8], 28 p. printed for tho. vnderhill, and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the bible in woodstreet., london, : 1646. a presbyterian minister = george walker, who has signed "the epistle dedicatory": g.w. annotation on thomason copy: a caret after 'composed by', and "mr george walker" inserted; "june 29". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. westminster assembly (1643-1652) -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. a96941 r200927 (thomason e342_3). civilwar no a modell of the government of the church under the gospel,: by presbyters, proved out of the holy scriptures, to be that one, onely uniform walker, george 1646 14639 1 10 0 0 0 0 8 b the rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-06 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a modell of the government of the church under the gospel , by presbyters , proved out of the holy scriptures , to be that one , onely uniform government of the universall visible church , and of all nationall , provinciall , classicall and congregationall churches : which is according to the will and appointment of jesus christ . which may serve to stay such as are doubting , with hope of full satisfaction , and clear demonstration of this truth , shortly to be made by the reverend assembly of divines . composed by a presbyterian minister of the city of london , and approved by divers of his learned brethren , and at their request published . london , printed for tho. vnderhill , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the bible in woodstreet . 1646. to the honourable city of london , and all the inhabitants thereof , who sincerely seek and desire a true reformation of the church , according to the word of god . give me leave , most famous and renowned city , and ye the right honourable lord major , the right worshipfull aldermen , and religious common-councell and commoners , to congratulate and rejoice with you , for that honour which the lord hath laid on you in these daies of great confusion . you , under god , have been the guard of this present parliament , by which so great things have been done for the safety and defence of three kingdoms . your free contributions of your wealth and substance , have been the sinews of this warre , undertaken for the defence of our religion , laws and liberties . few counties in this kingdom have been able to defend themselves , much lesse to help others , except those whom you have encouraged , and set on work by your example , and to whom you have been a bulwark against the enemies , who by you have been terrified from invading them . all the associated counties have cause to blesse god for the vicinity and neighbour-hood of london . and all the rest of the kingdom may say , if the lord had not helped us by the forces , arms , and supplies of men and money from london , we had been utterly destroied and laid waste . but the chief glory bestowed on you by god , is your courage for the truth , and true christian religion ; your earnest study , and constant endeavour for promoting an happy reformation of the church in religion , dostrine , worship , and discipline , according to the word of god ; your zeal against sectaries , schismaticks , hereticks , and blasphemers , who labour cunningly to corrupt your servants , to steal away the hearts of your wives and children , to pull many fair feathers out of your wings , and to draw disciples after them , and your standing steadfast in the old paths , and walking in that good way , ier. 6. 16. which the lord christ by his apostles hath praescribed to the vniversall church ; in which all the pure primitive churches of old , and all the best reformed churches have walked from the daies of your fathers , untill this day . god hath inabled you wonderfully by his grace , to resist the subtle temptations of the world and the devil . i know when you were courted with offers of greatest honours and priviledges , to withdraw you from your purpose and resolution , of standing for the common weal of state and church , and of supporting and upholding of the props and pillars of this land , when it trembled , and was ready to be dissolved . i cannot forget that sad time , full of fears and dangers , when ( the chief command of your city , being in the hand and power of malignants , who had also a strong faction , by which they attempted to overthrow you ) it was the opinion and profession of some of the most faithfull patriots , and wise members of parliament , that unlesse god did put into your hearts a resolution to stand up for them , they had small hope of saving either the church and kingdom from ruine , or our religion , laws , liberties , and their own lives from destruction ; and in that juncture of time the lord did put such a spirit of courage , fortitude and holy zeal into you , who were the main body of the city , that you stood up , and appeared openly for the worthy patrons of your religion , laws and liberties , whereby they were animated to proceed vigorously in their wonted course of justice , to the terrour and astonishment of all the enemies and disturbers of our peace . after this you have been strongly assaulted by spirituall wickednesses divers waies . first , by cunning seducers , who usurping the name and outward shew of rare saints , have stollen away the hearts of many , and with feigned sanctity and large promises of a pure platform and modell of church-discipline and perfect reformation , according to christs own institution , have drawn them into schisme , and separation from their own congregations . but you , by your wisdom have quickly smelled out their fraud , and vain boasting of great things , which they can never perform and bring to passe . secondly , you have been tried , ( when scriptures failed them , and favoured not their modell ) with bold pretences of new lights , which you have scorned , as wise men are wont to scorn , and not vouchsafe to look after those ignes fatuos , wandring lights and night fires , by which fools , who follow them in the dark , are lead into dangerous pits , boggs , ditches , and downfalls . thirdly , they have represented unto you presbyterian government as a bugbear , and cruell monster , worse then popery and prelacy , unto which if you submit , you and your children are made slaves for ever , to the lust of proud , peevish , tyrannicall priests ; and allthough many credulous fools , and unstable souls , are hereby terrified and skared out of their wits , and run wilde after severall dangerous sects , and know not where to rest : yet you are no such strangers to the gospel , nor so little acquainted with the scriptures of the new testament , as to be moved with such skarecrowes ; but rather by such rabid railing against government of the church by classicall presbyteries , you have been moved and stirred up ( after serious consideration , and consultation had with your godly pastours , and teachers , diligent searching of the scriptures , and good assurance of understanding of divine truth gained to your selves ) to be more earnest and importunate in promoting that presbyterian government , besides which there is no mention of any other in all the writing of the apostles ; nor any other acknowledged or received , in any well reformed churches in all the christian world . the apostolicall church at jerusalem , consisting of many thousands and ten thousands of beleevers , and so many particular congregations , was altogether governed by the apostles and presbyters , assemblies , synods and presbyteries , as appears , act. 11. 30. and 15. 6. and 21. 18. the christian church of the gentiles gathered unto christ in severall nations , countries and cities by paul and barnabas , had every one their presbyters , ordained to have rule over them in the lord , acts 14. 23. the church of ephesus , that great city of asia , had also divers presbyters , whom the holy ghost had made overseers to watch in common over it , acts 20. 17 , 28. and of them s. paul speaks , 1 tim. 5. 17. saying , let the elders that rule well , be counted worthy of double honour . also s. paul left titus in creet , and appointed him to ordain presbyters in every city , and such overseers as were fit to rule the church , tit. 1. 5. peter and iohn were presbyters , and called themselves so , as they with others governed severall churches , 1. pet. 5. 1. john 2. 1. and john 3. 1. wherefore , ô london , thou that hast chosen the best part , rejoice in the lord thy god , who hath made his glory to rise upon thee , and his light to shine upon thy grave senatours , thy religious common-councell , and all thy true hearted citizens ; and hath led them into those waies which be in christ , which saint paul taught every where , and in every church , 1 cor. 4. 17. for the encouraging of you , worthy citizens , in your constancy , and for the confirming of them that are weak and wavering , i have framed out of the scriptures this brief discourse , concerning that one uniform church-government , which christ by his apostles ordained , and appointed to be set up in the whole universall church , and to be observed in all other churches , members of the universall . here you have the heavenly patern shadowed out in a small compasse , of that government , for the establishment whereof in this city and kingdom , you have stood up and appeared openly at severall times . if the lord be pleased to blesse you with courage for his truth , and with constancy and perseverance till you obtain your desire , which is the desire also of all orthodox faithfull ministers in the land , then shall london be called , the city of the lord , the zion of the holy one of israel ; and they who despise her and stand up against her , to hinder the work of god in her hands , shall bow down at the soles of her feet , and her enemies shall lick the dust , even lick up the dust of her feet , for they shall not be ashamed who wait for the lord , isa. 49. 23. this is the praier of your servant in the work of the lord , and humble suppliant for your prosperity at the throne of grace . g. w. a modell of the government of the church under the gospel , by presbyters proved out of the holy scriptures , to be that one , onely uniform government of the universall visible church , and of all nationall , provinciall , classicall and congregationall churches : which is according to the will and appointment of jesus christ . the holy scriptures of the new testament do speak most plainly of a church government , and of ruling and rulers , which the lord jesus christ hath appointed to be in his church visible on earth in the times under the gospel : the patern and platform of this government , together with a commission to govern the universall church in all nations according to it , he gave to his apostles by word of mouth in the time of his life ( as the gospel in divers passages doth testifie ) and after his passion , when he shewed himself alive unto them , and was seen of them fourty daies , speaking the things pertaining to the kingdom of god , act. 1. 3. and that the apostles by word and writing , and by their example and practice , might infallibly instruct all churches by them , gathered unto him in all nations , and might deliver unto them , so as they had received from the mouth of him the supream lord , that one uniform government : he filled them with extraordinary gifts , and sent unto them the holy ghost , the comforter , to lead them into all truth , joh. 16. 13. to teach them all things , and to bring all things to their remembrance , whatsoever he had said unto them , joh. 14. 26. and that government , which they partly by word and writing , and partly by their example and practice , did prescribe uniformly in all churches , is of divine instution : and to it all orthodox reformed churches in all the christian world at this day , have submitted themselves , acknowledging it to be the onely government ecclesiasticall which is jure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ . and yet in this unstable and wavering age and generation , and in this unsetled state , and land full of confusion ; as the giddy-headed multitude , which are like clouds without water , carried about with every winde of doctrine , and dream of new lights beginning to appear , do call into question the saving doctrines of aeternall truth , and the chief articles of the christian faith , firmly beleeved , constantly professed , and never doubted of by any true christians : so also many of the wisest statesmen , who are esteemed the pillars of the kingdom , and the stay of the state , do doubt and make question , whether there be any church government jure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ ? what that government is ? who are the governours ? and by what rules and laws they ought to govern ? and how farre , and in what things , matters and causes , power is given to them by christ to rule and govern in the church ? for the answering of all such questions , and removing of all such doubts and scruples , i will endeavour , out of love to the truth , and zeal to the honour of christ , and the advancement of his kingly power in his church , to lay down some sure grounds of doctrine , gathered out of holy scripture , and proved by clear testimonies of gods spirit , speaking in the infallible written word . and first , i take this as an undeniable principle , that whatsoever christ hath with his own mouth commanded , or by his spirit moved his apostles to teach by writing and word , or by example and practice , concerning the well ordering and government of his church in any place , which is as usefull in all places , and the reason of it stands firm in all ages , and it may be practised profitably by ordinary pastours : also whatsoever is necessarily presupposed , or included in any thing , which christ in the gospel commandeth , or of necessity must follow thereupon , is jure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ . secondly , because the main question which comes to be answered , upon which all the rest do depend , is , whether there be any proper and particular church-government distinct from civill government : the answer is easy , and such as may fully satisfie any reasonable christian . for first , in every nation , kingdom , and state wherein christian religion is publikely and generally professed , all the people are to be considered two waies . first , as men and members of a civill society or common wealth . secondly , as christian men and members of the church , the mysticall body of christ . as they are members of the common-wealth , they are to be ruled by the laws of men which are there in force , and do binde them to obedience in temporall things to their kings and civill magistrates , and to good order and behaviour among themselves , for the peace and safety of humane society , and of the civill state . and this government may be among them who are turks , heathens and nor christians , for it is common to all men of all nations , states and kingdoms . but as they are christians and members of the church , christs mysticall body , so they are to be governed by the law of christ , which bindes them to the obedience of him in all things , which concern their spirituall estate , heavenly life , and blessednes , and to holy communion among themselves in spirituall things . these two states and governments are so distinct and different , that either of them may stand alone without the other . there are and have been divers earthly kingdoms well ordered , and wisely governed in all outward temporall things , in which christ hath had no church , neither was christianity known or professed . and again , christ hath had a church well governed , and flourishing in religion , grace , and godlines , when there was no civill government , king , or civill magistrate to help or uphold it , but all set against it , to persecute , vex , and make havock of it ; as it was in the daies of christ and of his apostles , and in divers ages after : and yet christ was the king , and the church was his kingdom in which he ruled , and is called the kingdom of god , matth. 12. 28. and that kingdom of heaven , matth. 3. 2. & 4. 14. now a kingdom is not an anarchy , that is , a confused multitude without government ; but a monarchy , in which there is one king who is supream governour . and in the church , which is gods holy hill , and spirituall zion , christ alone is the king , psal. 2. 6. & zech. 9. 9. joh. 12. 15. and the head , and sole ruler , mat. 2. 6. ephes. 1. 22. and the government is on his shoulder , isa. 9. 6. he also alone is the lord , and law-giver , isa. 33. 22. iam. 4. 12. and his word is the law and rule of government , isa. 2. 3. yea the law , and rule by which the spirit ruleth , rom. 8. 2. and to which he is limited in moving and working , ioh. 16. 13. 3. but that church-government may be more clearly and distinctly understood : we are further to distinguish between the supreme power of government , which is onely in the hand of christ ; and the delegated power , which he hath given to his ministers , to exercise under him a subordinate and minesteriall government . the supreme government which is in the hand of christ is monarchicall : for to him alone all power is given in heaven and in earth , math. 28. 18. and he is set at gods right hand , far above all principalitie , and power , and might and dominion , and every name that is named both in this world , and in that which is to come . and god hath put all things under his feet , and gave him to be head over all things to the church which is his body , ephes. 1. 21. 22. and this power of government is proper to him , and he reserves it to himself . but the subordinate and ministeriall power of government , he gave to his apostles and to their successours , mark . 16. 15. joh. 20. 21. where he said , as my father hath sent me , so send i you . go into all the world , and preach the gospell to every creature . and promised to be with them alwayes to the end of the world , math. 28. 20. and lest any should thinke that this rule and government of the church , was limited to the apostles , and was to dye , and and to expire with them : the scriptures do fully prove , and plainly demonstrate , that it was also by gods appointment imparted to others in the apostles dayes , as 1 cor. 12. 28. where the apostle writes , that god hath set in his church , not onely apostles , prophets and others of extraordinary gifts ; but also teachers , helps , and governments . and rom. 12. 8. the church is compared to a naturall body , and the severall members thereof , having gifts differing according to the grace that is given them , are commanded to exercise their gifts , and to wait on their severall offices , as prophets on prophesying ; ministers on ministering ; teachers on teaching , and he that ruleth on ruling with diligence . and 1 thess. 5. 12. the brethren are intreated to know them that labour among them and are over them in the lord , and admonish them , and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake : and 1 tim. 5. 17. let the elders that rule well ( saith the apostle ) be counted worthy of double honour , especially they that labour in the word and doctrine : and heb. 13. 7. he inioynes the brethren to remember them that have the rule over them : and vers. 17. to obey them and submit themselves , because they watch for their soules , as they that must give account : and vers. 24. he saith , salute them that have the rule over you . all which scriptures , and many others , wherein severall acts of government are commanded to be done by pastours and overseers of the church , other acts of discipline commended , when they were done , and the neglect of them blamed , do prove a ministeriall government in the hand of church rulers jure divino , and by the appointment of christ . 4. the subordinate and ministeriall government which christ hath set up in his church , is not monarchical , as that supreme government is which he reserves to himself ; neither is it civil , left to civil magistrates , who judge and rule over men in civil states , and societies , and about temporal and worldly affaires of this life , such judging and dividing our saviour disclaymed , luke . 12. 14. saying , who made me a judge or a divider over you ? when a man requested him to speak to his brother to divide the inheritance with him . and he told pilat , that his kingdom was not of this world . john . 18. 36. they who rule under him in his church must meddle onely with spiritual things which concerne mens spiritual estates , and eternal life and the salvation of their soules . and they are all equal in title , honour and office , even elders , stewards and dispensers of holy things . there is no one cheif lord above the rest in the whole church on earth , or in any part thereof , whether national , provinciall or classical church . but of the apostles who were the chief pastours and rulers in his church , he said , whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister . math. 20. 26. and luk. 22. 26 , and as peter received this lesson from his lord , so he gave charge to all presbyters of the church , fellows in the presbytery with himself , that they must take the oversight of the flock , and not be as lords over gods inheritance , but as ensamples to the flock , 1 pet. 5. 3. the authority and title of lords our saviour will have left to the kings and rulers of states and kingdoms on earth , luk. 22. 25. 5. the government of the church which is ecclesiasticall , our saviour gave in common to all his apostles , who were the pastours of the church universall , and the first teachers of all nations , who had a charge and commission from christ to gather and build up churches in all the world , and to teach and instruct all people to observe all things whatsoever he had commanded them , as we see in the scriptures before named , math. 28. 19. 20. mark . 16. 15. john . 20. 23. and in other places , where the exercise of the power of the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , which was given to peter as the mouth of the rest , math. 16. 19. is also given in common to them all , as they were the church representative , and stood in the place of all pastours and teachers to the end of the world . in so much as if any two or three of them were gathered together in his name , he promised to be in the midst of them , mat. 18. 17. 18. 20. and joh. 20. 23. and as the lord christ gave this power to the apostles ; so they exercised it sometimes in common all together in the generall assembly of the disciples , brethren and elders , as act. 1. 15. in the election of an apostle in the place of iudas , and act. 6. 2. about the election , and ordination of the seven deacons , and act. 15 6. about the deciding of a great controversie concerning circumcision and other legall rites not to be imposed on the believing gentiles . and sometimes two or three of them , as peter and iohn when they were sent to samaria to confirme the church there , act. 8 14. and barnabas and others who were sent to confirme the first church called christian at antioch , act. 11. 22. 23. and paul , and barnabas and silas in ordaining elders in every church by them converted to christ , act. 14. 23. but yet they altogether , and everie one or two by themselves exercised , and commended to the evangelists and presbyters by them ordained , the same uniforme government , and the same way in christ both for doctrine and discipline . so the great apostle of the gentiles plainly testifieth , 1 cor. 4 17. writing thus , for this cause have i sent to you timotheus , who is my beloved sonne and faithfull in the lord , who shall bring you into remembrance of my waies which be in christ , as i teach every where in every church , and 1 cor. 7. 17. so ordain i in all churches . and he who had the care of all the churches ( as he saith , ) 2 cor. 11. 28. keeps them to the same custome , as is implied , 2 cor. 11. 16. where speaking of new fashions for which some are ready to contend , he saith , if any man seem to be contentious , we have no such custome , nor the churches of god . 6. now this ministeriall uniforme government setled by christ and his apostles in all churches , nationall , and provinciall , and classicall in every circuit , as it was in the hands of the pastours , presbyters and overseers , so it was aristocraticall . but as the whole church and multitude of believers had liberty in elections to nominate such as they found most fit to be overseers and officers , and orderly to give their approbation of the acts of the elderships , so it is in some part democraticall . as we see in the election of the seven deacons , act. 6. the twelve apostles appointed that seven men of honest report , and full of the holy ghost should be ordained . the multitude chose them ; and set them before the apostles , who ordained them with prayer and imposition of hands . so also act. 15. the apostles and elders came together , to consider of a matter , and to decide a controversie brought unto them from the church of antioch , vers. 6. peter and iames debated the businesse and gave the sentence , together with the elders , and all the brethren , even the whole church approved the sentence given by iames , and thereupon a decree was framed in the name of them all , vers. 23. and in the ordaining of presbyters in everie church , act , 14. 23. as the apostles paul , and barnabas with silas prayed and layd on their hands , so the people holding up their hands , approved the election and ordination . these examples and these practices of church government in synods and greater presbyteries performed by men who had received instructions from christs owne mouth , and were inspired and moved there unto by the holy ghost , and the reason of them still standing in force ; they do shew that such synods and acts of church-government are according to the will and appointment of christ and are usefull and necessary to the end of the world . and all churches ought to conforme unto this speciall government . ob. but some do object , that the apostles were men of extraordinary gifts and calling , and had an infallible assistance of the holy ghost , which did lead them into all truth , and could do in their synods and assemblies things , which ordinarie pastours and teachers cannot do , they could say , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us , and could take upon them the care and oversight of all churches . but now it is well if one or two of the wisest ministers can teach or rule one particular congregation ; it is too much for them to meddle with the common government of many particular churches . and therefore the examples of the apostolicall churches do not binde the churches of these times . ans. to this i answer , first , that it was necessary , that the apostles and evangelists should be extraordinarily called , inspired and assisted by the holy ghost , that he might lead them into all truth , and call to their remembrance all things whatsoever christ had taught them , and commanded them to be observed in all churches to the end of the world ; otherwise they could not have been the infallible penmen of the scriptures , which are the certain rule both of doctrine , and discipline , neither could their example and practice have been an heavenly paterne of divine authority , to all succeding ages . but after the publishing of the gospell by them to all the world , and their writing of the holy scriptures , and leaving them recorded for a sure rule of teaching and ruling to all christian churches , there is no more need of any such extraordinary calling and gifts in their successours , but ordinary pastours , and teachers , by the ordinary light and direction of the holy ghost , who hath made them overseers over the church , may be as able to exercise discipline and censures , as to preach and propound sound and saving doctrine in the church , out of the holy scriptures of the apostles , which are as plain a rule , and as certain a direction for ruling as they are for preaching . and to confirm us in this assurance , we have the promise of christ , that he will be with his ministers in all ages to the end of the world , as he was with his apostles , not only in teaching and baptizing people , but also making them observers of all things whatsoever he had commanded , matth. 28. 20. secondly , this objection is of no more force against the imitation of the apostles in their practice , and acts of church government in synods , and greater-presbyteries : then it is against preaching their doctrine contained in their writings . for they were men of extraordinary calling and gifts , in teaching as well as in ruling . and if that be a good reason against ruling after their example : it is so also against preaching of the same word and doctrine which they wrote and preached . thirdly , although the pastours and teachers which succeed the apostles , are unable to work miracles , and to write infallible scriptures , and give unchangeable rules to all churches , as the apostles did , because they have not such extraordinary gifts and calling : yet in things which are in the power of ordinary presbyters and pastours , as meeting many together in synods and presbyteriall assemblies , to decide and determine controversies , according to the scriptures , it is a thing as easy and ordinary for them wherein to imitate them : as for many lords and commons to meet in a parliament , to remove grievances in the common-wealth . and certainly so farre as god makes us able , we are bound to follow their practice and examples . fourthly , the more extraordinary gifts that the apostles had , the lesse need they had to meet in synods and assemblies , either all , or divers of them together . paul and barnabas had an infallible spirit , and did dispute against the errour at antioch , and condemned it by as infallible a sentence , as the apostles did at jerusalem , and yet for a paterne to all succeeding churches , and to make the judgement and determination of more authority in all churches of beleeving jews and gentiles , and to shew the unity of spirit and uniformity of doctrine and discipline among them all , an appeal was made to a generall synod , of all the apostles and elders at jerusalem . and therefore ( the necessary use and reason of such synods and classicall presbyteries , being still the same in all ages ; and ordinary ministers of christ having more need of common help and assistance , because many eies see more then one , and many heads consulting together , will better search out the truth and true sense of scripture in doubtfull matters , and of great concernment ) the objection doth make more for the confirmation of the doctrine , to wit , that the practice and examples of the apostles in the manner of governing the church , is of divine authority , and ought to be esteemed the will and appointment of christ . 7. now out of these points plainly proved by cleer texts of holy scripture ; we may easily raise a perfect definition or description of that government partly ecclesiasticall , which christ as king of his church , hath set up therein , namely this , that it is the exercise of power and authority in matters spirituall , which concern the salvation of souls ; given by christ to the pastours and elders of his church , for the gathering , building up , and well ordering of it , and for the perfecting of the saints , the members thereof . for the confirmation of this definition in every part and member of it , we have expresse words of holy scripture . first , the commission which christ the supream lord gave to his apostles , and to their successours in all ages to the end of the world , was not only by preaching the gospel to make men disciples , but also to open the kingdom of heaven , and by baptisme to admit beleevers and disciples into it , and to teach them to observe all things , whatsoever he had commanded them , matth. 28. 19 , 20. but to shut out unbeleevers as being under damnation , and in the kingdom of satan , mark . 16. 16. and that by this commission not only power and authority was given them to propound the word by way of doctrine ; but also to use the rod of discipline , and to correct and censure all such as were offenders , untractable and puffed up : the apostle paul sheweth , 1 cor. 4. 20 , 21. where he saith , that when he cometh to corinth he will know , not the speech of them that are puffed up , but the power , for the kingdom of god is not in word , but in power , even to use the rod of correction , and sharp censure , as the next words shew , viz. what will you ? shall i come to you with a rod ? or in love , and in the spirit of meeknes ? and what this rod is , the next chapter immediatly declares ; in which he gives them a charge , in the name of the lord jesus christ , to excommunicate in their solemne assembly the incestuous person . and 2 cor. 10. 8. and chap. 13. 10. he doth plainly affirm , that to him and his fellow-ministers , the lord hath given power and authority even to use sharpnesse . secondly , that this power is not carnall , nor exercised about worldly matters : but is spirituall and mighty through god , exercised in pulling down the strong holds of sin and satan , casting down imaginations , and every high thing which exalteth it self against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity every thought , to the obedience of christ ; the apostle affirms , 2 cor. 10. 4 , 5. thirdly , this power and authority is given to be exercised for edification , not for destruction , as the apostle teacheth , 2 cor. 10. 8. & 13. 10. even for the perfecting of the saints , and for the edifying of the body of christ , ephes. 4. 12. fourthly , the exercise of this power and authority is uniform , and the waies of it the same in all churches : no supreme magistrate hath power to alter it , it is not to be usurped , nor contended for by any to whom god hath not given abilities , nor called thereunto . it belongs to the pastours and teachers who have a calling to expound publikely the word and law of christ , and to their assisting elders who are fit to judge accordingly . for such the apostles appointed to be their successours ; and not civill magistrates which were not known in the church , till many years after the days of the apostles . and to the apostles and their successours the lord christ gave this power to rule his church , and it continued in their hands in all the apostolicall churches : the same waies which the great apostle of the gentiles observed himself , he taught in every church , every where , 1 cor. 4 17. and so he ordained in all churches , 1 cor. 7. 17. and when any swerved from the institution of christ in the use of the ordinances , and contended for forms and fashions , differing from the common rule and custom ; the apostle reproved and blamed them , as appears , 1 cor. 11. 16 , 17. the pastours , elders , and teachers who labour in the word and doctrine , and watch for the souls of the people , and by the holy ghost are made overseers over the flock , are the governours , and rule over them in the lord , and they ought to submit themselves to be ruled and guided by them , as being the stewards of gods house , his church , and dispensers of the mysteries of christ , as these places following do shew ; act. 20. 28. take heed to your selves , and to all the flock over the which the holy ghost hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god . and 1 cor. 4. 1. let a man so account of us , as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god . and 1 thes. 5. 12. we beseech you , brethren , to know them that labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you : and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake . and 1 tim. 5. 17. let the elders that rule well , be counted worthy of double honour , especially they who labour in the word and doctrine . and heb. 13. 7. remember them who have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of god : and vers. 17. obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls , as they that must give account . these and divers other scriptures do clearly shew what that government is , which christ hath appointed in his church . 8. the next part to be considered is , to whom christ jesus first committed this government , and where he first setled it , and in what church , from whence it is derived , propagated and communicated to all other churches which shall be in all ages . and in this the gospell is very clear . for it tells us , that he first and immediately committed it to his apostles as they were to teach all nations , and to be the pastours of the universall visible church . in their hands and in that church he first setled it , for the use of all the members thereof , even all nationall , provinciall , classicall and particular churches , gathered by the gospell preached in every nation , countrey , state , city , and circuit . that the lord christ , having all power in heaven , and earth given unto him , did give authority to the apostles to preach the gospell to all nations , to baptize them , and to teach them to observe all things , whatsoever he had commanded them , i have before shewed out of the gospell , math. 28. 19. 20. that he gave to them the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , and power to open and shut , to binde and lose , to remit and retaine sins , it is manifest , math. 16. 19. where he said to peter , ( when he answered in the name , and as the mouth of all the rest , thou art christ the son of the living god . ) i will give to thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , and whatsoever thou bindest one earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt lose on earth shall be losed in heaven : and math. 18. 18. where he gave the same power to them all againe : and iohn . 20. 23. whosesoever sins ye remit , they are remitted to them , and whosesoever sins ye retaine , they are retained . and that they ordained presbyters , bishops , pastours and teachers in the name of christ , and by the authority which he gave them , it appeares , act. 14. 23. where it is written that paul and barnabas ordained presbyters in every church of the converted gentiles : and act. 20. 28. where paul admonisheth the presbyters whom he had ordained in the church of ephesus , to take heed to the flock over which the holy ghost had made them bishops , that is overseers . and they appointed the same order and forme of government in all nationall and provinciall churches , and in every classis and particular congregation , as in iudea and ierusalem , so in corinth , ephesus , asia , galatia , macedonia , creet and the rest , as divers scriptures , ( besides those before named , 1 cor. 4. 17. and 2 cor. 10. 8. and 13. 10. ) do abundantly testifie , as ephes. 4. 12. where pastours and teachers , as well as apostles , are said to be given by christ , for the perfecting of the saints , for the worke of the ministery , and for the edifying of the body of christ : and 1 thess. 5. 12. where he mentioneth some who laboured among them , and were over them in the lord , and act. 15. 6. where we read of a generall assemblie of apostles and presbyters gathered to consider a great matter and to decide a controversie , and send out their decree to all churches , and 1 tim. 3. 1. 2. &c. where the office of a bishop , that is a pastour or overseer , is commended for a good worke , and the qualification and ordination of such after triall and examination is described , as also of deacons . and 1 tim. 5. 17. where mention is made of ruling by elders , and by them who labour in the word and doctrine : and vers. 22. of ordaining by laying on of hands : and also chap. 4. 14. and tit. 1. 5. and 1 pet. 5. 1. 2. and iames . 5. 14. where elders of the church and their worke and behaviour is prescribed . in all these places we have church government set forth in presbyteries , and in the hands of presbyters , and presbyteriall bishops , pastours and teachers lawfully called , and upon due triall ordained by imposition of hands , as being that government appointed by christ , and observed in all churches . but of no other forme of government do we read in any writings of the apostles and evangelists in the new testament . for as there is but one god and father of all , and one lord jesus christ , and one faith , one baptisme and one whole universall church , which is but one body , moved and informed by one spirit , 1 cor. 8. 5. and ephes. 4. 4. 5. so every member of this one body in every nation , city and countrey , and every congregation of christians , whether jewes or gentiles , is informed , moved and guided by that one spirit , as the apostle testifieth , rom. 12. 5. and 1 cor. 12. 12. 13. as pastours and teachers : so also governments are set in the church by god , and the spirit distributeth gifts to them as he himselfe will , 1 cor. 12. 11. and 28. and there is but one law to all , which is the word of god , which is called the law of christ , gal. 6. 2. and the law of the spirit of life , rom. 8. 2. because the spirit speakes to none , neither doth move or guide any christian but by this word and law of christ , iohn . 16. 13. 14. ( as was before shewed ) what church soever doth swerve or decline in any materiall or substantiall point of doctrine or discipline from that one law , and rule of christ , which is the heavenly paterne shewed to us in the scriptures , as the paterne of the tabernacle was shewed to moses in the mount , exod. 25. 40. that church comes so much short of apostolicall perfection , and hath in it too much mixture of humane policy and infirmity . whatsoever new light , proud , vaine , foolish and fanaticall persons may pretend : all sound and stable christians both ought , and will looke to the law , and to the testimony of christ ; and if any speake not according to this word it is because there is no light in them , isa. 8. 20. in respect of this our uniforme government by one law the word of christ , and one spirit , the soule and life of the whole visible church , it is a body uniforme , homogeneall and similar . and as in all naturall uniforme bodies , every part hath the same name with the whole , as every particular part of aire is called aire , and every river , fountaine and drop of water is , water and is so called , as well as the whole element : even so every nationall , provinciall , classicall and particular congregation in every nation , city , and circuit , is a church and is so called , as the church of judea , act. 11. 22. 26. the church of antioch , act. 13. 1. the church of corinth , 1 cor. 1. 2. and of thessalonica , 1 thess. 1. 1. and the churches of galatia , gal. 1. 2. yea and the particular congregation in the house of aquila , and priscilla , rom. 16 , 15. and 1 cor. 16. 19. and in the house of nymphas , coloss. 4. 15. and of philemon , vers. 2. are every one called the church , as well as the universall body is called the church , math. 16. 18. ephes. 1. 22. coloss. 1. 24. and 1 tim. 3. 15. 9. the principall parts of this government of christ which allwayes ought to go together , and are inseparable in every well ordered and constituted church , are two . first , doctrine , which the apostle calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . secondly , discipline , which he calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 2 tim. 3. 16. which our saviour in allusion to other scriptures , calls the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , math. 16. 19. for as keyes do open and shut the doore of an house : so do both doctrine , and discipline open and shut the kingdome of heaven , christ his true church . they open it to believers , and to humble and paenitent persons ; and shut it against unbelievers , and scandalous obstinat sinners , who continue in their impenitency after conviction . and for this cause our saviour calls doctrine and teaching by expounding that word and law aright , the key of knowledge , math. 23. 13. and discipline he calls the key of david , revel. 3. 7. alluding to the words of the prophet isa. 22. 22. where the lord saith , that he will lay the key of the house of david upon the shoulder of eliakim , so he shall open , and none shall shut , and he shall shut , and none shall open , that is , i will commit the government into his hands ( as the words before shew ) to rule the house of juda as a father . the preachers of the word by convincing doctrine do wound the wicked , and are said to , root out , to pull , and throw down , and to destroy , jer. 1. 10. yea and to torment the world , to smite the earth with plagues , and to shut heaven , revel. 11. 6 , 10. and by the converting word of the gospel , and the ministery of reconciliation , to heal the broken in heart , to open the prisons , and to set captives at liberty , isa. 61. 1. and to build and to plant , jer. 1. 10. and to open the right way into the sheepfold , joh. 10. 16. the key of discipline also doth by censures , which are according to the infallible word of god , shut out ignorant and scandalous persons from communion with the children of the kingdom , purgeth out the old leaven , and so bindeth the obstinate , that they are bound in heaven , matth. 18. 18 & 1 cor. 5. 7 , 13. but by declaring in the name and word of christ absolution and remission of sins to persons penitent , it opens the door of the kingdom , and receives into christs sheepfold such as are brought back from going astray , and loseth such as are bound , 2 cor. 2. 10. the exercise of the power of these two keys , consists in divers publike acts done with authority , by commission from christ . first , the main act of doctrine is preaching the word , as the mouth of god to the people , and applying it fitly to all sorts of persons , instructing the ignorant , discovering to them the corruption of their nature by which they are children of wrath , eph. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. and so humbling them in their own eyes , driving them out of themselves , drawing them to christ by the promises of the gospel , wooing them , and as ambassadours for christ , praying them in christs stead to be reconciled unto god , 2 cor. 5. 20. and espousing them to christ , 2 cor. 11. 2. and on the other side , reproving , rebuking , and admonishing with authority , as messengers of god , all sinners and transgressours , 2 tim. 4. 2. & tit. 1. 13. threatning and denouncing judgements , hell , and damnation against all that are hard hearted and impenitent , as the apostles did , act. 8. 23. and 13. 10. rom. 2. 1 , 2 , 5. 1 cor. 6 9. heb. 20. 26 , 29. iam. 5. 1. 2 pet. 2. 13. iude vers. 4. 11 , 14 15. these acts of doctrine private christians may perform mutually among themselves , and according to the measure of grace , which god hath destributed to every one , they are in brotherly duty , and in christian zeal and charity , bound to perform them privately . but publike ministers only , called of god , and sent to preach , can do them with power and authority , as gods mouth , and christs ambassadours : and their word is to be received as the word of god , 1 thes. 2. 13. and as a message from heaven , with fear , reverence , and trembling , isa. 66. 5. the acts of discipline which are to be performed by gods ministers also , not as preachers in the pulpit before all the congregation , but as presbyters in the consistory , are divers . first , receiving accusations before witnesses , 1 tim. 5. 19. secondly , publike admonition , and personall reproof , and rebuke of such as are convicted of offence and scandall , by two or three witnesses , 1 tim. 5. 20. tit. 3. 10. thirdly , after admonition condemned and scorned , and the authority of the eldership despised and sleighted , these scorners are to be refused and rejected , tit. 3. 10. which cannot be , if they be admitted to the holy communion . the apostle injoins every faithfull minister to withdraw himself from perverse persons of corrupt mindes , 1 tim. 6. 5. and he commands the brethren in the name of the lord jesus christ , that they withdraw themselves , from every brother that walketh disorderly , 2 thes. 3. 6. certainly he is blinde , and hath the eye of his reason put out , who doth not in these forenamed places see and understand , that all scandalous , perverse and stubborn persons are by the commandement of christ , which is jus divinum , to be refused , and not admitted into holy communion , which is excommunicatio minor , that is , lesser excommunication . the fourth act of discipline is , the censure of the greater excommunication , which is the utmost censure of a church member , even casting him out of church communion for his obstinacy in his scandalous sins , and refusing to hear , and obey the church . after this sentence given against any person , he is in our saviours phrase to be esteemed as an heathen man , who is no member of the church for the present , but shut out of gods kingdom , and in the apostles phrase he is delivered to satan , and taken captive by the devil , and held in his snare , 2 tim. 2. 26. this censure is according to the will , and by the appointment of jesus christ , matth. 18. 17. where he saith of him who will not hear nor obey the church . let him be to thee as an heathen and as a publican . the apostle in the name of the lord jesus christ , commanded the elders of the church of corinth by this censure , and with the power of the lord jesus christ to proceed against the incestuous person , to put him away from among them , and to diliver him unto satan 1 cor. 5 , 5 , 13. and he himself delivered unto satan hymenaeus and alexander , 1 tim. 1. 20. and these acts of discipline are not punishments of revenge , not execution of justice in a rigid sense ; but medicinall corrections of mercy , and fatherly chastisements laid on the person censured , not in hatred to hurt him , nor in rigour to satisfie the law : but in love , hope , desire , and godly zeal for a three-fold end and use . first , for the mortification , humiliation , and repentance of the obstinate sinner , that he may be made sensible of his danger , and ashamed of his sin , and heartily sorrowfull for it , and full of contrition : this is intimated by the apostle , where he saith , that delivering unto satan , is for the destruction of the flesh , ( that is fleshly corruption by mortification ) that the spirit may be saved in the day of the lord jesus , 1 cor. 5. 5. & 1 tim. 1. 20. he saith that he delivered unto satan hymeneus and alexander , that they might learn not to blaspheme , and 2 thes. 3. 14. secondly , for the preserving of the body and the rest of the members from infection , for obstinate scandalous sinners will infect others : this the apostle sheweth , 1 cor. 5. 6 , 7. saying , know ye not that a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump ? purge out therefore the old leaven . thirdly , for vindicating the church and christian religion from reproach and scandall , and all shew and appearance of countenancing and cherishing vile sin and wickednes , which will raise an ill report commonly , that christian religion is worse then gentilisme , and tolerats sins , the names of which are loathed among civill heathen . this the apostle implies , 1 cor. 5. 1. saying , it is commonly reported , that there is fornication among you , & such fornication as is not so much as named among the gentiles . and certainly the jews who were , according to their law , so strict in keeping from the passeover , all such as had any uncleannes on them , might justly reproach christians , if they should admit scandalous sinners spiritually leprous and unclean to the lords supper , and into holy communion with them , and not cast them out . there is besides those censures before named , another most dreadfull censure mentioned in scripture , and called by the name of anathema maranatha , that is , the cursed untill the lord cometh . 1 cor. 16. 22. this is a curse which the church denounceth against desperate back-sliders , and apostates , who after illumination , profession of love to christ , and a taste of the good word of god , and of the power of the world do come , do sin against the holy ghost , and fall away into hatred and despight against the truth , of which the spirit hath convinced their consciences , into malignant persecution of all true godlines , and into an impossibility of being renewed by repentance , heb 6. 4. this censure ( to speak no more of it ) is a sentence and judgement of the church , declaring and pronouncing , that such persons are reprobates and desperate enemies of god , finally accursed , past hope of recovery , given up to the judgement of the last day , when the lord shall come to render vengeance in flaming fire , to all them that hate him , and that they are to be shunned and abhorred as fire brands of hell . of this curse we have divers examples in scripture , as that which god laid upon cain , gen. 4. that which enoch denounced against the old world , of which jude in his epistle makes mention , vers. 14. that of david against doeg and other enemies , and against the traitour judas , psal. 109. and that wherewith the lord cursed the reprobate jews , when he forbad the prophet jeremy , to pray for them jer. 7. 16. & 11. 14. & 14. 11. for there is a sin unto death , namely the sin of apostasy , and rebellion against the light , not to be prayed for , as s. iohn saith , 1 ioh. 5. 16. besides these acts of government before named , we read of three others . the first is , ordination of ministers , which properly belongs to the preaching presbyters , who are to examine them , try their gifts , and inquire into their lives first , and after proof made of their abilities , and godly conversation , to ordain them with praier and imposition of hands : of this we read , act. 13. 2 , 3. 1 tim. 3. 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. & 1 tim. 4. 14. & 5. 22. tit. 1. 5. the second is , choosing and appointing of church officers , this is the common act of the whole eldership , together with the people , as appears , act. 6. 3 , 5. & act. 14. 23. the third is , setting of things in good order , and appointing that all things be done decently and in order in the church : this paul injoined the elders of corinth to do , 1 cor. 14 40. and he promised to assist them therein , 1 cor. 11. 34. and laid this charge on titus , tit. 1. 5. from this discourse framed out of the infallible word of god , and expresse testimonies of holy scriptures , divers corollaries and necessary conclusions do issue , which remove the doubts , and answer the questions , which doubting scrupulous persons shall propound concerning church-government , whether it be in whole , or part jure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ . 1. conclus . that there is one uniform government in the whole universall church , and in every part thereof jure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ , which ought to be observed in all national , provinciall , classicall and congregationall churches , as they are parts and members of the church universall , which is the mysticall body of christ . proved , section 3. and 5. and 6. and 8. 2. as there is but one law to all christians , even the word of god , which is the perfect rule of government in all orthodox , and well constituted churches : so ought the government to be one , and the same in them all among themselves , and in every particular congregation . proved sect. 8. 3. the supream magistracy in every nation , countrey , and state , being christians , is in duty bound to be as a nursing father to the church of christ , to set up and maintain preachers , who may by preaching the gospel , gather their people and subjects into congregations , and set up elders in every one according to the word of god ; and parochiall , or particular congregations so gathered , and elderships set up in them by the dictate and direction of christ are iure divino : the appointment of the civill magistrate is onely a civill sanction , it doth not make them to be iure divino . proved sect. 3. and 4. 4. though all nationall churches rightly constituted , and formed according to the scriptures , are of equall authority , not any one superiour to another ; and likewise all provinciall , classicall and parochiall churches alike well formed , are equall : no provinciall superiour to another provinciall : nor any classicall eldership to another classicall ; yet the deciding of a controversy in point of doctrine , or any sentence , or censure issuing out , and published from a greater assembly or eldership , as from a nationall , provinciall , or classicall , is generally of more authority , and more to be respected in all churches , then the same sentence and determination proceeding from the eldership of a lesser or particular congregation , as we see , act. 15. where the decree of the apostles and elders in a nationall , or rather oecumenicall synod at ierusalem , was of more authority in all christian churches , then if it had proceeded from the eldership of antioch , in which were paul and barnabas , the two great apostles of the gentiles , who were able to decree infallibly the same things , and appealed to ierusalem , not to learn , but to make their doctrine of more authority , as appears , gal. 2. 2. 6. proved sect. 5. 6. 5. all elderships consisting of preaching presbyters and other elders who do rule well , and all the members of such elderships are jure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ , 1 tim. 5. 17. and the acts of government done by assisting elders , together with preaching presbyters , who by their office and calling have authority and ability to expound the word and law , the infallible rule of government , are certainly according to the will and appointment of christ , and being conformed to the rule , are ratified in heaven . math. 18. 18. 6. all superiour elderships and greater assemblies , whether nationall , provinciall or classicall , consisting of preaching presbyters , successours of the apostles and evangelists , and of other assisting church elders , who are chosen members of the universall church , unto the common pastours , whereof the apostles , christ immediatly committed the government of the whole church , and by them to the presbyters , who do succeed them in severall nations , provinces , cities and circuits , are by the superiour assemblies and synods held by the apostles and elders gathered together at jerusalem about matter of greater concernment act. 6. 2. and 15. 6. and 21. 18. warranted , and declared to be jure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ . proved sect. 8. 7. the appeals from congregationall elderships to classicall , and from classicall to provinciall and nationall , are by the appeal of the church presbyters , and the two great apostles paul and barnabas at antioch to the high synod at ierusalem , warranted and demonstrated to be iure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ ; and their powers also . 8. occumenicall or universall assemblies , consisting of pastours and elders chosen out of all true orthodox christian churches , and sent as delegates from every nationall church , are warranted by that synod at ierusalem , act. 15. in which the apostles there residing together with the two great pastours of all the churches of the gentiles , paul and barnabas , and the elders in ierusalem , and delegates from antiochia , syria , and cilicia , were assembled to decide a controversie , which concerned the universall church of christ ; and cannot with any good reason be denyed to be iure divino , and by the will and appointment of jesus christ . 9. though notorious scandalous offences , for which persons thereof guilty , are to be kept from the sacrament of the lords supper , untill they professe repentance , and promise amendment , are easie to be discerned , and noted by the generall multitude , who may privatly judge them to be such : yet the lord christ in his word , gives power and authority to none , by vertue of their office and calling , to judge , and declare by publike sentence , what scandalous offences are worthy of such a censure , and to keepe persons guilty of them from the holy communion ; but onely elderships congregationall , classicall or others meerely ecclesiasticall , in which there are preaching presbyters , who are able , and have a publike calling from christ , to expound the word of god , which is the law and rule by which scandalous sinnes must be judged , and censures given and executed . for on their persons , and consciences , the scandall , and guilt will lye heavy , if they profane the holy sacrament by giving it wittingly to such as will eat and drinke unworthily , and be guilty of the body and blood of christ . 1 cor. 11. 17. proved sect. 3. and 5. 10. there are certain particular rules ( as the scriptures cited in this foregoing discourse , and divers others do shew ) some openly expressed in the word of god ; others by necessary consequence from thence diducted , which sufficiently direct all elderships , and all persons , who are elders in them , in the exercise of the power ecclesiasticall before mentioned , and in performing all necessary acts of church government , as receiving accusations , publike admonition , reproofe , rebuke , refusing to communicate with , or to admit to the holy communion sinners convicted of scandalous sins , and persisting therein without repentance , excommunication , and casting out of the church them who refuse to be ashamed and reclaimed by the former meanes used ; and continue in contumacie , disobedience , scorne and contempt of the churches iudgement , and proceeding with them in the name , and by the power of the lord jesus christ . proved sect. 9. 11. although the scriptures give great power to christian kings , and supreme magistrates over the church of god in their dominions , and the civill government thereof is in their hands . and all christians , and ecclesiasticall persons of all orders , and degrees are bound in civill matters to be subject to them , and to obey and honour them . rom. 13. 1. tit. 3. 1. and pet. 2. 13. and as nursing fathers to the church , isai. 49. 23. they have the power which david , solomon , asa , iehoshaphat , hezekiah , and iosiah exercised in purging and reforming the church , in commanding ministers of the word , and church officers to execute their offices faithfully ; in punishing with civill censures , and deposing such as are scandalous and incorrigible ; in providing maintenance and setting up able ministers to teach , and instruct their subjects , and allotting gods portion to maintain his worship , and service in his church ; in granting liberty to all to professe true christian religion , and to make lawes for the punishing and restraining of wicked profane persons from disturbing their people in the holy service of god : yet seeing the exercise of government meerly ecclesiasticall , and the administration of holy ordinances is by christ committed to the apostles , and their successours , pastours , teachers , and church officers , with promise to be with them to the end of the world : and the office and authority of expounding the word , which is the law and rule of ecclesiasticall government , is left in their hands , without mention of civill magistracie , which neither then was christian , nor for many ages after , and yet the church was well governed , encreased mightily and flourished in all piety , religion and godlinesse . therefore the supreme magistracie is not allowed , nor warranted by scripture , but excluded from intruding into the administration of holy church ordinances , and must leave the power of judging and determining of all things which concerne the publike worship and service of god to the infallible word of christ , the holy scriptures , and to those who are by god set apart , and furnished with gifts , and abilities , and ordained according to christs institution unto the office of expounding the word and ministring in all holy things in the church the house of god , of which they are stewards , officers and ministers , proved sect. 3. and 5. 12. church discipline without sound doctrine is a body without a soule . the key of doctrine is the soul , life , guid , and direction of discipline , and those two keys of the kingdome of heaven are inseparably tyed together , and committed by christ to the same hands . discipline hath no power , nor authority over the conscience , but from the word rightly applyed . they who are bound and loosed on earth , according to the infallible word , are also bound and loosed in heaven : and censures erring from the word are void in heaven . sect. 9. 13. civill magistrates , & other grave , godly , wise and discreet men , are not excluded , but may be chosen assisting church elders , and together with preaching presbyters may rule and govern in those elderships , whereof they are elders , and have power and authority by the word of god to judge and determine in the presbytery together with the pastours ( and not otherwise ) who are scandalous offenders , unworthy for the present to be admitted to the lords table . for the word expounded by ministers thereunto lawfully called , is the law and perfect rule of all acts of church government and censures . 14. provision of commissioners who are no church elders , and who are authorised onely by the civill magistracy to judge who are scandalous offenders , not fit to receive the holy sacrament , is in the judgement of the best divines of the reformed churches , and appeares by scriptures before alledged , to be a meere invention of humane policie , which hath no example or warrant in gods word , and a manifest usurpation , and giving of that power to others , which christ hath appropriated to the apostles and presbyters of his church , and so is contrary to the will and appointment of jesus christ . godly ministers generally are of this judgement , that their approving and yeelding to the practice thereof , is a breach of the nationall league and covenant . king vzziah was plagued by god with an incurable leprosie , for medling in the administration of holy ordinances , and in so doing his heart was lifted up to his destruction , and he transgressed against the lord his god 2 chron. 26. 16. in many men , who highly applaud , extoll and vehemently urge this new device and practice , it favours too much of scorne , contempt , envy and a most uncharitable opinion conceived against the godly , learned , faithfull ministers of christ , and watchfull pastours of his church , and brands both them and all those who are to be set up hereafter in all places of the land , ( if the godly reformation desired , be really intended , and sincerely prosecuted ) with insufficiency , and want of grace to do the worke unto which god hath called them . it seemes to call in question the faithfullnesse of christ , who hath promised to be with them allwayes even unto the end of the world , math. 28. 20. many wise and godly people hold it a perverse imagination , and a thing unreasonable to thinke , that wise , discreet and godly men , being chosen elders of the church , and joyned in elderships with learned and faithfull ministers , who can expound the word , and give them the true sense of the law of christ , shall or will not be more able to judge of scandalls , and what persons are fit or unfit to be admitted to the lords supper , then the same persons being commissioners by themselves . as if christ were not able , ready , and willing to give grace and assistance to them which are his chosen servants , and ministers of his church in things spirituall all , as the supreme magistracy is to give to his new formed creatures , who are never owned by christ in all the new testament . surely no rationall man will so much as dreame , that ministers of christ , who are able to teach the supreme magistrate his duty , how to be just , and to rule over men in the feare of god , are not able to rule their owne flock , over which the holy ghost made them overseers ; or that church government in their hands to whom christ hath committed it , will prove more arbitrary , irregular , unlimited , and tyrannicall then the government both of commonwealth and church in the hands of civill magistrates , seeing ministers and church elders have a certaine and infallible rule , the word of god , to which alone they are limited , and by which the spirit of god is promised to direct them in all censures , and church government . but civill magistrates have no such speciall promise of assistance from christ , and they rule by the uncertain lawes of men , and have an arbitrary power to make lawes which are sometimes found contrary to the word of god , and therefore unjust and tyrannicall over the consciences of christians , till they be repealed and declared to be void . and there can be no just suspition or feare of tyranny in the government of the church left in the hands of church elders , where christ hath placed it ; seeing the supreme magistracy , ( as keeper of both tables , in all christian kingdomes and states ) hath as much civill power to curb , and punish them for male-administration of church government , abuse of their power , and manifest corruption of christs ordinances , and to depose and cast them out of their office , when they are scandallous and incorrigible ; as they have to reprove him by gods word , for any notorious scandallous sinnes , to admonish him of his duty , to threaten him from god , and to lay his judgements close to him , when he goeth on in his sins of injustice , profanenes , licentiousnes and the like . and now i will conclude all with some breif answers to the grievous accusations ; and loud clamours raised against the ministery in generall , as if the staine , and guilt of all those errours , and scandallous vices of pride , covetousnes , ambition and ignorance , envy and cruelty , which were found heretofore in the corrupt popish and prelaticall clergy , did still cleave to all presbyters and pastours of christs church , and were hereditary to them . we meet with this accusation and calumnie now adayes allmost in every company , and at every rich mans table , and in every libellous printed pamphlet , set forth weekly by newes mongers : that presbyterians are as proud as prelates ; and if ministes get into their hands church discipline , they will tyrannize , and lord is over their flocks , and the same spirit of pride , envy , covetousnes , errour and cruelty , will worke in them , which ruled in the prelates , and in popish bishops formerly . to these i answer , first , that if we search all histories of the church in all ages , we shall never finde in any church or kingdom ; so many godly , learned , faithfull , and sincere ministers , holding so fast their integrity of life , and purity of doctrine under so great corruption of government , both in church and state , and after so great tyranny raging in both ; together with so many temptations , hatred , and persecution of godly and zealous preachers , and so open countenancing of prophanenes , errour , and heresie , as we have had of late years , and have at this day ; whom neither persecution , losse of goods and estates , nor bonds , nor imprisonment ; no nor hopes and offers of preferment , honour or riches could move from their stedfastnes . and yet all this cannot stop the mouths of the sons of belial , whose hearts are hardened , and their tongues set on fire of hell , to revile the ministers of jesus christ , whose blamelesse lives convince them of malicious slander , lying and impudency . secondly , it is manifest to all equall and judicious men , that the supreme magistracy hath been the cheif cause of such an ungodly and scandallous ministery , pestring this kingdome of late yeares . for who , like jeroboam , did preferre the basest of the people to be priests of the high places , namely court flatterrers , ambitious bribers , importunate beggers , simoniacks , and slaves to great mens lusts , but the suprem magistracy , licentious nobility , profane gentry , and covetous patrons of benefices ? who , but the supreme magistracy hindred the lawfull ordination of ministers by presbyteries , after strict examination , and tryall had of their learning and gifts , and upon testimony and experience of their honest life and conversation ; and gave the sole power thereof into the hands of those who commonly hated true godlines , and either carelessely , or corruptly , and of purpose admitted vile unworthy persons into the holy calling of the ministry , who were either unlearned and not gifted ; or if learned , and men of parts , were vicious , men of corrupt minde , prone and strong to do mischeif ? thirdly , the supreme magistracy by robbing the greatest part of parish churches , and selling away all impropriat benefices to the nobility and gentrie , and they covetously retaining them in their possession , have made the churches and ministery base , contemptible , and beggerly . and lastly it seemes to reflect upon the supreme magistracy in these dayes , that there is such a scarcity of profitable pr●●●chers , and that many congregations are wholly unprovided , and others are out of necessity forced to content themselves with soule-starving shepherds , and many young men , of learning , and of hopefull gifts , finding no lawfull way of entering into the ministery , and terrified with the intolerable taxes , and other great grievances , and discouragments under which many ministers of great worth do lye groaning , are moved to withdraw their mindes from the study of divinity , and betake themselves to other callings . this certainly is not the fault of the learned presbyters of this time , who earnestly desire , and have petitioned for liberty by the civill sanction , to joyne together in classicall presbyteries , and to ordaine ministers , according to the advice of the reverend assembly , and the rules by them gathered out of gods holy word . it remaines therefore , that they and all the godly in the land , do cry mightily unto god in dayly prayer , that he would pour out his spirit upon the high court of parliament , and incline the heart of the supreme magistracy to yeeld to the petitions and importunity of the city , of the assembly , and of the ministers of the countrey ; and to be intreated in so necessary , pious , profitable and religious a request , so easily granted , to satisfie the longing desires , and hungring , and thirsting soules of all godly people , that they and we may rejoyce together in the lord , and may blesse his holy name , for the abundance of peace extended to us like a river , and the lord christ may be our king , and his name one in all the three kingdomes . finis . the humble addresse both of church and poore, to the sacred maiestie of great britaines monarch for a just redresse of the uniting of churches, and the ruine of hospitalls. by william guild, minister of aberdene. guild, william, 1586-1657. 1633 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02351 stc 12480 estc s119064 99854271 99854271 19681 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02351) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19681) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1103:03) the humble addresse both of church and poore, to the sacred maiestie of great britaines monarch for a just redresse of the uniting of churches, and the ruine of hospitalls. by william guild, minister of aberdene. guild, william, 1586-1657. guild, william, 1586-1657. issachars asse, braying under a double burden. selections. aut 22 p. by edward raban, imprinted in aberdene : 1633. the first part contains excerpts from "issachars asse, braying under a double burden"; b1-3 are the original leaves from stc 12482. part 2 has caption title, reading: the poores complaynt. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -government -early works to 1800. church of scotland -charities -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. great britain -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ●vmble addresse both of church and poore , to the sacred maiestie of great britanes monarch . ●or a just redresse of the vniting of churches , and the ruine of hospitalls . by william guild , minister of aberdene . psal. xx . 9 . saue , lord , and let the king heare vs in the day that wee call . imprinted in aberdene , by edward raban , 1633. to the most reverend fathers in god ▪ iohn , by the mercie of god , l. arch-bishop of sainct-andrewes , primate , and metropolitane of scotland : and patrick , by the same mercie of god , l. arch bishop of glasgow , &c. the maine opponer to these vnions . d. d. a. the ●vmble addresse both of church , and poore , to the sacred majestie of their dread soveraigne , charles , great britannes monarch , &c. for a just redresse of the vniting of churches , and the ruine of hospitalls . when olde israel ( most sacred soveraigne ) propheticallie pronounced this doome concerning his sonne issach●r , that hee should co●ch downe betweene two burdens , he likened him to a strōg asse●s needing much strength to beare so great a burden . and it was thought of old , that the burden of the ministerie , vni praeesse ecclesiae , 〈◊〉 haue the charge of one church , & was d●●bus subesse ecclesus , and not 〈◊〉 be over-charged with vnder-going two , was such , that in the bal●nce of the sanctuarie , weigh the burden with the strength , the one ●●rpassed the other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and who is of suffi●●encie for discharge of that calling ? but now-a-dayes the cure of soules , is either weighed in belshaz●●rs ballance , and found too light : or mens backes are thought like ●●mpsons sholders , strong anough to beare two churches at once , as he ●●rried the two postes of the gates of azzab , to the top of the mount ●hich is before hebron . a strange thing , that mens policie should so meete a princes pietie , 〈◊〉 where he intended the bettering of the churches impoverished ●●ate , by some competent provision , at least , to each one : if patrons can 〈◊〉 evite the necessitie of obedience to that law of his royall parlia●ent , and decreet of his honourable commission , they shall finde out ●●ch a politicke course , as in effect the same shall be but frustrate , how●●-ever : for where two churches are to be provided severallie , getting 〈◊〉 charges vnited , and making one sing dumb , they haue made the ●oore pettie portions , vnited together likewise , to equall that measu●ed meane competencie of provision appointed in the act : as if bette●●ng of provisions for severall churches had not beene meant ; but that 〈◊〉 the kingdome the impairing of the few number , both of churches 〈◊〉 pastors , had beene intended . and making thereby some ministers that it may be saide of them , as of hercules pillars , nil ultra , beei●● lyfe-renters onlie to weare off , and none there-after in those places and more to succeede them . because ( forsooth ) men are so loath to parte with the churches patrimonie , should therefore be made such an illicite matrimonie & conjunction , as is much lesse tollerable than with the iewes vnder the law , to haue plowed with an oxe and an asse together ? or a-like vnlawfull , as when they coupled themselues with the women of ammon and ashdod ? or should such a monstrous metamorphosis bee made , that so manie churches , and congregations , which before were substantiues , & stood by themselues , shall be now so wofull and variable adjectiues , as a sound agreement and happie consolidation is never to be expected , and as their ruinate cases shall here-after declare ? wee detested before idoles in churches , but wee are making now idole-churches , hence-foorth not to be ob solatia vivorum , but to be ca●●teria mortuorum , the sound of gods word no more to bee heard in their pulpits , but of the dead tolling of the bell at burials in their steeples . as the philistims filled vp isaaks welles of springing water , which his father abraham had digged in his time : so hereby closing vp the cisternes and conduits of that still and living water which gaue refreshment to the lordes flocke : and incroaching vpon the limits of that greene pasture wherein the lords sheepe were duelie made to feede . as if there were no meanes how the churches of this kingdome here , could bee other-wise to such a meane competencie of mayntenance provided , out of their large and sacrilegiouslie detayned patrimonies , that by making the israelite and aegyptian , who in moses tyme stroue together of them , killing one of them , to preserue another . or as the ephraemites , who could not so grosselie pronounce shibboleth ▪ but siboleth , with a smaller voyce , were all slaine by the gileadites , at the passages of iordane : evē so , that al such churches that are not excessiue in burden and bounds , and of the grossest and greatest in the land ; but of 〈◊〉 meaner and lesser sorte or syze , should be so extinguished , swallowed vp ▪ and devoured , as with korabs punishment , or pharaohs dreame , they should symbolize , men miss-construing herein ( as seemeth ) the wordes of our saviour , that to him that hath , more shall bee given : and from him who hath 〈◊〉 even that which hee hath shall bee taken from him . david , when he sate in his house , and had rest given him round about from all his enemies , did advise to build gods house : so his peace 〈◊〉 him pietie ; and his rest , religion . but it is contrarie with vs : our peace 〈◊〉 such policie , and the fruit of our rest , is the robberie first , and next , the ●uine of gods house , counting kirkes to bee like esau to us , not to bee planters , but supplanters there-of : contracters , and not in-largers of the kingdome of christ . and thus ( as the prophet micah sayeth ) the great man spake out of the corruption of his soule , and so they wrapt it up . but assuredlie , such appendices as they have made manie kirkes of , will bee seene at length , never to have proceeded of a good t●esis : neither will ever such a perilous copulative conjunction , doe what they lift , admit of , nor take places in a good construction . before pastors were impoverished , 1 and nowe shall their number thus ●ee diminished ? the kirke first stript ( like ioseph ) of her coate , which should warme her : and next , of her watch-men , which should arme and defende her : under pretense of some restitution of meanes , to make her woefullie destitute of men : is not this the vilest sorte of sacriledge ? or how farre is it from the practise of iulian in likenesse , qui extinxit non solum praesbyteros , sed praesbyterium . 2 and how agreeable this syncope , or contraction , is now to pietie , or reason , may bee clearlie discerned , that when not onelie the sheepe of the lordes pasture are increased , and the people ( as in david's time ) are multiplied exceedinglie ; but the number also of the wolves , who assault the lordes flocke , daylie like-wise groweth : and the foxes , who destroy the vines , even the vines which have small grapes : ( to wit , simple and unlearned christians . ) should then the number of the carefull and watchfull shepheardes , bee diminished , and made fewer ? it was the precept of our saviour , because the harvest was great , and the labourers were few , that wee should pray the lord of the harvest , to thrust out manie faythfull labourers in-to his harvest . but to this precept of his our practise now-a-dayes is flat contrarie , and contradictour : yea , absurd , and against common reason , where much worke is , there fewer worke-men to bee . it was pharaoh's working-wiselie ( in-deede ) to augment the israelites taske , and to impaire their strength , and meanes to performe the same . but such policie , being voyde of pietie , did procure plagues onelie , and drew on miserie . and as the kirke , to the great advantage of her enemies , receiveth ( as is sayde ) heere-by a notable injurie , what wrong is like-wise done to learning and vniversities , anie one may easilie perceive . colledges and schooles , 3 the seminaries of sciences , and nurseries of religion , ( like goshen in aegypt , where the light of the land is ) they shall carefullie trayne up , and yearlie sende foorth , a more and more numerous off-spring , at parentes large expences , like levi to bee divided in iaacob , to teach the lordes judgementes , and to bee scattered in israel , to teach the people his law ; and yet the places which they should fill , and live by , by a new practise of annexation of kirks , next unto kirke-rents , shall be occupied titulo oneroso onelie , for the most parte , and taken up by others . 4 if this then bee a way , eyther to encourage parentes , and hearten youth ; or a practise to replenish the schooles of the prophets heere-after : and so consequentlie bee profitable eyther to kirke or policie : or rather be not a meane to effectuate the contrarie , and make bethel a babel , let anie indifferent or pious mynde judge . 5 the countrey in like-manner , howe with kirke and schooles it may manie wayes crye out , the apparent scarres of her deepe in-flicted woundes shall heere-after offer them-selves conspicuous , & make the trueth here-of more than cleare and manifest . at the time of that reformation of our countrey , where rather a deformation was in many parts , through populare and unruelie confusion , ( greede , and not godlinesse , possessing the mindes of many ) it was not anough then , to the griefe of the godlie , to levell with the ground , deface , and cast downe kirks thorow the land , and other religious places , which might have served ( beside the ornament of the countrey ) for other better uses crying onlie in the language of edom , raze them , raze them , even to the foundation : as if ( against the law ) the house , having the leprosie , could not be purged , but by pulling downe : so that as yet in many places there remaineth but the monuments of headlesse furie , & seges ubi troia fuit : but also men now-a-dayes , and goodlie professors ( forsooth ) thinking that there are too manie religious places as yet in the land , and houses of gods worship , have redacted two till one : and made there-by a second defalcation , to abridge the summe . it is reported of hannibal , a captaine of subtile policie , that hee saw in a dreame , being in italie , which hee intended to subdue to him-selfe , a monstrous image appearing before him : at the sight where-of being amazed , asked what it was that so ghastlie appeared ? the image aunswered , vastitas italiae . but this image deceived hannibal : for after the sight of his brothers head , sent unto him by the romanes , hee was forced to flee from italie to carthage : and so frustrate of his expectation . it shall proove lyke-wyse but an unluckie prodigie to them , the devastation of their countrey : who by laying waste so many kirkes of goodlie and godlie ornamentes , shall make the same , in short time , to become like achan or absolons burials : heapes of stones , heere and there through the whole kingdome . our saviour was much mooved , and as a great motive it was also used by the elders of the iewes , to perswade and induce christ to grant the centurions petition , and heale his servaunt , because he loved their nation ( sayde they ) and had built to them a synagogue . where they make there this outward action a sure testimonie of his sincere and in-ward affection towardes their religion . then what can bee the affection or zeale that manie professors nowe beare to the wo●ship of god which they professe , when in place of building synagogues , or temples , and multiplying their number , where-of this kingdome standeth so much in neede ; they rather by such vniting have impaired the number , & exposed the edifices to ruine and contempt ? thus ( as the prophet sayeth ) while everie one of them runneth to builde up his owne house , and prepare galleries syled with cedar to him-selfe , the house of god is not onelie left , but made forsaken and desolate . civilitie hath ever also beene seene to have beene the daughter of religion : 6 which as shee pointed out , quae dei sunt , so lyke-wyse quae caesaris : teaching to bee holie towardes god , and righteous towardes man : and so to give each one their due , and observe both tables . and experience hath taught , where pietie hath bid fare-well , there civilitie and comelie policie hath , lyke ruth , inseparablie followed naomi , and godlesse barbaritie taken up their rowme . and where god is not feared , the king can not bee rightlie honoured : for these two , lyke gemini , both goe together : and the strongest in-forcer is knowne to be the conscience : which , where it is not informed , no marvell that deformitie of manners , and breach of duetie bee both to god and man. now , where it was requisite then , moe kirkes for this effect in sundry partes of our countrey to have bene erected , should such a concise abridgement of the number of these beene made , which were auncientlie for severall service appointed , and had severall maintenance for that cause allotted , as now-a-dayes , ( necessitie flat contrarie requiring ) two to bee redacted to one , especiallie their boundes being become more habitable , and moe people now in-dwelling also the same ? poore people in like-manner in many places , 7 how they are heere-by wronged , their grieved hearts furnishing matter of regrate to their plain & pleaning tongues , and their sad querimonies powred foorth in-to the eares of every man , indifferentlie give sufficient proofe : when by the toylesome labour of the sixe dayes commanded , their bodies beeing worne and wearied , they shall be made , up-on the lords sabbath , with grieved hearts , and grudging speaches , to passe by , and desert their owne commodious and kindly parish kirks , where-in so frequentlie they had received the comfort of the word and sacraments ; and to trudge further to these new made mother ( i had almost said step-mother ) kirks : where , in discontenting amazement , after they have heard a stranger-seeming voyce , returning home-ward , and backe-treading their tedious and uncouth way , after ●●●tuall regrating , they may justlie say , that they have gotten both preaching and pennance together . and what scandal and offence it is to those simple ones , when they shal see religion thus so little regarded by goodliest professors , and great men of the land , the exercises of the worship of god in so many places extinguished , so many lamps of the candle-sticke of the sanctuarie plainlie put out , mammon to have subjected mens hearts so to her slaverie , that she hath made their hands to pull downe the lords houses , and manour-places of his divine worship , the publishing of his gospell so to be confyned , the number of his ministers so to be impared , the kirks patrimonie , still to be retained , and now eternized , as it were , to the posteritie , and i● place of restitution , nothing to be eyther had , or heard , but mockage , or railing , as if cham were revived , or shimei set on foote againe . if this bee not matter to scandalize weake ones : ( and woe bee un-to him , who giveth offence to such : ) or if this bee an examplare perswasion to such , who are given moste to followe the example of their superiours , to respect religion , to reverence the worship there-of , to regarde pastor or place , or to bee un-fallen away , eyther in errour , or in meere atheisme , let anie one of judgement discerne . yea , i dare boldlie and confidentlie , with conspicuousnesse of trueth and equitie , avouch , where two parishes are made one , that it had beene more urginglie necessarie , of such parishes that are but one , and where-of there is a great number in the land , a division there of to have bene made , each one in two or three competent & sufficient ample parishes at least : the most of such great parishes , rather lyke pettie shyres , 〈◊〉 countreyes , in their severall circuites , beeing in the inne-countrey , and most populous , and best in-habited partes of the land. in which hudge parishes of so manie thousandes of communicantes , and of such farre and large extended boundes , those that dwell in the utmost and remotest parts there-of , are lyke the iewes , who once in the yeare onelie came up from their borders and coastes , to the temple of hierusalem , to worship . such is their anniversarie visiting of their parish kirkes onelie : it beeing not 〈◊〉 sabbath-dayes , but a weeke-dayes journey , to goe thither , tho not the same day to returne . and as reuben and gad , and the halfe trybe of manasseh , when they were dissmis●ed by ioshua , and had returned to gilead , the land of thei● possession , were forced for the longinquitie , and farre distance of plac● from shiloh , where the lordes tabernacle was , to build an altar , fo● a memoriall , to them-selves : even to testifie , that they had parte in th● god of iaakob , and were not aliens from the common-wealth of israel . so , i say , manie one , and much people , in such parishes a-fore-sayde , and in manie partes of the land , have more than great necessitie , in respect of their farre and remote habitations from their parish kirkes , to have erected amongst them-selves temples of gods worship , and exercise of religion : seeing that in moste of these parishes , the poore people , other-wyse remain , through want thereof , lyke blind idiots , nusled up in ignorance , and atheisme : vvhose reuthful condition , lyke that vision of the man of macedonia , to the apostle paul in the actes , doeth pleade for lyke ayde , and in-vocateth lyke pittie . and amongst whome , if our blessed saviovr vvere corporallie , as hee was amongst the iewes , hee should bee seene with lyke pittie , and sighes to complaine , and bewayle them : because hee saw them lyke sheepe wanting a shephearde : it passing the power of anie one man , tho never so diligent , to discharge a pastorall duetie ; no , not to the halfe . hence it is , that not onelie , as by the prophet the lord complaineth , that for want of knowledge his people perish , and pittifull ignorance is seene in their myndes : but also , that such barbaritie and vitiousnesse is seene in their manners . hence it is , that moe are often-tymes seene in their kirke-yardes gazing , than with-in their thronged kirkes gathering . hence it is , that poore infantes , especiallie in winter season , have died with-out baptisme , before that eyther the pastor could bee advertised , in such a long and lingring way , up-on necessitie to come ; or the infant by anie meanes , quarter way , could bee brought . and hence it is , that manie a poore soule , with-out pastorall praesence , or notice , hath died with-out comfort : beside the manie fayntinges of poore and sillie ones , by a wearisome way , vvhich made christ to bee compassionate towardes the multitude , and there-fore would not sende them away emptie : for some of them came from a-farre ( sayeth the evangelist . ) where other-wyse , through putting up , and not pulling downe of kirkes : raysing , and not razing christian synagogues : pastorall duetie in in-forming ignorantes : reforming the vitious : comforting the distressed : and vvatching over all , should this vvay bee better discharged , subjectes and poore people more should bee eased , the countrey and kingdome more should bee decored , the fewer starting holes ●eft to the subsidiarie seminaries of the envious adversaries , popple and tares in the lordes fielde , and the glorious gospell of iesvs christ , more plenteouslie should abound , and shyne in the land. but what shall i say ? too dolefull experience of this clayie age , hath too well taught the facilitie of pulling downe : but the too great difficultie in their places of putting up of kirkes , and the ablative , hath ever beene in farre easier use with us , than anie wayes the dative : practizing so the first parte of zaccheus lyfe , but not acting the last parte of his restitution : and to impede heere-after anie expectation of the same ; converting nowe , by a retrograde , the plurall number of kirkes , in-to a simple singular . yea , to speake to such men , of building of kirkes , where in such populous a-fore-sayde places there is more than neede : or , as salomons precept is , of honouring the lord so with their riches ; a man shall seeme to them , to bee a barbarian , whose language they know not : or like ioseph with his brethren , as needing an interpreter : yea , they shall thinke , as is sayde of peter , that hee wist not what hee sayde , when on mount tabor hee would have builded one tabernacle to moyses , and one to elias , and one to christ : or as festus objected to paul , that too much learning had made him madde : so that they who mynde such thinges , too much zeale hath made them franticke . but speake of casting downe two kirkes , to make up one : or annexing one unto its neighbour parish , hence-foorth ever to bee but one cure , and in sundrie places : as it were alluding to trinitie and vnitie , to cast three in one , they will straight wayes applaude , with that of the poët , vnio divina est , &c. it is reported of pericles , that being asked by alcibiades , why so often hee seemed so sadde and pensive ? who aunswered , because ( sayde hee ) i remember up-on that account which i have to make for that which i have received to build a portch to minervas temple in athens . but howe few are now lyke to pericles , who mynde how much they are addebted to god , to builde his kirke , or maintaine his service : or what account they have to make before god , and his angels , for the meanes which they with-holde , and where-on the same should bee done ? but on the contrarie , make no conscience , zeale-less-lie , through greede , to ruinate those which zealouslie , through godlinesse , were formerlie by others alreadie erected . goe to the yles of chittim , and beholde : sende unto kedar , and inquire of the nations round about , if anie such thing bee done : let bee by christians , but by verie turkes and paganes , to their gods , as to the true god , whome in christ wee worship a-right . what temples , or religious places of theirs , once dedicate , deface or expose they , to contempt , ruine , and daylie decay , as named christians now-a-dayes , who will not onelie first robbe the rentes from them ; but next ( lyke 〈◊〉 , who made the daylie sacrifice of the temple to cease ) will abrogate and exile the exercise of gods worship , in worde and sacramentes , out of them ; and set vp the abomination of desolation in the places where it ought not ? an ill positive ( for-soothe ) admitting no where a comparatiue . let this clayie age looke backe also to their fore-fathers zeale , and bee ashamed : with their chappels without their houses , and oratories within : with their churches piouslie respected , and their hospitals plenteouslie then doted : the swarms of church-man within townes , lyke baals prophets , sitting at plentifull tables : and those without , lyke aegyptes priestes , aboundantlie provyded for : erecting also daylie , and not , as now , dejecting , religious temples : and , lyke nebuchadnezar , first spoyling the vessels , and treasurie of the temple ; and then razing the edifices thereof : first to be church-robbers , and then , ere they restore , to be church ruinaters . consider also in that flowrishing and reverende neighbour church of ours , where farre lesse parishes are in sundrie partes● and search as narrowlie as labau searched the stuffe of iaakob , if this bee their practise : or anie-where else , where god in mercie hath restored his gospel , to burie the memorie of so manie auncient churches , as iackob buried the strange gods of his house-holde vnder the oak● which is beside sechem . not that anie way i speake against such vniting as is permitted ▪ and clearlie mentionate in that statute of parliament : to wit , vsing the verie words of the act it selfe , where the fruites of anie one alone will not suffice to entertaine a minister : and that the reutes and whole patrimonie thereof are no wayes aunswearable to the portion or qua●titie of fi●e chaulders victuall , or fiue hundreth markes of silver in yearlie commoditie , and value : and where for distance of place , and other lawfull causes , they are not also found incommedious so to bee vnited ( of which sorte there are few , if anie , within the whole kingdome ) but where beside distance of place , and other lawfull causes , why they are imcommodious , fayre parishes and famous benefices are vnited together , the value of the rentes , fruites , and patrimonie of anie one whereof , will exceede farre the meanest fore-sayde proportion : to wit , of fiue chaulders victuall , or fiue hundreth markes silver : yea , equall , and surmount the highest quantitie : to wit , of ten chaulders victuall , or a thousand markes silver ▪ and double , if not triple , the same . where such as these then are coupled together , lyke ratches for a game of hunting , what importeth such a smoothering vnion , but the fore-sayde sadde sequeles ? or what better fruite can such a bitter tree produce , but sowre grapes , to set the teeth on edge ? as moyses then ( sir ) commiserating the estate of the wronged daughters of the priest of midian , who were driven away from the troghs of water , which they had filled to water their fathers flockes : as hee , i say , defended , and brought them backe agayne to those places , and gaue their sheepe refreshment : so ( sir ) pittie the wronged estate in lyke manner of the church in your land : defende it lyke-wyse , and make patent againe the doores of so manie christian temples , shut vp lyke the caues of the canaanite kinges : that comfort againe may bee within them ministred to the lords people ▪ that the flocke of his heritage ( as the prophet speaketh ) may bee fed with the rod of his owne mouth , as in the midst of carmel : and that they may pasture in bafhan , and gilead , as in olde tyme. and as zacharias , the baptists father , tho for a short tyme bee was stricken dumbe , yet as at last his mouth was againe opened , by sensible and cleare speaches to prophesie , and proclayme that horne of salvation , that was raysed out of the house of david ; and d●yspring , which from on high had visited his people israel : so ( sir ) restore in lyke manner , to speach and prophesie againe these dumbe , yea , dead-stricken places of gods sacred worship : that the same gospell may bee as yet published , and that the same tender mercie in them may still bee manifested through all the corners of your land ; to giue light to them that sit in darknesse , and in the shaddow of death , and to guide their feete into the way of peace . or as the whale , how-so-ever shee swallowed vp ionas , disg●●ged him againe vpon the drye land : even so ( sir ) how-so-ever this vniting of churches , throgh the moyen & greed of mē , hath past the true cases of manie wherof were never ( i am perswaded ) clearlie knowne to your honourable commission : i yke a wyse solomon , then , pronounce the sentence of division : and that as the two women which pleaded before him , were each one restored to her owne chylde ; so that everie church may bee restored with a competent mayntenance , to its owne former and primitiue condition : else , it had beene better both for church and kingdome , that , poore as they were , still as yet they had remayned severall . and let not ( sir ) abrahams altar bee as it were 〈…〉 that god should bee left to pleade for himselfe : 〈…〉 that scepter of royall power , which , one after another , for the defence of his cause , hee hath put into your hand . let not christian temples goe downe into your kingdome , which were as the tents of the shepheardes , where the lords well beloved went foorth by the steps of the flocke , and there fed her weake and tender kids , with the spirituall food of the bread of lyfe . especiallie where greater neede is to put vp moe . neyther let the watch-men , which goe about the citie , of whom the spouse in the canticles seeketh h●r direction , where shee may finde him whom her soule loveth , bee diminished in number , where there is more necessitie they should bee augmented . let not na●ash his enter-pryse come also now-a-dayes in practise : where two eyes are to pull out the one : and bring a shame so vpon the lords israel . neyther let the barking dogs bee remooved from the lords flockes : except thereby wee would please the devouring wolues . but let the walles of hierusalem still bee going vp , maugre all opposition : repare the ruines of your church restore the rapines thereof : and in the well ordered house of god , let the levites , beeing restored to their portions , bee reponed also , and set in their places : who may reade in the booke of the law of god distinctlie , and giue the sense , and make the people to vnderstand the same : that so your god may remember you still in goodnesse , and not wype out your kyndnesse , which you haue showne vpon his house , & vpon the officers thereof . amen . finis . the poores complaynt , for a just redresse of the ruine of hospitalls . no sooner ( dread soveraygne ) was the voyce of the turtle heard in our land ( as the spouse speaketh in the canticles ) or did the gospell of grace make a goshen ; but as soone was that speach , vp , moab , to the spoyle , put in speedie practise ; and ( as the name of the prophets sonne was ) li●e speedie robbers , they were swift to the prey : so that the zeale of god's house ( with david ) did not eate them vp ; but their zeale did eate vp the lord's house , while as they hungered , not for the good , but the goods of the church , and made the lords patrimonie to bee lyke the baptist , who said of himselfe , me aportet ●inni . neyther were they content to doe so to the lords embassadours , as hanun did in curtayling the garments of davids servants , and making the church ( as the prophet speaketh ) lyke a widow left to the spoyle ; but the verie hospitall oratories , where the poore members of christ were placed and planted , comforted and relieved , haue not escaped their supplanting , and ●apacious devouring : so that what former pittie and pietie did in endowing such places , latter impietie hath done cleane contrarie , in vndoing thereof . not remembring that speach of holie augustine , si sterilitas in ignem mittitur , rapacitas quid meretur ? & si qui sua non dedit semper ardebit , quid recipiet ille qui aliena abstulit ? yea , not onlie haue they robbed christ iesus more cruellie of his coat than those roman souldiours who did cast lots thereon , but also for extinguishing the memorie of such mortifications , vpon these verie houses to which they did belong . they haue practised that speach of edom , raze them , raze them , even to the foundation , making cursed iericho of such blessed places , which was sacked , and sowne with salt , and which is so evident in the trueth thereof thorow the land , that in place of proofe , it needes rather reproofe , and forceth this humble addresse to your majestie at this tyme for a speedie redresse . consider then ( sacred sir ) how horrible a sinne this is , which cryes so in gods eares for revenge , and in yours for reparation , what ingratitude is it to god , what stayne to the gospel , how ignominious to this nation , injurious to the poore , hurtfull to themselues , scandalous to others , prejudiciall to posteritie , and in a word , everie way damnable . and as david when hee came to his kingdome for the kyndnesse that hee found at the hands of ionathan , kythed his thankfull affection to his sonne whom hee left behinde him , poore lame mephibosheth : even so ( sir ) seeing the lord hath advanced your royall majestie , and brought you safelie to your natiue kingdome , for this kyndnesse of his to you , show your thankfull affection to the poore , leane and lame members of christ iesvs , whom hee hath left behinde him in his stead to his second comming : and remember that the cry of their robberie and oppression cryes to your sacred majestie , as the saved thiefe did to christ on the crosse , saying , lord remember mee when thou commest ●o thy kingdome . and at worthie and wyse salomon , at his entrie of sweying the scepter of royall authoritie , redressed both prudentlie and powerfullie the wrong that was done to the true mother of the living chylde , which was theftuouslie interchanged and stollen away from her , and a dead chylde left in its rowme : even so ( sir ) let this distressed mother that pleanes and pleades now before you finde the lyke comfort , even those nurseries of the poore , piouslie founded , but impiouslie subverted and confounded , which cry now and craue to bee restored to that which theftuouslie in lyke manner hath beene taken from them , and nothing at all left , in the towme thereof , no , not so much as the emptie walles of their habitations . neyther let such a guilt ( sir ) lye on your land , nor stayne on the gospell , that the church should not onlie be seene sacrilegiouslie robbed of her due patrimonie ; but also beside the vintage of abiezer , that the verie gleanings of boaz , or ephraim , should not bee left ; & not onlie the childrens bread taken away ; but , not so much left as the verie crumbes of the poores almes vnsnatched vp greedilie . indeede , the lord , these manie yeares bygone , hath continued with vs the gospel of peace ; and , with it , an happie peace and plentie ; the comfort of the one , and commoditie of the other : and shall hee be● so requyted for all that hee hath done to his vineyard ; that in place of the sweete fruit of the workes of charitie , hee shall finde the sowre grapes of the workes of crueltie ? and lyke the sinne of the sons of eli , shall the lords . offering , by such rapacitie , bee abhorred , to cause fearfull wrath at last seaze on your land ? and shall this not bee showne to our zealous soveraigne ? hath not th●s caused the taunting obloquie of the adversarie , that o●r profession is not onlie a solitidian religion , but that our fayth ( lyke pharaos leane kye ) hath devoured the fat of the fruites of the charitie of others , which should haue beene adorned and perfected by our owne , to others ? hence is it that our good●est profe ●ours are sayde to b●e ( and are too well seene ) most powerfull onlie lyke the load-stone in the attractiue facultie ; skilfull in the ablattue , but ignorant in the datiue case ; arithmeticians onlie in s●●●traction from god , to make vp an addition to themselue , whose heartes are as nabals , or dives , destitute of pittie , and whose hands are as hopb●ies flesh-hooks , nimble in rapacitie : but as ieroboame arme , dryed vp , and destitute of charitie . it was the former glorie ( sir ) of your natiue kingdome , that no nation did over-match it ( according , yea beyond the power thereof ) in statelie erections , and rich endowments of religio is places : but now her glorie is turned to her shame ; while as the eye of the most curious survey shall not in anie countrey or kingdome , round about , beholde so manie religious places and hospitalls promisc●o●slie demolished ; as in this our nation ▪ and not onlie christs patrimonie devoured , appointed for his worship ; but the poores also , ordained for their comfort : whereby those who should bee in these places supported , and relieved ( like a●no● , looking leaner from day to day ) are now forced in their feeble strayings , and bedfast starvings , to poste vp such groanes , & grievances , to the throne of iustice , as may be fittest pleaders of their cause , & playners on their wrong . this is the cause ( sir ) of such desolation in the land , and that it staggereth and reeleth to and froe , lyke a drunken man. this is the cause why so manie auncient and noble houses draw neare the period of vtter exterminion : and that the lyne of desolation is spread over them , and the stones of emptinesse are to bee found in them . this is the cause that such a visible curse is seene to follow vpon the eating of the fruit of this forbidden tree . for assuredlie the lords portion will bee vnto them , and their estates , as that worme which was at the roote of ionas gourd , which caused a speedie fading , and finall decay , like achans ex●crable thing , which was his ruine , and his whole families : or as the arke to the philistines which never ceased to plague them , till it was sent backe to the right owners . and as iacob supplanted esau , the holie thing will be ever the supplanter of the vnholie v●urper : the bread of deceit will turne into gravell in the mouth : and tho stollen waters be sweet , yet like the accursed water to the guiltie partie , although they cause swelling of their rents at first , yet they shall bring vpon them a consumption at last . but fearfuller shall be their dittie hereafter , when christs words not onely of , non pavistis , but pabul●m abstulistis , shall bee prono●nced against them : and most fearfull shall be their doome of e●e●nall damnation , which like that threatning against the house of eli , shall make their eares to tingle ; and make them more dreadfullie astonished , than ever was balthassar . the imprecation whereof is set downe as the sententiall and vsuall clause and clausule of such mortifications ▪ saving thus ▪ and as from eball thundring , if any shall take away , or apply to any other vse , that which i haue mortified and bequeathed to the indigent , ( as i hope none will dare ever to attempt ) let him be anathema , and let his count be without mercie at the dreadfull day of iudgement , when hee shall compeare and receiue his doome at the hand of the iudge both of heaven and earth , to whom i dedicate the same . this ( sir ) is the cause likewise why so few new erections of such places are in the countrey , or charitable dotations , out of mens devotion , while as they see how the liberall donations of others , and pious erected hospitals are so grosselie devoured and ruinated remedilesse : and thereby vehementlie suspect , yea , assuredlie expect , that it would no otherwise fare with that which they would in like manner out of pittie and pietie ●rogate and consecrate to god. neither haue laicks onely had their hands in this cursed crime , but levi hath also joyned with simeon , to be brethren in evill ▪ and both haue linked together , as sampsons foxes , to waste the lords field : so that iudas , quid mihi dabitis , et ego tradam e●m ? hath not died with him : but without sense , or shame , hath bene the manner of latter bargaining by his soule-lesse successors ; their conscience being more leper than the bodie of g●b●zi : & a more dreadfull judgement abyding such , no● that for the receiving of the gift from nama● : for as lamech sayd to his wiues , so may i , if this horrible crime in laicks be avenged seavenfolde , doubtless● in such who should be trumpets , to cry aloude against the same , and should be preservers of such places , it will bee avenged seaventie folde . and be he of what degree soever , who for bribe , 〈◊〉 favour , like iudas , or pilat , hath betrayed or delivered christ i● his poore members , and their rights , to the barbarous and crue●● hands of those who haue canniball-like devoured them , with iudas and pilat , such should be justlie repute to haue no place in so holy , a ministration , and may with them feare the like woe and judgement . let not then ( sir ) your land herein be an aceldama , or the blood of the poore ( like that of abels ) cry still against the same for vengeance . deliver your subjects from such a fearfull curse : & cause their mawes ( like the belly of ionas whale ) to disgorge the poores portion , who haue swallowed vp the same , that ( as iob sayes of himselfe ) the blessing of him who was readie to perish , may come vpon you , and yee may cause the hearts of the poo●● to sing for joy . put on righteousnesse then , and let it cloathe you , iudgement , & let it be a robe & a diademe vnto you : be eyes to the blind , & feet to the lame : and the cause of the poore , which yee know not , search it out . for it is your part ( sir ) to purge th● land of such blood-guiltinesse , and to make a straite inquisition with ioshua , concerning the execrable thing : to break the jaw●● of the wicked , and to plucke the spoyle out of their teeth , and to the poore at this time to leaue a blessed memoriall behinde you 〈◊〉 so may yee promise to your selfe , that yee shall die in your 〈◊〉 & multiplie your dayes as the sand : your root also shall spread● out by the waters , and the dew shall lye all night vpon you● branch : your glorie , in like manner , shall bee fresh in you , and your bow shall bee renewed in your hand : and amongst all the titles of honour & dignitie , which the lord hath multiplied ▪ & heaped vpon your sacred majestie , this shall not bee the leas● wherewith your royal grandsire , of blessed memorie , was styled ▪ to bee called , the poore mans king . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02351-e140 genes . 49.14 . daniel , 5. iudg. 16. deut. 22.10 . nehem. 13 gen. 26.18 psalm . 23. exod. 2.11 iudg. 12. num. 16.31 . gen. 41.17 math. 13 . 1● . 2. sam. 7. genes . 25. micah . 7.3 1 pastors made fewer . genes . 37. 2 advantage to seducers . 2. sam. 24. cant. 2.15 . matth. 9.37 . exod. 1.10 3 colledges hurt . gen. 49.7 . 4 parents discouraged . 5 the countrey harmed . psal. 137.7 . levit. 14.41 . cic. de divi . lib. 1. ioshua , 7. 2. sam. 18. luke , 7. agg. 2. 6 civilitie hindred . ruth , 1.16 . 1. pet. 2.17 . 7 poore people and subjectes , both miseased , & scandalized . gen. 9.22 . 2. sam. 16. 1. sam. 1.21 . luk. 2.41 . ioshua , 23. acts , 16. matth. 9.36 . mark. 8.2 . prov. 3.9 . genes . 42. luk. 9.33 . acts , 26. polion . lib. 1. strat . ier. 2.9 . dan. 8 . 1● . 1. king. 18 genes . 47 ▪ 2. chron. 36. genes . 31. genes . 35. exod. 2.19 ioshua ▪ 10 micah , 4.14 . luke . 1. ionas , 8. gen. 13.5 . iudg. 6.30 ca●● . 1.7 . ca●● . 3.3 . 1. sam. 11. nehem. 8.8 . nehem. 13.14 . notes for div a02351-e3300 cant. 2.12 iob 19.13 14 , &c. state-divinity, or, a supplement to the relaps'd apostate wherein is prosecuted the discovery of the present design against the king, the parliament, and the publick peace, in notes upon some late presbyterian pamphlets / by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1661 approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47922) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65718) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 360:15) state-divinity, or, a supplement to the relaps'd apostate wherein is prosecuted the discovery of the present design against the king, the parliament, and the publick peace, in notes upon some late presbyterian pamphlets / by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. relaps'd apostate. [9], 61, [2], 7 p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1661. dedication has separate t.p. and paging. reproduction of original in rutgers university library. "to the right honorable edvvard earl of clarendon ... the humble apology of roger l'estrange" ([2], 7 p. at end) is lacking on film. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism. church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion state-divinity ; or a supplement to the relaps'd apostate . wherein is prosecuted the discovery of the present design against the king , the parliament , and the publick peace : in notes upon some late presbyterian pamphlets , by roger l'estrange . mon eant vos utriusque fortunae documenta , nè contumaciam cum pernicie , quam obsequium cum securitate malitis ; tacit. hist. lib. 4. london , printed for henry brome , at the gun in ivy-lane . m. dc . lxi . preface . he that troubles himself , because he cannot please others , doubtlesse wants either brains , or business : he shall live miserable , and dye with an apology betwixt his teeth . i think i am here upon my duty ; and till the king says hold , i 'll follow it , ( to whose authority , i ow my breath , as well as my obedience . ) the presbyterian faction ( under the notion of the commission'd divines ) have of late scattered several libels , reflecting dishonourably upon his sacred majesty , — the church , — parliamentary power , — this parliament in being ; — and in fine , arguing from the justice of the late war , the lawfulness of another . to the first of four , i return'd an answer , under the title of the relaps'd apostate : this supplement , was particularly occasion'd by one of the other three , entitled two papers of proposals to his majesty , wherein their designs upon the publick peace are more avow'd , and open , then in the rest. should these seditious papers pass un-controul'd , 't would make either their party ; or their arguments seem more considerable then they are . i will not foul my paper , with the extravagancies of their rage against me ; but in their intervals , ( that is , when they are as sober , as other people are when they are mad. ) thus they object against my pamphlet ; there 's too much fooling in 't : and too much railing , ( they do well to vilifie what they cannot answer . ) they are to know , that my design was to expose their practices , and arguments to the people ; toward whom , whoever sauces not his earnest with a tang of fooling , misses his marque ; fot 't is not less necessary to make a faction ridiculous , then hateful ; their power is then gone too ; and then they are lost ; whereas they 'd make a shift without the peoples love. for rayling ; i confess i was never taught in the presbyterian-school ; — where they call foul things by fine names . sometimes perhaps i call their combination , ( as the law christen'd it ) treason : — spilling of innocent bloud ; — murther . taking away an honest mans estate , robbery . rifling of churches , sacrilege , &c. — they have indeed a cleanlier idiome for these matters . a treacherous confederacy they call a holy covenant . murther forsooth , is justice upon delinquents . notorious robbery , passes for sequestration . rifling of churches , is but demolishing of the high-places . was the murther of the late king ever the less execrable , because the scaffold was hung with black ? the bloudy reformation ever the less impious , because 't was dress'd up with texts , and covenants ? or judas the less treacherous for doing his business with a kiss ? whether is the greater shame : for them to act these crimes , or for us , to name them ? let no converted , honest presbyterian take this to himself , which is intended only to the guilty . decemb. 4. 1661. state-divinity : or a supplement to the relaps'd apostate . he that disputes the presbyterian claim , does the question more honour then he does himself : yet for their simple sakes that believe iustice goes always with the cry , and measure reason by the bulk ; the holy discipline has received many a fair confutation . silenc'd it is not ; for though the brethren have nothing to say , they talk on still , and truly to make iohn calvin speak in his grave , were not much harder then to make any of his disciples hold their tongues while they are alive . a man sleeps over their arguments , they are so flat , and spiritlesse ; and i 'm scarce well awake yet , since my last answer to them , so that till i hear something back again , i hold my self discharg'd even upon that account , from any further search into the controversie . in truth , as the case stands , to controvert their government , were to begin at the wrong end ; we 'll take a nearer cut , and challenge them , first , as criminals against the state : when they have avoided that charge , we 'll deal with them again upon the point of conscience . their charge shall be plain and short. they invade the kings authority : — the setled law : — and the power of parliaments . they affront the parliament now sitting : — threaten the publique peace : iustifie the rebellion of 1 6 4 1. and provoke another . — here 't is , in brief , and we 'll run it over in as good order as we can . first , they invade the kings authority . they indict fasts ; — disclaim the soveraign power in things indifferent ; and without warrant or pretence , they vilifie , and cast out the establish'd form of the church , and make another : but this they 'll tell ye is the language of the sons of scandal : we 'll strike it off the score then ; and try the babes of grace by a iury of the holy tribe . they can but ask to be both parties and iudges , and that we 'll grant them . the able teachers shall sit upon the faithful pastors : — r. shall try b. — e. c. — t. m. — w. i. hear now the words of the reformed and reforming crew , to his sacred majesty . [ a ] whether the covenant were lawfully imposed or not . [ b ] we are assured from the nature of a vow to god , and from the case of saul , zedekiah , and others , that it would be a terrible thing of us to violate it on that pretence . [ c ] though we are far from thinking that it obligeth us to any evil , or to go beyond our places and callings to do good , much less to resist authority ( to which it doth oblige us ) yet doth it undoubtedly bind us to forbear our own consent to those luxuriances of church-government which we there renounced , and for which no divine institution can be pretended . [ d ] not presuming to meddle with the consciences of those many of the nobility and gentry , and others , that adhered to his late majesty in the late unhappy wars , who at their composition took this vow and covenant . we only crave your majesties clemency to our selves and others , who believe themselves to be under its obligations . and god forbid that we that are the ministers of the word of truth should do any thing to encourage your majesties subjects to cast off the conscience of an oath . [ e ] till the covenant was decried as an almanack out of date , and its obligation taken to be null , that odious fact could never have been perpetrated against your royal father , nor your majesty have been so long expulsed from your dominions . and the obligation of the covenant upon the consciences of the nation , was not the weakest instrument of your return . [ f ] we therefore humbly beseech your majesty ( with greater importunity than we think we should do for our lives ) that you would have mercy on the souls and consciences of your people , and will not suffer us to be tempted to the violation of such solemn vows , and this for nothing , when an expedient is before you that will avoid it , without any detriment to the church ; nay , to its honour and advancement . the very ink , is but the soul of presbytery , distill'd : and tinctur'd with the spirit of fraud , and disobedience . we 'll taste it , drop , by drop . [ a ] vvhether the covenant were lawfully imposed , or not , &c. note i. a doubtful point indeed : — a very pretty , and a pleasant question left unresolv'd , when by an act of this sitting parliament the institution's damn'd , and the final decision of the case committed to the common hangman . well : forward . [ b ] vve are assur'd from the nature of a vow to god ; and from the case of saul , zedekiah , and others , that it would be a terrible thing to us to violate it on that pretence . ] note ii. marque now the miserable shift these people make ; how ignorant they are even in their own trade : for , art there is in dawbing . they must not violate the covenant , upon protence of vnlawful institution . ] the question is not here ; the lawfulness , or vnlawfulness of the power imposing ; but the liberty of the party swearing , as to the drift , and subject of the oath . suppose the enforcers of the covenant , had press'd a general oath upon the nation obliging every man only to wash his hands before he went to dinner . the imposition had been vnlawful : — as the act of an vsurping power . the taking of it had been unlawful likewise , as , in some measure , an allowance of that usurpation : — yet having sworn to do a thing , at my own choyce to do , or let alone , till i had bound my self to do it , that oath 's obliging ; yet not so binding , but by a subsequent command from the supreme , and legal magistrate that obligation may be cancell'd . the reason's this. i cannot dispose of anothers right ; of my own i may . my oath cannot operate beyond my power , and freedom ; so far as i am free , it binds me , but where my superiour thinks fit to determine that freedom , the bond ceases . parentes ( says amesius ) mariti , domini , principes , irrita pronunciare possunt , vel iuramenta , vel vota , à filiis , vxoribus , servis , subditis facta , sine ipsorum consensu , in iis rebus , quae ipsorum potestati subiiciuntur . ] fathers , husbands , masters , and princes , may disengage their children , wives , servants , and subjects , from what oaths or vowes-soever contracted without their consent , touching matters subjected to their authority . now to their cases of saul , and zedekiah : the former whereof is of so wilde an application , i know not what they drive at in it ; the other i confess is a little more perspicuously beside the purpose . in our case , the people enter into a covenant , without , and against the king ; what passage in the story of saul our reformers intend for a match to this , i cannot imagine . saul binds the people by an oath to fast till evening ; ( 1 sam. 14. 24. ) ionathan knowing nothing of the oath tasts a little hony ( v. 27. ) saul for this resolves to put ionathan to death ; ( v. 44. ) and the people rescue him . what 's this to us ? wee 'll try again . ionathan and david made a covenant : 1 sam. 18. 3. ( no scotch covenant i hope ) the business was this ; david had newly kill'd the philistim , and ionathan transported with the bravery of the person , and the action , strikes a league of friendship with him . davids victory being celebrated in a popular and triumphal song , that [ saul had slain his thousand , and david his ten thousand ] from that day forward ( says the text ) saul had an eye upon david . 1 sam. 18. 9. ] ionathan acquaints david with his fathers evil purpose , david minds ionathan of his covenant of friendship . ( 1 sam. 20. 8. ) and in the 42. verse of the same chapter , the covenant is explayn'd . [ ionathan said to david , go in peace : that which we have sworn both of us in the name of the lord , ( saying , the lord be between thee and me , and between thy seed , and my seed ; ) lot it stand for ever . ] thus far , there 's no proportion ; the one is a personal covenant , extending onely to matter of kindness ; the other is a publique league , of opposition , and of violence . since this is nothing to our business , it must be that which follows , or nothing at all : now see the sequele ; which , if any thing , makes the case worse . david flees ( chap. 22. ) and a malecontented party gathers to him . saul hunts him ; ionathan finds him in the wood , and comforts him , saying fear not , for the hand of saul my father shall not find thee . ( here 's no resistance . ) so they twain made a covenant before the lord &c. ] during the league betwixt this pair of noble friends , david asks counsel of the lord in all his publique actions ; [ shall i go and smite the philistins ? ] ( chapt. 23. verse 2. ) and the lord answer'd david , go and smite the philistines , and save keilah . ] david discomfits the philistines , and saves keilah : saul marches towards him , david again applies himself to god to know if the men of keilah would deliver him up or no ? it was returned , they would . so david fled , and afterward had saul twice at his mercy , whom as the lords anointed , he still feared to touch . i have here trac'd the story at length , and now let the reformers chuse what use they 'll make of it . this part of scripture has been often tortur'd in favour of the late rebellion , but for the covenant , they might as well have quoted an indenture ; so that either the reformers business is to justifie the quarrel , or to abuse the bible . concerning the case of zedekiah , take it in short . ierusalem was taken by the king of babel , and zedekiah carried away prisoner , his eyes being first put out by nebuchadnezzar . zedekiah rebelled ( says the text ) against the king of babel , ( 2 kings 24. 29. ) who made him king in the stead of iehojakim , his vncle , who was carried away in captivity from jerusalem , to babel . the provocations to that iudgement are found at large in the prophet ieremiah , to be these ; idolatry , rebellion , and breach of covenant : but breach of covenant is the question , and zedekiah's the case . agreed . 13. thus saith the lord , the god of israel , i made a covenant with your fathers in the day that i brought them forth out of the land of aegypt , out of the house of bondmen , saying ; 14. at the end of seven years , let ye go every man his brother , an hebrew , which hath been sold unto thee ; and when he hath served thee six years , thou shalt let him go free from thee : but your fathers harkened not unto me , neither inclined their ear . 15. and ye were now turned , and had done right in my sight , in proclaiming liberty every man to his neighbour , and ye had made a covenant before me in the house which is called by my name . 16. but ye turned and polluted my name , and caused every man his servant , and every man his handmaid , whom ye had set at liberty at their pleasure , to return , and brought them into subjection , to be unto you for servants , and for handmaids . 17. therefore thus saith the lord , ye have not harkened unto me , in proclaiming liberty every one to his brother , &c. — 21. and zedekiah king of judah , and his princes will i give into the hand of their enemies , and into the hand of them that seek their life , and into the hand of the king of babylons army . now here 's the case : god having made a covenant with the israelites , king zedekiah makes a covenant with the people , for the performance of that covenant . breach of faith was the sin that drew on their grievous punishment . can our covenanters now shew us a text for the scottish discipline ? or that the late king entred into covenant with the people to observe it ? can our iudaising brethren shew us but a levitical law yet for our money ? or dare they but pretend , that the iurors understood what they swore to do ? in short , here 's the difference , they covenanted to observe a levitical constitution , and ours covenanted to destroy the fifth commandement . there is another covenant mention'd in the prophet ezekiel , which is much fitter for their case : the covenant of the rebellious house , that after oath and covenant of allegiance to the king of babel , rebelled , and sent embassadors into aegypt , ( scotland i had like to have said ) that they might give him ( zedekiah ) horses , and much people , &c. ] that blessed combination , and our covenant are of a family . i have been large upon these precedents ; to shew how grosly they abuse the very word of god : and truly 't is no wonder , for those people to discover antichrist in a ceremony , that can draw arguments for rebellion out of the bible . they proceed . [ c ] though we are far from thinking that it obligeth us to any evil , or to go beyond our places and callings to do good , much less to resist authority ( to which it doth oblige us ) yet doth it undoubtedly bind us to forbear our own consent to those luxuriances of church-government , which we there renounced , and for which no divine institution can be pretended . ] note . iii. these words would have look'd better from a pagan oracle , then from a gospel-ministry . let any man either say what they can mean , but mischief ; or name that mischief which ( for ought we know ) they may not intend . what was that covenant which these people so much reverence , even in the infamous ashes , but an oath of anti-canonical obedience , and of anti-monarchical allegiance ? a religious abjuration of the king and the church . — a perjury , consecrated in the pulpit ; — a league asserted by bloudy hands , and fire and sword were their best arguments . in summe ; what that covenant produc'd . these men intend : they own as much , and 't were ill manners to contradict them . nay they adore the very reliques of the martyr'd idol . they will not go beyond their places , and callings . ] so said the solemn fopp it self : and under that pretext , pray'ye how far went they ? for they profess so far they 'll go again . a thorough reformation is their business then . that is to say , could they but pack a presbyterian house of commons ( which the sovereign people should call a parliament ) to reform the state , they 'd undertake the ordering of the church themselves , and there 's the thorough-reformation . if this be not a justification of the last rebellion , and a fair step toward another , i understand not english. they say the covenant does not oblige them to any evil . ] but in the covenant-sense that 's good , which in a legal , and common sense is evil . make them the judges once again , and they shall think another war as lawful , as they did the former . they will not resist authority neither . ] ( they say ) so they told us of old , but they misplac'd it shrewdly . 't is but taking his majesties authority into the faction , and throwing his person into a prison again , and that flaw is made up too . now if a man had lilly's devil ; — for none but a presbyterian familiar is able to help us out . — much less to resist authority , ( to which it doth oblige us , &c. ) the question here , is how to understand the parenthesis : whether they mean that the covenant obliges them to authority , or to resist it , i am a traytor if i comprehend them . we come now , to the binding part of the covenant . they must not consent ( say they ) to those luxuriances of church-government which they there , renounc'd , &c. ] if they must not consent , may they not let them alone ? no , no , they 'll tell us , 't is their calling to reform them . i demand , will they consent to the civil government , then ? if they do that ; the law provides a punishment for such medling reformers , and 't is in vain to think of setling presbytery , before they have ( effectually ) destroy'd monarchy . but these gentlemen know the way to confusion , without a guide . by their [ luxuriances ] they understand , prelates , and all appendents to the hierarchy . these they have renounc'd , they say , and by their covenant they are still obliged to make good their disclaim . this boldness requires rather the severity of the law , then dint of argument : 'to preferr a schismatical league to an act of parliament : — the skumm of the people to the supreme authority of the nation . let the gravest of their galloping lecturers answer me onely to this one question , where lies the last appeal ; according to the constitution of england ? if in the king ; ( as what honest man doubts it ) they are iudg'd already , let them be quiet . if in the parliament , they are over-rul'd there too ; — the covenant's gone . if in the people , why do they contradict themselves , and petition his majesty ? if in the presbyterian pastors ; why do they supplicate the bishops ? as to the point of divine institution , 't is worn thrid-bare . but where 's the divine institution of a white-cap under a black ! of a cloak in a pulpit ? of reviling bishops ? and speaking evil of dignities : of the heart-breaking humm's and haws , and the doleful tunes they teach in ? their next period is a bobb to the cavaliers : let the brethren make their best on 't . [ d ] not presuming to meddle with the consciences of those many of the nobility , and gentry , and others , that adhered to his late majesty in the late unhappy wars : who at their camposition took the vow and covenant . we only crave your majesties clemency to our selves and others , who believe themselves to be under its obligations . and god forbid that we that are the ministers of the word of truth should do any thing to encourage your majesties subjects to cast off the conscience of an oath . ] note . iv. marque the transcendent confidence , and weakness of these people . they will not meddle with the cavaliers consciences , that took the covenant . ] did they not meddle with them neither to make them take it ? they put them to this choyce , either to swear , or sterve ; and in that desperate extremity , divers submited to their accursed covenant . 't is true they did , and they are bound to a repentance for 't . but what 's the portion then of those impenitents that were the barbarous enforcers of it ? were lucifer himself incarnate , and a subject , would he not blush to treat his sovereign with their arguments ? observe . they mind the king how bloodily they used his friends by the obligation of that covenant , by which they likewise ruin'd his royal father : and in the same breath , they desire his majesty to believe that all was matter of conscience : they plead , the covenant's not discharg'd ; and in effect they fairly tell their gracious sovereign , that they are oblig'd to do now as they did before . now see the weakness of these people ; while they begg this , they stir the strongest provocation , and most unanswerable reason to deny it . they labour to involve all in an equal guilt , and to confound the lewdest villenies in nature , with common frailties . but here , a word to all sorts of people that ever took their covenant . some knew not what they did , and were to blame to swear they knew not what . let those of that from ask themselves , if ever they intended by that vow , to raise a war against the king , and overturn the church . they are now free , and pardon'd , and if they are not mad , they 'll say their prayers , and be quiet . such as engag'd through faction , malice , or ambition ; i have little to say to their consciences . methinks , if the kings mercy cannot make them honest , experience should make them wise : but they are dangerous people to deal with , we 'll to the next . a third sort there is , that to save their stakes , sate still , and look'd on . those cannot but abhor the very thought of repeating what they did , and suffered : especially in agreement with these persons , that now declare the covenant against the late king , to be binding against this . ( for that 's the logique on 't . ) there are a fourth sort , that having engaged their lives and estates in the king's service , sank by the fortune of the warre , and being left a naked prey to an insulting and merciless enemy , were forc'd to sad conditions for their bread , and families . now in requital for the plagues they have brought upon us already ; they are soliciting for leave to make us yet more miserable , and to have us declared for villains by an allowance of their treasons : a thing impossible for so generous a prince , to grant , but wondrous easie for so imperious a faction to demand . and who are the petitioners all this while , but most of them the old stagers ? a man would think 't were time now , for their reverences to give over their jugling divinity ; — their quailpiping in a pulpit to catch silly women ; — and fall at last to their prayers in earnest . but god forbid ( they cry ) that the ministers of the word of truth , should do any thing to encourage his majesties subjects to cast off the conscience of an oath . ] let the heads that are gone blush for those they have left behind them . the conscience of an oath , do they say ? let the three nations rise against them ; and tell how many hundred thousand persons these hypocrites have forc't to swear against their profess'd consciences . but drive it homer yet . this is to say , that all that acted in the late war according to the covenant , are bound to do the same things over again . there is a huge deal of folly in this assertion , and as it seems to me , a spice of treason . does it not encourage the people to adhore to a rebellious princple ? there is ( says the lord st. albans ) a thing in an indictment , called an inuvendo , you must take head how you becken , or make signs upon the king in a dangerous sense . ] this is a shrew'd beacken as i take it , to excite a tumult to justifie a rebellious vow , and oppose a pedantique libell to an act of parliament . [ e ] till the covenant was decryed as an almanack out of date , and its obligation taken to be null , that odious fact could never have been perpetrated against your royal father , nor your majesty have been so long expulsed from your dominions . and the obligation of the covenant upon the consciences of the nation , was not the weakest instrument of your return . ] note . v. that odious fact they speak of , was the kings murther ; which they that shot at him , were not less guilty of , then that monster , that sever'd his sacred head from his body . 't is the consent that makes the sin ; hitting or missing does not one jote after the quality of the action . but has any man the face to mention loyalty , and the covenant , in the same day ? the marquis of montross was murther'd , expresly for his loyalty to the king as a desertour of the covenant , and by a publique ordinance 't was made death for any man to serve his majesty having first taken the covenant . they that first voted war against the king , were every whit as criminal , as that mock-court of iustice that condemn'd him . in fine , the independents murther'd charles stuart but the presbyterians kill'd the king . what is a prince without his negative voice ? the power of life and death , and the militia ? that is , what is a king , without the essentials of royalty ; but a mere name , and property ? but till the covenant was decry'd , as an old almanack , and the obligation taken for null , we are to take for granted , all went well ; and so far our reformers plead the covenant binding still . was not the last king persecuted , dethron'd , robb'd , &c. — according to the covenant ? so by the consequence of the reformers doctrine , may this king be treated likewise . nor had his majesty been so long expulsed , they say . ] go to then ; let these gentlemen produce ( from first to last of the quarrel ) any proposals from the presbyterian party ( in power ) either to his majesty , or his late blessed father , that are not worse then banishment . and for the covenants bringing in the king : — they hung it up , and ●●ew'd his name in 't , to gull the people with it , as they had done before . did they not after this , exclude both from the next convention , and the militia , all the kings actual adherents , and their sons , to get the power once more into the hands of their own faction ? but the next choyce prov'd other then they expected , and when they saw they could not hinder his majesty , they seem'd to help him . these are distastful stories , but 't is the pleasure of the reforming faction to move the dispute ; and by a needess challenge , and appeal , to affront the law , the king , and all that serv'd him , in opposition to their covenant . if they are in the right , ( as they proclaim they are ) then consequently wee are traytors , and our gracious master is no king. i do but take up the defensive , and i hope a cavalier may say hee 's honest yet , though some will have it dangerous to say hee 's poor : reserving still a true respect , and kindness for all such presbyterians as love his majesty , whom i consider as select persons , and distinguished from the notion of the party . it were a good deed now to give the world a tast of a covenanting spirit : and truly i 'll venture at it . he is a rabbi too i assure ye ; one that gives bishops , ceremonies , and common-prayer no quarter ; no , nor his majesty neither , but that he has the grace ( as sir francis bacon says ) to speak seditious matter in parables , or by tropes , or examples . ] in fine , the gentleman is a reformer , of the first rank . upon sept. 24. 1656. he preached before the parliament , ( as they call'd it ) upon this text : [ kiss the son , left he be angry ] pag. 23. you may find these words , if you can find him , and if you cannot , i can . worthy patriots , you that are our rulers in this parliament , 't is often said , we live in times wherein we may be as good as we please : wherein we enjoy in purity and plenty the ordinances of iesus christ. praysed be god for this , even that god who hath delivered us from the imposition of prelatical innovations , altar-genuflections and cringings , with crossings , and all that popish trash and trumpery . and truly ( i speak no more then what i have often thought & said ) the removal of those insupportable burdens countervails for the blood and treasure shed and spent in these late distractions . ( nor did i as yet ever hear of any godly men that desired , were it possible , to purchase their friends or money again , at so dear a rate , as with the return of these , to have those soul-burdning , antichristian yokes re-imposed upon us : and if any such there be , i am sure that desire is no part of their godliness , and i professe my self in that to be none of the number . the odious fact ( they talk of ) was already perpetrated , yet does this gentleman professe , that to redeem the life of our martyr'd sovereign , and gather up again all the christian bloud had been spilt , ( if it were possible ) he would not do it , to have prelates , and ceremonies where they were again . here 's covenant-divinity for you : the gospel of our new evangelists : and this divine is now one of the eminent sticklers against bishops . if any man say 't was conscience , i could tell him a tale of a certain petition : but wee 'll scatter no words . while my hand 's in , take one more ; a publique preacher now in the town too , and a troubler of the church-government . upon novemb. 29. 1648. he preach'd before the commons , and press'd the murther of his sacred majest in these words . think not to save your selves by an unrighteous saving of them ; who are the lords and the peoples known enemies . you may not imagine to obtain the favour of those against whom you will not do iustice ; for certainly , if ye act not like gods in this particular , against men truly obnoxious to iustice , they will be like devils against you . observe that place , 1 kings 22. 31. compared with chap. 20. it is said in chap. 20. that the king of syria came against israel , and by the mighty power of god , he and his army were overthrown , and the king was taken prisoner . now the mind of god was ( which he then discovered onely by that present providence ) that justice should have been executed upon him , but it was not ; whereupon , the prophet comes with ashes upon his face , and waited for the king of israel in the way where he should return ; and as the king passed by , he cryed unto him , thus saith the lord , because thou hast let go a man whom i appointed for destruction , therefore thy life shall go for his life . now see how the king of syria , after this , answers ahab's love : about three years after israel and syria engage in a new war , and the king of syria , gives command unto his souldiers , that they should fight neither against small nor great , but against the king of israel . benhadads life was once in ahabs hand , and he ventured gods displeasure to let him go : but see how benhadad rewards him for it , fight neither against small nor great , but against the king of israel . honourable and worthy , if god do not lead you to do iustice upon those that have been the great actors in shedding innocent bloud , never think to gain their love by sparing of them ; for they will , if opportunity be ever offered , return again upon you ; and then they will not fight against the poor and mean ones , but against those that have been the fountain of that authority and power whih have been improved against them . it is no wonder to find rebellion in a nation where murther and treason are the dictates of the pulpit : — where surplices are scandals , and such discourses , none ; and where the kings murtherers passe for gods ministers . i know how close this freedom sticks to some that have a power to do me mischief ; and i forecast the worst that can befall me for it : wherefore , whatever it be , i 'm not surpriz'd , for i expect it . but to proceed . [ f ] we therefore humbly beseech your majesty ( with greater importunity then we think we should do for our lives ) that you would have mercy on the souls and consciences of your people , and will not suffer us to be tempted to the violation of such solemn vows , and this for nothing , when an expedient is before you that will avoid it , without any detriment to the church ; nay , to its honour and advancement . note . vi. observe here 2. or 3. bold , and bloudy intimations . first ; that the souls and consciences of the people lye at stake . next ; that the king's denial were great cruelty : especially considering the smalness of the thing they ask ; the honour and advantage of what they offer . thirdly ; the obligation of their solemn vow . to the first ; we have elsewhere difcussed the point of conscience , but we are here to note how this suggestion tends to tumult and sedition . the sense it bears to the people , is this : stick to your covenant , or , be damned : but in the sense of conscience , law , and reason ; it sounds the contrary : — stick to your covenant , and be damned . by what law were the people freed from their allegiance , and made the iudges , and reformers of the government ? well ; but they have sworn to do it , and they must keep their oath . ] put case they had sworn to fire the city . at this rate 't is but swearing first , and then pretend a conscience of the oath , to carry any thing . the second intimation subjects the piety , and good nature of his majesty to a question ; as who should say ; what ? will the king destroy so many thousand souls of his poor people for a matter of nothing ? marque now their matter of nothing . it cost the late kings life ; the best bloud in the nation ; the ruine of church and state : a long rebellion ; — and treasure not to be compted . ( this they make nothing of ) and for the honour they propose to the church ; 't is but a back-look , and we find it . now to the obligation of their covenant . that which the law makes treason , they make conscience ; and in effect they urge , that they are bound to a rebellion : for 't is no lesse to attempt what they have sworn to do : which is to repeat what they have already done . but what they are bound to by the covenant , will from the letter of the covenant best appear . where , in the second branch , they swear , without respect of persons , to endeavour the extirpation of popery , prelacy , superstition , &c. so that the king himself is not excepted , if standing in the way betwixt those matters which they call luxuriances of church-government , and their pretended reformation . to make it yet more evident , that their design is factious ; they ask — that the youth of the nation may have just liberty as well as the elder . if they be engaged in the universities , and their liberties there cut off in their beginning , they cannot afterwards be free , &c. note vii . to see the providence of these good mens consciences ! their care extends as well to those that never took the covenant , and looks still forward , to the scruples of the yet unborn . what work this motly would soon make in the universities , let any sober man imagine : when every stubborn , and vntutor'd boy shall have the freedome to controul , and over-rule the orders of his mother . the streams must needs be foul that flow from a corrupted fountain . just such another project was that of the long house of commons ; — i mean their offer of freedome to all prentices that would leave their trades , and serve the ( pretended ) parliament . that liberty may start a faction , but hardly settle a religion . what publick peace can be expected ; when the schools of vnity and order are become a nurcery of schisme ? but these are men will take no nay ; for if his majesty denies them , marque the end on 't . should we lose the opportunity of our desired reconciliation and union , it astonisheth us to foresee what doleful effects our divisions would produce , which we will not so much as mention in particular , lest our words should be misunderstood . and seeing all this may be safely and easily prevented , we humbly beseech the lord in mercy to vouchsafe to your majesty , an heart to discern aright of time and iudgement . ] note . viii . blesse us from a gun ! should we lose the opportunity ? and then their prayer at last ; that his majesty may [ discern aright of time , &c. ] certainly these folks would have said to the king — [ while it is called to day harden not your heart ] but that 't is common-prayer . or do they dream themselves at work again with the poor cavaliers ? and mean , that if his majesty come not in by such a time , he is not to be admitted to his composition ? are these the men of reverence that must teach us maners toward god almighty , and are yet to learn it themselves towards his vicegerent ? he that makes any thing form the collation , of [ opportunity , ] and [ time , ] but a cautionary menace ; — let him lend me his spectacles . but the coherence cleers it , should we lose ( say they ) the opportunity of our desired reconciliation , and union . ] must it be now , or never then ? and their own way , or none ? is it not reconciliation , if they return to the church ? and vnity if they agree with it ? a child runs from his mother , and cries they are fall'n out . they cannot comply with ceremonies : — nor the church with schisme . well ; but put the case they lose this opportunity , then forsooth [ it astonishes us ( they say ) to foresee what doleful effects our divisions would produce . ] just so did peters foresee the death of the late king : — iudas ; the betraying of our saviour ; and so did i my self foresee the printing of this paper , just as these gentlemen foresee confusion ; or as men commonly foresee eating when they are hungry . if the foresight ( indeed ) astonishes them ; the prospect cannot but be dreadful : for onely hell transcends those horrours which these bold men have beheld with pleasure ; and in good truth , that may be it : for he that has murther , and rebellion at his back , does commonly phansy fire and brimstone before him . these holy , and fastidious scrupulists ; — these same spiritual surgeons , that live by dressing wounds of their own making ; — must understand , we have some skill in probing of a conscience , too . if they are mortify'd throughout , that 's not our fault ; but if they have any feeling left , wee 'll quicken it . now leaving them to their astonishments , wee 'll to the foreseen product of our divisions , [ doleful effects , ] they say . they prophet ionas his [ yes within forty days — ] had scarce a sadder sound . it may be any thing : — war , another covenant ; famine , sequestration ; truce-breaking , decimation : in fine , any thing , and now at last we are left in the dark to grope it out . doleful effects ; ( they say ) which we will not so much as mention in particular , lest our words should be misunderstood . these good men are wonderfully put to 't for want of expression ; the thing would imply mutiny , and they are afraid it should be taken for treason . no honest apprehension could in their case be dangerous . what hazzard of mis-construction were it , to mention any trouble of mind imaginable ? but if it tends to mischief of action , that may prove perilous indeed . more gunning , beyond controversie , and their sagacities smell the pouder . the people will rebell they think ; that 's english , and the truth they are loth to speak . to lay their souls as naked now as their bodies came into the world , i shall here prove , ( or i deceive my self ) that these people are the betrayers of the publique peace : aud of the office of their ministry . if they fore-see any seditious consequence likely to arise from his majesties refusal : why do they not rather in private supplicate the king to grant , and in publique , charme the people to submit ; then so to plead , and iustifie the disagreement to the king , that their arguments , and importunities may be overheard by the people ? they first and openly avow the popular cause , and shake the head then at the danger of it : giving a double encouragement to the multitude , as well from the equity of the matter , as from the strength of the party . upon the whole , what are their libellous , and creeping night-works , but poysonous calumnies against the king ; and mean , incensing flatteries toward the people ? or in a word , sneaking complaints , as if his sacred majesty would not grant , what with conseience , honour , and safety he cannot deny ? whereas the sun 's not clearer , then the pure contrary . for ; the king denies them nothing , but what with conscience , honour , and safety , he cannot grant . they demand presbytery , that is ; the confused exercise of it , and liberty to the minister of praying at pleasure : which being admitted , makes divine service but a spiritual scuffle ; the one half of the congregation praying for that which the other curses . against this proposition , his majesty stands engaged by oath , honour , and iudgement : being perswaded in his reason , and obliged by the other two. they pretend next , the continuing virtue of their covenant ; ( which never had any ) wherein his majesty can hardly gratify them , without blasting the glory of his blessed fathers memory : the iustice of his cause , and without shaking the foundation of his imperial title . their reasons , i have un-reason'd already , and when the nameless divines of the church invisible , shall vouchsafe their answer , i shall dispose my self to receive it . but nothing can be pleasanter then to hear them talk of their cousins the people . ( by britannicus his leave ) alas ! their sowrness of discipline , and the peoples freedome of constitution are fire and water . the people may endure to hear them talk of liberty , but the exercise of their tyranny is intolerable . to have every parish haunted with a phantome ; — every church turned into a house of correction ; — and one man excommunicated for a walk upon the lords-day , while another is canoniz'd for a murther . i do not plead for impunity of sinners , but for a pious differencing of matters disputable from crying sins : for impartiality in the pulpit , and charity to all men : — for preaching damnation to those that resist , as well as caution to those that are to obey . the expedient to prevent these mischiefs , is a synodical government ; wherein they beseech the lord in mercy to vouchsafe to his majesty an heart to discern aright of time , and judgement . ] this is , in plainer termes ; to tell the king , that 't is his best course to make use of a seasonable offer . let this suffice for their proposals . some three or four days after the publishing of these above-mention'd proposals , out comes a single sheet , in form of a petition to his majesty , from the commissioned ministers . 't is likely that this was drawn from them by a general rumour then current , of a severe declaration already in the press against their other pamphlets : for having so notoriously overshot themselves in the rest , they mend the matter in this , by giving the same thing a fairer dress . [ a ] if we should sin against god ( say they ) because wee are commanded , who shall answer for us , or save us from his iustice ? and we humbly crave , that it may be no just gravamen of our dissent , that thereby we suppose superiours may erre , seeing it is but supposing them to be men not yet in heaven . ] and again , [ b ] we know that conscientious men will not consent to the practice of things in their iudgement vnlawful , &c. ] note ix . [ a ] saint augustine resolves this point exceeding well ; reum regem facit ( says he ) iniquitas imperandi , innocentem subditum ordo serviendi ] let the governour accompt for an unjust command , but the order of obedience saves the subject harmless . this must be understood of matters not simply wicked . where we doubt , on the one hand , and are sure on the other , beyond question , the surest side is best . we are sure that we are to obey , if the thing be not vnlawful , and we are not sure that the thing is unlawful . i must but touch upon this ; if the government offend some particular persons , 't is hard they cannot agree , but let those particulars march off : for they offend the government ▪ and it is better , that some suffer by an imposition , then all by a rebellion . they offer to dispute ; and then they pass for mighty men with the people . but what 's the question ? onely forsooth , whether i think this , or that lawful : and if i say , i do , it is so ; and no matter what the law says to the contrary . what i believe , binds me ; and every man being free to pretend what belief he pleases , every man's private humour becomes a law. they argue , thar superiours may erre . they may so ; but theit errours are no forfeiture of their superiority . cannot inferiours erre too ? so that their own claim brings the issue of this strife but to a drawn battle . when subjects question the proceedings of their governours ; they do not so much tax their mistakes , as vsurp their authority ; and for some slip perhaps in the exercise of government destroy the order of it . [ b ] we know that conscientious men will not consent , &c. ] they borrow here , the apostles rhetorique . [ king agrippa believest thou the prophets ? i know that thou believest . ] they seem to take for granted , what they are now endeavouring to perswade them to . these are but hints to the common-people , to say their consciences cannot submit to the law , and then there 's a party made against the king. soon after the publishing of their petition for peace , came forth a pretended accompt of all the proceedings betwixt the commissioned divines concerning the liturgy . not to insist upon the weakness of their reasoning , i shall onely produce one mistake of memory , ( i had like to have given it a worse name . ) the bishops urge , that [ while the liturgy was duly observ'd , we liv'd in peace , since that was laid aside ] — the contrary . now bless the modesty of the replicants . but really hath liberty to forbear , produced such divisions as you mention ? the licence , or connivence that was granted to haeretiques , apostates , and foul-mouth'd raylers against the scripture , ministry , and all god's ordinances indeed bred confusions in the land. note x. vvould not this scandalous recltal of their old forgeries against the government : — this re-charge of our late gratious soveraign : and imputation of the late war to the king's party , ( for there their malice fixes it ) make a man lay the very roots of the rebellion naked ; and trace the project up to the very dore of the reforming conclave ? nota magis nulli domus est sua , quam mihi , &c. do not we know the scotch cabale , and the confederate english ; the pack that hunted the earl of strafford ? yes , and the beagles too , that bayted the arch-bishop . [ but really , hath liberty to forbear produced such divisions ? &c. ] goodly , goodly ! your reverences are gamesome : yes , really it has . are not knaves and fools the greater part of the world ? and in the state of freedome , they require , those are the men we make our governours . without this liberty of freedome , where had been their separate assemblies ? their seditious conventicles ; their anti-episcopal lectures , and without these , their desolating reformation ? were we not in the high-way to vnity , when churches were turn'd into stables , and houses of infamy supplyed the place of churches ? when peters was fooling in one pulpit , marshall denouncing in another : and when the now-pastor of brainford threw the very fire-brand of the rebellion into the kings coach ; that execrable pamphlet , [ to your tents o israe 〈…〉 but the reformers assign our breaches to another cause . [ the licence or connivence that was granted to haeretiques , apostates &c. — ] when will these mens mouths be sweet again , after so foul a calumny ? nay more ; the very crimes they charge upon the government , in a high measure , they themselves were guilty of . liberty of conscience was their first clamour , a notion which included all sects and heresies imaginable , whereof , great use was made against the king. but notwithstanding the prodigious , and blasphemous opinions , then rise , and crying , both in their conventieles and pulpits ; all passed for gospel in the godly party : for unity in the war was their business , not vnity in religion : and it was safer to deny the trinity , then to refuse the covenant . the bare rehearsal of their monstrous tenents would make a man tremble . there were among them that deny'd the authority of the scriptures , — the use of the old testament , — the immortality of the soul , — the trinity in vnity . that affirmed the soul to be of the essence of god , &c. — and a world of other impious positions they held , such as either the devil , or distemper suggested to them . the presbyterians were pleas'd to 〈◊〉 these phanatiques , at first more needful to their design , then scandalous to their profession ; preferring at any time an ordinance of the two houses , to the obligation of the two tables . and so they scap'd , not onely with impunity , but encouragement ; till the declining of the royal party , and the encrease of these wild libertines , put the kirk-faction upon other thoughts : which were , having now master'd the kings forces , how to cast off the independent party , by whose assistance they had done the work . they began now to open their eyes , and to perceive , that what they call'd gospel-profession while they needed them , was become gross haeresie , when they had done with them : and that gods people in the beginning , were schismatiques in the conclusion . what is become now of the liberty of conscience these faithless creatures promised to all that sided with them ? see the ministers letter from sion-house to the assembly in 1645. toleration of independents , as unseasonable so unreasonable . first , not establish'd in any christian state by the civil magistrate . secondly , it consists not with presbytery . thirdly , if that ; then all sectaries must be tolerated . ] again ; such a toleration is utterly repugnant , and inconsistent with the solemn league and covenant for reformation . ] see bayly's disswasive from the errours of the times in his dedicatory . printed in 1646. liberty of conscience , and toleration of all or any religion , is so prodigious an impiety , that this religious parliament cannot but abhor the very naming of it . the whole faction sing the same song , of liberty , when they are rising , and non-toleration when they are vp : and they are now upon their first concern ; they plead in pretence for all the adversaries of our church-order , but they propose to set up onely for themselves . this is a point worthy a strict enquiry , and wee 'll sift it throughly , in that which follows . bvt it is to us matter of admiration to observe ( clean contrary to your intimation ) how little discord there was in prayer , and other parts of worship , among all the churches throughout the three nations , that agreed in doctrine , and forbore the liturgy . it is wonderful to us in the review to consider , with what love , and peace , and concord , they all spake the same things , that were tyed to no from of words , even those that differed in some points of discipline , even to a withdrawing from local communion with us , yet strangely agreed with us in worship . ] note . xi . acutely , and unanswerably argued ; those churches that agreed , did agree , wherein they agreed . the bishops inferr the expedience of restoring the common-prayer , from the divisions which have ensu'd upon forsaking it . nay rather ; ( reply the presbyterians ) the licence given to apostates , haeretiques , and the like , caused those divisions , &c. whereas those that forbore the liturgy , and agreed in doctrine , were unamimous to a miracle . where lies the wonder , if those that agreed in doctrine , differ'd not much in other matters , when there was nothing else for them to differ upon ? or what answer is it to an objection that there were great and many divisions , to say that there were some agreements ? and those agreements were no other neither then a conspiracy . the question is , what was the effect of that popular defection from the practice of the church ? was it not haeresie , and rebellion ? nor is it possible it should be other ; for a general freedome is but a licentious combination against a regulating and limiting order . but the wonderful love , peace , and concord that was among those that were tied to no form of words ! ] — inter so convenit vrsis ] they did in truth agree , to catch the prey , but not to share it : — they lov'd the independency , but they hated the independent : or with doctor donn ; the one was con●ent the other should be damn'd , but loth he should govern . since these gentlemen are pleas'd to boast the vnity of that party that forbore the liturgy ; wee 'll confer notes with their great friend mr. edwards upon the question ; and first wee 'll see what pretious instruments these tender-conscienc'd men made use of , as the conjunct promoters of a reformation . wee 'll then enquire , upon their subdivision , how they agreed among themselves . certain opinions frequent among the godly party ( falsly so called . ) that the scriptures are insufficient , and uncertain . that god is the author of sin : not of the action onely , but of the sinfulness it self . that the magistrate ought not to punish any man for denying of a god : if his conscience be so perswaded . that every creature is god : an efflux only from god , and shall return to him . that there is but one person in the divine nature . that christ came onely to witness and declare the love of god , not to procure it . that the least truth is of more worth then iesus christ himself . that the doctrine of repentance is a soul destroying doctrine . that 't is as possible for christ himself to sin , as for a child of god to sin . that the moral law is of no use at all to beleevers . that peters trouble after the denial of his master , issued onely from the weakness of his faith. that infants rise not again . the same author tells us in the second part of gangraena , of a sectary pleading for a toleration of witches , which he follows , with a recital of instances in several kinds , the foulest , and the most impious , imaginable . let these suffice out of that rabble of infamous collections , to shew the blessed effects of the presbyterian reformation . if it be objected , that these opinions no way concern the presbyterian party . they are not charg'd with the belief of these heresies , but with the encouragement and protection of them , for they grew up and spread under their government . [ all of them being vented and broached within these four years last pact , yea most of them within these two last years and less ; ] ( this was in 1646. and more especally ( says the same author in the page following ) in london , and the counties adjacent , in the parliaments quarters , in their armies , and garison towns , not maintained by persons at oxford , &c. for then it had not been so much to us ; ] — but [ in thee london , in thee associate counties , in thee armies , and that after a solemn covenant to extirpate heresies , and schismes , are found such and such errours , blasphemous opinions , strange practices , &c. — ] nor were the sectaries onely let alone , and suffered , but highly respected , preferred , &c. — ] nay , says our author ; the independents were but few ; and other sectaries a small number , in the first and second year of this parliament , some half a score or dozen ministers , three or four hundred people , the presbyterians gave them the right hand of fellowship , admitted them to their meetings , opened their pulpit dores unto them , shewed all brotherly respect of love and kindness to them , even more then to must of their own way , condescending to such a motion , as to forbear praying , and printing against their opinions and way ; making them ( who were so small and inconsiderable a party ) as it were an equal party , putting them into the ballance with themselves ; they appeared not to hinder their being chosen to be general lecturers for this city , in several great churches ; and as at first , so all along , they have been tender and respectful of them , in assembly , city , and in all cases suffering them to grow up to thousands , &c. ] these are the words of a profest champion of the cause ; a bitter adversary he was to independents , and to say no worse ; he was a presbyterian to bishops . as he hath stated the case , it was the presbyterians , not the bishops , that licensed heretiques , apostates , and foulmouth'd raylers against the scripture , ministry , and all gods ordinances ; — ] and the forbearance of the liturgy , was the first step toward this horrible confusion . qui non prohibet , cum potest , iubet . he that permits , commands ; when he might fairly hinder . the sectaries were but few , he says , at the beginning of the war , till they were nurs'd , and cherish'd by the presbyterians ; so that it seem's , 't was their indulgence wrought our mischief , and not episcopal connivance . in truth that thing they called the cause , was but the sink of the whole nation : — the common receptacle of lewd , factious , and foul humours . the government was their grand aversion ; and next to king and church , they hated one another . the divines , preach'd , and printed up the quarrel ; the brutish multitude maintain'd it : which kind of combination is rarely phansi'd by sir francis bacon , in these words . libels against bishops , and ecclesiastical dignities , calling in the people to their aid , are a kind of intelligence betwixt incendiaries , and robbers ; the one to fire the house , the other to rifle it . ] we come now to the wonderful love , peace , and concord , of those people that were tyed to no form of words , &c. ] and first the kindness of the presbyterians to their colleagues the independents . the sectaries agree with iulian the apostate , gangrene , p. 54. the sectaries are libertines and atheists , p. 185. ] unclean , incestuous , p. 187. ] drunkards , p. 190. ] sabbath-breakers , deceivers , p. 191. ] guilty of gross lying , slandering , iugling , falsifying their words and promises : guilty of excessive pride and boasting , pag. 192 ] — of insufferable insolencies , horrible affronts to authority , and of strange outrages , pag. 194. ] there never was a more hypocritical , false dissembling , cunning generation in england , then many of the grandees of our sectaries . — they incourage , protect , and cry up for saints , sons of belial , and the vilest of men , p. 240. ] gangraena 2d part , 1646. these imputations being attended with publique , and notorious proofs : and this subject being at that time the common theme of the presbyterian party ; enough is said to shew their kindness to the sectaries ; wee 'll now to the other side , and manifest that there was no love lost betwixt them . an anabaptist said that he hoped to see heaven and earth on fire before presbytery should be settled . ] another sectary , that he hoped to see the presbytery as much troden under foot as the bishops are . gangr . p. 73. ] the national covenant is a double fac'd covenant , the greatest make-bate and snare , that ever the devil , and the clergy his agents , cast in among honest men in england in our age . gangraena , 2d . part , pag. 220. the presbyterian government is antichristian , a limb of antichrist , tyrannical , lordly , cruel , a worse bondage then under the prelates , a bondage under task-masters as the israelites in egypt , ibid. 221. the assembly is antichristian , romish , bloudy , the plagues and pestes of the kingdome , baals priests , diviners , southsayers , ibid. p. 230. the seed of god in this nation , has had two capital enemies , the romish-papacy , and the scotch-presbytery . sterry , englands deliverance , p. 7. behold the harmony of the non-conformists : the wonderful agreement of the with-drawers from local communion with us . ] but the reformers argue learnedly , that if we tell them of those that differ from them in doctrine , and are not of them , it is as impertinent to the point of their own agreement in worship , as to tell them of the papists . ] marque the insipid flatness of this evasion . if they differ , they do not agree ; and if they agree , they do not differ . have not the independent schismatiques the same pretence , as well as the presbyterian ? we urge that all the factions were of a party , not all of an opinion ; and that the independent heresies were hatch'd under the kirk-schismatiques wing . this we have prov'd , and now , to a conclusion . wheresoever the two factions close , there 's a design upon the civil power ; for their principles are inconciliable , save by the stronger malice they bear to the government , then to each other . how great a madness is it then for those people to unite against the publique ? when they are sure either to fall in the attempt , or at the most , not to stand firm long after it ! for whensoever they break , ( and break they must ) 't is but a little patience till they are i● , and the third party gives the law to both , turning the scale at pleasure . but what a vayles it to offer light to those that shut their eyes , or reason to a man that dares not hearken to it ? 't is with notorious sinners as with men much in debt , they had rather break then come to an account : — rather run headlong the direct rote to hell , then pass the purgatory of a repentance . it is a remarkable saying of sir francis bacon , that the great atheists indeed are hypocrites , which are ever handling holy things , but without feeling . ] such are the people we have to deal with . witness their seditious zeal ; — their wrested allegations ; — their neglected vows , and d●ring scruples . no wonder then at their incorrigible hardness and impenitence . david , ( we find ) repented his adultery and murther ; manasseh , his idolatry ; saint peter , the denial of his master ; saint paul , the persecution of the church , &c. — but not one precedent in the whole bible of a repentant and converted hypocrite . lord , i am not as other men are , says the pharisee : the congregation is holy , every one of them , and the lord is among them , ( cry the sons of korah . ) oh that i were made iudge it the land , ( says absolom ) that i might do every man justice ! ] but what became of these people ? he in the parable was not justified ; — the earth opened her mouth upon the korites ; — and the smooth advocate for the peoples liberties was hang'd upon an oak . wherefore beware of the leaven of the pharisees , which is hypocrisie . nor is this crime more fatal to the person than to the publick ; those that are tainted with it , being not one jot better citizens or subjects , than they are christians : two or three are enough to infect a parish , and half a dozen popular hypocrites will make a shift to embroyle a nation . it is not credible , how greedily the heedless vulgar swallow down any hook baited with forms of godliness , especially when they themselves are taken in fo● sharers in the work , and made the iudges of the controversie . then they begin to talk of the righteous scepter , and of subjecting the nations to the rule of the holy ordinance , abundantly supplying with revelation their want of common reason . they ( forsooth ) must be conferr'd with about church-government , and delinquents , baals priests , and the high places , which way to carry on the cause of the lamb ; against the kingdomes of this world , and the powers of darkness . when once the poyson of this canker'd zeal comes to diffuse it self , and seize the mass and humour of the people ; who can express in words , or without horror think upon the blasphemies , treasons , murthers , heart-burnings , and consusions that ensue upon it : we shall not need to ransack forreign stories , or past ages , for sad and dismal instances ; this little spot of england and our own memories will furnish us . those that are struck with this distemper , take fancy for inspiration , their very dreams for divine advertisements , and the impulse of a besotted melancholy for the direction of the holy spirit . they fashion to themselves strange uncouth notions of the diety , entring into a familiarity with heaven ; and in this elevation of spiritual pride and dotage , having , as they imagine , the almighty on their side , and the eternal wisdome for their counsellour ; they accompt ▪ human reason a ridiculous thing , and laugh at the authority and power of princes . so many of them as agree to oppose the right , are called the saints ; the earth is their inheritance , and that which we stile theft or plunder , is but with them taking possession of their birth-right . in order to their ends they reckon no violence unlawful . princes are murthered for the glory of god , and the most barbarous mischiefs that fire and sword can bring upon a people , they term a reformation . their combinations against law and order are ( in the language of the consistory ) a holy covenanting with their god ; and all their actings ( tho' never so irreverend and impetuous ) onely the gentle motions of the spirit . these are the pious arts that take and lead the multitude — the simple and the factious , together with such male-contents as are by guilt , disgrace , or poverty , prepared for lewdness . and this hath been the constant method of our devout patriots , who with gods glory and christian liberty still in their mouths , laid the foundation of our ruine in hypocrisie . the word belongs to the stage , and in that sense , to some of our reformers ; a great part of whose pulpit-work it is , by feigned , and forc'd passions in themselves , to stir up true affections in their hearers ; making the auditory feel the griefs the speaker does but counterfeit . do we not see familiarly , that a sad tale upon the stage , makes the people cry in the pit ? and yet we know , that he that plays cesar murther'd in the senate , is but some droll comoedian behind the hanging . i thought to have ended here , but one note more shall do my business , and theirs too , or i mightily mistake my self . the church judgeth not of things undiscovered : non esse & non apparere , are all one as to our judgement , we conclude not peremptorily , because we pretend not here to infallibility . as we are not sure that any man is truly penitent , that we give the sacrament to , so we are not sure that any man dyeth impenitently . but we must use those as penitent , that seem so to reason , judging by ordinary means , and so must we judge those as impenitent that have declared their sin , and never declared their repentance . ] note . xii . this point will be the death of the [ invaletudinary ] ministers , ( as our ciceronians ) and they might ten times better have indured ( by reading the office of burial , at the grave ) to expose their tender bodies to the excessively refrigerating air : ( another elegance ) which imposition they do not understand to be a sign of the right and ingenuine spirit of religion ) sure it rains soloecismes : three in the third part of a page . now to the churches faculty , and power of iudgement , according to the strictnesse of their own rule . not to appear , and not to bee , are the same thing , as to the iudgement of the church — and those are to be judged impenitents , that have declared their sin , and never declared their repentance . and that , in words onely , will not suffice neither ; for ( say our reformers ) it must be practice first , that must make words credible , when the person by perfidiousness hath forfeited his credit . ] they press further likewise , that according to his majesties declaration of octob. 25. 1660. scandalous offenders are not to be admitted to the holy communion till they have openly declared themselves to have truly repented , and amended their former naughty lives , &c. ] now try the self-condemners by their own law. where 's their repentance for putting gods name , to the devil's commission ? under the form of a religious vow , couching an execrable league of violence , against their prince , the law , their country . where 's their repentance , for the souls they have damn'd by their seditious doctrine ? the bloud they have made the people spill , by their incentives to the war ? — those schismes and heresies , which they have given us in exchange for an apostolical order , and evangelical truths ; under the colour of a gospel-reformation . where is the practice ( they prescribe ) of their obedience ? their open retractations and amendments ? their sins as publique as the day ; but where 's their penitence ? these gentlemen must justifie the war ; or by the method of their own discipline , be excluded the communion of the church . but they 're so far from that , they claim a right of government . acts of parliament must submit to their authority : they put a bar to the kings power in matters indifferent ; and just as the last war began , are they now tampering to procure another . i had some thoughts of a reply upon their exceptions against the liturgy : but truly for the common-people sake , rather then for their own ; for i think them much more capable of a confutation then worthy of it . at present , i am given to understand , that there is more honour meant them , then they deserve ; and i shall wait the issue of it from a better hand . my frequency of writing may perswade some , that i 'me in love with scribbling : but what i now do , is no more then what i have ever done , when i believ'd my duty call'd me to it . and having done the same thing formerly , and oftener , at a time when rationally i could not expect any other reward then a halter : i think there are some people that believe i write for a halter , still , and have amind to save my longing . i know how i am misrepresented ; which , if i had any thing to lose , but what i 'me weary of , perhaps would trouble me . but soberly , ( since so it is ) here i declare , i do not ask the abatement of the strictest rigour of any law , either humane , or divine , in what concerns his majesty . but betwixt some , perchance from whom i have not deserv'd ill , and others , from whom i have no great ambition , to receive much kindness , my doings i perceive are commented upon , and much mistaken . to these discourtisies , i shall onely oppose this word . let the world renounce me , when they find me either less innocent , then i say i am ; or less dutiful , then i have been . mala opinio benè parta delectat . sen. ep. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47922-e1290 the reformers charge . they invade the kings authority . proposals pag. 12. pag. 12. pag. 12. a miserable shift . the covenant not binding . amesius . de consc. lib. 4. q. 11. sauls case examined . the case of zedekiah . jerem. 34. god made the covenant . the covenant it self . zedekiahs covenant . and revolt . for the breach he is punish'd . the case does not hold . the very case . ezek. 17. ezek. 17. 15. a presbyterian oracle . the covenant an abjuring oath . a thorough reformation . in their places and callings . quere . an affront to the parliament . the reformers tenderness touching oathes . the boldness of the faction . their weakness . ☜ loyalty made death , accordi●● to the c●venant w. i. a tast of the reforming spirit . the kings murder justified . ☞ g. c. ☜ vers . 12. of chap. 20. chap. 2. v. 31. the application . pag 12. the covenant reviv'd . sedition . a matter of nothing . the sense of the covenant . proposals pag. 24. proposals pag. 12. a menace . the reformers foresight . ☞ the faction laid open . seditious . calumnious . presbytery will never down with the people . page 4. page 5. the safe way is best . the divines account p. ● . liberty of conscience . the divines account p. 8. edward's gangraena , p. 18. pag. 19. pag. 20. pag. 21. ibid. pag. 22. pag. 23. pag. 25. ibid. ibid. pag. 26. pag. 27. pag. 18● ▪ gangraena , pag. 1. heresies the spawn of presbytery . gangr . pag. 179. ☜ the presbyterians nourished the sectaries at first . the presbyterians love to the independ . the sectaries love to the presbyterians . divines account pag. 8. conveniant in tertio . hypocr . impenitent . luk. 18. 11. num. 16. 3. 2 sam. 15. 4. luk. 12. 1. hypocr . dangerous to the publick . phanaticisme . the divines account p. 12. the elegancies of the learned . publique worship pag. 67. exceptions , p. 8. self-condemners . some questions resolved concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in scotland cunningham, alexander. 1690 approx. 65 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35430) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52778) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 865:16) some questions resolved concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in scotland cunningham, alexander. cunningham, gabriel. [4], 31, [1] p. printed for the author : and are to be sold by randal taylor ..., london : 1690. reproduction of original in britol public library, britol, england. by alexander cunningham; ascribed in error to gabriel cunningham. cf. halkett & laing. table of contents: p. 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looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -government. episcopal church in scotland. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some questions resolved concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in scotland . i protest before the great god , and since i am here as upon my testament , it is no time for me to lye in , that ye shall never find with any high-land or border thieves , greater ingratitude , and more lies , and vile perjuries , then with these phanatick spirits . and suffer not the principles of them to brook your land , if you like to sit at rest : except you keep them for trying your patience , as socrates did an evil wife . k. j. his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. 2. p. 51. lond. london , printed for the author , and are to be sold by randal taylor , near stationers-hall , 1690. imprimatur , z. isham , r. p. d. henrico , episc. lond. à sacris . march 10 1690. the preface . the government by arch-bishops and bishops , was in scotland restored an. 1662 , as being most agreeable to the word of god , most convenient for the preservation of truth , order , and unity , and most suitable to monarchy , and the peace and quiet of the state. those motives for its restitution are every way so great , that none others can be so worthy of the wisdom of that nation , which challengeth a more early profession of christianity , and an ancienter race of kings , than any of these parts of christendom can well pretend to . but that ecclesiastical government , which in its self is most agreeable to the scriptures , and best fitted against heresie and schism , may to prejudiced men seem burthensome , and by them be misrepresented to others . from this it hath happened , that the episcopacy ( as exercised in scotland these 26 years ) hath been of late abolished , as an unsupportable grievance to the nation , contrary to the general inclition of the people , and inconsistent with the legal establishment of that church at the reformation : whoever duly compares the narratives of these two acts , the one , about its restitution , and the other , about its abolishment , may find some of their reasons why no other ecclesiastick politie is yet settled in its place ; for by this delay , every member of parliament hath had time to consider what church government for essentials is of divine right , and may both preserve the church from heresie and schism , and the state from usurpation and rebellion ; and which may best conduce to the satisfaction of all religious protestants , and loyal subjects in that kingdom . for this effect , the due consideration of the following questions is doubtless of great importance , and the impartial resolution of them cannot but be at this time very seasonable . whether they are resolved here with such impartiality as this matter requires , is submitted to the unbyassed iudgment of the reader : whom i shall desire that if he has any thing to object , he will tell the world in charity and meekness , that are the proper characters of christianity , and not in that unchristian way of evil speaking and reviling , which sufficiently shews what spirt he is of , that writ , the brief and true account of the sufferings of the church of scotland , occasioned by the episcopalians since the year 1660. i wish i had seen that pamphlet before this was going to the press . it would have occasion'd me to add some things more , tho' i do not find my self obliged by it , to alter any thing that i have written . some questions , &c. question i. whether presbytery ( as contrary to the episcopacy restored in scotland , an. 1662. ) was settled by law when the protestant religion came to have the legal establishment in that kingdom ? 1. all the dispute here , intrinsick to the notion of a church governour , is purely this ; whether he should be nominated by the state or by the church ; whether after nomination , the power to elect him should be entrusted to a delegated number , or remain in the mixt synod of clergy and laity ; and whether after the election is past , his institution unto his office should be for life , or only during pleasure ; and lastly , whether in the exercise of his function he have a negative voice over his synod , or they a conclusive voice over him : wherefore the presbyterian moderator an. 1662. abolished , is rightly defined , the church-moderator , nominated and elected by the clergy , lay-elders and deacons of the synod ; instituted unto his office during their pleasure ; invested with no fixed power of ordination ; nor any negative voice in the exercise of his jurisdiction . and the episcopacy which was then restored , is by the rule of contraries a church-government of a moderator nominated by the king ; elected by the chapter ; invested with a fixed power of ordination regulated by cannons ; and of jurisdiction balanced by assisting presbyters . 2. now although such an episcopacy was in scotland taken away april last , yet since presbytery is not yet setl'd by law , this question of fact propos'd about it , may be stated and resolved according to truth , without the crime of leesing making . 3. it is not to be doubted , but that the protestant religion had the legal establishment in scotland , in the year 1567 , in which year by parliamentary statutes popery was abolished , a protestant confession of faith authorized , and their kings by the coronation oath obliged to maintain it . 4. by the nature of the scottish monarchy , neither the king without advice of his estates , nor they without his royal consent touching the publick act with his scepter , can make or unmake laws to govern the people : wherefore the constitution of bishops having then the publick authority , ( the popish bishops sitting in this parliament which thus setl'd the reformation ) must in the construction of the law be confest to remain firm and valid from the aforesaid year 1567 , till the full legislative power of the king in parliament , concur'd to shake or destroy it . 5. but whatever was done at that time in favour of mr. iohn knox his book of policy , ( proposing a superintendency which is another model of episcopacy ) or mr. an. melvil his book of discipline , ( proposing presbytery , an. 1578 ) by acts of privy council extorted in tumultuous times , through the menacing applications of clergy men assembling themselves without warrant ; yet before the year 1592 , there is no act of parliament either in print or unprinted , setling that presbytery which is contrary to the episcopacy established before , and remaining in substance at the time of the reformation . 6. wherefore the impartial resolution of the question proposed , is in short this , that presbytery , as contrary to the episcopacy restored in scotland an. 1662 , was not by law setled 35 years after the protestant religion had the legal establishment in that kingdom . question ii. whether ever presbytery was setled in the church of scotland , without constraint from tumultuous times ? 1. king iames describing the presbyterians , calls them the very pests in the church and commonwealth , whom no deserts can oblige , neither oaths nor promises bind , brea thing nothing but sedition and calumnies , aspiring without measure , railing without reason , and making their own imaginations ( without any warrant of the word ) the square of their conscience . and thereafter describing their church politie and discipline , calls it that parity which can never stand with the order of the church , nor the peace of a commonweal , and well ruled monarchy : now when these are the characters which the british solomon gives presbyterians and presbytery ( and with a protestation before god that he lies not ) who can with any shadow of reason , or grain of charity , think that he either was so unwise or irreligious , as by act of parliament to establish presbytery in the church , out of his own free choice , and not out of some kind of compulsion : nay , when that government and its admirers have these characters from him , can any thinking man read over the act of restitution of bishops an. 1606 , and not believe that , according to its preamble , the former act an. 1592 , impairing that first estate of his kingdom , was purely owing to his young years and the unsetled condition of affairs ? how he was forced to it we may learn from his own book , wherein he says , that god almighty was pleased that the blessed reformation of scotland should begin with unordinate and popular tumults , of men clogg'd with their own passion and particular respects ; that some fiery spirited ministers got such a guiding of the people at that time of confusion , as finding the gust of government sweet , they began to fancy a democracy to themselves ; that having been over well baited upon the wrack , first of his royal grandmother , and next of his own mother , and usurping the liberty of time in his own long minority , there never rose any faction among statesmen , but they that were of that factious part , were careful to perswade and allure the church-men to espouse that quarrel as their own : wherefore in the year 1592 , the pernicious feuds between the earls of huntley and murray , and those contests between the assembly men of the clergy and the lords of the session : together with repeated treasonable plots carried on against his royal person , by bothwel , and his associates , of the greatest power and best quality , forced that young king to settle presbytery in the church , that thereby he might bring off presbyterians from joyning with the acts of their kirk to unsettle his throne . 3. charles the first of ever blessed memory , he pleads that in charity he may be thought desirous to preserve the english church government by bishops in its right constitution , as a matter of religion , wherein both his iudgment was justly satisfied , that it hath of all others the fullest scripture grounds , and also the constant practice of all christian churches . and after he had written this confession with ink , and then sealed it with his royal blood , who can imagine that his once giving some way to presbytery in scotland , was his voluntary act , especially when his majesties commissioner the earl of traquair , ( according to instructions ) gave in his declaration to the contrary : but here there is no need to declare the unhappy state of affairs that forced him to it : since there are volumes written concerning that religious rebellion , which produced the most horrid murder of the best king that ever was in these kingdoms . 4. wherefore the impartial resolution to the question proposed , is in short this , that k. iames the 6th , and k. charles i. setled presbytery in the kingdom of scotland , being constrained thereunto by troublesome and tumultuous times . question iii. whether the principles of scottish presbytery grant any toleration to dissenters ? 1. since the solemn league and covenant is the canon , and the acts of the general assembly the comment , of the principles of scotch presbytery , this question in reference to their toleration of dissenters , plainly resolves in this , whether covenanters and assembly-men according to their principles , are for liberty of conscience , or against it ? 2. in the first article of the solemn league , they swear , that they shall sincerely , really and constantly endeavour the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of scotland in discipline and government against their common enemies . 3. to preserve this part of the reformation , they swear again in the second article against popish prelacy , that is , the church government by arch-bishops , bishops , their chancelors and commissiaries , dean and chapters , arch-deacons , and all other ecclesiastical officers depending on that hierarchy , superstition and heresie . 4. what is meant by their sincere real and constant endeavour against their common enemies ( king or parliament ) for preserving that reformation in church-government , by extirpating such an episcopacy , is manifest in the last article , in which they swear to assist and def●nd all those that enter into the league and covenant , in the maintaining and persuing thereof , and that they shall not suffer themselves directly or indirectly , by whatsoever combination , perswasion or terror to be divided from their blessed union and conjunction , whether to make defection to the contrary part , or to give themselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in the cause , which so much concerneth the glory of god. 5. but if after all these parts of the first , second , fourth , and sixth articles of the covenant compared together , any seruple yet remains , whether those men who make conscience of the oath they have taken against any indifferency or neutrality in this cause against episcopacy , ( which in charity i believe they think the cause of christ ) can allow any toleration to dissenters , let us in the next place consider some acts of their general assemblies , which are the infallible interpreters of this rule of their faith about ecclesiastical polity . now although the episcopal clergy in the times before the year 1639 , ( when they saw that destruction of the church government ) neither themselves appear'd in tumults nor in sermons , or books , exhorted others to tumultuate , ( for to preserve it ) yet the presbyterians were so far from taking pains to gain them unto a conformity , or in case they conform'd , from letting them continue in their cures ( as the presbyterians were dealt with , after the year 1662 ) that on the contrary they pass these following acts. 6. the general assembly ordaineth , the subscription of the covevant to all the members of that kirk and kingdom . 7. and whereas the former act aug. 1630. hadnot been obeyed , it was again ordain'd by another assembly , that all ministers make intimation of the said act in their kirks , and thereafter proceed with the censures of the kirk against such as shall refuse to subscribe the covenant ; and that exact account be taken of every ministers diligence herein by their presbyteries and synods , as they will answer to the general assembly . 8. neither was this last act , inflicting ecclesiastical censures only to fall heavy upon those who were hinderers of their blessed reformation , ( whom they called anticovenanters ) but in the assembly , it 's appointed , that all ministers take special notice when any secret disaffecters of the covenant shall come within their parishes , that so soon as they shall know the same , they may without delay , cause warn them to appear before the presbyteries , within which their parishes lies , or before the commissioners of the assembly appointed for publick affairs , as they shall find most convenient ; which warning the assembly , declares shall be a sufficient citation unto them . 9. and that all , and every one of such offenders shall humbly acknowledge their offence upon their knees , first , before the presbytery , and thereafter , before the congregation , upon a sabbath , in some place before the pulpit ; and in the mean time , they be suspended from the lords supper . and in case they do not satisfie in manner aforesaid , they be processed with excommunication : and this is as easie an ecclesiastick censure as the whole body of their acts of assembly have upon record , or any now alive can remember . nay , the assembly enjoyns this excommunication against covenanters themselves , who but in so far comply with malignancy ( the king 's evil of those times ) as to drink the health of any declar'd a common enemy of that covenanted kirk and kingdom . 10. and in case any excommunicated malignant should , for all his being heathen , be yet so much the christian , as to long after the communion of christ's body and blood , they did all they could to hinder it : for not only is it by them ordain'd , that all deposed ministers , who after the sentence of deprivation pronounced against them , exercise any part of the ministerial calling in the places they formerly served in , or else where , they should be proceeded against with excommunication : but five years before , anno 1643. it was by them provided , that if any covenanted minister should haunt the company of any excommunicated person , he should for the first fault , be suspended from his ministry , by his presbytery , during their pleasure : and for the second fault be deprived : and in case the presbyteries be negligent therein , that the provincial assembly shall censure the presbytery thus negligent : and when they have done sufficiently to deprive the excommunicate person of all spiritual mercy ( as far as they could do ) they proceed to take from him all his temporal comfort of liberty and property according to their act , whereby they order his person to be imprisoned , after the loss of his goods and estate . 11. now these being the principles of presbytery , founded upon the oath of the covenant ( to extirpate episcopacy , and never to be indifferent in the cause ) and explained in the assembly-acts , ( enjoyning censure and excommunication , and recommending to the state the temporal punishment of forfeiture and imprisonment to pass thereupon against all persons disaffected ) the impartial resolution to the question is this , that the principles of scottish presbytery grant no toleration to dissenters . question iv , whether between the year 1662. and the year 1689. presbyterian separatists were guilty of sinful separation ? 1. the larger catechism agreed upon by the pretended assembly at westminster , with assistance of commissioners from the kirk of scotland , and thereafter approved by their general assembly , teacheth such doctrine , as from it can be demonstrated how necessary it is for salvation that every person keep communion with the particular church established by the laws of the state he liveth in ; unless she either enjoyn in her canons any sinful term of communion , or propose in her confession of faith any heretical article , or prescribe in her directory for worship , any idolatrous impurity . so that the question here proposed plainly resolves into this , whether the episcopal church of scotland these 27 years enjoyn'd any sinful canon as a term of communion , or prosess'd any erroneous doctrine to be believed , or directed any idolatry to be performed in divine worship . 2. all the presbyterians in the world cannot produce one canon of any synod of the episcopal church of scotland , from 1662 ▪ to the last year , with which they will not readily comply , excepting those canons that qualifie ministers to the exercise of the holy function : and none of those are enjoyned the clergy of that perswasion , as a term of their communion , but as a condition of their ministration : so that however these should debar any ministers from the pulpit , they cannot shut them out of the church ▪ nay , when it hath been demonstrated to them ( in a letter for union , dated at edinburgh the 4th of march last ) that never any confession of our reformed church avowed a divine right in a parity among all church-officers ; and that the solemn league did not abjure the president bishop , and that the english presbyterians , in conscience of their oath of the covenant , petitioned for such an episcopacy ; i think it may be presumed ( when twelve-months are past without any reason published against the said letter ) that they now believe that sin lieth at their door , for leaving their charges after the restauration of our kingly government , upon the point of difference about episcopacy . 3. in the second place , the scottish presbyterians , for matters of faith , adhere to the westminster consession , in obedience to the act of their general assembly : now let any presbyterian discover , if he can , one single article of all the three and thirty chapters of that confession , that was ever condemn'd by the late episcopal church of scotland , in any whatsoever synod , since the time of its restitution . 4. thirdly , scotch presbyterians , for publick worship in the church , retain the directory , composed by the foresaid pretended assembly at westminster , and thereafter approved by the general assemblies of their kirk . now to this rule of divine service the established episcopal church there hath these 27 years been more conformable than the presbyterians ever were or are . it is true , that those who have sworn in the solemn leagne to preserve the protestant religion as it stood reformed in scotland , an. 1638. and to reform the kingdom of england , in the same point of worship , according to the example of the church of scotland , are by virtue of this their solemn oath obliged to ling the doxologie after the singing psalms , ever after the year forty eight , as well as they did it all the ten years before ; and to avoid the sin of perjury , they were bound to make their english brethren to sing it , rather than at their instigation to forbear to sing it themselves . but not to insist upon this covenant-obligation , doubtless when the episcopal church of scotland continues that christian hymn , which the directory hath no where forbidden , their sin of commission is not half so great as the omission of the lords prayer , which the directory enjoyneth to be said at sermon times , of which omission the presbyterians are only guilty , of all the christians in the world . 5. again , in administration of both sacraments , the episcopal church of scotland , observeth the directory in all things , save one which is a very justifiable practice ; and that is in the office of baptism , the solemn confession of the apostolick creed , which both the pretended assembly here at westminster , and the general assembly there in scotland , ( at the end of the shorter catechism ) acknowledge to be a brief sum of the christian faith , agreeable to the word of god , and amiently received in the churches of christ : this their acknowledgment of its antiquity and scripture purity , must force any scotch presbyterian , to grant that there is no more sin in saying the apostles creed publickly in the church , tho' there be no precept for saying it , than there is in sprinkling water upon the baptized infant . 6. now laying all these considerations together , that the purity in doctrine which presbyterian synods confess , and the purity of publick worship , doing nothing which the directory forbids , could be as well retained in the episcopal church of scotland these 27 years , as in any presbyterian kirk or meeting-house : and that no confession of any reformed church , asserts the divine right of their presbytery as before defined : and that the covevenant abjures not the epis opacy likewise defin'd , but on the contrary it was peti●ioned for by the english covenanters , i say laying all these things together , the impartial resolution of the present question , is this , that between the year 1662 , and the year 1689 , presbyterian separatists were guilty of sinful separation . question v. whether the penal laws against scotch presbyterians , had any thing of persecution in them ? 1. it cannot be denied but there may be a party in a kingdom of well meaning men , truly pious and peaceable , who yet for some non-conformity to the church-establishment , may have too severe laws enacted against them , by the execution of which they may suffer for conscience sake ; so that the question here proposed , plainly resolves into this , whether the penal laws against scotch presbyterians had any thing in them which cannot be justified in christian policy as necessary , ( at those times in which they were enacted ) for the preservation of true religion and publick peace in the church and state ? or whether they were the uncharitable effects of a peevish resentment , inconsistent with good nature or christianity ? 2. forasmuch as it had pleased almighty god to compassionate the troubles and confusions of scotland , by returning king charles the 2d , to the exercise of that royal government , under which , and its excellent constitution , that kingdom had for many ages enjoyed so much happiness , peace , and plenty ; the noble lord the earl of middleton , being for his unshaken loyalty honoured with his majesties high commission , the administration of the oath of allegiance , to all the members of parliament , was the first thing enacted by the states thereof . 3. in conscience of their oaths of allegiance , to maintain and defend the sovereign power and authority of the kings majesty ; and in consideration of the sad consequences that do accompany any encroachments upon , or diminution thereof , they , from their sen●e of humble duty , wholy applyed themselves in this session , to establish such wholesome laws , as might by acknowledgment of his majesties prerogatives , prove salves to cure the state from the diseases of anarchy and confusion , which had before in the usurpation seized her vitals . 4. but all this time of the parliaments sole application to matters of state , in this first session , the presbyterian clergy did not neglect to do all they could for a parliamentary confirmation of their ecclesiastical government . 5. first , the synod of edenburgh , applyed themselves to a person of great interest with his majesties commissioner , that his grace might be intreated to procure from his royal master , instructions to give them presbytery without bishops ; and they promised that they should themselves enact , never to meet without his majesties commissioner , who should call and dissolve them at his pleasure : which act of theirs , they promised to get ratified by the first general assembly . 6. and when they found this address of theirs to be without any success , they sall upon another method , and send a clergyman , whose name ( because of his memory for his piety and school learning ) i shall not mention , with this threatning , that if the estates in parliament consirm'd not their presbytery , they should have the people let loose upon them ▪ 7. in that first session of the parliament already mentioned , the king with the advice of the estates therein convened , had before forbid the renewing of the solemn league and covenant , and by several acts annulled all the pretended conventions of the preceeding rebellion ; but this imperious address from the ministers , gave them a new sensible occasion to be perswaded , that all the late disorders and exorbitances in the church , incroachments upon the prerogative and right of the crown , and usurpations upon the authority of parliaments , and the prejudice done to the liberty of the subject , were the natural effects of the invasion made upon the episcopal government ; and therefore upon deliberation of twenty months , they past an act of its restitution , in the beginning of the second session of that parliament . 8. this act of restitution of bishops had this effect , in reference to the scottish clergy : whoever among them were disappointed in their hopes of preferment , or were lovers of ease from the burthensome service in the church , or else impatient to be made subordinate to those with whom they so lately had been upon a level , forsook their ministry , but they lived quietly at their respective habitations , and in personal conformity to the church establisht . others again ( and of them not a few ) were sensible that the established episcopacy , being obliged to exercise their jurisdiction in a synod with the ballance of assisting presbyters , was the only church government which could be obtained of the state , ( and which was not abjur'd in the solemn league ) and therefore did keep their charges , and were willing to own canonical obedience to their diocesan bishops . 9. this example of christian submission to authority , given by the generality of presbyterian ministers of both sorts , gain'd the laity of that perswasion to a pious and sober observance of the publick worship ; so that at that time nothing was wanting to render that national church happy without protestant dissenters , but a competent number of godly , learned , and grave men to fill up the vacant places of those who , for any of the motives before mentioned , had left their charges ; and till that deplorable want ( especially in the west , ) the separation from the regular meetings for divine service , was so little observable , that before june 1663 , the wisdom of that nation had by no act provided against it . 10. it is true , that the libellous sermons and books of some wicked men , which were written to justify the murder of charles the i. and the banishment of charles the ii. the renovation of the covenant , the necessity of taking up arms to promote its ends , and the sinfulness of complyance with the legal settlement in church or state , did now alarm that parliament . 11. they considered how seditious , and of how dangerous example and consequence seperation from the rugular church might prove for the future : and therefore for security of the state from the confusions they had so lately smarted under , they were forced to enact a penal law against it , importing , that every person having an inheritance , should pay the fourth part of his yearly estate ; every yeoman tenant or farmer the fourth part of his free moveables ( after the payment of their dues to their master ; ) and that every burgess should lose all the priviledges within the borough , and the fourth part of his moveables . 12. but notwithstanding this penal law , the contagion of those books and sermons which poisoned so many with principles of separation from the established church , produced the renovation of the covenant , contrary to the authority of the king and parliament ; and that again was followed by an open rebellion of the western parts ( known by the name of pentlin hills ) in the year 1666 , defeated by the king's army , so that they were out of capacity of resisting : however , the king in his royal clemency , at the address of some states-men , gave them indulgence to convene in meeting-houses for divine worship ; and they made this good use of his mercy , as that by them the incumbent ministers ( whose characters would have secured them any where but in the west of scotland ) had their houses in the night time invaded , their persons assaulted , wounded and pursued for their lives . then indeed , that merciful prince , with advice of his estates in parliament , having a just indignation of such horrid and unchristian villanies , thought fit to brand the same with a signal mark of displeasure . and this act of the date , aug. 1670. is the first that punisheth with death and confiscation of goods . 13. it is true indeed , the king and his estates of parliament , filled with indignation at the scandalous sin , which procured this former penal law ; and understanding from thence , that the specious pretences of religion were altogether false , and taken up by seditious persons ; they immediately pass'd another act against conventicles ; the preamble of which last act declares , that such meetings were the ordinary seminaries of rebellion as well as separation , that they tended to the alienating the hearts of the subjects from their duty and obedience they owe to his majesty and the publick laws , and by consequence , to the reproach of the authority of the king and parliament , as well as the prejudice of gods publick worship , and the scandal of the reformed rel●gion : and therefore they were obliged in reason of state , as well as for the peace of the church , to make the penalty of this law fall heavy upon the transgressors thereof . 14 and the penalties therein contained ( as nigh as i can value scottish mony by the current coin in england ) are these following : that every minister , preaching at a conventicle , should be imprisoned till he find surety for 275 l. that he should not do the like thereafter , or else oblige himself by bond to remove out of the kingdom , and never to return without his majesties leave ; that every one of any inheritance should pay the fourth part of his yearly estate ; that every servant should pay the fourth part of his yearly wages ; that every farmer should pay forty shillings , and every tenant under them twenty . 12. further , his majesty understanding that divers disaffected persons had been so maliciously wicked and disloyal , as to convocate his subjects to open meetings in the fields ; and considering that those meetings were the rendezvous of rebellion , and tending in a high measure to the disturbance of the publick peace , declares , that those who in arms did convocate in field conventicles , should be punishable by death , and confiscation of goods ; and that those present at them , should be punished in double the respective fines appointed against house-meetings . this act is dated aug. the 30th . 1670. 13. these acts against separation in meeting-houses , or in the fields , were appointed to endure only for the space of three years , unless his majesty should think fit to continue them longer ; wherefore his majesty considering that they had not received due obedience , and that the execution thereof had not been so prosecuted , as by the tenor of the same is prescribed , found it necessary , with the advise of his estates in parliament , in sept. 1672. that they should remain in force for other three years to come . 14. these are the penal laws in scotland against the presbyterians , made by divers free parliaments against their sinful separation from the church , to frequent meeting-houses or field-conventicles , upon mature consideration of the inconsistency of it , with religion towards god ; affection to the laws ; loyalty to the king ; or study of the publick peace of the state : and three rebellions in 23 years ( from the year 1663 to the year 1686 ) have justifyed the justice and wisdom of these parliaments . but none ever suffered for meer separation but in purse ; and never any was punished that way , but such as came to church to save their money , notwithstanding all their pretended scruples of conscience : wherefore unless we derogate from the authority of king and parliament , justify rebellion , and prefer private humour to publick peace , the impartial resolution of the present question is this , that the penal laws against the scotch presbyterians had nothing of persecution in them . question vi. whether the episcopal clergy in scotland from the year 1662 to the year 1686 , shewed any thing of the spirit of persecution against presbyterians ? 1. notwithstanding that the presbyterians are pleas'd to say , they were dragoon'd by the bishops and episcopal clergy , alluding to that way of conversion in france , which indeed was procur'd by an address of the assembly of the clergy of that kingdom ; yet this is a palpable injustice and calumny . for certain it is , that all these twenty four years never produced one address of the presbyterial , diocesan , provincial , or national assembly of the established church of scotland , either beseeching the high court of parliament , or the lords of the privy council , to make or execute laws against protestant dissenters : wherefore , notwithstanding all the passionate exhortations in private , and the publick sermons in the church , concerning the guiltiness of schism , and the necessity of union among protestants , against their common adversaries , the inferiour clergy there cannot be possibly charged with the spirit of persecution against presbyterians . nay , upon the contrary , our clergy were so averse from giving obedience to the act that enjoyned them to present written lists of the dissenters in their respective parishes , and so very inflexible to the publick order for their judicial informing upon oath against separatists , that the judges competent , and officers of state chid them in publick for disaffection to the royal government ; so that under that imputation they had nothing but their innocency to support them , in the spirit of meekness and charity to their sworn enemies . 2. again , it were a great injustice to the lords spiritual , the bishops , to charge any of them as having been the first movers of those penal laws against separation ; but since the repeated rebellions of forty years past , convinced all mankind of the necessity of those laws for the security of religion and the peace of the state , the bishops consenting , or even advising to those laws , is so far from inferring their having a persecuting spirit , that on the contrary , their doing otherwise , had demonstrated them to be enemies to the commonwealth , in all its concerns both sacred and civil . 3. but withal , it cannot but be acknowledged by any one that considers things calmly , that none of those bishops had it ever in their power to shew acts of compassion towards deluded separatists of whatever quality , but he chearfully did it , in relieving their necessities , or mitigating the execution of the penalties by law enjoin'd . to make a proof of this by enumerating particular acts of charity ( which presbyterians , to this day alive , will acknowledge ) would make the resolution of this question swell four times bigger than all the four letters concerning the present persecution of their clergy ; therefore i shall forbear it . 4. now since private exhortations , and publick sermons against schism , and recommending union , were all the appearances made by that inferiour clergy against separatists ; and since all the bishops in parliament advis'd to no penal laws against separation , but such as were justified to the world by a threefold rebellion , to be necessary in policy as well as religion , for the common good of the state as well as church ; i say , after all , the impartial resolution of the present question is this , that the episcopal clergy in scotland , from the year 1662 to the year 1686 , shewed nothing of the spirit of persecution against presbyterians . question vii . whether the episcopal church of scotland were compliers with the designs for taking away the penal laws against the papists ? 1. for the clearer resolution of this question , let us distinguish betwixt the scottish episcopal church , diffused through all the laity of that kingdom ; and that church again under the more restrained notion of representative , comprehending the clergy : and let us likewise distinguish the clergy unto the lords spiritual the bishops , and the subordinate ministers and pastors ; that so without partiality , every one of these societies of protestants may be considered in reference to the matter of fact in question . 2. and to begin with their episcopal church diffusive . the two estates of barons ( great and less ) and burgesses , fully represent them , in parliamentary assemblies ; the free and full parliament convened an. 1685. consisted of such men as had all of them sworn in the test against the covenant-principles of presbytery : this episcopal parliament so resolutely own'd themselves to be averse from taking away these legal restraints upon papists , that the vote about repealing those penal laws came never further than the lords of the articles : all this the episcopal church diffusive did , with the apparent hazard of displeasing the prince , who was then so zealous for an extensive liberty to papists , that for the disappointment which he found therein from that parliament , he chose to turn out of his service , some who had been the most faithful to him both in civil and military affairs . 3. again , for the church representative of scotland , the most malicious enemies to the episcopal order , asperse but two of fourteen bishops , for their complyance to these designs ; and it is as well known that two of the twelve were depriv'd . 4. then as for the inferior clergy , they were constantly faithful in preaching against the doctrines of the roman church , notwithstanding the necessity they were under , of reading the law against leesing making , every quarter of the year , to affright them into silence ; they as often as they preached , remembred in their publick prayers , the persecuted protestants in france , notwithstanding all that was done to stifle and disparage the belief of the persecution ; nay , in none of their synodical sermons , was the eminent danger from the busie jesuites and other papists forgotten ; nor in any sermon , the miserable fopperies of popery omitted , even before his majesties own commissioner , whether in the cathedral church at edenborough , or the chappel royal at holy-rood-house : and in the synod of april 1685 , ( when the bishops could not be with them , by reason of the approaching parliament ) they drew up their remonstrances against popery ; and like dutiful sons and zealous protestants , shewed their ready concurrence with the bishops , in that day of tryal : and it 's certain , that to their interest with the country , it is chiefly to be attributed , that the penal laws against papists were not then repealed . 5. all this they did , not with connivance of the court , but with apparent hazard of its heaviest displeasure , executed in the censuring of some , suspension of others , and deposition of others , who were all patient and chearful confessors for that holy religion , which they professed and taught in season and out of season : wherefore the impartial resolution to the present question , is this , that neither the episcopal church diffusive , nor representative the clergy , whether superior , or inferior , were compliers with the designs for taking away the penal laws against papists . question viii . whether the scottish presbyterians were complyers with the designs for taking away the penal laws against papists ? in satisfying this question , let us take the same method which we took to satisfie the former : and to begin with the laity of the presbyterian perswasion , none of these were ignorant that the convening of the parliament in 1685 , was to obtain of them a free admission of papists into all places of trust ; king iames his principles for liberty of conscience , fill'd up all his declarations for indulgence within his kingdoms ; none of the presbyterians were unacquainted that he had sent an ambassador to the pope , and that the pope had his nuncio at whitehall ; none of them believed that the english court in those circumstances , would do any thing relating to religion , but what was agreeable to the measures of the conclave ; none of them were ignorant , that papists call all protestants hereticks , and that they damn all hereticks to hell ; and that king iames oft declared , that presbyterians could not be loyal ; and that he could never so much forget the murder of his royal father of ever blessed memory , as to trust them himself : there was none of them but knew , that every zealous papist believes the roman church infallible ; and that infallibility is inconsistent with liberty of conscience : and therefore all the presbyterian laity were doubtless conscious , that the indulgence given to them by a popish king , assented unto by the pope's nuncio , conformable to the sense of the roman conclave , could never be intended for the ease of protestant dissenters , but with design of making papists share in the blessing ; and that by this step papists , got into power , might apply it to the overthrow of the reformation , was doubtless obvious to every presbyterian : and therefore the acceptance of , and thanksgiving for such an indulgence , was a gross complyance with the designs for popery , tending to the destruction of the protestant religion . 2. all this charge lies equally heavy upon the ministers of that perswasion , with these aggravating circumstances , that whereas in the reign of a protestant king , they preached against popery as imminent and at hand ; they in the reign of a popish king , were guilty ( for the most part ) of shameful silence ; yea when one of their number ( more faithful than the rest ) viz. doctor hardy , in a sermon at edenborough , which he preached at their provincial assembly , had exhorted them to take heed , that the indulgence to proustant dissenters , might not be an engine for bringing popery into the kingdom ; and when for the preaching of this sermon , he was arraigned for his life , none of all his brethren , nor any of the laity , ( except the good mr. r. b — d merchant in edenborough ) would shew him any friendship : but on the contrary , they did openly condemn his doing his duty , as indiscreet zeal : and certainly he had suffered as the worst of malefactors ; had it not been for the episcopal advocates that pleaded for him , and the episcopal judges that acquitted him , and took all his danger upon themselves : wherefore the impartial resolution to the present question , is this , that the scotch presbyterians were compliers with the late designs for taking away the legal restraints against papists . question ix . whether scottish presbytery in the church , be consistent with the legal monarchy in that kingdom ? 1. as the solemn league is the canon , and the acts of their general assemblies , the interpreters of the principles of scottish presbytery ; so on the other hand , the acts of parliament of that kingdom , are the only interpreters of the rights of their monarchy : wherefore the question here proposed , resolveth unto this , whether the scotch presbyterians in their assembly acts , which are founded upon the covenant , make any enchroachment upon the royal prerogatives of that crown , which are asserted by their acts of parliament unrepealed . 2. to chuse persons qualified by law to be officers of state , councellors , and iudges , is one prerogative acknowledged to be inherent in the kings of scotland : but the principles of their presbytery , make this to be the prerogative of the kirk ; as appears by the 4th article of the covenant , wherein they swear to endeavour with all faithfulness the discovery of all such as have been or shall be evil instruments , by making any parties contrary to that covenant , that they may be brought to publick tryal , and receive condign punishment . this is farther declared in their answer to the pretended committee of estates ; by which answer they propose as a safe rule in this case , that the duties of the second table , as well as of the first , namely the duties between king and subject , masters and servants , being contained in , and to be taught and cleared from the word of god , are a subject of ministerial doctrine , and in difficult cases a subject of cognizance and judgment , to the assemblies of the kirk : now what cases are difficult , in which king and subjects are the parties , the kirk must judge , and be as infallible in scotland as in rome . 3. another perogative of the king of scotland , is declared , his power of calling and dissolving parliaments ( by himself ) and making of laws with their advice and councel . and this prerogative , in all its branches , is usurped upon by the principles of presbytery . as for his power of calling parliaments by himself , either presbyterian kirk-men are not subjects of the scottish king , or else by their acknowledgement of this royal prerogative , his letters patents directed to them , may command their assembling about ecclesiastical affairs , as well as the other estates to convene for matters civil : but should they once grant that the power of their assembling flows immediately from the king their soveraign , and not immediately from christ ; then should they by laws of consequence be obliged to confess , that christ gives them no warrant to assemble without warrant from their king. but this the presbyterian kirk cannot grant to the state , because thereby their covenant should become an unlawful bond of treason , and the most of their assembly acts null and void ; since first that oath was sworn , and thereafter the most of those acts were pass'd without , yea , and contrary to the express will and pleasure of their king. 4. then the kings power to dissolve parliaments by himself is another branch of his royal prerogative : but this is likewise usurped upon by the principles of presbytery ; for as much as the second article of the covenant bindeth to preserve the priviledges of parliament , with the preservation of which priviledges , the general assembly declares the kings negative voice inconsistent . now if the king have no negative voice in a parliament that enjoys its priviledges , then any thing concluded by the majority of such a parliament , may pass into a formal act , though the king should deny his concurrence ; and by consequence , without the royal assent , they might make a law for continuing their session as long as they please ; by vertue of which law , the royal authority could not dissolve them , according to these covenanting principles . 5. in the third place , the power of making laws is usurped from king and parliament by the principles of presbyterians : for in the last article of their covenant they swear that they shall all the days of their lives zealously and constantly continue therein against all opposition , letts , and impediments whatsoever ; and in conscience of this part of their oath the kirk assembly men pass'd an act declarative against an act of parliament and committee of estates ( dated in june , the same year , ) and in general , against all others made in the common cause without consent of the church . 6. a third prerogative royal in the crown of scotland , is that of making leagues and conventions of the subjects . now that cannot consist with the principles which flow from that covenant which was entred into by the assembly of the subjects , without the king ; and more particularly is it invaded by those principles by which they emitted an act declaring against the bond subscribed by the scotch lords at oxford , and inflicting the highest ecclesiastical censures against any who subscribed , or framed , or were accessary to the execution of the same . 7. the making peace and war with foreign princes , is another branch of this prerogative of the crown of scotland , acknowledged to be in the king. but this also , according to the principles of presbytery , is usurped upon by that kirk ; for she , in the explication of the sixth article of the covenant ( already mention'd in the fourth number concerning the third question ) declares her self in her solemn and seasonable warning to all her children of the covenant , after this manner , whosoever he be that will not according to publick order and appointment adventure his person , or send out those that are under his power , or pay the contributions imposed for the maintenance of the forces , must be taken for an enemy , malignant , and covenant-breaker , and so involved both into the displeasure of god , and censures of the kirk . 8. now the king's power to chuse officers of state , counsellours and iudges qualified by law , to call and dissolve parliaments by himself , and make laws with their advice , to make leagues and conventions of the subjects , and to make peace and war , being all prerogatives royal of the crown of scotland , asserted by acts of parliament unrepealed ; and all these being so notoriously usurped upon by the presbyterian kirk , the impartial resolution of the question is this , that this scottish presbytery in the church , is not consistent with legal monarchy in that kingdom . question x. whether scottish presbytery be agreeable to the general inclination of that people ? 1. after it hath been demonstrated that the principles of scotch presbytery are inconsistent with that monarchy , to say that presbyterian church-government were agreeable to the mind of the representatives of that people in the current parliament , might be constructed the capital crime of leising making to his majesty , against his supreme judicature : and therefore this question hath reference to the people whom they represent ; and resolveth into this , whether the generality of the scottish nation would be glad to accept of presbytery , instead of the episcopacy lately abolished . 2. for the clearer resolution of the question thus stated , that kingdom may be distinguished into the laity and clergy ; and the laity distinguished into the nobility , gentry , and commons : and the clergy again into the bishops and subordinate pastors , after whom we may consider the universities and colledges of learning . 3. as for the nobility . since that honourable estate of the kingdom have by birth their peerage in parliament , beside that it were scandalum magnatum to say that they inclin'd to that church government , which is not consistent with their monarchy ; it were also a scandalum christianorum , to say that those men of honour and conscience , who ( a very few excepted ) swore in the test against all fanatical principles , and renounced all covenant-obligations , do incline to presbytery . and it 's well known that there never were in scotland above a dozen of peers so much presbyterian as to refuse the declaration against the covenant-principles , the taking of which qualified them to sit in parliament ▪ 4. again , for the scottish gentry , it 's certain , that not one of forty in all scotland but has taken the test ; and four years ago , not fifty in all scotland ( out of the west ) did upon the indulgence , forsake their churches to frequent meeting-houses . and it cannot be supposed of any who have so generous blood in their veins , that they should have so little honour or conscience as to incline to that church government , which usurps the priviledge of entring into covenants and leagues , and convening in assemblies , for treating , consulting and determining in matters ecclesiastical , without the royal command , or express license : which is a practice contradicting the promissory part of that oath of the test. 5. then for the commons ; it is certain that the generality of them ( as well as the richest and most sensible part ) live in cities and market towns ; now all such burgesses who were either worthy to be of the common council of the towns they lived in , or were able to follow any ingenuous trade , were obliged to take the test before they could be qualified to elect burgesses for parliament ; and therefore , according to their sense and conscience of an oath , they cannot but have an aversion against presbytery ; yea , their loud cries and rivers of tears at the farewel-sermons of their episcopal-pastors ( for whom they would have pluckt out their right eyes ) in all other parts of scotland but the western shires , heighteneth the probability , that they are not in love with presbytery . 6. then for the clergy ; since they all have owned episcopal ordination , sworn the oaths of allegiance , supremacy , and the test , it cannot be suspected of any of them , without a blemish of their integrity or constancy , that they should be inclin'd to presbyterian government . and if twenty of a thousand are trimmers betwixt the bishop and the presbyterian moderator , yet sure those twenty added to all the field-preachers and meeting-housekeepers ▪ will not make up the number of a fifth part of the episcopal clergy : no doubt they will say , that what they want in the number , they have in the worth of their ministers : but how far we may believe them in their setting value upon themselves , may partly appear from the consideration of their late commissioners to this court ; for doubtless , for the managing of their cause , they made choice of the fittest men they had , as for all other abilities , so especially for soundness in the principles of presbytery , also of the greatest moderation ; and yet one of the three , mr. w — son , before he got his first wife , was a malignant lecturer under bishops , and so continued , till his first disappointment of getting his rectors place , made him desert his own with indignation , and that made him an enemy to episcopacy . another of them , mr. k — dy , was , before the restitution of bishops , deprived by his presbyterian brethren , ( to use their own words as near as i can remember ) as a firebrand of hell to inflame the church on earth . the third is so famous , that i never heard of him till he came in this character . 7. then in all the four universities , it is certain that not four masters , head or fellow , incline to presbytery ; and the colledges of justice and physick at edenborough , were so averse from it , that the generality of them were ready last summer , to take arms in defence of their episcopal ministers . wherefore , since neither the most part of the scotch noblemen , gentry or commons , clergy , universities or colleges , are for presbytery , or in honour or conscience can be ; we conclude , that scottish presbytery is not agreeable to the mind of that people . finis . the contents . quest. 1. concerning the time of the first settlement of presbytery in scotland . pag. ● quest. 2. concerning the manner of the settlement 〈◊〉 presbytery in scotland , in the reigns of k. ja. v● and charles i. pag. ● quest. 3. concerning the principles of scottish presbytery in reference to dissenters , pag. ● quest. 4. concerning the separation of scotch presbyterians from the episcopal church since the year 1662. p. ● quest. 5. concerning the penal laws against scotch presbyterians , since the year 1663. pag. ●● quest. 6. concerning the carriage of the episcopal clergy of scotland , towards dissenters , pag. ●● quest. 7. concerning the carriage of the episcopal church of scotland , in reference to the penal law against papists . pag. ●● quest. 8. concerning the carriage of scotch presbyterians , in reference to the penal laws against papists . pag. 23. quest. 9. concerning the principles of scottish presbytry , in referenee to the power of the king. pag. 25. quest. 10. concerning the mind of the people in scotland , in reference to the presbyterian government in the church . pag. 28. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35430-e370 k. iames 6. parl. 1. act. 2 , 3 , 8. spotswood's 3 book spotswood book 3. p. 152. book 6. p. 289. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. 2. p. ●8 . lond. ed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. 2. spotswood 6 book . k. charles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 17 chap. august 30. 1639. aug 1639. aug. 1643. may 1644. a●g . 164● . 〈…〉 an. 1661. aug. 1647. feb. 1645. k. ch. 2. parl. 1. act. 7 , 9 , 10. k. ch. 2. parl. 1. sess. 2. act. 1. k. ch. 2. parl. 1. sess. 3. act. 2. k. ch. 2 parl. 2. ses. 2. act. 4. k. ch. 2. parl. 2. ses. 2. act. 5. k. ch. 2. parl. 1. act. 2. aug. 1648. k. ch. ii. part. 1. act. 3. iuly 1648. iuly 28. 1648. iune 3. 1644. k. ch. 2. part. 1. act. 5. feb. 12. 1645. the fovr-legg'd elder, or, a horrible relation of a dog and an elders maid to the tune of the lady's fall. birkenhead, john, sir, 1616-1679. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28206 of text r210623 in the english short title catalog (wing b2965a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28206 wing b2965a estc r210623 99835008 99835008 39661 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28206) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39661) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1790:7) the fovr-legg'd elder, or, a horrible relation of a dog and an elders maid to the tune of the lady's fall. birkenhead, john, sir, 1616-1679. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1647] by john birkenhead. cf. wing. imprint from wing. verse "all christians and lay-elders too". annotation on thomason copy: "septemb. 1st". reproductions of the originals in the british library (reel 246) and in the harvard university library (reel 1790). eng presbyterianism -humor -controversial literature -early works to 1800. ballads, english -early works to 1800. great britain -history -puritan revolution, 1642-1660 -humor -early works to 1800. a28206 r210623 (wing b2965a). civilwar no the fovr-legg'd elder, or, a horrible relation of a dog and an elders maid to the tune of the lady's fall. birkenhead, john, sir, sir 1647 900 8 0 0 0 0 0 89 d the rate of 89 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-05 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the fovr-legg'd elder or , a horrible relation of a dog and an elders maid . to the tune of the lady's fall . all christians and lay-elders too for shame amend your lives , i 'le tell you of a dog-trick now , which much concernes your wives : an elder's maid neare temple-barre ( ah what a queane was she ) did take an ougly mastive cutte where christians use to be ; help house of commons , house of peeres , oh now or never help , th' assembly hath not sate four yeares , yet hath brought forth a whelp . one evening late she stept aside , pretending to fetch eggs , and there she made her selfe a bride to one that had foure leggs : her master heard a rumblement , and wonder'd she did tarry , not dreaming ( without his consent ) his dog would ever marry : oh house of commens , house of peeres , &c he went to peep , but was affraid and hastily did run to fetch a staffe to helpe his maid , not knowing what was done , he tooke his ruling elders cane , and cry'd out helpe , helpe here , for swash our mastive and poore jane are now sight dog sight beare . oh house of commons , house of peeres , &c but when he came he was full sorry , for he perceiv'd their strife , that 'cording to the directory they two were dog and wife : oh ( then said he ) thou errant queane , why hast thou me beguil'd , i wonderd swash was growne so leane , poore dog hee 's almost spoyl'd . oh house of commons , house of peeres , &c. i thought thou hadst no carnall sence but what 's in other lasses , and could have quench'd thy cupiscence according to the classes , but all the parish see it plaine since thou art in this pickle , thou art an independent queane , and lov'st a conve●ticle . oh house of commons , house of peeres , &c. alas now each malignant rogue will all the world perswade that she that 's spouse unto a dog may be an elders maid , they 'l jeere us if abroad we stirre , good master elder stay , sir , of what classis i● your curre ? and then what can we say ? oh house of commons , house of peeres , &c. they 'l many gracelesse ballads sing of a presbyterian , that a lay-elder is a thing made up halfe dog halfe man ; out , out , said he , and smote her downe , was mankind growne so scant ▪ there 's scarce another dog in towne had tooke the covenant . oh house of commons , house of peeres , &c. then swash began to looke full grim , and jane did thus reply , sir , you thought nought too good for him , you fed your dog too high , t is true , he tooke me in the lurch , and leapt into my arme , but as i hope to come to church i did your dog no harme . oh house of commons , house of peeres , &c. then she was brought to ne●gate gaole and there was naked stript , they whipt her till the cord did faile , as doggs use to be whipt ▪ poore city maids shed many a teare when she was lash'd and lang'd , and had she bin a cavalir surely she had been hang'd , oh house of commons , house of peeres , her's was but fornication doomd , for which she felt the lash , but his was buggary presumd , therefore they hanged swash : what had become of bishops then , or independency , for now we find both doggs and men stand for presbytery . oh house of commons , house of peeres &c. she might have tooke a sowgelder ▪ with synod-men good store , but she would have a lay-elder with two leggs and two more : go tell th' assembly of divines , tell adoniram blew , tell burgesse , marshall , case , and vines , tell now and-anon-too . oh house of commons , house of peeres , &c. some said she was a scotish girle , or else ( at least ) a witch , but she was borne in colchester , was ever such a bitch ▪ take heed all christian virgins now , the dog-star now prevailes , ladies beware your monkeys too , for monkeys have long tailes . oh house of commons , house of peeres , &c. blesse king & queen and send us peace as we had seven yeares since ▪ for we remember no dog-dayes while we enjoy'd , our prince : blesse sweet prince charles , two dukes , three git lord save his majestie , grant that his commons , lords & earles may lead such lives as he. oh house of commons , house of peeres , oh now or never helpe , th' assembly hath not sate four yeares , yet hath brought forth a whelp . finis . a christian beleefe concerning bishops this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32888 of text r33290 in the english short title catalog (wing c3940). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32888 wing c3940 estc r33290 13119344 ocm 13119344 97815 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97815) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1547:16) a christian beleefe concerning bishops northbrooke, john. spiritvs est vicarius christi in terra. 1 broadside. s.n.], [london : 1641. "partly extracted from john northbrooke's spiritvs est vicarius christie in terra. a breefe and pithie summe of the christian faith"--nuc pre-1956 imprints. place of publication suggested by wing. creased with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng episcopacy. bishops. church polity. presbyterianism -apologetic works. a32888 r33290 (wing c3940). civilwar no a christian beleefe, concerning bishops. [no entry] 1641 844 9 0 0 0 0 0 107 f the rate of 107 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a christian beleefe , concerning bishops . i a beleeve , b that the office of a bishop is a worthy office , and warrantable by the word of god , c approved of by the apostles , d and instituted of god himselfe : e having the charge of one particular church , f or congregation , under each of them , g which they are h set over , i to feede ; k that is , to preach the gospel to them : l instructing and m teaching them , not by the traditions of the fathers , n but by the holy scriptures , o and shewing them good examples , by leading p unreproovable lives , and q performing such offices of the r ministeriall function , as becommeth s such faithfull guides ; having regard to their t bishoprick , ( which is the u great charge of their w pastorall office ) x over which they are set . and i y beleeve , that our z praelaticall bishops , a who are lifted up to a b ruling power , and a c lording hierarchie , are d not called of god , nor of e divine institution , but f anti-christian , g ethnicall , and h diabolicall ; and i suffered to be k in the church , l by the good will and pleasure of almightie god , as a m punishment for our sinnes , and a token of gods displeasure : and therefore n the people of god ought to pray , o that they may be cast out of the church , and onely p preaching presbyters may remaine , to q divide the word of god , and open and r interprete it to the people . and i s beleeve , that the t temporall magistrates are appointed of god , to punish sinne u upon all evill doers , whether clergie , or laytie ; and the government of the church doth pertaine to the w church , or x congregation , with the y laytie , and their z assistance , and not to the sole a prelates . the church hath foure offices . first , to keepe the canonicall scriptures . secondly , to publish the same . thirdly , to keepe it cleare from the counterfeit apocrypha , and all ●ounterfeit and corrupt bookes . fourthly , to make it the rule of their actions . the churches authoritie doth consist ●hiefely in foure things . first , to choose and ordaine ministers , according to the order of the apostles . secondly , to teach by lawfull ministers , so made . thirdly , to minister the sacrament by tho●e ministers , using su●● , time as shall be thought most expedient for the s●me . fourthly , to examine the doctrines , whether they be of god , or not ; ●nd that must be done by the scriptures . john northbrooke , preacher of gods ●ord , cantabr . cyprianus ad cornaelium , liber primus . sacerdos dei evangelium tenens , & christà praecepta custodiens , occidi potest , non pot●st vinci . the faithfull beleever , that will imitate christ the high-priest , in holding the gospel , and keeping the commandements , may well be killed , but conquered he cannot be . printed in the yeere 1641. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32888e-30 a acts 8. 13. b 1 tim. 3. 1. c phil. 1. 1. d acts 20. 28. e revel. 2. 1. f psal. 68. 26. g 2 cor. 4. 5. h acts 20. 28. i rom. 1. 15. k 2 tim. 4. 1. l 1 cor. 2. 16. m math. 15. 3. n 2 tim. 3. 15. o 1 tim. 3. 2. p 2 cor. 8. 11. q eze. 44. 13. r rom. ●● 7. s isay 51. 18. t acts 1. 20. u 2 tim. 4. 1. w ephes. 4. 11. x hosea 7. 12. y acts 27. 25. z 2 tim. 4. 10. a 1 tim. 3. 6. b hosea 4. 18. c 1 peter 5. 3. d 1 thess. 5. 24. e 1 pet. 39. f 2 thess. 2. 3. g mark . 10. 42. h 2 tim. 3. 10. i 1 tim. 4. 10. k acts 19. 29. l 2 thess. 2. 4. m amos 8. 11. n john 17. 9. o 1 cor. 15. 24. p 2 cor. 4. 5. q 1 cor. 3. 14. r 1 cor. 14. 5. s john 2. 22. t rom. 13. 2. u rom. 13. 1. w 1 tim. 5. 16. x psal. 58. 1. y 1 tim. 5. 19. z acts 20. 17. a 1 pet. 5. 3. the churches victory in a message from heaven to the saints on early / by a fat, pious and learned divine, immediately before his death, to incourage all those who are now in armes for the defence of christ and his gospell. fat, pious and learned divine. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a33135 of text r33293 in the english short title catalog (wing c4274a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a33135 wing c4274a estc r33293 13119558 ocm 13119558 97818 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33135) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97818) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1547:19) the churches victory in a message from heaven to the saints on early / by a fat, pious and learned divine, immediately before his death, to incourage all those who are now in armes for the defence of christ and his gospell. fat, pious and learned divine. 1 broadside. imprinted at london for mi. f., [london] : [between 1641-1661] "mi. f." is miles flesher--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng presbyterianism. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a33135 r33293 (wing c4274a). civilwar no the churches victory in a message from heaven to the saints on early / by a fat, pious and learned divine, immediately before his death, to fat, pious and learned divine 1641 706 2 0 0 0 0 0 28 c the rate of 28 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the churches victory . in a message from heaven , to the saints on earth , by a ●at pious and learned divine , immediatly before his death . to incourage all those who are now in armes for the defence of christ and his gospell . this is the day of iacobs trouble , and sions sorrow , and you doe well that see it , and take it , to heart , for he is a de●d member takes not notice of the ill , these sad times may produce , therefore first take heed your selves bee not a part of the misery of the times , that they bee not the worse for you . and then make this the day of jacobs trust also , for god is never neerer to his church , then when the greatest troubles are neere to them : when in earth men are concluding an utter overthrow ( as now ) god in heaven is concluding a glorious deliverance : christ now stands upon mount sion , and there is a councell in heaven will dash in pieces all the counsells on earth , and which is more , god will worke the raising of his church , by that very meanes by which the enemies seeke to ruine it : god gave to great a price for the church to suffer it long to remaine in the hands of cruell men . and for the flourish the enemies now make , it is but for a measured time , their day is comming , and their armes and armies shall both be broken , and shall not onely vex , but torment themselves , to see their projects disappointed , and the mould of all their devises turned upon their owne heads . the depths of misery , are never below the depths of mercy , god often for this very end , strips the church of all helps below , that it may relie onely upon him for help from above ; and that it may appeare the church is governed by an higher power , then that whereby it is opposed . and then is the time when the church may expect her greatest deliverance , when there is a great faith in the great god ; then the captivitie of the church shall returne as rivers in the south , and she shall become a cup of trembling in the hands of her enemies , for the prayers of the church cry , the blood of the saints cry , and the violence of the enemie themselves cry , for deliverance and vengeance . and then an armie of prayers will suddenly turne the streame ; a few moseses in the mount will doe more then many souldiers in the valley . it is your selves keepe antichrist and his faction alive to plague the unthankefull world , his strength is not from his owne cause , but from your want of zeale and confidence in god : you hinder your halalujahs by private brabbles , selfe-seekings ; coldnesse , and formallitie : if god had once his ends , in the humiliation of the church for sinnes past , with resolution of reformation for time to come , this present age might expect to see the salvation of god , which the generations at hand shall be witnesse of . it will therefore prove the wisest resolution to fall and rise with the church of christ , for the enemies themselves shall see and say , god hath done great things for them ; kings shall lay their crownes at christs feet , and bring all their glory to his church . i will have mercy upon the house of iudah , i will save them by the lord their god ; and will not save them by bow , nor by sword , nor by battell , by horses or by horsemen , hosea 1. 7. when the enemie shall come in like a flood , the spirit of the lord shall lift up a standard against him , esa 59. 19. imprinted at london for mi. f. bellum presbyteriale, or, as much said for the presbyter as may be together with their covenants catastrophe : held forth in an heroick poem / by matth. stevenson, gent. stevenson, matthew, fl. 1654-1685. 1661 approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61484 wing s5500 estc r11127 12331171 ocm 12331171 59677 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61484) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59677) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 400:23) bellum presbyteriale, or, as much said for the presbyter as may be together with their covenants catastrophe : held forth in an heroick poem / by matth. stevenson, gent. stevenson, matthew, fl. 1654-1685. [2], 22 p. printed for a. rice ..., london : 1661. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism -poetry. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bellum presbyteriale . or , as much said for the presbyter as may be . together with their covenants catastrophe . held forth in an heroick poem . by matth. stevenson , gent. tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum . london , printed for a. rice , and are to be sold in st. paul's churchyard . 1661. to my very good friend , dr. collins . sir , i joy to hear of your conformity , and think what comfort it must needs be to that reverend father , your bishop . i wish you many and happy dayes in your cassock and surplice ; nor am i less glad you have cast off your mourning cloak of presbytery , which i am sure s. paul will never send you back to troas for ; praestat recurrere quam malè currere . these twenty years has the church , like another rebecca , laboured of two nations in her troubled womb ; the presbyterians endeavouring might and main to supplant the bishops , and plant a company of stinking elders in their places . but ( god be thanked ) the confederates have miss'd their mark . my title-page speaks of war , but peace to you : — tu tantùm vivere pugna inque pios dominae posse redire sinus . which , for the better understanding of such as never arriv'd at corinth , is thus : — fight you to scape , and safe retreat into your ladies lap. but sir , did not my good meaning hope for some candour and acceptance , i should never have had the confidence to present your judicious eye with a toy so beneath you . sir , i wish you well ; nay , more , that you were a bishop : and that you may soon be so , is the hearty prayer of him that was sometime a member of yours , but still is , and ever shall be sir , your humble servant , m. stevenson . bellum presbyteriale . have ye not seen the coles that lively burn , of their own ashes make themselves an urn : and on occasion from their shady bed make speedy resurrection from the dead ? such are those classick glowings that long lie rak'd up in embers of obscurity ; whose envious sparks the presbyterian locks in his close breast , as in a tinderbox , and but the dread of just revenge doth hinder , would turn the surplice & lawn-sleeves to tinder ; nay , for a little profit , or a name , set ev'n the sacred temple on a flame . his spleen has its dimensions so out-swoln , no man can think the fire from heav'n was stoln , which , like those lamps reserved from the air continue burning many hundred year . so presbyterians age to age conceal the fiery bowels of their lurking zeal : as if the sulph'rous cakes of that deep cell were as eternal as the fire of hell. they wrap the white witch in a cloud of night , dark as the curtains of false faux his light , til mischief prompts them to 't , then , then , they double their flames , & make the church & state their stubble ; and would forestall ( their fury is so fierce ) the conflagration of the universe . some smaller lights hover to and again , which we call will i th' wisp , or lanthorn men , these like the gloworm , that terrestrial star , do sometimes glitter , sometimes disappear . or like joan's candle else , this twinkling train are out and in , and in and out again . these are those lights upon the stage , we see ye going now to act your tragedie : those heresies i mean , those schisms and sects by you directed to those sad effects . you the pyrites are ; these sparks are some of those that from your flinty bosoms come . you are the stone , the steel , sulphur and match , these only tinder are , and apt to catch : in sum thus only differ your conditions , you are the aetna , these the evomitions . and more than this , your actions vary not , one is the canon , th' other the case-shot . for , in a word , 't is plain ye both conspire to set the kingdom and the church on fire . and to that end the furious brood of smec judging themselves too long kept under deck ; as eager mastiffs that have long time lain under restraint of a commanding chain , and now got loose , there 's nothing in their way which to their teeth shall not become a prey . so 't is , these classick currs do nothing fear , but like acteons dogs their master tear . well had it been , and had i had my will , these tygres should have been kept muzled still . foxes i say , that our church-vine deface , and plant their stinking elders in the place . which they begin , for now of late these rabbies have made cathedrals like old wildred abbies , and with the draggon with all fury press to drive the church into the wilderness . with their black brood of angels , sons of hell , they help the devil against st. michael . there you may look before you and behind , and in the windows read your envious mind . which makes me wonder how that clergy looks to have their elders learn'd , and burn their books ! but this of all i do the strangest deem , that presbyterians , who would christians seem , should so forget themselves as not afford a reverence to the shadow of their lord ; but he must suffer by the english jew . as in his person , so his pourtraict too . cause crucifying at jerusalem was not enough , he now is ston'd by them ; nay , and his mother that stands weeping by must have her scene too in the tragedy . like men possess'd they dwell amongst the tombs , and rifle graves , and dead mens resting rooms . whom the blest virgin cannot exorcise with all the holy water of her eyes . pitty us heaven , that labour of a curse , were hell broke loose we could not sure be worse : the bishop doubtless with much quiet bears his losses , and forgives the plunderers , who in so sacrilegious steps have trod , they have not spar'd the very house of god : and thus methinks i hear them check their care , can servants better than their masters fare ? to rob the church a sin is of that stature , heathens abhorr'd it by the light of nature . a num'rous army before delphos fell , though it were but the devil's oracle . with us the case ( to greater sin ) does vary ; for god's own house does need a sanctuary . but this our shame , o may it ne'r be known ! the hands that robb'd our god have been our own . and what a vain excuse we do alledge , pull idols down , and commit sacriledge . thus , presbyters , ye see what ye have done , brought church and state into confusion . episcopacy ( as it well appears ) has prosper'd in this church a thousand years . look back upon the church , you may derive its institution from the primitive . in sacred scripture no where it appears , titus and timothy were presbyters . true , such there were with bishops ( if you 'l hav 't ) contemporary , but subordinate . it were a fond conceit , and over-reach'd , to say the ass was balaam cause he preach'd . to rule without a king is to no boot : and shall the church have neither head nor foot ? what order in the church or state would be , we are convinc'd by our late anarchy ; when , notwithstanding all the lights ye boast , we were in darkness , worse than aegypt , lost , aegyptians , prince and peasant , the text saics , arose not from their places in three daies ; yet they knew where they were , which is much more than we , i 'm sure , could say this good while ; for ev'ry man with us is out of 's place , the servant now is where his master was ; where the king sate enthron'd ( under the rose ) the beggar has advanc'd his copper-nose . now the clown lords it , and the gentleman sees that it will be so do what he can . whose taylor 's on his back , his thefts enchases in characters of gold and silver laces . the councellor is brought into disgrace , and for supply , the fool is in his place . and now to see how times and seasons alter , the thief condemns the judge unto the halter ! well may the judge in admiration stand , and ( as the thief did once ) hold up his hand ; yet strange not at this metamorphosis , holding up hands has been the cause of this . to the exchequer whom would ye prefer , the cheater is already treasurer . touching the church , ( o that it were a dream ! ) the crosier's turn'd into a weavers beam . in the dean's pulpit is a taylor heard , that measures time , not by the glass , but yard . weavers and taylors ? how 's that understood ? are they to coat the fathers ? why that 's good . wolves in sheeps cloathing preach unto their dams , to have a care of their own tender lambs . the soldier preaches with his sword by 's side , as if therewith he would his text divide , and open what he understandeth not , as alexander did the gordion knot . with infinite inversions such as these ; as if the whole were the antipodes , learning and liberal arts turn'd out of door , all were decry'd : turcism commands no more . we put the bible thus ( oh sin of man ! ) in competition with the alchoran . a thing that fals to nothing , if she chance to crack the crazy crutch of ignorance : thus in a maze they have bewildred us ; none but our god can be our daedalus . but this was their design , these their intents , to tear our church in pieces for her rents ; a thing my hopes perswade shall never be , maugre the handy-crafted hierarchy . those cursed corahs , those church-catilines , the scue-bald synod , and her club-divines , hells ambuscado , nor a scotish lurch shall set a kirk a tiptoes on our church , which into heaps ( i hope ) shall ne'r be hurl'd , until the second chaos of the world , under which ( as by record it appears ) england has flourish'd many hundred years . ye bend your bows though , and prepare to fight , bishops the marks are , and lawn sleeves the white . instead of our church-musick ye suppose none like the twang of the organick nose . but yet if some ( you ne'r shall know for certain , if i mean burgess , and sir harry marten ) had in their stews met but with self-like choices , their want of noses had untun'd their voices . the purity in surplice signifi'd , ye , as the whore of bab'lons smock , deride . goodness ! how came this secret to be known ? did any sister measure't by her own ? so likewise that church-ornamental cope ye call the outward garment of the pope , forgetting these things only represent paul's decency , order and ornament . and fondly you that superstition make , which wiser men but for distinction take . of bishops ye complain there 's too great plenty , and yet for one ye strive to set up twenty ; but better with alcides trace the lists , than bryareus that has an hundred fists . athens can tell you ( with a dolefull groan ) that thirty tyrants oftner struck than one : in church or state the difference we see monarchy is prefer'd to anarchy . but all the business whence they so displease is only this , their lands and pallaces . you therefore in deep policy think fit , joseph for his gay coat should to the pit. beloved you very impatient are to keep your breeches out of moses chair , ye would so fain be sitting at the helm , though ye the church should in the waves o'rwhelm o how ye tack about , still to enure the needle to your northern cynosure . but this shall come to pass , would ye know when ? at the greek calends , and soon enough then . now let me give you but a character of a young anglo-scotic presbyter : first he is one whose face with hair's thin thatch'd , one that in scoggen's pyde crows nest was hatch'd , who not yet fleg his godly mother set an ordination of the kirk to get , wherein she soon prevail'd , and at the grant he stretch'd his jawes , and gulpt the covenant ; he knew not what epicopacy was , and that indeed made him the better pass . strait then out-went this new imbrother'd elf , and the next village set up for himself . he call'd in th' elders , and he chose out twelve ; and now the hatchet having got an helve , he hew'd down sin , and that same very year most of the sisters backward fell for fear , or else for love ; for on a time being sifted , they found the man most able and well gifted ; he often knock'd the fathers out of joynt : no matter though , he still press'd home the point . the elders wives were every sermon at , yet were not constant hearers for all that . when any law-sute in the parish fell , he and his jury judged israel . if any one without his leave should wed , they found his leaving when they went to bed : and more than this this novice dares to do , yet this is it ye bring the english to . but stay , though this of scotish slaves be born , it is a thraldom english spirits scorn . when a deacon shall a sermon make , and for his context all the bible take ; here we might , may be , grant him our consents , if he were register to both testaments : but ramble how he please , he 's in his road , for in the pulpit he still walks abroad ; and if this hour he single out a text , it is enough if they two meet the next . if he can but devoutly rail upon the pride of prelats , all his work is done . or if he can but tell the people how the saints have given their foes an overthrow ; it is no matter if he nedham quotes : thus a diurnal serves him for his notes . men need not question the analysis , his sermon nothing but division is . once he preach'd faith , the publick-faith i mean , and that did work repentance on most men ; for what that old news-monger nedham saith was call'd the publick , prov'd the punick faith , a kind of philosophick faith , by which scarce e'r was poor man sav'd , i 'm sure no rich . but when ye pray , or rather when ye prate ; for many times ye talk ye know not what . then as if god forgat what went before , ye to 't again , and tel 't him ore and ore . in terms impertinent , full of levity , flatness , confusion , and obscurity , with repetitions vain , ridiculous , senseless , and too too often blasphemous , so tedious , it does all mens patience wrong , may be some females fancie what is long . if this the spirit be , then i profess the spirit leads y' into the wilderness , where you might lose your self , but that no doubt , you know in prayer you are easily out . the laver of regeneration you quite lay aside with the baptismall vow . the eunuch ( if amongst your classick cinders ) could not have said , here 's water , then what hinders ? what else would ye , but in your vast desire forestall christ's office , and baptize with fire ? when at the table of the lord we stay for bread and wine , ye send us empty away . whom we must therefore worse than papists call , for they give half , but you give none at all and with your pharisaick demagogs , call it a giving childrens bread to dogs . classicks take heed , 't will be remembered , ye gave christs hungry people stones for bread . for funerals , y' have brought us to that pass , no burial but the burial of an asse : methinks a word were sweet in such a place , where death even looks the people in the face . through the deceased's coffin , such a sight would of an atheist turn a proselite . nay , very dreams do sometimes men convert , the phansie turning preacher to the heart . when could your words pierce deeper , than imprest vvhen fear and sorrow have possest the breast ? dumb dogs that from the house of mourning sneak leaving the more relenting stones to speak . strange kind of brethren ! neither will give bread to those that live , nor bury those are dead . but what my saviour said , so say i too . forgive them , lord , they know not what they do . but ye may see , if on your schisms ye look , you dearly want our divine service-book . in which is wrapt up such a form of prayer . as ( next christs pattern ) does transcend compare , nothing being in 't but of approved worth , nothing but what the sacred text holds forth , even in its phrase and method signifi'd in terms express , or at the least imply'd . it pass'd the persecution , 't were a story too dire and dismal for your directory . this they have left us for the churches good , seal'd and deliver'd with their own hearts blood : a heavenly legacy ; by my consent it shall be call'd , the bishops testamemt . vvhich you that slight , were you your turns to take ye would be brought ( i doubt ) as bears to th' stake . vvhilst for your idol none a faggot kiss : bishops have bled , bishops have broyl'd for this . but faction and ambition were the cause , and not religion , conscience , or the laws : the mitre and the means belonging to 't was that which set this holy war on foot . and finding now the spirits sword to fail , the arm of flesh must help it to prevail . vvhen rebels draw the sword upon their king , into the fire they must the scabberd fling : no dallying now , down goes the church's hedge , to make an open way for sacriledge , and the scotch boar forthwith's invited in to be partaker of the prey and sin : vvho seeing in what straight our classicks lay , though he scarce patience had to keep away , but like a garrison that must resign , on terms though ne'r so hard , rather than pine ; or as the scythians that have never fled their countrey confines , but for want of bread . so said these scots , come , up , and let us go , there 's corn in aegypt , yea , and flesh-pots too . but stay awhile , the jewes must sampson bind , or we have castles in the air design'd . they must take strafford off , whose single worth does weigh down all the vertue of the north , thus wentworth dy'd , whose innocence was such , that all the law in england could not touch . thus fell the churches champion , hurry'd hence to leave the temple void of a defence . nor is this scum yet to assistance drawn , till they to them their souls in cov'nant pawn . hinc illae lachrymae , hence these traytors bring the land infected with the cursed thing . this long time loyal , learned church must bow to the scotch kirk , she is her mistris now . the copy's set , and england it appears must follow 't though in bloudy characters . now comes the army , which , did you but see , you 'd swear it were a goal-deliverie . first came the pedlar lashley with his pack , not of smal wares , but oatmeal at his back ; next came the horse , which so beheltred were , a man would think them going to a fair. the trumpet sounded boote-sele long , but deil a boot or saddle in the throng , except some jockie , galled with a botch , got a blew cap to gratifie his notch . i wonder they ne'r in the stirrop hung , for either foot was with a halter strung ; by which it doth evidently appear , they came to do much execution here . their boots were wisps they on their legs did draw , who then can say , they were not worth a straw ? thus on their galloways while the army jogs , ye'd swear their muckle horse were mastiff dogs . on whose keen backs they did their bums endorse , as men condemn'd to ride the wooden horse . the foot march'd in such haste , as i suppose , many a leg there was out-ran his hose . their clothes so tatter'd were , one would have swore that they had been in fight the day before ; for every suite so scollop'd was with rags , like dung-hill-rakers that had rob'd their bags . o , had the army stood a little still , what work had there been for a paper-mill ! but that in those so antiquated cuts the ' squiers of the body had their huts ; of all the shirts upon their backs , was found scarce so much lint would dress a single wound . i might march on , but here 's enough of these : volumns must speak their bags and baggages . now presbyterians view your proper studds , these are the saints ye fetcht for all our goods , and because those were not enough , they sold their sovereign lord and master too for gold. see now your images , your golden calves , with price and pray'r procur'd in your behalves : and by vast sums it plainly does appear , that ( truly ) these have been your brethren dear . and certainly you here the jewes out-do , to give your ear-rings , and your lop-ears too ; nay , such a false , such an impost'rous crew are yet to learn the way of meaning true . and have a form of fallacy in kirk , mecha would not accept it for her turk . thus in pretence to bring the gospel to us , ye throng'd in swarms of locusts to undo us , panthers and tygres , a ravenous race of harpies that forestall the saying grace . harpies ? i do correct my hasty pen , these miscreants had not the face of men . these are your friendly friends ; indeed these are saints , canoniz'd in satans calendar . dissention kindled zealots that desire , like salamanders still to live in fire . yet to these vagrants have ye ( as i said ) your king , your country , & your church betrayd ; this was the crew wherewith ye england vext : doubtless ye mean to bring the devil next . but wicked wagg'ners , see what ye have done , aspiring to the charriot of the sun ; like busie flyes ye at the candle aim , and scorch your selves to cinders in the flame . was it for this ye waded through a floud of widdows tears , and a red sea of bloud ? when to your selves ye did propound whole realms an independent all the plot o'rwhelms . and on the tropick of your trophies stands , murd'ring your king when you had bound his hands you that malignant call'd the cavallier : who is malignant now ? jack presbyter . what have ye gotten , you and your scotch lyon , that built up babel , and demolisht sion ? this up-start viper all the wealth does share , by you begotten on the womb of war. thus they whose hopes had made them more than proud , for their so long'd for juno grasp'd a cloud ; nor is there law more right , more just , more due , than plunder-masters should be plunder'd too . now they have left off action in this nation , and are turn'd wholly into contemplation , which contradicts the academick art , where theory succeeds the practick part . platonick presbyters , how do their fancies range for sights i th' air , and prodigies more strange than true ! that monster in the news books read , of which the parson brought the wife to bed . this is a fable , and was got ( 't is plain ) as jove once got minerva , of his brain . but if ye could not treason , once a foot , drive on with arms , bug-bears shall never do 't . a rout of holy hell-hounds that have wrought treason that others never durst have thought , for aggravation of whose punishment , god has not thought ye worthy to repent . as if it were a sin that ( while ye live ) heav'n never had intention to forgive . or sure so mild , so mercifull a prince might of your stubborness your hearts convince . but they ( and often so it comes to pass ) whose hands were iron , have their faces brass . guilt feeds the fire whose inward burning throws this cloud of smoak upon your duskie brows , and brands ye with cain's mark , where e'r ye go any man may a presbyterian know . and without judging doubtless men may say 't , it is a prologue to your future fate , who thus forestall the office of the shrieve , and hang your selves in spite of a reprieve . the execution of the covenant , burnt by the common hang-man ed. dun , presbyter , may 22. 1661. the news i pray ! what doth this throng infer ? do ye not know ? dun is turn'd presbyter . well then ! i see the bretheren in spite of bishops , have obtain'd a proselite ; one that will soon be on the rigid score , and be a cause of turning many more . make him an elder then ! indeed ye shall ; for he is one that may advance you all . that he is now a brother you must grant , for i did see him take the covenant . take it indeed ; yet you must understand , 't was but to give 't the honour of his hand : which he vouchsaf'd with freedom and a smile , and strait commits it to the fun'ral pile . in which he shew'd himself a christian right , to let the works of darkness come to light . bark then phanaticks , who , like demophon , glow in the shade , and freeze still in the sun. howl millenaries , independents too , and anabaptists that heretick crew of presbyterian by-blows ; if these flashes be sacred to you , come and urn the ashes : for we esteem the reliques of these sheets too dirty and debaucht to pave our streets . this mouth-granado from that scotch witch came to set three glorious kingdoms in a flame . a covenant ? no , 't was a conspiracy , plotted by brethren in iniquity . treason , to which the acts of catiline , sylla and marius were deem'd divine . bold assassins that durst attempt all ill , and hollocaust whole kingdoms to self-will . mend , mend for shame , your brother else will look , to hang the authors as he burnt the book : but he presumes , or hopes ye'l rather turn , than follow your black juncto to the urn. while i thus thinking am , who would desire ( were it to roast a rump ) a fitter fire ? in which it now hath pleas'd the fates to grant the dissolution of the covenant . finis . a solemn discourse upon the grand covenant, opening the divinity and policy of it: by john saltmarsh, master of arts, and not long since, pastour of heslerton in yorkshire. saltmarsh, john, d. 1647. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93701 of text r208789 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1208_1). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 34 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93701 wing s501 thomason e1208_1 estc r208789 99867712 99867712 120034 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93701) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 120034) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 168:e1208[1]) a solemn discourse upon the grand covenant, opening the divinity and policy of it: by john saltmarsh, master of arts, and not long since, pastour of heslerton in yorkshire. saltmarsh, john, d. 1647. 72 p. printed for laurence blaiklock, london : 1643. annotation on thomason copy: "octob: 12th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng solemn league and covenant (1643). -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a93701 r208789 (thomason e1208_1). civilwar no a solemn discourse upon the grand covenant, opening the divinity and policy of it: by john saltmarsh, master of arts, and not long since, pa saltmarsh, john 1643 5540 12 0 0 0 0 0 22 c the rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a solemn discourse upon the grand covenant , opening the divinity and policy of it : by john saltmarsh , master of arts , and not long since , pastour of heslerton in yorkshire . london , printed for laurence blaiklock ▪ 1643. the printer to the reader . courteous reader , the effigies of this embleme should have been cut , but that time could not permit . an angell reaching forth an hand out of a cloud , holding a chaine , which is let downe to three women , each one having her arme linkt in it , over each a title anglia , scotia , hibernia , with harpes in their hands , at the distance of a stream betwixt another woman with the title of roma in a sad posture , her tripple crowne seeming to decline with her face towards the three ; with this inscription , revel. 17. 1. and there came one of the seven angels which had the seven vials and talked with me , saying unto me , come hither , and i will shew unto thee the judgement of the great whore that sitteth upon the waters . to the worthy covenanter . i could have given more , and more easie and common observations ; but these times call for discourses that worke higher , and more quaintly ; i say not this to force any reputation upon these notions . this covenant is the most glorious rise of a reformation in any age ; mighty and powerful are the principles of it : and though this season of our solemnity be cloudy & our evening bloody , yet it is our saviours interpretation , when it is evening , you say it will be faire weather , for the skie is red . covenant . holy obligatory principles . in praeamb. having before our eyes the glory of god , in praeamb. and each one of us for himselfe with our hands lifted up to the most high god . artic. 6. and this covenant we doe make in the presence of almighty god , the searcher of all hearts . as we shall answer at that great day , when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed . the discourse . the power and excellency of this covenant . a covenant is the last resort of the godly and wise christian ; and with this , he draws himself neerer heaven , and closer to that glorious essence , and the immediate flowings and emanation of an almighty power : a covenant is such an obligation , as layes an ingagement upon the soule ; and as in tossings and storms at sea , the mariners find out no safer course then by casting out coards and anchors , to hold them at some period ; so in civill waves and spirituall fluctuations , there cannot be a more secure experiment , then this of covenanting , wch is like the casting out our coard and anchors as they did in s. pauls storme , vndergirding the ship , and casting out foure anchors . covenants , they are divine engines , which the godly have found out to winde up their soules from irregular wandrings and strayings , into heavenly heights and stations , the onely remedy , and preventive against relapses , and apostasies ; and those vertues & operations the saints have ever found in covenants : for such resolutions of soule are but the finer cordage , which the spirit spins out and twists from the substance of its owne essence ; and now god and his angels have something to hold our soules by , even the operations and effluxes of our own spirits : and though god need none of those , but is able to keepe us up by the immediate and indistant workings of his holy spirit , yet he is a god that is pleased to take us at our own rebound , and to admit us into that holy consotiation , wee as workers together with him . he that covenants with god , by that very act doth carry up himselfe unto gods throne , and cites his soule to his tribunall , and then the majesty of god looks on him with a fuller gleame ; & so long as that glorious interview continues , or any sparkling or raying of it , man is awed from sinning , and stands trembling like the people of israel , while god appeard upon the mount . and thus divine covenants , as they exalt and situate a soul in more glory then before , even in the glorious face of god , so they are the spirituall stayes , and supports , and strengthnings of a soule . god him selfe first drew forth his owne essence into this course of covenants to abraham and moses , and joshua , and his people , and from that covenant he went higher , to one of grace , besides the particular obligations of his , to noah & other saints , not as if he received any consolidation or confortation by it , or any such act of covenanting that hee had not before ; not as if he begun to re-act upon himself in any new operation ( farre be it from his immutable essence ) hee was as firme and unchangeable in the eternall immanency of his own , before ever he passed himselfe abroad into any such act of paction : and therefore he could not shew himself to man in the likenesse of any other notion , than , i am . only he was pleased to light us by a beame of his own nature , into this duty of holy confederation , & to shew us a new way of spirituall advancement and establishment : how sacred then ? and how inviolable ▪ ought these to be ? which are made with a most high god ; when even pactions and promises and covenants in friendships and lower confederations , are reputed holy . thus far of the power of the covenant upon the soul in that grand and heavenly ingagement ; now there is a power reflexive , and that is a returne it makes from heaven , and in that return it brings with it something of god ; for the soule going up thither by a spirituall might and holy violence , brings away from thence graces and blessings , and the resort of many temporall mercies , as when moses had been looking god in the face , he brought a divine lustre upon his owne , home with him . we see nehemiahs covenant had excellent concomitances , the dedication was kept with gladnesse , and singing and psalteries , and the people offered themselvs willingly , and the businesse at ierusalem , and all the affaires of gods house went better on in all the particulars . nehem. 11. 3. 12. 27. the covenant of iudah drew along with it the like blessings ; the lord was found of them and gave them rest ; and one more superlative blessing not inconsistent with our calamity ▪ maachah was remoued from being queene , because she had made an idoll in a grove , 2 chron. 5. 25 , 26. and for this covenant of ours i am bold to say , it hath been in heaven already ; it came not only from thence in its first inspiration , but it hath had a return backe , and by the power of that reflexive act , it hath brought downe with it cheerefull concurrencies & contributions in both kingdomes , and there are divine stirrings , and movings , and aspirations in the people of late : and as in the poole of bethesda the stirrings and troubles in the waters were the only signe of the angels comming downe : so these waters in both kingdomes , which in the holy spirits language are people , doe stirre and move more of late , not onely in their highest and supreame representative , but in their own places , which is an indication of some divine vertue , descended and co-operating . covenant . the reformation principles . in praeamb. 1 to endeavour the advancement of the kingdome of iesus christ . artic. 1. the reformation of religion in doctrine , worship , and discipline , according to the word of god and the example of the best churches . art. 6. the unfained desire to be humbled for our sinnes , and the sins of these kingdomes . discourse . these are such maxims as will make a kingdome holy and happy ; for holinesse is the foundation and basis to all other blessings , and hath a perpetuating quality , and it is such a condition as god takes in at the felicitating of a person or people : seeke first the kingdome of god , and all things shall be added unto you . the advancement of gods kingdom , was alwayes the advancement of the kingdome of israel ; and the glory of the one declined and set in the declination of the other : for the arke and the glory departed together , and both expired at once in a dolefull ichabod . the advancement of christs kingdome hath been the designe of god from all eternity , and it is the designe of the godly too : god revealeth his secrets to his servants , and we have the mind of christ . now knowing so much of the counsels , and designes , and secrets , and minde of god , we are carried on by the same spirit to be aiding to that designe : now though the kingdom of christ be such a name as imports glory and dominion , yet it is not a glory of this world , but a spirituall glory seated in bare and simple administrations ; such as are foolishnesse to the greek , and to the jewes a rock of offence : and this kingdome of christ like other monarchies , hath its rise and growth , its ages & improvements , according to the propheticall latitude , being at no fulnesse nor perfection till the rest of the monarchies be consumed before it : this is that small excrescency advancing out of the mountaine , and by a power insensible exalting it selfe through all oppositions , working through atheisms , paganisms , idolatries , superstitions , persecutions , and all the carnall machinations , into a lustre glorious , in the judgement of those onely , who can spiritually discerne : the advancement of this kingdom is onely attainable by a reformation to the word of god ; & here we shall take occasion to part with all the models and idea's wch are not to be found in holy scriptures ; it is markt there as a grand transgression to walke after the imagination of our owne hearts : and that was laid to jeroboam's charge , that his priests , and sabbaths , and worship , were such as he devised in his own heart : god will indure no such rivallity nor conjunctures with himselfe : it is an incompleating the worke of god to build his house with our own timber : and as he made this world at first onely after the patterne of his owne counsels , so in this second work of the setting up a spiritualll structure for his glory : god thinks none worthy of coordination , in those things wherein his glory shal be sure to suffer in a distribution with his creatures , and his owne image hath ever pleased him best , & therefore he made the best piece of his creation according to it . and where this kingdome of christ is , there is holinesse of doctrine , holinesse of government , holiness of ordinances , holinesse of life ; god hath had a people at first whom hee made his owne , by speciall adoption , by eminent priviledges , by rare providences , by lawes and institutions , by worship and administrations . and now because darknesse in part is hapned to israel , god will still have a people that shall be his , and have their lawes and usages and forms from him ; their guidance & providences from him . this kingdome of christ is a company of godly gathered by his own spirit , having their lord and saviour in the midst , confederated by an holy and sacramentall paction , ruled by the law of his will and spirit ; obeying his cōmands , whither in silent inspirations or lowder exhortations , either by a word behinde us , and a saying , seeke yee my face ; or by outward intimations and interpretations of his will , from such wayes of distribution & administration as hee hath ordained ; studying what will adorne the gospell of jesus christ , and those that walke in the light and glory of it , being transformed frō glory to glory , as by the spirit of the lord . now these principles , viz. the advancement of christs kingdome , and humiliation for sinnes , are such as will bring god into this kingdome , and seat him and determine his presence , as the tabernacle and arke & temple were the engagements and enthronizations of , & mysterious fixations of gods divinity . they are likewise an advancement of the nation too , setting it higher then other nations , that was the preferment of the jewes , that to them the oracles of god were committed . therefore they were said to dwell in the light , when other nations sat in the region and shadow of death . and that principle of reformation according to the word of god and the best reformed churches , brings us closer to god , and consociates us with heaven , and makes us arrive at the highest mystery , even the deniall of our selves , our owne inventions , will-worship , and superstitions ; pulling down at once all our relations to rome and popery , and working to the patern , so that things which shal be seen shall not bee made of things which do appear : we shal likewise be associated to the church of christ , and so incorporated more cleerly and purely and mystically , into the body of christ , we shall be now in a capacity wth them to partake equally of graces and priviledges : and thus the kingdom of christ gathers power and latitude , and stretches to the breadth of that prophesie , of the fulnesse of the gentiles , and gathers strength too against the present antichristian monarchy ; & by that other principle of humiliation , we obtain the qualification and condition for mercy and peace , wee approach into tearms of reconciliation with god ; if the wicked forsake his way and the unrighteous man his thoughts , god will forgive and abundantly pardon . what is it that thickens the clowde over us , but the evaporation and exhalation of our sins and iniquities , for your iniquities have turned away these things , & your sins have with-held good things from you . covenant . the princip. of extirpation . in preamb. calling to mind the treacherous and bloody plots , conspiracies , attempts , and practises of the enemies of god . arttic . 2. that we shall in like manner endeavour without respect of persons the extirpation of popery and prelacy . discourse . here lies the propheticall power of it against the church of rome , or antichristian monarchy , and the bloody plots and conspiracies are such fresh remembrances , as seal us to strong and perpetuall endeavours ; we can read in the leafs of our former ages their conspiracies still in red letters , and at this day we have a succession of their bloody designes , and i conceive the rise we take from their own foundations in blood , is but in holy parallel to him , into whose remembrance great babylon came to give unto her the cup of the wine of the fiercenesse of wrath ; and to his own peoples resolution , happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as thou hast served us ; and the treacheries and tyrannies of gods enemies have ever drawn along with them this resolution in gods people ; amalek ▪ and ashur , and egypt , are standing examples of divine revenge . and for extirpation , it is but a retaliation to their own just cruelty , who would raze out the name of israel , that it should be no more in remembrāce . and what hath their endeavor in our kingdom of ireland been , but an eradication of our memories . and our confederations now , cannot but be powerfull in the very notion ; nationall leagues have brought forth great effects in states and kingdoms , in the mutuall aydings and assistings ; and therefore israel sent to syria , and iudah to assyria , and iudah to israel , and other kingdoms have sought to one another for such combinations , in any grand enterprise ; that famous designe of christendom , which was such a universall confederatiō against the turk , onely it was a designe in a wrong channell ; therefore the more spirituall that leagues are , the more powerfull ; that which made israel so famous in their conquests to canaan , was the association of the tribes , and the ark of god amongst them , therefore the philistims cryed out , woe unto us , the ark of god is in the camp of the hebrews ; and when they marched with the ark amongst thē , iordan vvas driven back , and the mountains and little hills were removed , the walls of iericho fell ; and certainely this grand and blessed association of the three kingdoms , is a glorious portent to the destruction of rome it self , carrying amongst them such an ark and gospel ; this is the first time that ever the sun saw such a triple confederation ▪ against the triple crown , so many states , so solemnly combined against the popish hierarchy ; this is the time the spirit of god hath set up a standard ; this is a fair rise , and improvement to the prophecy , when the princes of the earth shall gather themselves together , and shall agree to make her desolate . i know there hath been many confederations , but they were narrower then this , and so , opposings , and strong ones too , and by confederacies too ; yet those were but single to this , when our princes in their eyes appeared in their graduall extirpations , our henry , and edward , and elizabeth , when in scotland , they against the french power and idolatry , ayded by a power from this kingdom ▪ yet these were not from such strong resolutions , such able principles , such a sacred covenant ; they were but ordinary and civil contributions , & weak strivings , and so had shorter expirations , and relapses , and had little more of religion , then brought them into the fields , and enabled them to break down images : the confederations and covenants in germany , so many princes and states entring into a solemn protestation upon luthers discoveries ; the conferations of those in holland , and those states in the netherlands ; the confederation of those princes in france ; but these had their ebbings and flowings . but now , as if this were the antichristian crisis , and as if the reformation had recovered the period of declination , three kingdoms strike into a sacred league ; and now methinks i hear the angel saying to us , the prince of the kingdom of persia withstood me one and twenty dayes , but loe michael one of your chief princes came in to help me , and now i am come to make you understand what shal befall in the latter daies ; now methinks the set time to favour sion is come , her servants take pleasure in her stones . and for the extirpation of prelacie , though it be a government rivetted into our laws and usages ; and into the judgments , and consciences of some , through a mistasten and colluding divinity , yet let us not like the iews , lose our gospel , with holding our laws too fast ; i know this kingdom hath ever been a retentive nation of customes , and old constitutions , and it parted but sadly with its old prganisme , and with its latter antichristianisme ; in the es●lation of abbies and priories ; and hence it is that reformations in this nation , hath been with such little power and duration , for we have ever easily gone back with a new successour , never taking in so much of the power of godlinesse , as should be able to make us live protestants to another succession ; and especially the superstitions and idolatries of late , were woven with such strange and plausible insinuations ; episcopacy was got upon the bottome of mis-interpreted scriptures ; and the whole government upon a pretended antiquity ; and the innovations upon a spirituall decency and order ; upon an ecclesiasticall magistrality , and reverend infallibility , and prodigeous policy ; as if theire were no way to bring a papist to church , but by going with him to rome first ; if we considr well we shall finde cause enough to remove these as not consistent with the holy simplicity of the gospel of jesus christ ; nor the spiritmall purity ; we were then trading with popery , when we ignorantly thought , we had not enough to serve us frō the scriptures of god , now we see they are perfect , & cōplete in iesus xt ; let us cast away those weak & beggarly rudimēts , of the which we are now ashamed ; & they do not savour the things of god , who would now ( like saul at endor ) raise up aron , and the whole hierarchy , and bring us back again to the law , forcing us under that cool shadow , of types & ceremonies , drawing the curtains of the law before the light of the gospel ; we serve now in the newnesse of the spirit , not in the deadnes of the letter . the next thing i observe , is the politicall excellency , those sound maxims for the kingdomes duration , as the preservation of parliamentary rights , and nationall rights , and royall rights , that they exceed not , nor exorbitate ; and this is no more then to reduce the kingdome into its primitive contemperation , and to keep the mixture even : for we see that whilest the power of monarchy would needs take in such poyson'd principles , as the divines and privadoes did instill , carrying up the notion of a king into an higher firmament thē its own , the whole state was in a posture of ruine : for nothing hath more betrayed kingdoms into destructive alterations then exorbitancy of government ; and states must respect their fundamentals and originals in their present constitution ; for those infuse secret dispositions into al the orders & subordinations , and that ingagement inables to incline to their own interests ; & then in their inclinations & pursuit thither , tumults and stirres are wakened , and there is a noise of some new & treasonable endeavour ; when it is but the naturall workings of each degree for its owne preservation ; & hence have these late aspersions been borne & received , the princes and people being carried on by the strength and violence of a late predominancy , almost out of sight of their true fundamentals , till they have forgot their interests , & maligne those that would bring thē back : and for the temper of our english monarchy , i will not say more to the praise of the constitution , ( so many having spoken before mee ) than its own duration , breathing to this day , under the succession of so many ages , and never distemper'd , but when the fiduciary power would needs be severer and taller then the rest , and entertaine designes of trying strengths & interests , to see if the fire out of the bramble would at length come forth , and consume the trees of the forrest . and whereas there are some other subordinate principles in order to these ; as the discovery of incendiaries and malignants ; certainely they that shall suffer any relations to corrupt them to secrecy , are men of too narrow affections for the latitude of a kingdome ; they are only in the reputation of patriots and fidelio's to their countrey , who have such a command of spirit , as they can open and close as the occasion of the state requires . and i do further observe , that we are obliged to a mutuall preservation of the peace of the kingdomes , and in speciall of the reformation of the church in scotland . for the first , it is bottom'd upon the foundation of our government , which is a concentration of the three estates in one ; and there is such a samenesse almost in the fundamentals of the three , and there is such a monarchicall onenesse which influences into all , that if any alteration begin in any one of them , it will soon like an infection ( where there is consanguinity of nature ) spread and make over to the rest ; so that there is as much policy in suffering our care and faithfulnesse to enlarge & acquaint it selfe with the interest of the other estates , which are in no other sense foreigne , than onely in the distance of place . and for the particular preservation of the church of scotland , it is as concerning an interest as any of the rest ; what godly soul will repine to take up the care of another church ; he was ( we know ) a sanguinary man that replyed , am i my brothers keeper ? and we may take notice there how god cals for an account of every relation at our hands . it was an holy principle that perswaded the apostle to take care of all the churches : & the more neer wee approach to such endeavours , the more neer we are to the designes and activity of god & angels , whose businesse and administration is universall ; and especially should our care bee for that church and state , which hath been the conservatory of the gospell , and kept alive that holy sparke , which wee in this kingdom do warm our souls by at this day ; she was that philadelphia who kept the word of his patience . nor let any complain of restraints in this our covenant , as if we multiplyed unnecessary oaths , as if like sauls oath it had troubled the land , there is no such true liberty , as in these holy restraints ; nor is it any diminutiō to our christian latitude , that we cannot transgresse nor exceed in this or that ; it is rather the sublimation of our liberty , and a deliverance into the glorious liberty of the sons of god ; and as it is the highest perfection , non posse peccare , not to be able to transgresse ; so our estate and condition in this our covenant , is a degree to that , for god , angels , and saints , are not lesse perfect , nor lesse free , because they cannot sin , but is a firmation of soule in the height of holinesse , for as it is the highest aggravation of sin , not to be able to do good , so it is the highest perfection of goodnesse not to be able to do ill ; so that i know none that hath a spirituall and discerning soule , that will complaine for want of liberty to transgresse ; or that he is in heaven before his time ; such chaines are but chaines of gold , nay , but the bracelets of the spouse , and as ir is the devills and reprobates torment and misery to be held in chaines of darkenesse , so it is the glory of the blessed saints and angels to be held in such chaines of light and holinesse ; and none but libertines will complaine , that they are walled in , and that their lusts have not liberty to anger god , and undoe their country . i observe another transcendency in it , there have been many coven●nts taken by the people of god , iosiahs , iehoshaphats , and nehemiahs , the forraigne protestations and those of our owne , yet none that hath such a spirituall and politicall breadth in it , reaching not only to nationalls , but all particulars ; and taking in the furthest , and most forraigne necessary , and circumstance either in state , or church . i might take in other particulars , but they are such as cleere up to your first discovery , only my thoughts have rouled up themselves into this conclusion . since the covenant is of this transcendency and excellency , so solemn and sacred , it were fit there were some holy designe , to worke it more close to the soules of those that take it , all our happinesse spirituall and civill is now in the successe of our confederation with our god , & therefore there would be as much holy art used in preserving the spirits of people in that height of covenanting , as there was used in the raysing them up ; god himself makes conservation as much his businesse as the creation of the world , and therefore some make it the same act repeated againe . i should thinke it not unnecessary , that those parts in it which have most of the attestations , & invocation , & imprecation , and most of the politicall and civill advantages , be set on by the ministery in frequent inculcations , even to a catechizing , and by a civill ordinance , or law to that purpose to reminde the ministery , for we complaine of looseness and neglect in former covenants , and we take no care to enquire into the reasons , & remedies ; and certainly the sudden laying aside such nationall & obligatory doctrins , & making them but the musick and solemnity of one day , is the only reason of our relaxations , & apostacies , when as having got the soules of men into a covenanting station , we should apply our strengths and honest designes to keepe them there . a divine rapture upon the covenant . children of sion , rise , and sit not on those flowry banks of babylō ▪ her streams are muddy and impure , and know her channel 's bloody where they flow . oh! let us to a region , where we may bathe in pure waters every day , waters of life , and happinesse , which have a chrystall grate in every wave ▪ we all make ready to be gone , and mean never to see those banks again ▪ oh stay not , till heavē scourge you with a rod vnto the city of your god . see here a chain of pearl , and watry dew wept from the side of god for you ; see here a chain of rubies from each wound , let down in purple to the ground : come tye your hearts with ours , to make one ring , and thred them on our golden string : great god , let down some glorious beam of thine , to winde about his soul and mine ▪ and every ones ; then we shall joyfull be , made sure to heaven and thee . finis . a letter to a non-conformist minister of the kirk shewing the nullity of the presbyterian mission or authority to preach the gospel. calder, robert, 1658-1723. 1677 approx. 39 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32107 wing c277 estc r2364 09304329 ocm 09304329 42666 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32107) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42666) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:6) a letter to a non-conformist minister of the kirk shewing the nullity of the presbyterian mission or authority to preach the gospel. calder, robert, 1658-1723. [3], 118 [i.e. 110] p. printed for b. tooke, london : 1677. attributed to robert calder. cf. nuc pre-1956. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism -early works to 1800. dissenters, religious -england -early works to 1800. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 john latta sampled and proofread 2005-11 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter to a non-conformist minister of the kirk , shevving the nullity of the presbyterian mission or authority to preach the gospel . london , printed for b. tooke , at the ship in st. pauls churchyard , 1677. to the reader . reader , it is not now the order or character of our clergy , nor their power of binding and absolving sinners , which the people have any great regard for , but onely our lungs and faculties of preaching : hence it comes to pass , that by this curiosity after preaching , the people are betray'd to the cozenage of every new light and impostor in religion , who is commonly a zealous and eloquent preacher , and so profound a dissembler , that we are not otherwise able to detect him , but by enquiring into his mission . a letter to a non-conformist minister of the kirk , shewing the nullity of the presbyterian mission and authority to preach the gospel . sir , i should be very much oblig'd to receive a satisfaction from you , which i could never give my self concerning the validity of your presbyterian mission : i conceive it to be the most material thing in difference between us ; and that it ought to be considered in the first place , there being no imposture like that of assuming to be preachers of the gospel without lawful authority . i shall here trouble you with the reasons of my dissatisfaction in this matter . first then i must crave your pardon to look backward as far as your first reforming ancestors , ( from whom presbytery does more immediately derive it self ) mr. calvin in geneva , mr. knox in scotland , &c. and then permit me to ask a certain question , which hitherto none of you would do us the kindness to resolve , who sent them to reform the church , or ( as you phrase it ) to preach the gospel ? and how should they preach except they were sent ? rom. 10. 15. which words of st. paul seem to be a question , but are indeed a full and peremptory affirmation , that no abilities of popular eloquence can qualifie any persons for preachers of the gospel , without external and lawful mission . this then i shall lay down as a foundation to what i have to say , that lawful mission is essential to a preacher of the gospel . and if so , i shall endeavour to make evident , that all your predecessors of the kirk ( how able soever as to other qualifications ) wanted this essential ; and consequently your self who derive a succession from them . grant me ( sir ) a little of your patience , and consider , there are onely these five imaginable authorities from whence they could pretend to have received it . 1. the spirit of god. 2ly , themselves or their own internal spirit . 3ly , or the people . 4ly , christ and his apostles . 5ly , or the church of rome . other authority or mission ( as namely , that of the greek church ) you will not pretend to . first , from the spirit of god. this you know to be the matter in question , and the eternal controversie , and the allegation of all fanaticks ; it will be therefore a reasonable demand , by what evidences did it appeare to the world ? and how shall the contemners of your gospel be left unexcusable , but by evidence of their authority who are sent to reveal it ? in the affairs of this world , ambassadors you know , must not want their credentials ; how much less the ambassadors of religion ? doubtless that of your ancestors must needs have been an embassie extraordinary , being to reform the world , over-run ( in their sense ) with idolatry and superstition . to this you answer , that the powerful gifts and sanctity of those persons were sufficient evidences of their being inspir'd by the spirit of god ; and that the conversion of many thousands from superstition to godliness was an undoubted seal to their ministry . this is the answer of all dissenters and parties of what name soever , anabaptists , behemists , &c. that they easily converted many thousands no body denies ; but whether from superstition to godliness , or onely to pride , censoriousness , and contempt of all authority , is the great controversie . nay , was it never made a note , of a man converted , ( as the excellent friendly debate observes ) that though he have a great many faults , yet he is wrought to an antipathy to bishops , common prayer and surplice ? and as to your self , i might appeal to your conscience , whether you esteem any man a right convert , that is a friend to these things . as to those powerful gifts you speak of , you do not mean any thing that is miraculous , or that other sects will not as soon pretend to : and truly as for the sanctity of your whole party , observable is the confession of mr. calvin himself , in his comment on the thirty fourth verse of the eleventh chapter of daniel ; and i promise you not to injure him in the quotation , sed in illorum exiguo numero qui sese ab idololatriis papatus subduxerunt , major pars plena est perfidia & dolis : praeclarum quidem zelum simulant ; sed si intus excutias , reperies plenos esse fraudibus . of that small number of persons ( saith he ) who profess the pure gospel , the greater part is full of perfidiousness and deceit ; they pretend an excellent zeal , but if you inspect them narrowly , you shall finde them abounding w th frauds . secondly , themselves , or their own internal spirit . it is absurd ; for so all men may become preachers of the gospel , that will assume the confidence . thirdly , the people . let us allow this authority for good : and then , i pray , will not socinians , anabaptists , behemists , fifth monarchy-men ( and who not ) enter in at this door , and plead their call by the people to reform the presbyterians ? be pleas'd to tell us what people do you mean ? if those of your own opinion , they will not in some places amount to a fourth or fifth part of the people , and must all the rest be debar'd from electing their owne preachers ? besides , you know , it is not the peoples election alone that can constitute a preacher of the gospel ; it is the mission and ordination of your predecessors , that i am now enquiring after . you cannot be ignorant concerning the popular election of ministers , that it had been disus'd many centuries before calvin ; for the tumults , factions , and confusions that attended it : the unstable people seldom or never agreeing about the persons to be elected ; and i am sure there is no precept of scripture invests them with any such power . fourthly , or will you derive your ministry from christ and his apostles ? but all dissenters proclaim their extraction from the same original : which of them shall we believe ? from christ and his apostles ! give me leave to ask whether immediately or mediately ? immediately you will not say ; if mediately , i pray inform us by whom ? or from whose hands did your puritan ancestors receive their mission and ordination ? well , fifthly , some body must send them to preach the gospel : was it the church of rome ? yes , i have heard you say ; and is not this to confess your selves the emissaries of antichrist , that man of sin , the whore of babylon ? quid christo cum belial ? but the unhappiness of it is , that this mission from rome , or romane bishops , will as soon watrant the sermons of a popish fryar , as those of your predecessors . and as to your pretended ordination from rome , there is one difficulty in it , that i confess i cannot resolve ; was it not episcopal ordination , if any , they received from that church ? and was such ordination good and valid , yea or no ? if good , wherefore will you needs abolish it , as repugnant to the word of god ? if not , what will become of your orders ? and further , i would gladly understand ; are any persons sent to go and preach the gospel after their own sense ? if so , then he that hath received mission from your kirk , may when he list become an independant or anabaptist preacher , and justifie his new doctrine by your commission . as for calvin ; beza , who wrote his life , informs us , that he was never initiated into any orders of the romane church ; nullis erat pontificiis ordinibus initiatus ; are beza's words , who being his great acquaintance and successor at geneva , could not but know it very well . i was of opinion , that your founder calvin had been in some orders , until your own beza inform'd me to the contrary . farrellus also and viret his fellow preachers in geneva , you will find in the same querpo , without orders : as for john knoz , he was ( saith mr. clark a presbyterian minister , who writes his life ) put into orders very young ; that is , when he was professedly of the roman catholique religion , he was made deacon or priest of that church , by episcopal ordination : but all this while we are to seek for their presbyterian mission : did john knox receive any authority to ordain other presbyterians ? could he confer a power on others , which he had not received , of ordaining ministers ? to say there was necessity for it , is an answer that will excuse also other dissenters , pleading the same necessity of their ministry ; of all which , our church is so sensible , that she will admit none of your brethren to her eclesiastical functions without reordination . presbyteri & diaconi praeter episcopum nihil agere pertentent , saith the fortieth canon of the apostles ; a canon which , if it were not apostolical , you cannot deny be very ancient : and do not epiphanius and saint austin recount it among the heresies of aerius , that he affirmd , bishop and presbyter were the same thing ? aerius cum esset bresbyter ( saith saint austin ) doluisse fertur , quod episcopus non potuit haeres . 53. ordinari , &c. aerius being a presbyter , resented his disappointment of a bishoprick ; and to satisfie his humour of revenge , would needs assert , that they are the same office . thus for ought i can see , your presbyterian ancestors had no mission at all , or no more then other dissenters , who all derive themselves from christ and his apostles , from the spirit of god , &c. sleidan a protestant historian reports in his commentaries , that luther , hearing of the multitudes assembled , by thomas muncer the famous prophet of the anabaptists , wrote an epistle to the magistrates of mulhusen a city in germany , where the said muncer remained , advising them to require of him , who sent him to preach the gospel ? and if he answered god , that he evidence it by some sign or extraordinary token ; otherwise that he be rejected , hoc enim proprium & familiare est deo ( said luther ) ut quoties consuetam & ordinariam viam velit immutari , tum voluntatem suam aliquo signo declaret . the same quaere , sir , you may at your leisure do us the favour to resolve in reference to your self . you cannot alas ! plead any necessity to reform episcopacy , but all the other sects will plead the same to reform you . nor will it relieve you to say , that by this argument the jewish church rejected christ and his apostles : the case not being the same betwixt christ and the jewish church , and between us and you . to satisfie the jews and their question , by what authority doest thou these things ? our blessed saviour appeals to the miracles which he wrought , if you believe not me , believe the works which i do . nor will it avail you to return the question upon our selves , who sent us to reform the church of rome ? this truly is no answer , but a desiring us to answer for you . be plkas'd to know then that the church of england was never of your froward and uncharitable humor in relation to that church , to reform our selves ( saith mr. hooker ) is not to sever from the church we were of before , eccles . pol. lib. 3. sect. 1. we are very sensible of their errors , and yet we confess with st. austin , there is no just necessity to divide the unity of the catholick church ; because separations in the church tend to no other end , but to discredit the christian religion , and render it less considerable , if not contemptible to its adversaries , turks and infidels : he that will admit no church ( saith primate bramhall ) but that which is spotless , with acesius , must provide a ladder for himself to climb alone to heaven . but as to your party ( sir ) i pray who gave them any authority to preach their reformation to these kingdomes ? give me leave to observe to you this passage in the racovian catechism there i remember the question is put , num ii qui docent in ecclesia ( sociniana ) ut singulari aliqua ratione mittantur opus habent ? whether the preachers of socinian doctrine , have need of any extraordinary mission ? the answer is , nullo modo , quia nullam novam , nec inauditam afferunt doctrinam , &c. that is not at all , because socinians preach no new nor strange doctrine , but that onely which is primitive and declared in the holy scriptures . the same is affirmed by mr. calvin concerning his own reformation in the preface to his institutions , which the lutherans ( you know ) will by no means admit for truth : see conradus scluselburg de theologia calvinistarum . indeed it had been somewhat , if it were not the matter in question ; or if socinians , behemists , and all the sects that ever molested the church , did not urge as much for themselvs , boasting of gospel truth . to say that your party agree with us in all the vital articles of religion , is to say what perhaps few of you believe ; for i doubt not ( if opportunity serv'd ) every sect of you would advance its respective religion , as if that onely were gospel , and all other but lyes and superstition : or if you do believe it , the more is your unhappiness to molest the church about opinions , which you do not esteem of any vital importance . i wish i could oblige you to consider , whether you ought to take upon you to reform , that is , suppress the universal order of christs church by bishops &c. banish all ancient liturgies ; the use of the creed , the lords prayer , and ten commandments out of your publique devotions ; all anniversary solemnities of christs nativity , resurrection , &c. all reverence or kneeling at the holy sacraments of christs body and blood ; revile the church ( whereof i cannot say , you but your ancestors , were made members by baptism ) with the names of superstition and idolatry . preach your desperate doctrine of absolute reprobation , and the impossibility of keeping gods commandments ; introduce your own extemporary inventions instead of liturgy : levy warr against your soveraign ; and all this without any authority ! for all these strange things i should think , sir , your ancestors had but need of some extraordinary mission . but perhaps you will answer and tell us , that there have been extraordinary prophets sent into the world without miracles , as john the baptist : and 2ly , that miracles are no certain signs of true prophets . as for john the baptist , you may remember the words of the angel , luke 2. 15. he was filled with the holy ghost from his mothers womb ; he shall go before in the spirit and power of elias ( a character to which your brethren will not pretend ) he was a person prophesied of many ages before his birth , isa . 40. 3. the voice of one crying in the wilderness , make strait the way of the lord , &c. 2ly , that miracles are no certain evidences of true prophets ; because there shall arise false christs and false prophets , which shall shew great signs and wonders , insomuch that if it were possible , they shall deceive the very elect : wherefore if they shall say unto you , behold he is in the desert , go not forth ; behold he is in the secret chambers , believe it not , math. 24. 24. that false prophets can work any miracle but deceptio visus , i do not believe . the meaning of our saviours words is this , that if any other prophet after him shall arise , assuming to be that christ or messias sent from god , though he may pretend to strange things , believe him not , go not forth after him . if new prophets , sir , though they come with a shew of miracles , are to be suspected ; shall we presently receive all the preachers of new lights , that have not so much as the pretence ? i find a late writer asserting , that in holy scripture , there be two marks by which together , not asunder , a true prophet or one newly sent from god is to be known : one is the doing of miracles ; the other is the not teaching any moral doctrine adverse to that which hath been already preach'd of old : asunder ( he saith ) neither of these is sufficient : and for proof alledgeth two places of scripture , deut. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. compared with matth. 24. 24. our blessed saviour and his apostles fulfilled both these marks , first , in their miracles , acts 2. 22. secondly , they taught no doctrine of morality , opposite to that which they found already established . christ came not to destroy the law , but to fulfil it , saying none other things , then what moses and the prophets did say should come to pass . but he preached a doctrine , which had all the obliging characters of vertue and goodness , of peace and love ; witness his excellent sermon on the mount ; non vox hominem sonat . there he presses the necessity of moral goodness , and keeping the commandments of god ; otherwise methinks then calvin hath done : i shall instance a remarkable passage in the second book of his institutions , the seventh chapter and fifth section . quod autem impossibilem legis observationem diximus , id est paucis verbis explicandum simul & confirmandum ; solet enim vulgo absurdissima sententia videri , ut hieronimus non dubitavit anathema illi denunciare : at quid visum sit jeronimo , nihil moror : impossibile appello , quod nec fuit unquam , & ne in posterum sit , dei ordinatione & decreto impeditur . i shall now ( saith he ) explain and confirm what i have said of the impossibility to observe the commandments : which commonly seems a very absurd assertion ; insomuch that jerom doubted not to denounce it accursed : but what seemed to him i do not care , i call that impossible which never was , and which god hath decreed that it never shall be . vertuous doctrine ! if the commandments be impossible , and that god hath decreed them so , nemo tenetur ad impossibile , alas ! we are of our selves too prone to take an allowance of sin , without this license from mr. calvin . to be short , the church of god may and ought to reform themselves in case of error , or corruption of manners : but if we once admit others to do it , unauthoriz'd or unsent , we open a wide door to all sects and heresies ; and another consequence is , we shall rest no where ; but be tossed too and fro , ( as saint paul speaks ) and carryed about with every wind of doctrine , with the various lights of all pretenders : this , one would think , hath been apparent enough in the experience of our age. not that we deny our need of amendment and reformation in this world of imperfection ; but we give heed to the admonition of our blessed saviour , john 10. 1. verily i say unto you , he that enters not by the door into the sheepfold , but climbeth up some other way , the same is a theif and a robber : not entring in at the door , signifies entring without any authority , either extraordinary , when the doctrines are new and strange , or ordinary , when they are already known and confest . for grant ( saith bishop sanderson ) for the suppression of idolatry , in case the church will not do her office , that it is lawful for any unauthoriz'd persons ( such as knox , &c. ) to take upon them to reform what they think amiss ; there can be no sufficient cause given , why by the same reason , and upon the same grounds , they may not take upon them to make laws , raise forces , administer justice , execute malefactors ( malignants ) or do any other thing the magistrate should do , in case the magistrate slack to do his duty : which if it were once granted , ( as granted it must be , in case your presbyterian reformation be justifiable ) every wise man seeth the end can be no other but vast anarchy , and confusion both in church and common-wealth : whereupon must un avoidably follow the speedy subversion both of religion and state. second sermon ad clerum on rom 38. this is our present case ; you a private person , pretending to no extraordinary things , say all things are amiss ; the magistrate ( and he a christian too ) is of opinion , yea , perswaded in his conscience , that you do all things amiss ; who shall be judge ? the scripture ; 't is a ridiculous answer . the scripture is a law ; and no law can ever pronounce either for one or t'other , but in the mouth of some judg. from all these premises i perswade my self , your ancestors were no prophets sent from god , but intruded themselves into the divine function : and ( as the prophet speaks ) they followed their own spirits , and prophecy'd out of their own hearts . to add one word more , consider all the prophets mentioned in holy scripture , samuel , elias , isaiah , jeremy , hosea , &c. at the beginning of their prophecies , that the world might understand their divine mission , they usually declare how and in what manner they received it , isa . 6. the first and second chap. of jer. so as their authority was confessed , when the matter of their prophecies was little regarded . some of them were qualified extraordinarily with the power of miracles , prophesie of future events , &c. others had the ordinary license from the schools of the prophets . in the new testament , our blessed saviour and his apostles , beside the internal excellency of their doctrine , gave the world sufficient external evidence that they were persons sent from god ; and whereas you say , that you preach no other doctrine then that of christ and his apostles , it is the answer of socinians , anabaptists , &c. and will serve every mans turn as well as yours . but in the last place , cannot you justifie your selves by the sobriety and vertue of your lives ? by the loyalty of your actions ? it is a great controversie , and i shall not take upon me to pronounce my own sence of it ; but you have heard of king james his opinion in the matter , ego a puritanis non solum a nativitate continuo vexatus sui , verum etiam in ipso matris utero propemodum extinctus , antequam in lucem editus fui . i have been disquieted ( saith he ) by the puritans from my mothers womb , &c. and his son the blessed king charles the first , from a certain intimate acquaintance with your party , writes thus to our present soveraign king charles the second ; if ever you stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , you are undone ; you may never expect less of loyalty , justice , or humanity , then from those who engage into religious rebellion ; under the colours of piety , ambitious policies march , not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy ; you may hear from them jacobs voice , but you shall feel they have esau's hands . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chap. 27. thus i have given you the reasons of my dissatisfaction , cerning the validity of your presbyterian mission ; and i must confess that i have here expressed only some wishes , not any hopes of convincing you ; all my expectation is , that perhaps some unprejudic'd persons will believe , that your presbyterian kirk hath no advantage , in point of a solid foundation , over independents , anabaptists , &c. if instead of a pertinent answer to all this discourse , you shall please to pass your censure on the author , and say that he is some papist ; i must reply to you in the words of the excellent bishop sanderson concerning the puritan preachers . some of them , especially such as betake themselves to preaching betimes , and have not the leisure and opportunity to look much into controversies , understand very little of the true state of the question betwixt the church of rome and us ; and yet to shew their zeal against popery , are forward enough to be medling with it in the pulpit ; but with so much weakness and impertinency , that they leave the question worse then they found it ; and the hearer , if he brought any doubts with him , to go from sermon more dissatisfi'd then he came . preface to 14. sermons , printed anno 1657. sect. 18. now , if you please , let us confer a few words about some others matters , first , concerning that principle of yours , that nothing is to be done about the worship and service of god , without express warrant or precept in the holy scriptures : and i pray inform me where has our blessed saviour or his apostles enjoyned a directory for publick prayer ? hath the spirit any need of a directory ? what divine warrant can you produce for your singing to god in a set form , & refusing to pray in a set form ? for speaking to him your sudden and extemporary thoughts , but speaking to the people with a studied and composed sermon ? in which of the gospels are to be found those three significant ceremonies required at the taking your solemn league & covenant ? first , that we must be uncovered . secondly , that we must stand up . thirdly , with our right hand lift up bare ? what express scripture have you for your form of publick pennance , called the stool of repentance ? this principle of yours ( as hath been already observed by the friendly debate ) makes that unlawful which the scripture allows ; in which we find many holy men doing those things ( without any censure ) in gods worship , which he had no where commended ; for instance , what commandment had david for his design of building a temple ? or solomon for keeping a feast of seven days for the dedication of the altar ? for erecting an altar to be ascended by steps ? expressly forbidden in the 20. of exod. verse 26. thou shalt not go up by steps unto mine altar . or what warrant had hezekiah for continuing the feast of unleavened bread seven days longer then the time appointed by the law ? 2 chron. 30. 23. if you say that all these things possibly were warranted , though not by scripture ; but now scripture warrant is necessary , since extraordinary inspirations are ceas'd : i pray tell us what scripture have you for this very assertion , that extraordinary inspirations are ceas'd ? in a word , this principle of yours , makes the worship of god impossible : the time , the place , the vesture in which it shall be performed , being no where appointed : do not the quakers retort it upon your selves ? demanding scripture for standing in a pulpit , for preaching upon a text , and that by an hour-glass , stinting the spirit ; for wearing a cloak or gown , &c. another thing i would intreat you to reflect upon , is the reason of your displeasure at the temporal revenues and encouragement of the church of england ; that which dissenters ( if i understand them aright ) would be at , is this , that the clergy be reduced to their primitive poverty and dependance on the people ; and methinks judas hath very well expressed their sence , john 12. 4. to what purpose , is all this waste of precious ointment on the feet of christ ? might it not have been sold for three hundred pence , and given to the poor ? this he said , not that he cared for the poor , but because he had the bag , and was a thief . they do not consider , how many vertues there are requisite in a church-man , which can have no place in the house of scarcity ; how little exemplary charity , temperance or humility can be expected from a narrow estate : that we cannot say , he is a temperat man , who is so , having scarcely wherewithal to satisfie his thirst : or an humble person , whose fortune gives him small temptation to be proud . are not all christians under the same obligations of humility and contempt of riches as the clergy ? lay not up for your selves treasures upon earth , was said to all ; and is it not true in experience , that the poverty of priests must be attended with ignorance or very slender knowledg ? the necessities of our blessed saviour and his apostles upon earth , were supply'd by miracles ; and therefore their case and our's not the same . give me leave to commend to your consideration , those excellent words of king charles the first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chap. 14. the conclusion of the war , makes it evident , that the main reformation intended , was the robbing the church of its lands , and the abasing of episcopacy into presbytery ; but no necessity shall ever , i hope , drive me or mine to invade or sell the priests lands , which even pharoah 's divinity abhorred to do . if the poverty of scotland might , yet the plenty of england cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the church lands . the next work will be jeroboam 's reformation , consecrating the meanest of the people to be priests in israel , to serve their golden calves , who have enriched themselves with the churches patrimony . again , be pleas'd to reflect on your displeasure at the liturgy of the church of england . some of you are for no forms at all ; others are for liturgy , but it must be reformed . in the history of the reign of queen elizabeth , this passage is observable : four classes of presbyterians , complained of the liturgy to the lord burleigh then secretary of state ; his lordship bad them go and make a better ; whereupon the first classis went and fram'd a new one , somewhat near that of geneva ; this the second classis dislikes , and alters in six hundred particulars ; which alteration was excepted against by the third classis ; and what the third resolved upon , the fourth would not consent to : thus your party expect a satisfaction about the worship of god , which is impossible to be given you . as to your praying by the spirit , there is a certain doubt in it , which hitherto none of you would do us the favour to resolve : either you mean praying by the spirit of god , or by your own spirits ; if you conceive the words and matter of your prayer by the dictate of the holy ghost , then are your prayers as much the word of god as any of david's psalms , or as any part of the bible ; and , being written from your mouths , may become canonical scripture . if by praying with the spirit , you only mean that you are inspir'd with devout affections , then there is nothing in your prayers , but what others may pretend to , as well as your selves . in brief , since you do not pretend to entertain your people with immediate inspirations , you oblige them to a service they know not what ; to offer up prayers , whereof they know not a syllable , nor your self neither , before you begin : if you know them before hand , either for matter or words , then they cannot be extempore , as you would have the people believe ; peradventure the reason why the people fancy your prayers , is , their variety ; they love not to go where they must be always entertain'd with the same expressions ; but if the sence of our own infirmities ( which are always the same ) cannot oblige us to pray , why should a set of new words do it ? consider those words of the blessed martyr king charles the first . some men are so impatient , not to use in all their devotions their own invention and gifts , that they wholly cast away and contemn the lords prayer . i ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens own abilities for invention , and the vain affectation of variety for expressions in publick prayer , merits a greater brand of sin , then that which they call coldness or barrenness ; nor are men in those novelties , less subject to formal and superficial tempers ( as to their hearts ) then in the use of constant forms , where not the words , but mens hearts are to blame . i make no doubt but a man may be very formal in the most extemporary variety , and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions : nor is god more a god of variety , then of constancy ; nor are constant forms of prayer , more likely to flat and hinder the spirit of prayer , then unpremeditated and confused variety , to distract and lose it . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32107-e270 in vita calvini . his commandments are not grievous , 1 john 5. 3. in praefacione monitoria . about the year 1585. see the friendly debate . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 england's deliverance from the northern presbytery, compared with its deliverance from the roman papacy by peter sterry, once fellow of emmanuel colledge in cambridge, now preacher to the right honorable the councell of state, sitting at white-hall. sterry, peter, 1613-1672. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a61472 of text r223757 in the english short title catalog (wing s5479). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 105 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a61472 wing s5479 estc r223757 99834040 99834040 38519 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61472) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 38519) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1839:18) england's deliverance from the northern presbytery, compared with its deliverance from the roman papacy by peter sterry, once fellow of emmanuel colledge in cambridge, now preacher to the right honorable the councell of state, sitting at white-hall. sterry, peter, 1613-1672. [2], 5-46 p. by evan tyler, printed at leith : 1652. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. eng sermons, english -17th century. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. great britain -church history -17th century -sermons -early works to 1800. a61472 r223757 (wing s5479). civilwar no england's deliverance from the northern presbytery, compared with its deliverance from the roman papacy: by peter sterry, once fellow of emm sterry, peter 1652 17781 38 10 0 0 0 0 27 c the rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion england's deliverance from the northern presbytery , compared with its deliverance from the roman papacy : by peter sterry , once fellow of emmanuel colledge in cambridge , now preacher to the right honorable the councell of state , sitting at white-hall . printed at leith by evan tyler , 1652. to the supreme authority of the common-wealth of england , the high court of parliament . right honorable , it may seem strange , that in the thanksgiving on this day i have exalted the praises of the present season above the head of this ancient mercy . if i deceive not my self , i have not done this to the disadvantage of those old loving kindnesses , nor without great examples . is not this the beaten way of jesus christ with his church , to make succeeding visits and loves , by being a grave to those that have been already , to become a resurrection to them , giving them a more excellent being in this relative state and subordination , than they had in their absolutenesse ? did john the baptist encrease his glory by any thing more , than by that sweet readinesse to decrease before jesus christ ? how do the holy pen-men in all their prophesies , or praises , frequently make every present subject , but as a sight to direct their eye , while their spirits fly to this mark , the heavenly glory of christ in this last appearance , which is now from the midst of its thunders , lightning upon the earth . right honourable , i hambly intreat your patience a little further , while i present you faithfully with my sense in the comparison which i make between the papacy , and rigid presbytery . i shall do this in three words , spoken to three things ; forms , persons , principles . 1. as to forms . i grant some to be purer than others . i allow the church-form of presbytery , to excell the papacy , as the fairnesse of the moon , doth the darknesse of the night . i allow it to be in the first rank of the purest outward forms , although not the first of that rank . i believe it the duty of every christian to follow after the best forms . yet is there a more excellent way , which is that of love . my brethren , our joseph , our jesus , chargeth us not to fall out on the way , though we walk in different paths . we are brethren , let no outward forms divide us one from another , if they divide us not from christ , if they have not in their own nature an enmity to the naturall image of christ , which is civility , morality ; or the heavenly image , which is spirituality : let us receive one another into the glory of god , as christ receiveth us , though that cloathing of the outward form be not of the same fashion upon all , nor on some so well shap'd , as on others , to the proportion of the body , which is christ the lord jesus hath his concubines , his queens , his virgins ; saints in remoter . forms , saints in higher forms , saints unmarried to any form , who keep themselves single for the immediate embraces of their love . but christs dove in all these is one , the new creature in christ , the spirituall birth of the spirit , the only one of her mother , that hierusalem above , which is the city compact , that band of peace , that unity of saints , the holy ghost . 2. as to persons ; fathers , and brethren of the presbytery ! you together with me , desire after , sit drwn under the shadow feed upon the sweet fruit of the same apple-tree , in the midst of the trees of the forrest , though not of the same arm and bough of that tree . i would not in any thing offend you , who are in the number of the excellent ones , in which is all christ's delight on earth . if i grieve you , what shall make me glad ? there are of you , who are ready to answer this government of jesus christ , as peter did christ ; thou knowest that i love thee . feed then the sheep , feed the lambs , in those fresh pastures into which he now leads you . you who are of another mind , appear to me , like good old zachary : though an angel from heaven witnesse , that the things now come to passe , are the very answers to those prayers which your selves put up many years agone : yet you cannot believe , because the way is not in the ordinary track of your principles and expectations . therefore are you struck dumb for a season , that you cannot make a good confession of these appearances of god . but when the child shal be born , the glory perfectly brought forth then your selves shal name it john , which being interpreted , is grace ; then shall even your tongues be loosed , to praise this day-spring from on high , which hath visited us ; then shal you acknowledg that this was the gate of heaven , though you were not aware of it . now the lord himself bring it to pass that all you , who in your p●…st dispensations have been fathers to these present discoveries , may suddenly turn your hearts to your children , lest he come , and for your sakes smite the earth , even all flesh with a curse . 3. as to principles . the marriage between our saviour and the soul is a marriage of spirits , a marriage in one spirit . no union with any form makes this marriage , or dissolvs it . that which alone stands in enmity to these heavenly espousals is union with a strange spirit . this strange spirit is the great whore babylon , mother of fornications . one of her names is mystery , because she puts her self into all forms , from the lowest to the highest ; from the most outward to the most inward ; from the darksomest among men , to the lightsomest amongst angels . this is the great work of a saint , to watch , to watch the spirit of christ , as be makes his removes out of one appearance into another ; to watch the spirit of antichrist , as that also shifts its forms . right honorable , for this i have desired in my preaching , in my prayers , to work with god , even for the opening of the eyes of men to see , that the same spirit which lay in the polluted bed of papacy , may meet them in the perfumed bed of presbytery ; that the fornications and sorceries of this whore are then greatest , when they are most mysterious , that she is able by her sorceries to bewitch those that have attained to a great degree of spirituality as the galatians . to this purpose have i in my sermon represented the same spirit which dwels in the papacy , when it enters into the purer form of presbytery , as fuller of mystery , so fuller of despight , of danger , not to make the form or persons , but that principle , that spirit unfit to be cherished by any person in any fo●…m . the highest godlinesse , and the highest wickeanesses are those , which are most spirituall . now , o christians , you fight not with flesh and blood , but principalities and powers , spirituall wickednesses in heavenly forms . but this is your comfort , spirituall wickednesses ascend as high as the heavens , even into angelical forms : but spiritual godlinesse goes up above all heavens , together with christ into the bosome of the eternall spirit , from whence it looks down upon the angels , and all forms , as ministring to it . in vain is the snare laid before those doves , which have these spirituall eyes and wings . in the number of which , that you may be ever found , is the prayer of right honourable , your honours most faithfull servant in christ , peter sterry . englands deliverance from the northern presbytery , compared with its deliverance from the roman papacy . jeremiah chap 16. v. 14 , 15. therefore behold , the dayes come , saith the lord , that it shall no more be said . the lord liveth , that brought up the children of israel out of the land of egypt . but , the lord liveth , that brought up the children of israel from the land of the north ; and from all the lands , whither he had driven them : and i will bring them again into the land that i gave unto their fathers . the lord , in the vers●…s before , convinceth the jewes of the evill of their wayes , in doing worse than their fathers ; verse 12. he threatneth for this , to cast them out of their own land , into a land which they knew not ; verse 13. in these verses , which are my text , that ever-gracious god , who in the midst of judgment remembreth mercy , and in the midst of threatnings , delights to drop in promises , provideth a cordiall for his people , to carry with them into the wildernesse , and to preserve them from fainting in their dispersion . he assures them , that after he hath scattered them , he will gather them together , and bring them back again . yea , to sweeten their sufferings with the expectation of a most glorious deliverance , he lets them know his purpose of making their bringing up out of egypt , which was made so glorious by many miracles , and mighty wonders , to have no glory , in respect to this glory , of the bringing them up out of the north , which should so eminently excell . thus you see my text to be a promise expressed by way of comparison , between the last calling home of the people of god out of the north , and their first coming up out of egypt ; drowning the very memory , and mention of this first mercy , in the great and wide sea of that last loving kindnesse . i shall not spend that time which i would be thrifty of , in any larger opening , or further dividing of the words , but fall presently upon that doctrine which i have designed from these words , for the ground-work to my present discourse . the doctrine is this . doct. it is the way of god to make his last mercies to his people better than the first . reas. i shall give you one argument from the scriptures to prove it ; which argument shall be a demonstration of this truth from the proper reason of it . this argument is made up of three parts , which all three laid together , make one full proof . 1. part. the great design of god from the beginning , hath been , and still is , to bring forth jesus christ the second time into the midst of men , in that spiritual and heavenly appearance , in which he now sitteth at the right hand of the father : our saviour signifieth to his disciples this grand project of the father . ioh. 6. verse 62. what , and if ye shall see the son of man ascend up , where he was before ? the weight of the sense in this scripture , lyes upon those two words , see , before . it is a frequent thing for that which is first in being , dignity , design , to be last in discovery . that which god hath chiefly in design all along , is the manifestation of christ to men at last in that divine state , in which he was at the first . you have the same thing held forth , ioh. 5. 23. it was said in the verse before , that all judgment was committed to the son . the reason of it is given in this verse ; that all men should honour the son , as they do the father . behold the purpose , and counsel of gods heart , why he doth all , that he doth ; why he puts the great , and last judgement into the hands of the son ; namely , that the son may appear to all creatures in one , spiritual , eternal glory with the father . 2. part. all the works of god are in order to this design , this discovery of iesus christ , coloss. 1. v. 16. all things are said to be created for christ . in what sense is the whole creation for christ ? is it to make any real addition of blessednesse , or glory to the person of christ ? this cannot be . for the person of christ was compleat in glory before any thing was made , that was made . nay , when our lord iesus took flesh , and in our nature ascended , was glorified ; yet then was there no new glory put upon iesus christ . for , as the humane nature was assumed into the personality , so was it into the glory of the son of god . it was taken up to subsist in one person , and shine in one glory with the divine nature . but how then was the world made for christ ? our divines answer it by that distinction of glorifying god essentially , and manifestatively . we say , that all the creatures glorifying of god is no more than a manifestation of the glory of god . so god in the creation , in the conduct , and management of the affairs of the creature , from the beginning to the end , aimes at this mark to manifest iesus christ at the end of time , in that glorious appearance with which he was cloathed before all times . 3. part. this designe of god is his last end , the end of all his works . when god shall have brought forth th●…s judgement , this spiritual discovery of jesus christ to perfection , to a full victory over all fleshly appearances ; then will he cease from all his works , and enter into this discovery , as his rest. when man begins his work , his end lyes lowest , and least appears : but as he goes on , and approacheth to the finishing of his work , his end riseth up , and makes more clear discoveries of it self . so it is with god , at the beginning of his works , this designe , the discovery of christ , is little , lyes low , and hid but , as god goes on to work , and drawes to a consummation of all things ; this discovery which was at first as a grain of mustard-seed , hidden in the earth , grows up , and spreads its self . this manifestation of christ was at the first creation , as a small spring onely , but a living one . from the fall , to the giving of the law , th●…s spring drives along upon the face of the earth , thorow all manner of mixtures , a very weak store and strength of waters . from thence it begins to make a channell to it self , and to run along in a fair stream . at the incarnation , and ascension of jesus christ this stream enlarged it self into a broad river . but our lord shall come the second time , then shall this river become a great , and wide sea , covering the face of the whole earth . then shall the end be , when the first and fleshly discoveries of christ shall empty themselves into his last , and spirituall appearance . now , if you please to lay together these three parts of the reason , you will have from them all in consort , a full harmony with , and a clear demonstration of the doctrine . if this be the designe of god , to discover christ in the spirit ; if all gods works , and mercies toward the creature be in order to this discovery ; if this be the end , and the last of all gods wayes ; then it follows naturally from hence , that as this discovery growes , so likewise must all gods works and mercies to his people grow in the same proportion ; the later discoveries brighter , the later works better , and greater than the former . there are two uses , which i intend ; and those are two exhortations . 1. use . an exhortation to us to be like god , to answer his blessings with our praises , in the same way and method . as the pleasant colours of the morning have a glorious buriall in the clearer light of the day : so is it the way of god to make former mercies , which are in themselves very precious , yet to be but as thinner eares , as leaner kine to ensuing mercies , and to be devoured of them , as the fuller , the fatter ; contrary to that which was in pharaohs dream . accordingly my text commands us to make it our way in our praises , to wrap up , and overwhel me the memory of precedent favours , with the more joyfull mention of succeeding ones ; as in the tabernacle , boards of wood were hid under , and over-laid with silver , or gold . as the moon ascendeth towards the midst of heaven , so doth the sea rise , and swell ; thus should our praises rise , as the mercies of the lord rise , to overflow their former channels , and banks . this is the duty which is enjoyned in my text . it shall no more be said , the lord liveth , that brought up israel out of the land of egypt , but the lord liveth that brought up the children of israel from the land of the north . this is the duty , which is grounded on my doctrine ; it is the way of the lord to make his last mercies better then his first . if the lord make former mercies in comparison with later ones , but as the foot-stool to the throne , but as the tuning of the instrument to some more excellent melody : then is it also fit , that our praises for former mercies , in comparison with our praises for later mercies , should be onely as the lifting up of our feet on the footstool , in order to our sitting down upon the throne ; or as the tuning of our voyces , to sing some pleasant song of our beloved . right honourable ! god hath given us the former and the later rain of his loving-k●…dnesses . with the former rain he preserved us , and cherished us , when we lay , as seed in the dust of the earth . such a former rain was our deliverance from the papacy , by many signal providences and preservations , amongst which is this most eminent one of our preservation from the gun-powder-treason , which we celebrate on this day . but the lord hath given us the later rain also ; by which he hath made us to spring up out of the dust into a pleasant garden ; he hath made us as a garden enclosed with the quick-set hedge of his divine wisedom , and power , that no wilde-boar hath been able to break in upon us ; he hath watered us with his own foot , walking up and down in the midst of us , that our beds and plants are green . let us now say with a loud voice of thanksgivings , the lord liveth , who hath brought us up from the romish-papaoy , which is spiritually egypt , by a mighty deliverance , and manifold preservations , as this glorious one of the immediate prevention of a dreadfull blow by gun-powder . but then let us say again with a louder noise of praises , that may drown the former voice : the lord liveth , who hath brought us up out of the scotch tyranny , and scotch presbytery , which came like a tempest from the north . as the husband and children of the wise matron say to her ; proverbs 31. verse 29. many daughters have done vertuously , but thou excellest them all : so may england say now to the lord ; in many mercies , as especially that of saving us from this bloudy designe of the egyptian papacy , thou hast done graciously , and wonderfully : but this last mercy , by which thou hast saved us from the black plots , and bloudy powers of the northern presbytery , hath excell'd them all . right honourable ! the seed of god in this nation hath had two capital enemies , the romish-papacy ; the scotch-presbytery . this nation hath had a two fold capital deliverance from these two capital enemies . now , that we may rightly savour the sweetnes of both these deliverances ; that we may have a taste of , nay feast our selves upon that good word in my doctrine , made good to us in our experiences , namely , the lords keeping the best wine for the last ; that we may answer my text , and my application , in bringing forth the best wine of our praises at the last ; and for the last mercies ; i shall compare these two capital enemies of yours , each with other . my way of proceeding in this comparison shall be first to shew their agreements : secondly , those differences , in which your last enemy appears to be the worse . this will let you see how much your last mercies are the best , and how much your last praises ought to be so too , in answer to your last mercies . cautions . right honourable , and you beloved , who hear me this day , i intreat you all to take notice of the cautions which i here interpose , before i enter upon this comparison , that i may separate the vile among principles , from the precious or innocent among principles , or persons . i profess not at all to speak against the forme of presbytery , if considered in its simplicity , in its virginity ; as it is meerly a way , and order , in which saints have communion with god , and each with other , according to their present light ; as it kisseth the golden scepter of the spirit , submitting and subordinating it self unto the rule of that spirit , being desirous of no more , no other power , authority , or esteem , than what that spirit shall put upon it , by putting forth it self in it . much lesse would i grieve , or cast contempt upon any little one among my fathers children , any honest , sanctified heart , that walks in that form of presbytery , with humility and integrity , believing that so it ought to worship god . but that presbytery , which i compare with the papacy , is such , as appropriateth to the outward form , those things which pertain only to the power of the spirit : such as by vertue of an outward , church-form , assumes a spiritual and civil power to it self ; such as out of the golden cup of a glorious profession , makes it self drunk with the wine of fornications , with earthly powers and interests ; such as takes to it self the iron mace of fleshly force and fury , to break in pieces at pleasure common-wealths , crownes , consciences , estates , and hearts of men . right honorable , this is that presbytery , on which those enemies , whom the lord hath last of all subdued before you , had founded , and built up that interest and strength , by which they opposed the glorious out-goings of god before you , and endeavoured your ruine . this is that , which i call the scotch-presbytery , and now compare with the romish-papacy . 1. the comparison is first to be made in those things which i call agreements between them , and these are six . 1. agreement , both joyn in setting up the scriptures , the word of god outwardly exprest , as the letter of that law , by which all things of christianity and religion are to be judged . so scotus himself teacheth in his preface to his disputes upon the sentences , that religion must be grounded upon a revelation . in this , not onely the romish-papist , and scotch-presbyter , but all who pretend with any face to any thing of god , or christ , do concur . but there are two things in a revelation . there is lex revelata : and lumen revelationis , that is , the law revealed , and the light of revelation . one is the subject , or master : but the other is the forme , the life , the essence of a revelation . now these two parties meet in this , to magnifie the first of these , the law revealed . this they make the foundation of their throne , the scepter of their government , which as taken singly by it self , is but a breathlesse carkass , or a dead letter . herein a living member of iesvs christ is in this point distinguished from all other●… . he receiveth ; ownes , bowes down to the law revealed upon this account , because it comes down from heaven into his heart in a light of divine revelation 2. agreement . these two of whom we speak , do both asse●… a visible iudge on earth , upon whom all particular persons are to depend for the determining of those two grand questions ; first , what is scripture ; secondly , what the sense of that scripture is . the romanists say , that this iudge is the pope , or an oecumenicall councell . the scotch presbyter is for a nationall assembly , or rather an oecumenicall assembly , if the civil government would bear it . this presbyter condemns the papist justly , because he suffereth not the people to read the scriptures in their own tongue . but who art thon , o man , who condemnest another , and dost thy self the same thing , while thou forbiddest private persons to read the scriptures with their own eyes ? thou confinest them to spectacles of the assemblies making , while thou permittest the reading , but prohibitest the interpreting of the spriptures according to that sense , which the holy spirit brings forth to every man in his own spirit , if it be not stumpt for currant by the spirit of the generall assembly . why dost thou judge the papist for exalting un-written traditions to an equall authority with the scriptures , when thy way maketh the scripture it self , in the letter and meaning of it , a tradition of the elders ? 3. agreement . both these sects have a very great jealousie over the spirit of god . as the pharisees said concerning iesus christ , joh. 11 48 if we let this man alone , all men will believe on him , and the romans shall come , and take away both our place , and nation : so say these two , the romish , and scotch principles in the hearts of men : if we yeeld to this , to let the spirit alone , and to suffer all men to believe on the holy ghost , as the onely witness and evidence of divine truth : if we give way to this , as sound doctrine , that it is the proper office of the third person , the spirit , and of him alone , to apply truth authoritatively , as it is of the second person to act , of the first person to decree : that it belongs to this spirit alone , authoritatively to testifie in the spirits of men , what those words are which himself hath taught , what the meaning of the spirit is in those words : if this be once granted , that nothing is to be received , as divine truth , but that which brings an epistle of commendations along with it , written by this finger of the living god upon the heart , then farewell all religion ; all manner of sects , heresies , heathenisme will break in upon us , and take away the very face of a church from amongst us . it is said of jesus christ , that he was numbred among transgressors in his death . such usage as our saviour himself found on earth from pilate , and the priests ; such doth his spirit find to this day from the papacy , and that presbytery of which we speak . the holy ghost , as he appears and gives forth his oracles in his temples , which are his saints , is numbred among whimsies , fancies , fanatick furies , enthusiasmes , and so is condemned , is suppress'd . 4. agreement . a watchfull opposition to all growths of truth , above the pitch and stature of opinions commonly received . nothing is accounted so dangerous in things pertaining to the gospel , as innovation ; although s. paul command us still , to be transformed in the renewing of our mindes , that we may prove what the good and acceptable will of god is ; and this to saints already converted , as a continual duty , in which they are ever to be exercising themselves , that they may have new mindes to day in comparison with those which they had yesterday , and new mindes again tomorrow , in comparison with their mindes to day ; yet the same iesus , yesterday , to day , and for ever . as in some places of the river thames , you have wyers set up quite crosse the river , and basket nets laid in those wyers , to catch those lampries that come swimming up against the stream : so both in papacie , and in rigid presbyterie , all constitutions , methods , frames of doctrine , and discipline , seem to be as wyers with nets in them , set crosse the whole stream of civil and religious conversation , to catch every discovery of christ , every manifestation of the gospel , which comes up against the present tide , the general current of principles and positions . they labour , as to hedge in the wind , to binde up the sweet influences of the spirit , they will not suffer it to blow where it lists , because they know not whence it comes , or whither it goes . 5. agreement , in annexing the spirit to outward formalities . like simon magus , both seem to believe , that the gifts , and ministery of the spirit , may be purchased by the coin of education , parts , moral honestie , formal qualifications , ceremonious observations of outward rites . so is their way laid , so are all their practices managed , as if by a kind of simoniacal magick , that power which alone can aw or secure us from the divel , were shut up within the circle of their custemary , and solemn forms . vvhen the lord saith , neither on this mountain , nor in jerusalem , but in spirit and truth shall all men worship the father : yea , say they , but spirit and truth dispense themselves within the ierusalem of this church-order , on the mountain of these rituall observations , these consecrated forms . 6. agreement in making religion a rise to civil pomp and power . jesus christ saith , my kingdom is not of this world . but say these two factions , our kingdom is over this world . we rule in earthly things , by an earthly strength , though not from an earthly title . the heavenly power of the spirit is the scepter in our hand : but the fleshly power of the magistrate , is the sword in the hand of our minister , and guard , which is to be subordinate to our scepter . by this means they bring all manner of civil affairs within the compass of their cognisance , by vertue of their spiritual judicatories : they dispose of governments , nations , crowns , by vertue of their ecclesiastick censures . as the pope baited queen elizabeth with his bul , and gave away the kingdom of england to the king of spain ; so did the presbytery in scotland now judge , condemn the present government set over us by the glorious might of divine power , and give away this nation to their scots king . i have done with the agreements of these two ; i come now to compare them in their differences ; and that onely those , in which the later enemy appears worse than the former , that so the former mercy may be made the sweeter to us , in being exceeded and swallowed up by this later deliverance , as a stream running into a greater river . the differences between these two enemies are four . 1. difference . our first enemies pleased not god , but yet were agreeable to men in their wayes . being false to a divine , and spiritual interest , they are true to principles of humane policy . being severe in the imposall of superstitious rites , and those principles which descend immediatly into the practice of such rites ; they take , and give a large scope to the understanding and affections in generous contemplations , in mystical divinity . wanting that bread of heaven , that new wine of the kingdom , the beauties and sweetnesses of god in the spirit , which should feast the inward man ; they entertain the fancy , and senses , with all objects sutable to them , with a pretence of a subserviency to devotion , as in the temple of old . on the other side , our last enemies please not god , and are contrary to all men . these contemne the spirit , and its impressions upon the heart , when they are set up for pillars of fire to go before us in this dark night of flesh , as enthusiasmes . at the same time they condemne humane policy , as profane . they check the delights of sense and fancy , as vain ; rejecting also the openings of the glory of christ , the mutuall enterviews , walkes , embraces , kisses between god and the soul , in the spirit , as whimsicall . it is necessary for me here to professe , that i have no meaning to justifie the sensualities of the papacy in its religion , while by pretending these things as spirituall inlightnings , spirituall warmings ; they intend them for a vail upon the spirit . there is no such way to draw us up to the glory of christ , as by his crosse , to which the pleasing , and heightning of the flesh , for the most part , carries a very great enmity . therefore do i not desire to cast any dif-esteem upon a severity towards the outward man , even to the enslaving of it , to the beating of it black and blew , as saint paul used it , so this be not to the puffing up of the fleshly mind . but my iustification , or condemnation of these things is , as they stand in the comparison between these two parties , and as they may stand upon the root of the same principle or spirit in each party . upon this account , as samuel was by witchcraft raised out of his grave , to appear before saul , with his mantle upon him : so both these , the romish papacy , the scotish-presbytery , as it hath been formerly stated by me , appear like the ghost of iudaisme raised from the dead by that witch of endor , the fl●…shly principle dressed up in the forme of christianity . but there is this difference ; the former is the ghost of iudaisme cloathed with the mantle which it wore in its life time , appearing in the same outward pompe , with the same delicious pleasures of pictures , musick , perfumes , &c. as of old . but the later is iudaism undrest , like an apparition in chaines , or lazarus when he came forth from the grave with the grave cloathes bound about him . 2. difference . our southern enemies are richer : our northern ones poorer . prov. 28. 3. a poor man that oppresseth the poor , is like a sweeping rain which leaveth no food . a legall spirit having not the seed of god , which is christ , at the bottome of it is the poorest , the proudest , the cruellest of all spirits . let not this at all discourage any poor soul , which under a legall dispensation waites for christ . it is spoken only of the proud , poor ones ; not of the poor ones oppressed under a sense of divine wrath , but oppressing with the fury of a carnal rage . these poor ones , when they prevail , are even to those other poor and meek ones , as a ho●…sl●…ech , as a barren womb , as the grave , ever devouring , never satisfied . the legall spirit standing in opposition to the spirit of christ , is the barrennest of all wombes , the cruellest grave . 3. difference . the scotch presbyterie hath the purest form , and in respect to the outward form , is a good , and great degree of reformation from the papacy , both in respect to discipline and doctrine , as to the letter . now who knows not , that the corruption of the best things is the worst of all corruptions ? naturalists say , that the marrow of a man , in which his strength lies , the brain of a man , in which his wisedome is seated , by putrefaction in death , generates oft times a serpent . in like manner , the exactest image of that heavenly man iesus christ , if for want of the quickning spirit it corrupt , converts its highest excellency , the strength and wisedome of the letter , to the enmity of the serpent against that spirit , which is the heavenly man himself . the most implacable hatred is in the nearest competition . the falling out of brethren is as walls and bar●…es . the son of the bond-woman is he , who stirres up the most frequent , and fiery persecutions against the son of the free-woman . it is the son of the free-woman alone , who darkneth the glory of his brother ishmael , who puts in between him and the inheritance , who carries away the love of the father from him . if the spirituall seed were out of the way , the iew in the letter , the legall professour were the only saint ; neither would there be any , that could step into heaven before him . if therefore the spirituall seed be not sowne in the heart of this iew , he still cryes concerning him who is born after the spirit ; let us stay him . when the single divel had left the house in the parable , he returned to it again , finding it swept and garnished , but empty of that heavenly man that should inhabit it , he re-enters into it , and takes with him seven divels more . the scotch presbytery is a house , which the evill spirit of papacy had left , a house swept clean from the filth of profanenesse , garnished with the beautifull things of the letter , farre beyond the papacy : my prayer is , that being un-inhabited by the lord iesus , there be not found the more divels in it , besides the re-entry of the first-divel , as to his inward principles , though in a more specious form . 4. difference . the popish plot by gun-powder would have taken away our governours onely , and those , as they sate on that old seat , in that old form of government which had framed those laws , which had shed the blood of so many saints by martyrdome , which had laid so many bonds upon the gospel . but this zeal-plot , laid more deeply , more dangerously than the powder-plot , even in the hearts of our brethren , which dwelt in the midst of us ; this aim'd at the ruine of governours , government , people , and all , by an army made up of highlanders , who never knew christianity or civility ; whose rage would have blown up , have torn in pieces all before it with a greater fury , than that of gun-powder . all this was intended upon this government , as it came forth new washt in the blood of many precious persons , who sought it with the losse of their lives ; as it was busie in taking away the lives of those lawes , which had shed the blood of the saints , and in taking off all bonds from the gospel , that it might runne freely , and be glorifyed . that former treason was against an old power , founded upon old principles , concerning which ( as once before the destruction of hierusalem a voice was heard , which was the voice of angels , ( as is supposed ) saying , let us be gone from hence ; ) so the voyce of good men , good angels , god himself was heard , saying , let us be gone . but this later conspiracy , was against a new power , built upon new principles , concerning which ( if i do not deceive my self , and i comfortably hope , that i do not deceive my self ) i have heard in my spirit the voice of iesus christ , and his spouse , with the angels attending , speaking after this maner one to another : let us make our abode here . let us go forth into these fields , to see how the fig-tree puts forth its green figs , and the vine her tender grapes . here will we give one another our loves . thus , right honourable ! you have seen your two enemies compared . you see how much the later exceeds the former in enmity , opportunity , design . i shall now compare the manner of your deliverances in two things , and so conclude this use . 1. in the powder plot , all was ready , brought within a very few houres of execution , the train laid , the match lighted : yet all vanished without giving any blow , or making any noise . in the scotch plot , long and mighty preparations were made , a great army formed , every thing brought to maturity , and ripe for action ; the design it self put furre into motion , like a granado shot up , and falling into the very midst of us . yet these preparations armies , actions , scatter in a moment , like a mist . the way of the papacy , and of the presbyterie in both these attempts against us , hath been , through the blessing of our god , like the way of a serpent upon a stone , rising up out of his nest in the earth , sliding back into his first darknesse , and leaving no track , or impression behind him . secondly , the lord first delivered us from the romish papacy by a child , edward the sixth . but this proved like the flower , a fading mercy . when we were relapsed into popery , we were again raised out of it by the hand of a woman , queen elizabeth . we had been of late retrived , and brought back under the power of the same principles , cloathing themselves with the new garment of presbytery , if that our god had not again delivered us by those of the new modell , who were in scorne , esteemed as children , in the eye of flesh ; who in simplicity behaved themselves , as children , to god . right honourable ! i humbly beseech you , whose hearts , heads , hands , as saints , counsellors , souldiers , the lord iesus hath made use of to bring great things to passe ; do not ( i perswade my self , that you do not ) think it your disparagement , but your glory rather , to be accounted , as children , and women , in these mighty works : as children , who have been led all along in the hand of their father , who have been altogether guided by his eye ; as women , who have had a covering upon your heads , a vaile upon your wisdoms , your worths , that iesus christ alone may be seen as your head , the power , of god , the wisdome of god to you , the glory upon you . if this also prove not a fading mercy ; as god hath founded his praise , and our peace ; so will he also perfect it in the mouths , by the hands of babes and sucklings , such as shall hang wholly upon the brests of his consolations , and draw in for nourishment , only the sincere and unmixt milk of the immortall word . but to finish this use . right honourable ! hath the lord made former mercies as seed , out of which later mercies have sprung up as the ripe fruit ? o then , let our present praises , and graces , be to those of former seasons , as ripe fruit to the seed . let them not still be in the earth of a fleshly manifestation ; but let them come up to a maturity , a spirituality . former mercies stand in the brightnesse of our later mercies , as the moon in the light of the sun . they have no glory by reason of that glory which excels . if the holinesse , the rejoycing , of your former thanksgivings have been as the moon , legall , litterall : let the holinesse , the ioy of your present thank●…givings shine out , as the sun , having an evangelicall , a spirituall glory in the face of them . doth our god come forth in new wayes to save us , and shall we serve him still in the old way ? let us also lay aside the oldnesse of the letter , and answer him again with the newnesse of the spirit . let us sing to him the new song of moses , and the lamb ; now that he pipes to us the new tunes of more transcendent , more spirituall , more heavenly salvations . 2. use . a second exhortation . it is the way of the lord to make his last mercies better than the former : the present salvations of our god in the midst of us have exceeded all , that ever were to this day . let us raise up our expectations , let us lift up the eyes of our spirits unto loving kindnesses , which shal be yet much more glorious then these , which are at this present come down from heaven upon us in so glorious a manner . if we have seen great things , which we could not have believed , now , that the lord hath brought us up out of egypt : what wonders , what glory shall our eyes behold , when the lord shall bring up his people out of the north . for the more clear prosecution of this use , and explication of my intent in it , i must propound , and answer , four questions . first , what is signified by egypt , as to the iews . secondly , what by the north . thirdly , what by egypt to christians . fourthly , what by the north . 1. question . what is signified by egypt to the iews , and what by their being brought up out of it ? ans. this is plain in the letter of the scriptures , and needeth no answer , to those who have read moses , and his book of exodus . 2. question . what is meant by the north , as to the children of israel ? answer . babylon stood north to the holyland , and the return from the captivity at the end of the seventy years , was a bringing up of the people of god from the north . but that cannot be the meaning here , for three reasons . 1. reas. the return from babylon was not with such an out-stretched arm , with such a glory of miracles , of the divine presence , it was not to such a rest , as the comming up out of egypt had been . 2. reas. the children of israel were not all brought back from the north at that time ; only two tribes , and these but in part . 3. reason , my text joyns with the bringing up of israel from the north , the bringing of them from all places into which they have been scattered , which was never yet done . these two universalities of the promise , for all israel , and from all places , remain unaccomplished to this day . when god brought up israel his son out of egypt , he planted him , as a vineyard , with a legall dispensation , with fleshly ordinances , a tabernacle , a temple , a vvorship , a presence , a glory , appertaining to these . but ieshurun waxed fat with these fleshly vvorships . he kick'd the heel against his master that fed him , his father that brought him up . he set up the temple above the lord of the temple : he holds up the ordinances against him , when he came , who was greater then the ordinances , and the end of them all . then did god thunder from heaven against his holy things , and consume them with his lightnings , then did he scatter israel into a dispersion , a desolation , where he wanders , abides shut up , without priest , or teraphim , even untill now . when the nation of the iews was taken away , christians in the letter immediatly succeed into their place . they sit down at a table of fleshly ordinances . they also are in ▪ snared by their table . their hearts grow fat , their eyes are closed up with flesh . they see not to the end of the letter , and therefore cannot own the lord , that spirit , when he comes to those who are under the letter , as to his own , christians succeeding the iews in ordinances , in idolizings of the letter , in rejection of the lord , the life of the letter , for , the leter's sake , succeed them also in their desolations , dispersions ; and shall at last accompany them in their return to their everlasting rest . 3. question . what egypt signifies in the state of christianity ? answer , egypt is sodome , the mother of fornications , and witchcraft . antichrist is egypt , and sodome spiritually ; as iesus christ is goshen and canaan , the land of light , of rest . there are many anti-christs , but two principle ones : 1. the anti-christ to the letter . 2. the anti-christ in the letter to the spirit . 1. the anti-christ to the letter . this is like the samaritans of old , a spirit of heathenism , and profanenesse bringing forth it self into a loose profession of christianity , that it may oppose it self to the purity of holinesse , according ●…o the letter , and perseeute iesus christ in the fleshly mani●…estations of himself , this is that spirituall egypt , which will not suffer the people of god to go forth three dayes●…ourney into the vvildernesse , to worship on mount sinai , 〈◊〉 the outward purity of ordinances , and legall cleansings of ●…e flesh . 2. the anti-christ in the letter to the spirit , through an annoynting in the flesh with many heavenly gifts , unto the illumination and sanctification of the flesh , unto tasts of , touches of a spirituall , a heavenly sweetnesse and power , becometh an enemy to the heavenly substance , to jesus christ , as he is a quickning spirit . this is that spirituall egypt , which will not suffer the people of god to go forth free from mount sinai , three dayes journey further through the wildernesse , through the death of christ , to worship on mount sion . this is the abomination of desolation set up in the holy place , or where it ought not to be , of which jesus christ speaketh . it is the ordinary phrase of scripture to call an idol , an abomination . now this is the setting up of an idol , where it ought not to be , even in the holy place : the spirituall whore cloathes her self with the ordinances of christ ; she washes and bathes her self in the letter of the scriptures , untill her flesh shine with the exact purity of an outward holinesse ; she perfumes her self with the sweet savours of the oyntments of the spirit , decks her self with the fleshly manifestations of the heavenly bridegroom , as with jewels . when she hath done all this , she shews her self for the ierusalem above , the true mother of all the saints ; she persecutes the free-woman out of the world into the wildernesse , that she may with the more ease and quiet passe for her . the lovers of this whore , cry up the glory of christ in the flesh , his ordinances , his outward word his appearances to , his impressions on the earthly man , fo●… a pretence , that they may cry down iesus christ , as h●…comes in the glory of the father , as he is the new and he●…venly man . this is the highest abomination , being thus set up in t●…holie place , in the sanctuary it self , to maintain an opp●…sition to the invisible glory of the most holy place , whi●… is within the vail . as this is that highest abomination , so it brings t●… greatest desolation along with it . it makes desolate that h●…ly place , those holy things , in which it is set up : ordinances , qual fications , manifestations , the flesh of christ , the letter of the scriptures ; it scatters the flock of christ one from another into the wildernesse ; it brings the death of jesus christ , as a sign , upon them ; it drives them out into a cold , frozen , barren , dark , desolate state , as into the corners of the north . right honourable ! twice have those two spirituall egypts , when you have been carryed forth from the midst of them with a mighty arm , followed you with mighty hosts , to bring you back again into a land of darknesse , and house of bondage . twice hath the lord over-whelmed them in the red sea of their own blood . two severall quarrels have you had with these two egypts . your first quarrell with the one was for the purity of the letter , and ordinances , against a spirit of profanenesse , and superstition . your second quarrell with the other was for the freedom of the spirit in his holy , his heavenly outgoings goings before you , both as to religion , and civill rule , against the letter and ordinances , perversly opposed to the spirit , which is the light , life , truth , end of both . two severall testimonies hath the lord given on your side against your enemies in these two quarrels : as for your enemies , he hath made them as dust before the wind , the angel of the lord driving them . but these two times he hath appeared to you , as he did to solomon ; he hath spoken peace to you his chosen ones . and what hath the lord spoken to you , when he hath spoken peace ? even this , that his chosen ones return no more to folly ; that you no more have any thoughts of going down again into egypt , lest you go a-whoring from the living god , the eternall spirit , and forsakethe guide of this your youth . right honourable ! balaam was a prophet , he was the man , whose eyes were opened , who saw the visions of god : but he prophesied for the hire of a fleshly interest . this balaam hath assayed from several places , to curse the armies of israel in the midst of you . but no inchantment hath been against you , while you have walked as iacob , a plain man , in the simplicity of the spirit , though a supplanter of his brother edom. there hath been no divination against you , while as israel , princes with god , you have wrastled with god , and so prevailed over your enemies . right honourable ! i do now with bowels tenderly earning , with a heart bleeding over your precious lives , and this whole common-wealth , how the knees of my spirit to the god of israel for you ; i do earnestly warn and intreat every one of you ; that , as this balaam hath not been able to hurt you by his open curses , so he may not by his close wiles and fair-tongued flatteries , draw you to feast on the moabitish dainties , look on the moabitish beauties , bow down to the moabitish idols of fleshly excellencies , and enjoyments . i speak to you , as to wise men . why should you fall for your fornications , many thousands of you by the plague in this wildernesse ? 3. question . what the coming up out of the north means . answer . you have a full description of this in the prophesie of ezekiel . as the severall prophesies in the revelation have prefixed to them severall appearances of iesus christ , as the mark at which 〈◊〉 prophesie aimes , and as the scene , or face of things , which the predictions in each prophesie are to usher into the world : so ezekiel in the beginning of his book presents us with a vision dreadfully glorious , in which jesus christ is discovered , as he comes with his people from the north , that this vision may be a light to all the following prophesies . this first chapter of ezekiel hath many things to be said of it , which are hard to be expressed , and much more hard to be understood . but i will not trouble you with any of those mysteries , which require senses well exercised on invisible things . i shall only set before you severall particulars , which offer themselves to every eye , and fall with ease upon every understanding . 1. the whole object , which shewes it self to the prophet , is called , the glory of the lord ; verse 28. this expression imports as much , as the court of a king , where he is in state , in glory . the jewes call this vision , the chariot , alluding to that in the psalmist , of god riding upon the cherubim , contrary to the figure in the most holy place where god is said to dwell between the cherubims in respect to the ark , and the mercy seat ▪ which was under the covering of the wings of those angelicall creatures . 2. he who rides in this chariot is a man upon a throne . this man is our lord jesus in his heavenly man , in the person of a mediatour . the word amber is so interpreted by very learned divines , as to represent the godhead in its majesty , together with the humanity , over-spread by the bright beams of the divine nature . this man appears also in the full image of the ever-blessed trinity . the fire cloathing him from the loins upward , from the loins downward , shadows out the father . the image it self , the appearance of a man in the fire , represents the son . the brightnes round about , like a rainbow , typifies the holy ghost breathed forth from the father , and the son , the union of both circling them in as in mutuall embraces ; verse 26. and 27. 3. this man hath a firmament under his feet , behold here the pavement of the chariot , if i may so speak . this firmament is the third heavens , where iesus christ is , where paradise is , whither saint paul was rapt . these are the lords own heavens which the lord bowes , and upon which he descends , when he comes down , according to the prophet . this is that pavement which the elders of israel saw under the feet of the god of israel . that was represented by saphyre ; so is this here , vers. 26. 4. four living creatures stand under this firmament , and draw this chariot , verse 26. they sparkled like burnisht brasse , verse 7. they were as burning coals of fire , and as lamps , verse 13. see here the horses in the coach , which are the elect angels , the second heavens , the holy powers , and high principles , or principalities , in the secret of the invisible part of this creation . these have their proper forms , as angels , verse 4. they have all one common form of a man , verse 5. which is the divine image of our glorified saviour , in which everyone of them possesseth his own distinct-image , to shew them to be the angels of iesus christ . such is the majesty of god riding upon the cherubims , as his horses , who have the heavenly image of their glorious rider himself , as trappings cover them all over . 5. the wheels to this chariot are , the visible part of this creation , as it is restored , and made new by iesus christ . the word translated wheeles , signifies very properly globes , round globes , such as the round world of these heavens , and earth , which our eyes behold . 6. one divine life acts this whole piece of glory , from the man upon the firmament , to the wheeles , which stand by the living creatures . that fire which is a robe of glory upon the man , verse 27. that is the spirit of life , which goes up and down in the midst of the living creatures , verse 13. this spirit of the living creatures is in the wheeles also , enlivening , and acting them , ver. 20. 7. this flaming chariot comes forth from the midst of a whirl-wind , and a great cloud , and a fire , v. 4. 8. this sweeping , devouring tempest comes from the north , v. 4. these are the particular notes upon this chapter , which i have collected out of it unto this end , to found upon these notes , three observations . 1. observation . when the lord brings his people out of the north , he comes in a tempest of a whirle-wind , a great cloud , and of fire . he comes to bring desolation upon the holy city , the hierusalem which now is . he comes , as a whirl-wind , to shake dreadfully the whole earth . he comes , in a cloud to bring darknesse , trouble , confusion upon the spirits of all mankinde . he comes as a fire , to burne upon all flesh , till he have quite consumed it . when he ariseth , to raise his spouse from under the power of his death , which is the scattering of his people among the nations , and under the rage of anti-christ , who sits in the sides of the north , driving his people into the wildernesse of the nations : then will our lord iesus after this manner take vengeance of all the nations among which they have been scattered , and bewildred . 2. observation . iesus christ , as he is the glory of god , comes riding in the midst of this whirle-wind , cloud , and fire . he taketh up his saints also , whose hearts are upright with the father , as his heart is , into his chariot . they also , though in their flesh they melt away with the servent heat of this fire ; yet in their spirituall man they come riding on upon the third heavens together with their king . the lord my god thus comes , and all the saints with thee . while a cloud of darknesse covers the whole world , you , o ye brethren of the great king , sit in the secret of this darknesse , upon a th●…one of light ; you l●…e in the midst of this cloud upon a bed of love , in fellowship with your beloved iesus christ . while the tempest tears up this creation from the very roots of it ; you sit within it , as above it , as ruling it , as flying upon the wings of it : you see a new heaven , and a new earth in the midst of it , as in a womb , from which they together with your selves are ready to spring forth . fear not you , o ye meek ones , when the storm rageth most violently , they are the swift motions of your chariot-wheels , which now make haste , that raise this storm . fear not you , when the starry roofe of the kingdome of this world , shall drop like melted lead upon the heads of the inhabitants of it ; when the foundations of it , laid in the dark parts of the earth , shall be devoured by fire . while all this is working , you have the firmamen of the third heavens , the true mercy-seat for a pavement under your feet . 3. observation . when iesus christ shall have sufficiently avenged himself of his enemies , then shall the whirl-wind , cloud , and fire , altogether vanish in a moment , as by a divine appointment . the old heavens , and the old earth shall vanish in the midst of this storme . then shall the lord appear on his chariot , and fill all . the bright wheels , with their high and dreadfull rings full of eyes , shall shine out , as the new earth of this visible frame , made all of one precious stone , the living creatures , which draw those wheeles ; shall sparkle forth , as the new heavens of the elect , and holy angels , who are burnish'd brasse in respect to their naturall , angelicall glory ; but flaming lampes , fill'd with the oyle and fire of the spirit , in respect to their new state in the kingdom of christ . but above the heads of these , in that day , shall discover themselves the third heavens , which are that firmament , that expansion of divine glory . these heavens shall be seen onely , as a floore or ground for the throne , the new ierusalem , the city of the great king . then shall the heavenly man , and the glorious trinity standing each in other , god and lamb , appear as the temple in this heavenly ierusalem . in the midst of this temple are seen all thy saints , o god . here they have their mansions , as the priests , and levits had their chambers round about in the temple of old . here they live continually with god , as kings , and priests , never to go forth more . from hence they extend the line of their divine priesthood the scepter of their everlasting kingdom , all over the new heavens , and the new earth . from hence they sow themselves over all things , as a seed ; they grow up out of all things , as the fruit , of joy , glory , and immortality , o! who is there now among all the saints , that can forbear to cry ; blow ye whirl winds , fly ye clouds , thou fire make haste , and bring my beloved : come thou , come quickly lord iesus . as surely as the lord liveth , and hath of old brought up the children of israel out of egypt ; so surely will our lord iesus thus come , and bring his saints with him , out of the north . but why do i say , that he shall come thus ? ezekiel saith in the last verse of his first chapter , that all this is but the likenesse of the appearance of the glory of god . as much as earthly similitudes fall short of heavenly things ; as much as fleshly shadowes and types fall short of spirituall substances , and truths : so much doth all the glory , that can be now exprest , or thought , fall short of the glory of the appearance of our heavenly bride-groom . all former glories shall be remembred no more for ever . a new , a new glory shall fill thine eyes , thine eares , thy heart , o thou the lambes bride ; even such a glory , as thine eyes never saw any image of , thine ears never heard any tydings of , thine heart never took in any degree of , untill that day . right honourable ! i shall not conclude , untill i have endeavoured to raise your joyes , and your praises yet higher by setting before you a double interest , which ( to say no more ) you seem to have in this comming of the lord iesus with his people out of the north . one is the interest of this common-wealth . the other is the interest of this age , and time of the world , in which you live . 1. interest . of this common-wealth in the comming up of the people of god out of the north . i shall take the boldnesse here to propound to you severall considerations , which may be , all put together , the ground of a modest hope to a sober christian , that the lord jesus intends that honour to this nation , that it shall be said to it first of all the nations , concerning the heavenly bride-groom , that , he was born here ; here he first of all appeared in an eminent and signall manner , to bring his people up out of a fleshly servitude , and death , into a spirituall glory , and immortality . 1. consider . this is one of the remotest parts of the world to the north , whether the rule of hierusalem , and rome , christ , and anti-christ hath extended it self . it is master brightmans observation in his commentary upon the revelations , that , among the seven churches of asia , the sun of righteousnesse after his withdrawings began to return from that church which stood most north , to make a spring upon the earth . 2. consid. i have heard it often observed by judicious christians , who have travelled over books , countreys , and spirits of men , that no where upon the face of the earth do there appear to be any number of hearts spiritually acquainted , spiritually conversing with our lord iesus , in any degree of heavenly purity , and power , save in this poor , small spot of ground . this looks , as if christianity , and spirituality were driven hither , as to the outmost bound of the habitable world , here to make a stand , here to gather head , from hence to re-inforce it self upon the nations . let me add to this , that the power of our dear saviours death ( so far as ever i could know or learn ) lyes with so much sense of it , with such gaspings under it upon no spirits , which at this day live in flesh , as upon the spirits of english christians ; though , alas ! upon too too few of them . now our lord foretels us , that where the carkasse is , thither will the eagles be gathered together : matthow 24. 28. where the most considerable part of the body of our lord iesus shall lye , most eminently moulded into a fellowship with him in his most precious death : there , upon that flesh will the heavenly appearances , the divine powers , the immortall glories of the holy-ghost , who is represented by seven spirits , for the variety of his powers and appearances , first , and most eminently alight , as eagles upon the carkasse . 3 consideration . the dispensations of god in spirituall priviledges have been peculiar to this nation in many things , as to a beloved , a first-born childe ; the first king that became christian , raigned in this land . the first emperour , by whom jesus christ with his saints came up out of the fires of heathenish persecutions , and appeared upon the throne , came from hence , was born here . wickliffe , that day-breake of evangel call light , from whom the first glympses of truth , and christ appeared to the world , lying in the deepest night of anti-christian darknesse , he dawned from this quarter of the heavens . he was borne an englishman , lived fruitfully , died peaceably in london . from him did the gospel shine forth upon the bohemians , and so upon that blessed pair of martyrs , hierom , and hu●… , who prophesied of luther , the morning starr . i cannot passe over in silence , that darling of iesus christ's , edward the sixth , a childe , a king , a saint , all three in one , he , as a forward plant , though nipt in the bud , yet was a declaration , that spring and summer were coming . but how in these last times have the people of god in the midst of this land been , as his ioseph among the nations ? ioseph hath been despised by his brethren , divided from his brethren , as an ambitious dreame●… . yet ioseph hath been like a fruitfull bough by a well , whose branches have run over the wall , for the good-will of him who dwelt in the bush . ioseph is that bush , which burnes with fire , yet hath not been consumed . the archers sorely grieve him , and shoot at him , and hate him . but his how abideth in strength ; his armes are made strong by the hands of the mighty god of iacob . from thence shall be the shepherd , the stone of israel , the blessing upon his head unto the bounds of the everlasting hils . his glory is as the firstling of his bullock : his horns as the horns of an unicorne ; with them he shall push the people together to the end of the earth . if the blessings on the tribes be types of the last dayes , the dayes of the messiah , i hope , i have not done amisse in transferring the things of ioseph , as a figure to the present state of the church in this land . i formerly shewed you , o my fellow-members , whose lot is fallen in this age , and iland , your face in the glasse of davids story . these two seem to me paralel figures of your selves . both were drawn out of the pit to be princes . both ruled in the midst of domestick , forrain reproaches , and ruines . both were blessed with the precious things of heaven , of earth , of sun and moon , grace and nature ; flesh and spirit . yet both died in the land of egypt ; in a state of trouble . both are happily succeeded by the fulnesse of peace and glory , david by solomon : ioseph by benjamin , brought forth by the death of his mother , the hierusalem below : but the son of the right hand of his heavenly fathers righteousnesse , power , and majesty , of whom moses sings , the beloved of the lord shal dwel in safety by him ; the lord shal cover him all the day long ; he shal dwel between his shoulders . 4. consid. i have received from the mouth of a gentleman of understanding , and integrity in his testimony , a discourse , which himself had from one of the most learned among the iews , at venice , as i remember : that ; a generall tradition divides the prophesies of the old testament into unfixed ; fixed . the fixed are such , as be determined to some certain place . in the number of the fixed prophesies is that of isaiah , chap. 24. and 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. [ when thus it shall be in the midst of the land , among the people ; there shall be as the shaking of an olive tree , as the gleaning of grapes , when the vintage is done . they shall lift up their voice , they shall sing for the majesty of the lord , they shall cry aloud from the sea . wherefore glorifie ye the lord in the fires ; the name of the lord god of israel in the iles of the sea . from the uttermost parts of the earth , have we heard songs , glory to the righteous . ] the place , said he , on which this prophesie is fixed by the constant reception of the rabbins , is this i le of great brittain . i cannot but lay to these verses before cited , another verse out of the same chapter : verse 21. and it shall come to passe in that day , that the lord shall punish the hoast of the high ones , on high : and the kings of the earth , on the earth . of a truth , he that peruseth this whole chapter , and compares it with the first of ezekiel , will finde both to speak of the same season and affaire ; with this difference : isay is full in desoribing the storm , brief in the glory : ezekiel spends one verse onely on the storm , all the chapter besides on the glory . i appeal to those hearts who have a spirituall eye opened in them , how farre they see the letter in both those chapters , answered by the life of the letter acting it self forth on this land : how much they discover of glory wrapt up in a storm , and ready to issue forth from it , as lightning from a cloud . 2. interest , of the present times in the coming of the children of god out of the north . i shall here humbly offer to you three prophetick scriptures , which seem to be contemporary and joyntly to have their proper influences on these dayes . 1. the first scripture is , dan. 7. ver. 9 , 10. and verse 22 , and verse 26. the end of the fourth empire is here described in the vision , and in the interpretation . 2. the second scripture is , rev. 3. v. 14 , &c. the epistle to the seventh church . 3. the last scripture is , rev. 16. 10 , & 13. the opening of the fifth , and sixth seal . these three scriptures manifestly agree in foure things . 1. a party iudging . 2. a party iudged . 3. a kingdom sinking . 4. a kingdom springing . 1. a party iudging . laodicea , the name of the seventh church , made by master brightman a type of england , is compounded of two words ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which signifies the people of god in greek , according to the most frequent use of it in the sacred writings ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which signifies iudgement . both together represent the iudgement of the people of god ; or the people of god in iudgement . how is this laodicea interpreted by the angels , that poure the fifth viall upon the seat of the beast , the sixth viall upon the river euphrates , the defence of the great babylon ? these angels are described , rev. 15. ver. 6. the seven angels came out of the temple , having the seven plagues cloathed with white linnen , and having their brests girded with golden girdles . as the seven churches had their severall angels , rev. 1. v. 1. so have severall dispensations of god to the saints , whether they be at once or in different seasons . angels are the ministers of the divine dispensations , as they descend from the spiritual unto the natural man of a saint . these seven angels powring forth these vials , do upon this account denote seven dispensations , or appearances of jesus christ coming forth from the secret of the spirit into an outward manifestation , through the flesh of the members of christ . these poure forth the vials of wrath upon the children of wrath , by the pouring forth of grace upon their lips ; as the lord consumes the man of sin by the brightnesse of his coming . but you have this laodicea , these angels from the temple plainly discovered by daniel , 7. 9. the ancient of dayes did sit , whose garments was white as snow . behold one in the same raiment with the angels of the vials , ver. 22. untill the ancient of dayes came , and judgment was given to the saints of the most high , v 26. the judgment shall sit , and they shall take away , &c. behold the angels in white ! behold the judgment , and judges in laodicea ! the ancient of dayes coming forth , appearing in his beloved . these are his judgment seat , his iudges . this is the sitting of the judgment . 2. a party judged . the sixth vial falls upon the river euphrates , which encompasseth babylon , mystery , the mother of fornications . waters hold forth a spirit , in which the flesh , or letter stands , lives , and flourisheth , as the earth in the waters . a river is a spirit , either having the power , or putting on the form of light , and purity . under the same vial is made mention of the false prophet , out of whose mouth , an unclean spirit , yet a spirit of miracles , goes forth . see the river , which defends the spirituall egypt , and sodome . is not this false prophet he , who would seem to be the river of iordan , making glad the city of laodicea with his pleasant stream ; when he is as the dead sea in the midst of her ; who saith , i am rich , and want nothing ; and knowes not , that he is miserable , poor , blind and naked ? this is he , who falls in to uphold the dragon , and the beast , who summons all the kings of the earth to battell in this common quarrel against the saints . is not this that very little horne , of which daniel speaks , dan. 7. vers. 8. there came up another little horne : and behold in this horne eyes , like the eyes of a man , ( a show of divine light , a plain character of the river euphrates , the false prophet ) and a mouth speaking great things , that is , i am rich , and need nothing , this little horne , had a look more stout then his fellows ; vers. 20. he makes warre with the saints ; vers. 21. he speaks great words against the most high ( god the father , and our lord jesus , as he is in the most high , the most holy place of spirit , and truth above flesh , above types ) he wears out the saints , untill this iudgement sits , ver. 25. this is the party judged . 3. the kingdom sinking is the seat , or throne , as it is in greek , of the beast , filled with darknesse , revel. 16. vers. 10. the drying up of euphrates by the beams of a spirituall glory ; vers. 12. the battel of the great day of god almighty against all the kings of the earth ; v. 14. the spuing of the false prophet out of the mouth of christ ; revel. 3. 16. the thrones cast down , dan. 7. vers. 9. the beast slain for the great words , which the horn spake , vers. 11. the taking away of his dominion , consuming , destroying it unto the end . 4. the kingdom springing is the everlosting dominion given to the son of man by the ancient of dayes , dan. 7. vers. 13 , 14. this everlasting kingdom is given also to the saints , who must reign together with their saviour , vers. 27 , sweetly harmonious with this , is that pleasant melody in the eares of laodicea . at the beginning of the epistle our glorified iesus is held forth to be , the beginning ( the head , the principle ) of the creation of god , the new , and eternall dominion : revel. 3. vers. 14. at the end of the epistle , he promiseth his saints , that they shall sit with him in his throne , as he sits down with his father in his throne . thus the ancient of dayes gives the kingdom to the son of man . the son of man gives it to his brethren . all three raign each in other , are thrones , and kings , each to other . these are the kings of the east , for whom way is made by the drying up of euphrates , revel. 16. vers. 12. these kings from the east bring into my minde a place of ezekiel , to which st iohn seems to relate , as pointing at the same time , and thing . it is chap. 43. vers. 2 , 3. and behold the glory of the god of israel came from the way of the east and his voice was as the voice of many waters ( the kings of the east , which come with him ) and the earth shined with his glory . and it was according to the vision which i saw , when i came to destroy the city ; the vision that i saw by the river chebar : vers. 4. the glory of the lord came into the house by the way of the gate , whose prospect is to the east . ezekiel in his first chapter saw the glory of the lord come from the north with a dreadful tempest . he saw it come to destroy the city . he saw it : remove from the old temple , and city of fleshly administrations . here he sees it come from the east , with a most blessed serenity and sunshine , which cloathes the whole earth : he sees it enter into the new-built temple , to take up its rest there for ever . remember , o christians , to distinguish between these two commings of the lord iesus at the end of dayes : 1. from the north : 2. from the east . 1. when your saviour comes from the north , he comes upon his chariot , he comes in the glory of the father , with all his holy angels ; thus he comes unto your inward man . but he comes flying upon the wings of a vvhirle-winde , ezek. 1. 4. he comes upon wheeles of fires , with a flame of fire issuing forth from him : dan. 7. 9. 10. he comes with rebukes and chastenings ; rev. 3. 19. he comes as a thief in the night , covering himself with a cloud , and thick darknesse ; he comes as a vvarriour to the battell of that great day : revel. 16. v. 14 , 15. this comming from the north is that houre of temptation upon the whole earth , which is threatned in the time of the sixth church ; rev. 3. 10. but fals out in the times of the seventh church ; the fifth , and sixth vials . wo to you , ye glorious hypocrites , who say , you want nothing , but indeed are poor : who wear your garments loosly about you . my heart aketh for you . the lord commeth upon you as a thief in the nigh , unawares , unseen , to steal your party-coloured coverings from you , and dip them in blood ; to uncover your nakednesse , and lay open your shame to every eye . alas for you , ye daughters of hierusalem ! you who live under the sabbath of a legall dispensation ; you who are big with child of the spirituall seed , but have not yet brought forth that spirit , which is born of the spirit ; you who have that spirituall seed brought forth in you , but still feed it , as a babe , with the milk of carnall administrations : you , with whom it is winter , whose spiritual sappe is sunk down into its root , while you sleep : my bowels earn and sound within mefor you , ye daughters of hierusalem . how hard will your flight be from before the whirlwind from the north ? how great will your amazement be , when your eyes shall behold the glory of the lord to depart from off the temple of outward administations , on which it hath long stood ; nay to destroy both this temple , and this hierusalem ? as for you , whether will you go for comfort , when the fiery wheels , of my saviours chariot shal be brought over all your fleshly excellencies , and enjoyments ? but be of good cheer , these throws , this dissolution of the earthly mother , shall bring forth a heavenly man-child , into the world , in which she shall live again , and remember her sorrow no more . this comming of your god from the north , is as iosephs rule in the years of famine ; as davids raign in bloud . it ushers in benjamin's glorious rest , solomons temple . it prepares the way for the kings of the east . 2. i should now speak of the comming from the east , but the time is not yet . if master brightman do not erre in placing laodicea on this land , i hope i have not done much amisse in fixing on these times , that church , the fifth , and sixth viall , the sitting of the iudgement in daniel , the comming from the north in ezekiel , in my text : for all these scriptures seem to me to be manifestly paralel , and contemporary . blessed are we , who have lived to see this comming of the glory of god from the north . but blessed and happy are they , who shall live then , when this king of kings , with his race of kings , shall come from the way of the east to go into the house of his rest. in the mean time , this is thy comfort , o thou sister-spouse of the lamb , he comes ; behold ! he comes to thee in this stormy night , not as a thief , but a guest , a bridegroom . behold he stands at thy door , and knocks by all these loud noises . open the door , let him in , he will set up his chariot in thine heart , he will come into thy spirit , he will sup with thee , feast with thee upon this glory , and iye with thee all this night . object . perhaps some will say ; changes and expectations were as great in luthers time , as now . yet what hath the issue of all those things been but desolation ? answ. 1. what hath the issue of all those things been ? desolations on the earth ; but discoveries , increases of light upon the saints , even unto this day . luther had this honour to live to see his doctrine received , publickly professed , established by many populous countreys , and cities , many great provinces , and princes , in peace , for many years . there was peace all his dayes . immediately after his death , the sa●…e or the very next year , that fire of war brake forth , which hath never been well quencht since that time . answ. 2. noah was a preacher of righteousnesse . he prophesied of the flood 120 years before it came . the like figure unto this doth luther seem●… to be . he was the preacher of iustification , only by faith , by christ , by the righteousnesse of god in christ . he prophesied of a deludge of fire , while he often witnessed to the world , that antichrist was to be destroyed by the brightnesse of christs coming . this was 1520 , or 30 after christ . compute from thence 120 years , the summe will amount to 1640 , or 50 , which falls upon the present season . the flood came accordingly in the year from the creation , 1656. how near is that year 1656 from christ ? of what eclipses , what dreadfull signes in heaven above , in earth below , do we hear to come to passe in the years immediately preceding this ? tremble , o ye inhabitants of the earth , a flood of fire is coming upon all the world . the windows of heaven are already open , and begin to rain down streams of fire . the springs of the great deep are broken up , and send forth their flames , ye meek ones , enter into the ark which your saviour and you have been long making ready in your spirits , against this day when the flood should come . what is this ark ? is it not the chariot of the lord ? the appearance of the glory of god , of your beloved iesus in heavenly state , within you ? go in to this ark , the lord shall shut you in till the storme be past . go up to this chariot , sit quietly there by the side of your saviour , till that cloud break up , and show you in glory . but it is now time to conclude . is it so ? is this then the age ? is this the land , in which our lord iesus ascends from the north ? doth he now call up the clouds , and winds , to minister to him ? doth he now from hence begin , as a bridegroom to come forth from his chamber , as a giant , or warriour refresht with wine , to run his race , unto the ends of the earth ? speak , ye virgins ▪ who are not falne asleep ; is your lord on his way ? is this the noise ? are these the fires , flashes of his chariot-wheels . you , who have eyes exercised on spirituall sights , who watch for the morning , tell us ; have you seen your beloved look forth like the morning , a sweet light out of a black darknesse ? faire , as the moon , in his naturall image , the first creation ? pure , as the sun , with the essentiall , substantiall glory of his spiritual image ? terrible , as an army with banners ? the horses , and wheels of his chariot are his army , angels , stars , elements n●…w made , fighting for him in the newnesse of their courses . himself in his flaming person above the heads of these , is the terrible banner lifted up . it is so . the lord is upon his white-horses of divine discoveries . he rides on prosperously with his sword girt upon his thigh . right honourable ! princes , prophets , people , remember now your dyivg saviours charge ! take heed of surfetting on the comforts , or cares of this life . watch , and be sober . as elijah girt himself , and run along with ahabs chariot : so gird up the loyns of your minde , run along with the chariot of your king . if through sloth , or sleep , you be cast behinde , if the bride-groom enter into his chamber , and the door be shut upon him ; you will be left without in utter darknesse , where is weeping , and wailing , and gnashing of teeth . but woe to those who resist the progresse of his outgoings ! the wheels of his chariot shall be brought over these , the feet of his horses shall tread them in pieces , and dogs devour that which is left of them , as it was with iesabel . but you , which have heard the lord iesus plainly saying to you ; when you were under the figtree of outward dispensations , and expectations , i saw you : run to him , call him master ; follow him still , you shall see greater things then these ; you shall see the heavens opened , angels descending and ascending upon the heavenly person of christ discovered , as a ladder joyning heaven and earth , in which ladder every rowel is a spiritual , a living glory . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61472e-130 1. cor. 12. 31. rom. 15 7. can. 6. 8 can. 2. 2 psa. 16. 3 luke 1 notes for div a61472e-1650 doctrine . reason . 1. part. 2. part. 3. part. vse 1. comparison of scotch presbytery and romish papacy . cautions . 1. agreem. 3. agreem. 4. agreem. 5. agreem. 6. agreem. 1. differ . 2. differ . 3. differ . matth. 12. 44. 4. differ . cant. 7. 11 , 1●… prov. 30. 19. 1 cor. 11. 7. psal. 8. 2. 2. use . 1. question answer . 2. question answer . 1. reason 2. reason 3. reason rom. 11. 17 , 18 rom. 11. 9. 2 cor. 3. 13. &c. rom. 11. 12. 3. question answer . rev. 11. 8. 1. anti 2. antichrist . heb. 6. 4 , 5 , 6. matt. 24. 15. mark 13. 14. 1 king. 11. 9. p●… num 24. 3 , 4. mic. 3 11. revel. 2. 14. 1 cor. 10. 8. 3. quest . ans. ezek. 1. rev. 11. 12. and 4. 2. 12. 1. psal. 8. 10. 1 sam. 4. 4. exod. 25 17. chashmal . 2 cor. 12. 2 , psal. 14●… exod. 24. 10. 1 observat. ezek. 43. 3. isa. 14. 13. 2 observat. zach. 14. 5. 3 observat. ezek. 1. v. 7. v. 13. 2. rev. 21. 22. 1. interest . 1. consid. pergamut hath the new name rev. 2. 17. 2. consid. 3 consid. lu●…ius a. c. 170. constantine he great . a. c. 270. born in brittain of constantius and helene , daughter to coil duke of colchester . gen. 49. v. 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. deut. 23 v. 13. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. gen. 49. v. 1. deut. 13. 12. 4. consid : 2 interest . rev. 3. 14. mat. 24. 19. object . answ. 1. answ. 2. cant. 6. 9. a letter to a friend giving an account of all the treatises that have been publish'd with relation to the present persecution against the church of scotland monro, alexander, d. 1715? 1692 approx. 85 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51157) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51725) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 817:35) a letter to a friend giving an account of all the treatises that have been publish'd with relation to the present persecution against the church of scotland monro, alexander, d. 1715? meldrum, george, 1635?-1709. 32 p. printed for joseph hindmarsh ..., london : 1692. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to alexander monro. cf. nuc pre-1956. attributed also to george meldrum. cf. dnb. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. scotland -church history -17th century. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-06 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter to a friend , giving an account of all the treatises that have been publish'd , with relation to the present persecution against the church of scotland . lam. i. iv . the ways of zion do mourn , because none come to the solemn feasts : all her gates are desolate : her priests sigh : her virgins are afflicted , and she is in bitterness . and verse xii . is it nothing to you , all ye that pass by ? london : printed for joseph hindmarsh , at the golden ball , over against the royal exchange in cornhill , 1692. a letter to a friend , &c. sir , i don't much wonder , that the present state of the church of scotland should be a little surprising to you , at your return from your travels beyond seas , it being so very much changed from what it was some years ago , when you were last in scotland , that the bare reflection upon it must needs occasion grief and sadness to any who are endued with the least sense of religion or morality . the church was then in a flourishing condition , her authority and discipline in such force and vigour , that a sentence of excommunication was even terrible to the most wicked and prophane ; her pastors were men of judgment , learning , and prudence , and of such unblameable lives and conversations , that they quite stopt the mouths of their calumniating and malicious enemies . whereas now the scene of affairs is so much altered , that the church is made level with the ground , and her adversaries take pleasure in the rubbish thereof ; the apostolical order of bishops totally subverted , and the greatest part of the episcopal clergy barbarously driven from their respective churches , many of which are at present void and destitute of pastor , and their flocks left desolate , like sheep wandring without a sheepherd ; others of their churches are invaded by men who can lay no claim to that sacred function of the holy ministry , having never received ordination from those persons who are duly authorized to confer it : and their pretences for learning , and the other qualifications necessary for that office are so very little , that the greatest part of them have never had occasion to apply themselves to those studies , but have been all along trained up in mechanick employments , and have now leapt directly from the shop into th pulpit , where they exercise their gifts at such a rate , and entertain the●● auditors with such nauseous stuff * , ( sometimes intermixt with blasphemous sentences ) that instead of advancing the christian religion , 't is to be feared , they have propagated more atheism and irreligion in the nation , than many years will be able to root out . and since your curiosity prompts you to a strict enquiry into the ways and methods by which this surprising revolution was brought about , i shall , in order to your satisfaction , direct you to all those treatises that have been published on this occasion , where you may find an exact and impartial account of the present persecution raised against the church of scotland ; how it was at first contrived and set on foot , after the landing of the prince of orange here in england in the year 1688 , and how it has been managed and carried on even till this time , with all the fury and violence imaginable by the presbyterian faction in that kingdom . the first discourse , i think , which was published on this subject was , a memorial for his highness the prince of orange , in relation to the affairs of scotland ; together with the address of the presbyterian party in that kingdom to his highness , and some observations on that address . by two persons of quality . this memorial was wrote sometime before the prince of orange was proclaimed king of england , and the author's design in it , was to inform the prince , how seditiously and rebelliously the presbyterians in scotland had behaved themselves under the reigns of k. james vi. k. charles i. and k. charles ii. how in the reign of k. charles i. they overturned not only the government of the church , but usurped likewise that of the state , rescinded all the royal prerogatives , and murthered thousands of the king 's best subjects , besides the many other barbarities which they committed under the pretence of religion . and from hence the author takes occasion to shew the prince , how much his interest obliged him to suppress that insolent party , whose principles and practices were not only inconsistent with the monarchy , but even destructive of all human society ; and that on the contrary , episcopacy being necessary for the support of the monarchy , he ought to make it his chief care and concern to maintain and support it ; and the rather , because he had so solemnly engaged his honor for the defence thereof ; for having published in his declaration , that his design of coming over was to support the laws of the nation , he tells him , that he was therefore in honor bound to support episcopacy , it being confirmed by twenty seven parliaments of that kingdom . the observations upon the presbyterians address to the prince of orange are done by another pen : they sufficiently expose the contradiction and inconsistency that always appears in the actions of that party . in their address to the p. of orange , they complain heavily of their oppression and suffering under k. james's government , that they were lying in the mouth of the lyon , while refuge failed , and when they looked on their right and left hands , there was no man found to pity them , till the lord raised up his highness for their deliverance . and yet notwithstanding these heavy and grievous complaints , we find that in their address to k. james , they render him their humble and hearty thanks , for putting a stop to their long and sad sufferings for nonconformity ; and they acknowledg the receipt of favors from him , valuable above all earthly comforts . nay , so little reason have they to complain of persecution from him , that it 's known how the leading men of that faction were only caressed and cajoled by the then ministers of state to a very high degree , and preferr'd to places of great trust in the nation . and they themselves were then so sensible of these obligations , that out of gratitude they offered to use their interest for carrying on the designs at that time set on foot by the papists for promoting of popery in these dominions . it is very well known to any who were then in scotland , how eminently they comply'd with the dispensing power in taking an indulgence from the papists , how they magnifi'd k. james upon that account , as the best of kings that ever reigned ; and how active some of the most pragmatical men of that party were , in engaging all of their own persuasion to promote a relaxation of the penal laws , and in persuading such members of parliament as they could influence , to go along with the designs of the court therein . and this is so notorious , that one of their own preachers * was severely checked and rebuked by the party , because much about that time , in a sermon preached before their provincial assembly at edinburgh , he signified his dislike of these proceedings , and laid before them the dangerous consequences of the same , how fatal such methods would at last prove to the protestant religion in these nations . i could here entertain you with a great many instances of their behaviour under k. james's government , and of their ready complyances with all the popish designs then set on foot , but that i think it altogether superfluous , since one of their own party * has sufficiently exposed them to the world upon this account , and shewn how their practices at that time were directly contrary to their former principles , and that their behaviour was such , as did rather become sycophants and court parasites , than those who assumed the title of ministers of the gospel . and his accusation is so very true , that they have never as yet attempted to answer him , or to vindicate themselves from those many scandals and reproaches wherewith he so justly charges them ; nay , on the contrary , they are so conscious of their own guilt , that in their address to the p. of orange , they very very frankly own it , and make a long apology to his highness for it . the next thing that appear'd abroad with relation to our scotch affairs , was a short letter entituled , the present state and condition of the clergy and church of scotland . it gave us but a very short and brief , tho a true , account of the many affronts and indignities that were done to the episcopal clergy of that kingdom , by the presbyterians there ; but after having enumerated some few instances of their atrocious cruelties , such as the killing of one minister , the daubing of anothers face with excrements , and the inhumane usage of the wife of a third , tho in childbed , he at last concludes , that it was beyond the power of words to express their misery to that degree as they suffered it . this letter had not been very long publish'd , when there comes out a scurrilous pamphlet , under pretence of an answer to it ; it was call'd a brief and true account of the sufferings of the church of scotland , occasion'd by the episcopalians since the year 1660. being a vindication of their majesties government in that kingdom , relating to the proceedings against the bishops and clergy there . with some animadversions upon a libel entituled , the present state and condition of the clergy and church of scotland . the author of this pamphlet , instead of answering the letter , as he pretends , summs up , and highly aggravates the punishments that were justly inflicted upon the presbyterian dissenters by the civil government , for their frequent insurrections and rebellions against it , and charges the episcopal clergy as the authors of all their sufferings upon that account . the proceedings of the civil magistrate against this rebellious crew are sufficiently vindicated by a learned pen , as i shall afterwards inform you . and as for the behaviour of the episcopal clergy , with relation to the sufferings of these men , they were so far from being any ways the authors of them , that there may be many instances given , where the clergy have interceeded for their pardon , and actually saved many of them from the gallows , which they could not have escaped , had they been left to the due course of law : and yet these men did afterwards prove so ungrateful , that they were the chief instruments of all the sufferings and persecution which those clergy-men , to whom they owed their lives and fortunes , met with in this late unhappy revolution of our church affairs . and this is plain in the case of sir john riddel and mr. chisholm , minister at lisly , whom he was then prosecuting for his non-complyance ; and yet , at the same time , ingenuously confessed to him , before a good many witnesses , that he had been very much obliged to him , and protested he would never have treated him at that rate , if it had not been matter of conscience to him . this answer is all over stuff'd with so many groundless reflections and aspersions upon the clergy , and fill'd with such obscene and scurrillous language , without the least semblance of reason or argument , that the true way of answering it , had been to publish to the world a true and impartial history of the author's life and actions , that by comparing it with his writings , they might easily perceive what credit and authority they ought to have among all serious and sober men. i must confess , i 'm a great enemy to all personal reflections in whatever kind of writings , as knowing how prejudicial they of●en are to the merit of the cause , and how antichristian it is● for us to publish to the world the personal infirmities of our brethren , when the laws of religion oblige us rather to cover and conceal them , and to endeavour to reclaim them by a private and brotherly admonition ; yet when men do thus divest themselves of all morality and religion , as at this rate , without the least restraint of modesty or good manners , to bespatter the sacred persons of princes and prelates , i know no other way to deal with them , but either to oblige them publickly to recant their calumnies and aspersions , or at least to fight them with their own weapons , and to expose them to the world in their true colours , that the unwary and undiscerning multitude may not be bubbled into a belief of their malicious lies and calumnies . there was indeed a reply very soon returned to this answer , which , i suppose , did not a little discompose our author , it giving him a small tast of what treatment he might expect , if he should still continue to write at this extravagant and scurrilous rate . the title of it is , the prelatical church-man against the phanatical kirk-man , or a vindication of the author of the sufferings of the church of scotland . this is a short vindication of such of the clergy as our author had attempted to wound in their reputation , by his groundless and malicious aspersions . but much about this time , or a little before , there was a discourse publish'd , which , tho it was not design'd as an answer to this scurrilous pamphlet , it having been publish'd before it came abroad , yet contains such matters of fact as do fully answer all the calumnies of this accuser , and it relates the history of the persecution so impartially , as that it defies the contradiction of the most effronted adversary . it is called , an account of the present persecution of the church of scotland , in several letters . the occasion and design of this undertaking , was this . when the presbyterian par●y had barbarously and inhumanly treated the episcopal clergy of that kingdom , when their rabble had turn'd out of their churches by force and violence , above 300 ministers in the southern and western countries , and had driven them in the midst of winter , with their wives and tender children , from their houses and places of abode ; and when they had got such ministers , as their rabble could not reach , deprived of their livings by a sentence of their civil judicatories , and by this means had expos'd them to all the miseries of poverty and want ; yet all this was not enough to satisfie their implacable malice , but after they had thus cruelly treated their persons at home , they endeavoured to murther them in their fame and reputation abroad ; for here in england they industriously printed and dispersed papers , under the pretence of giving an account of the transactions in scotland at that time , which contain'd a number of malicious and bitter invectives against the deprived episcopal clergy of that nation , representing many of them to have been deprived for gross scandals and immoralities in their lives , and impudently denyed the many affronts and indignities that were done them by the rabble ; and by this method they thought not only to render our clergy odious to the english nation , but also to make the world believe there was no such thing as a persecution raised against them , and that all the noise about it was nothing else but the clamours and out-cries of a party disaffected to the government . the episcopal clergy therefore seeing that these malicious lies and calumnies gained credit daily with people in england , who were altogether strangers to these transactions , and being in a short time sensible how much they suffered in their fame and reputation upon this account ( than which nothing ought to be more dear and sacred to men of their prof●ssion ) ; found it altogether necessary to vindicate themselves from the aspersions cast upon them by their enemies , and to publish a true and impartial account of their sufferings , that the world might not any longer be imposed upon in the history of these transactions . and so they publish'd this account of the persecution in four letters , which do very fully and impartially r●late a great many matters of fact concerning the said persecution ; how it was at first begun by the rabble in the western shires , how they were animated and inticed thereto by their pastors and teachers , and how at last the presbyterians having got the government of the kingdom in their hands , did prosecute the episcopal clergy in their civil courts with such open partiality and injustice , as if they had seem'd resolv'd never to deny it . this treatise no sooner appear'd abroad , than people easily saw how much they had been imposed upon by former accounts , and being now fully convinc'd of the truth of the persecution , began to have some pity and compassion towards those reverend persons that were thus expos'd to the fury and blind rage of an opposite and bigotted faction . but the restless spirit of that party was still at work to run down this account of the persecution as false , and to persuade the world , that the matters of fact related therein had not the least shadow of truth in them . however , in a short time their impudence in denying so boldly these known matters of fact was soon baffled , and they themselves were quite confounded at the sight of another treatise which came out very shortly after the former , viz. the case of the present afflicted clergy in scotland truly represented . to which is added for probation , the attestation of many unexceptionable witnesses to every particular , and all the publick acts and proclamations of the convention and parliament relating to the clergy . by a lover of the church and his country . in this discourse we have some further account of the proceedings of the rabble and presbyterian governours against the clergy ; and most of the particular matters of fact , mention'd both in this and the other treatise , are so fully attested by many unexceptionable witnesses , that it gave satisfaction to the most scrupulous enquirers , and made the presbyterians themselves almost despair of cheating any more into a belief of their lies and aspersions . for here you 'll find among the collection of papers , particular declarations of the outrages and cruelties committed upon many worthy ministers and their families , owned and subscribed by themselves , and attested by many other persons of good fame , that had the misfortune to be eye-witnesses to many of their tragical sufferings . our author has likewise inserted all the publick acts and proclamations of the convention and parliament , relating to the clergy , by reading of which , you 'll in some measure perceive , with what open partiality and injustice they were treated by the presbyterian governours at that time , even those whose station and character did oblige them at least to put on an outward shew of executing righteousness and justice in the land. a further continuation of the history of this persecution we have under the title of a late letter concerning the sufferings of the episcopal clergy in scotland . this relates only to the persecution of such ministers as lived in the presbyterie of stranraver in the shire of galloway , of which the former treatise had promised us a fuller account , since it was only hinted at there . here we have a brief narrative of the condition of that place for some few years before this last persecution arose ; he tells us , in what peace and tranquillity they lived for a considerable time before the indulgence granted by k. james ; how that before the publishing of that , there were not above two dissenters in the whole presbyterie of stranraver , but all people went regularly and orderly to church , nay even the presbyterian ministers themselves were constant hearers of the episcopal clergy in their parish churches . but no sooner was this indulgence proclaimed , than the presbyterian ministers erected separate congregations , and by infusing seditious principles into the minds of the giddy multitude , did in a short time transform the country into a wilderness of savage beasts . he deduces their history in short till the commencement of the persecution against the clergy , and then informs us of a great many barbarities that were committed upon them by the rabble . i will not here trouble your patience with informing you of any of the tragical stories related both in this and the former accounts , but rather advise you to read the accounts themselves , where you 'll find the presbyterians charged , and that justly too , with such monstruous barbarities , as the most savage infidels would have been asham'd to commit . there are two other short treatises in print , which , tho they do not immediately concern the history of the persecution , yet since they have a reference to the principles and practices of our scotch presbyterians , i thought fit to send you this short account of them . the first , which was publish'd a considerable time before the discourse last mention'd , goes under this title , some questions resolved concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in scotland . our author's design in this discourse , is to prove that the presbyterian government was not by law setled for many years after the protestant religion had the legal establishment in that kingdom , and that it was never setled in the church of scotland , without restraint from tumultuous times ; all which he unanswerably proves from our records of parliament and our best historians ; and further shews , that even at present , it is very far from being agreeable to the inclinations of the people , the basis upon which it is now erected . he shews likewise that the principles of presbyterians allow no liberty of conscience to any that dissent from them , and clearly demonstrates that their principles are utterly destructive to the legal monarchy of that kingdom . he further proves that the penal laws in scotland against the presbyterians , had nothing of persecution in them , and he fully vindicates the episcopal clergy from being any ways concern'd in the sufferings which they so grievously complain of . he has likewise given us an account of the behaviour of the church of scotland , in reference to the designs of taking away the penal laws against papists , and shewn us how industrious and active the presbyterians were in promoting the designs for taking away the legal restraints against papists . so that in this treatise you may meet with a full and satisfactory answer to all the calumnies and aspersions which the presbyterians have in their pamphlets of late maliciously thrown upon our clergy . soon after the publishing of this , follow'd the other discourse entituled . the danger of the church of england from a general assembly of covenanters in scotland , represented from their principles in oaths , and late acts of assemblies , compared with their practices in these last two years , by a true son of the church . to the first of these discourses there was an answer published under this title , a vindication of the church of scotland , being an answer to a paper , intituled , some questions concerning episcopal and presbyterial government in scotland , wherein the later is vindicated from the arguments and calumnies of that author , and the former is made appear to be a stranger in that nation . by a minister of the church of scotland , as it is now established by law. in which the author pretends to prove , that the answers given to these questions by his adversary are altogether false and erroneous ; but the performance is very much disproportion'd to the strength and merits of the discourse he undertakes to attack , as you may easily discover by comparing them together . having thus far inform'd you of the discourses that relate the history of our scotch persecution , as it was acted by the laity , viz. the rabble and presbyterian governours : i come in the next place to acquaint you with those treatises which contain that scene of the persecution wherein the presbyterian clergy were the principal and only actors . it is true that in the former part of this tragical scene , their ministers were not bare spectators of the sufferings of the episcopal clergy ; nay on the contrary , they took occasion in all their publick appearances at that time , from their pulpits and elsewhere , to incite and stir up the rabble to the commission of all these cruelties and outrages upon the persons of those reverend and worthy men , by calling it the glorious work of reformation , and telling them , that they were carrying on the work of the lord , and that god would certainly reward them for the great services they were then doing to his church and kingdom . whereas it had been more for their personal credit and reputation , and more suitable to the character they assume to themselves , of being ministers of the gospel of peace , to have repressed the fury of the rabble , and to have restrained them from these insolencies and barbarities which they were acting in several corners of the kingdom . but in this later period of the persecution , the presbyterian clergy acted their part openly and barefacedly ; when they sat upon the bench as judges , and established iniquity by a law. the first discourse of this nature that was published , was an historical relation of the late general assembly held at edinburgh from october 16. to november 13. in the year 1690. in a letter from a person in edinburgh to his friend in london . and here our author has given us a very exact and impartial account of the proceedings of the presbyterian ministers against the episcopal clergy both in their general assembly , and likewise before the meeting thereof . the parliament after having abolish●d episcopacy , was pleased to lodge the whole government and management of church affairs in the hands of some few old presbyterian ministers , who in the year 1661. had been deprived for refusing to submit to the episcopal government then established by law. this was a presbyterian constitution , you may say , not very agreeable to their principles , which only allow an equal parity among all the ministers of the gospel ; but however the constitution being so much for their interest , it was not thought convenient to stand two nicely upon principles . these men who were now intrusted with the church government having met at edingburgh , and assumed into a share of the government such of the presbyterian minist●rs as they could intirely confide in , did first agree upon the method of constituting their next general assembly , and afterwards divided themselves into several classes and presbyteries , for examining and enquiring into the principles and qualifications of the episcopal clergy , and this in order to deprive them of their livings and preferments . one author gives us a great many instances of the partiality and injustice that attended the proceedings of these inferiour judicatories , and then continues his history to the sitting down of the general assembly , where he entertains us with an useful and pleasant account of what passed in that meeting . when the general assembly was dissolved , they appointed a commission for prosecuting the work of the reformation , and putting an end to what the rabble and assembly had begun . this commission was invested with a full power to cite before them , and deprive such of the clergy as they should judge unfit for enjoying their preferments in the church . and what the methods were which they used in turning out the episcopal ministers that as yet retained peaceable possession of their churches , what trifling crimes they were forced to invent against them , may be easily gathered from another discourse which the same author published not long after the former , viz. a continuation of the historical relation of the late general assembly in scotland . with an account of the commissions of that assembly , and other particulars concerning the present state of the church in that kingdom . in this treatise the author informs us what were the effects and consequences of the measures , which the general assembly had laid down for establishing and securing the presbyterian government . and besides many historical relations of considerable importance , which are contained both in this and the former treatise , he has likewise inserted here several original papers which add a great deal of light and authority to his history ; among which there are two letters from king william to the commissioners of the general assembly in scotland , wherein he requires them to receive into their communion such of the episcopal clergy as were willing to subscribe their confession of faith , and submit to the presbyterian government as then established by law. he further commands them , during his absence out of britain to stop all further processes against the episcopal ministers until they received further directions from him ; and withal he assures them of his protection , and that he will maintain the government of the church in that kingdom by presbytery , without suffering the least invasion to be made upon it . it is to be hoped that the worthy author of this historical relation of the general assembly will gratifie the world with a further continuation of the history of their proceedings , especially of what past at their last meeting of their general assembly . and this is the more earnestly to be wished for , since the two former parts were so very acceptable , and so very satisfactory to all that perused them . i come now to inform you of an answer to some of those discourses above mentioned , which after a long delay was at last published under this title , a vindication of the church of scotland , being an answer to five pamphlets . by the author of the former vindication in answer to the ten questions . the discourses which he pretends to answer are these . 1. an account of the present persecution of the church of scotland , in several letters . 2. the case of the afflicted clergy in scotland truly represented . 3. a late letter concerning the sufferings of the episcopal clergy in scotland . 4. a memorial to his highness the prince of orange in relation to the affairs of scotland , &c. 5. an historical relation of the late general assembly held at edinburgh from october 16. to nov. 13. anno 1690. the occasion the long delay of this pretended answer was this . the assembly , it seems , enjoyned this task of answering the historical accounts of the persecution to one * of their ministers , and recommended to him , to receive particular informations from the places of the kingdom , in which these cruel barbarities were acted ; but he , finding that the informations sent him did confirm the truth of most of the historical relations he was required to answer , and being a man of more honesty and ingenuity than many of his brethren , did , after he had for several months made a trial of the work , at last intirely decline it , because he saw these accounts could not be answered without justifying what the rabble had done , which , he ingenuously acknowledged , he was neither able nor willing to do . and therefore they were forced to pitch upon another † for this employment , whom , as it appears , being a man of a greater stock of boldness , and far less sincerity than the other , they found both fitter and readier for serving their designs . and he after a great many strugglings , what with the checks of his own conscience , and the difficulties he met with in guilding over and disguising these matters of fact , which are so faithfully and so circumstantially reported in these discourses he had undertaken to attack , at last appears abroad in the world , thinking by his bare confidence alone to impose upon the sense of mankind , and with a bold denial to confute those truths which have all the proof and attestation that a matter of fact can possibly bear . they are owned in publick and printed declarations , subscribed by the ministers upon whom these outrages were committed , and attested by many witnesses of unspotted fame and reputation ; nay further , the ministers who were the sufferers undertake , under the severest penalties , to prove the truth of these declarations before any judicial court , even to the conviction of their most obstinate enemies ; and what further proof can any reasonable man desire ? but to let you see how fully and beyond the possibility of contradiction these matters of fact are attested , i have subjoyned hereunto two declarations relating to this subject , the original copies of which are in my hands , subscribed by the ministers upon whom these cruelties were acted , and their subscriptions attested by very good witnesses . i send you these the rather , because they are not to be found among the collection of papers annexed to the case of the afflicted clergy in scotland , and one of them is a great deal more particular in the relation than any therein inserted : for in this declaration the particular days and months upon which these barbarities were acted , and the names of the particular persons that were actors of the tragedy are expresly mentioned , and three or four witnesses at least brought to prove every individual matter of fact that is there related ; and , if my memory don't very much fail me , a copy of this declaration was given in to the privy council at edinburgh , and the gentleman desired a redress of these grievances , and offered to prove before them the truth of all these particulars , if they thought them worthy of their cognizance ; so that i would gladly know what further proof and attestation can be brought for any matter of fact , than is here offered to evince the truth of these . here follow the declarations . declaration of mr. john arbuckell , minister of rickartoun , concerning the indignities done him by the rabble . i master john arbuckell , minister of rickartoun , declare to all whom it may concern , that first i was taken prisoner by the rabble , commanded by one william campbel , accompanied with alexander hillhouse , his brother john hillhouse , and the laird of allangreig was present with the rabble , to the number of forty or thereby , all in arms except allangreig ; and by them carried along to tarboltoun , being five miles from rickartoun , together with my eldest son under silence of the night , and there kept prisoner in the house of mr. james gillespie , minister of that place , and in the morning carried , together with the said mr. gillespie , to the church-yard , where his gown was torn , and a part of it laid on my shoulder , and the other part on his shoulder , i wanting a gown , in respect i was not at home ; and after a long discourse , previous to the tearing of the gown , they led us by the hand over the church-yard dyke , not permitting us to go over the stile ; required us never hereafter to preach or crave any of our stipends , and forbid all men to pay us under the highest peril ; and to finish the solemnity of that great action , they dismist us with a volley of shot . after this i was forc'd to fly the country , my wife and tender family continuing in the manse * of rickartoun till fasting's eve † or thereby , when she and her four children were turn'd out by violence on a saturday , the mercat-day at kilmarnock . it being snow in the time , she , with great difficulty , obtained liberty to stay in a stable till monday , upon this condition , that she should remove the rest of our household furniture which they had not thrown out , on that night before they returned from the mercat , which was not half a miles distance . in testimony of the premisses , i and my eldest son have subscribed these presents at edinburgh . april 16 , 1690. jo. arbuckell . james arbuckell . declaration of mr. gilbert muschet , minister at cumbernauld , concerning his barbarous usage by the rabble . i master gilbert muschet , minister at cumbernauld , do by these presents declare , that whereas i was orderly presented to the church at cumbernauld by john earl of wigtone , and received ordination and collation from alexander , late archbishop of st. andrews , then lord archbishop of glasgow , and continued there these twenty three years in the function of the ministry : yet nevertheless i have been of late excluded and expell'd by the rabble , both from the church , and from my manse and glebe , and i my self , and my wife , have been in great danger of our lives , having been hurt and wounded by my own parishioners and their associates . follow the particular wrongs done me by the rabble , and the parties and witnesses , if i could have a hearing . on christmas day , 1688. they took away all my books , together with my papers , to burn them at the trone . the parties were james mochrie , rob. allan , john kirkwood , john anderson , james rae , james , john , and alexander neilsons ; by order , as they alledg'd , from john carmichael chamberlaine , james carmichael , his son , and james fleyming , ground officer . witnesses were fergus lugie , hary logy , john baird , and robert boyd , younger . in january , 1689. they made me , by their threatnings , give back four petty poynds to the value of ten or twelve pounds scotch , that were long ago obtained in a fair legal way , by a decree before the sheriff , for payment to the reader and beddal . the parties were ja. brounlees , john ballach , john russel , of catecraig , and tho. smellie . witnesses , fergus lugie , will. cassils , ja. starke , and their two wives , and robert stark , kirk-officer . february 4th . they excluded me from the church , and sacrilegiously robb'd and took away the key of the church door , together with the vtensils of the church . they likewise broke open the doors of my house with a great hammer , rent my gown and burnt it , and laid violent hands upon my self and my wife , and the kirk officer . parties , ja. bailzie , ja. mochrie , rob. angus , ja. bresh , alexander harvy , ja. thomson , ja. rae , john gillespie , younger , agnes mochrie , and agnes steil . witnesses , john davy , rob. stirling , tho. buchanan , and john steil . march , 7. they came out with staves and battoons , and stop'd my plough , after i had till'd near three acres thereof , and threatned to beat the ploughmen , to cut the horse legs and plough-tackling , if they did not desist . parties , robert stirling , marion lamb , agnes mochrie , margaret moorhead , margaret miller , jean miller , margaret davy , and ja. buchanan . witnesses , john watson , david macklay , william cassils , younger , james machany , margaret colen , and mary stark . april , 30. they took possession of my glebe , being seven acres and a half of land , for the use of the meeting-house preacher ; they till'd the rest of it , and thereafter did sow and harrow it all , ( except one ridg which i had caused sow and harrow before ) . parties , robert boyd , ja. russel , ja. gilmore , john anderson , john young , james mochrie , william cassils , and ja. rae . and tho eight of them had promised to pay me for what i had tilled and sown thereof , yet they never performed the same . witnesses , john carmichael , james carmichael , james davie , and ja. jarvey . april 21. they violently , by force of arms , stopp'd my entry into the church , in order to read the convention's proclamation , and threw the proclamation in the ditch , and carried me prisoner to the town . parties , ja. rae , and john greenlees , armed , their associates , john kirkwood , william cassils , ja. mochrie , robert allan , james thomson , john anderson , john smith , james buchanan , and tho. dinn . witnesses , rob. bresh , james machany , john stark , robert , alexander , and john ewans , hugh templeton , with divers others . april 28. the entred the meeting-house preacher into the church by force of arms , tho he never read the convention's proclamation , nor obey'd the tenour of it then or since . parties , ja. mochrie , john kirkwood , william cassils , ja. thomson , ja. rae , john greenlees , thomas dinn , john smith , ja. anderson , ja. renie , john gillespie . witnesses , ja. russel , john young , john stirling , with divers others . may 2. they broke open the windows of my house , robbing me of several things to a considerable value , and charged me to remove the rest of my furniture within twenty four hours , otherwise they would throw it into the stone-quarry . parties , ja. mochrie , ja. rae , ja. gilmore , younger , and ja. buchanan , with others . witnesses , jo. kirkwood , ja. neilson , john gillespie , and ja. buchanan . may 3. they again , after opprobrious language , haled me prisoner to the newtoun , commanding me to deliver up the key of the manse , and three of them broke two of the doors in my own house within the newtoun of cumbernauld , beating my wife . parties , ja. mochrie , ja. rae , and james buchanan ; the first of these searched narrowly for me in my own chamber , threatning to kill me , where i narrowly escaped , and he thereafter pursued me upon the king's high-way . associates to the said three persons were , john gillespy , younger , ja. gilmore , younger , and james renie , together with john kirkwood , william cassils , and james thomson , john anderson , john greenlees , and john smith . witnesses , john young , hary luggie , ja. barrie , hugh templetone , and others at a publick wedding . may 20. mr. michael robb , the meeting-house preacher , extruded me from the glebe , as the rabble did from the manse , and caused his servant to beat the kirk-officer , when he was shearing a little grass for my horse , when he was taken away by the command of one lieutenant haddo , who took him along to the south and west countries twenty days , upon pretence of a commanded party . witnesses , john stirling , john bennie , john and tho. buchanans , jo. cowie , robert stark , alexander , robert , and john ewans . july 28. after ringing the first bell i entered the church , and read the convention's proclamation before an english captain and cornet , and john carmichael chamberlain , and having thereafter offered to preach in the forenoon , and to obey the tenour of the said proclamation , i was stopped by james rae and william cassils , the last whereof laid violent hands upon me in that sacred place , and hurled me by the shoulders through the church isle , and thrust me out at the door , tearing my coat and my gown . witnesses , ja. robb , james neilson , john gillespy , younger , james , john , and tho. buchanans , and ja. renie . august 6. they caused home of nineholes troop eat a whole night the grass of that meadow , which i paid duty for to the earl of wigtone , the hay thereof being worth ten marks scotch , was quite destroy'd , and they caus'd captain morton's horse eat a considerable quantity of my corn of that land i pay for yearly . parties , john carmichael , who quartered the said troop , mr. robb , and john cuy , his servant , who put them from the glebe to eat my meadow , witnesses , john and thomas buchanans , alexander and john ewans . september 20. they pursued me upon the high-way as i was convoying a cousin of my own , alledging that he and i had taken down the bell. they hurled us back prisoners to the town , and james rae ran at me with a halbard , it seems , with a design to have killed me . parties , john gillespy , younger , who wounded me in the head , john kirkwood , william cassils , james buchanan , john smith , david dabie , john russel . witnesses , john ker , younger , william grudlay , andrew currie , geo. mushet , john carmichael , john fleeming , john donaldson , and several others . the truth of the premisses is attested by my subscription of these presents at edinburgh , the eleventh day of april , 1690. before these witnesses , mr. richard scot , parson of aschott , and john falconar , master of arts. richard scot , witness to this subscription . john falconar , witness to this subscription . g. muschet . and now sir , i hope , you see with what evidence and clearness of demonstration , the particular instances related in the history of the scotch persecution are accompanied , and from this you may easily judg what a height of impudence men must needs arrive at , to deny so plain and so evident matters of fact , that have all the proof and attestation that the nature of the thing can possibly bear . and yet the author of this pretended answer is not in the least asham'd to put on such a degree of confidence in this matter , as no man besides a presbyterian is capable of . but to let you see a little of his disingenuity in managing this affair , he has collected together five discourses whieh he undertakes to confute , and then urges the number of the books he 's to answer , as an excuse why he cannot confute them all sufficiently , least he should swell his answer into too great a volume . what should have obliged this author to undertake to answer so many treatises at one time , i cannot readily conjecture , unless it were to have some plausible pretence for not being able to give a sufficient answer to any of them singly . i 'm sure the meanest of these treatises does far exceed the malice of his weak efforts , and the assembly enjoyn'd him but the first two discourses to confute , which , if he had done to purpose , he had better s●tisfy'd the commands of his superiors , and done greater service to his party , by vindicating them from those heavy crimes so justly charg'd upon them . but all the vindication he offers to bring for them , is in some cases with a daring boldness to deny point blank the matter of fact , without disproving the attestations brought to confirm it ; in others to alleviate it , by pretending the episcopal clergy had expos'd themselves to the hatred of the rabble ; but in most cases he acknowledges the truth of the relation , and then disowns the actors were presbyterians , and therefore the sober presbyterians , he says , ought not to account for those proceedings : whereas it 's notoriously known , that these persons whom he thus disowns and reflects upon , are the only true presbyterians , and act in a close conformity to their principles , while others , pretending to a little more sobriety and moderation , have evidently deserted the old cause , and degenerated into a mungrel constitution which they know not how to name . and notwithstanding that the author disowns the actors to be of their communion , yet in his vindication he is pleas'd to call them the zealous party , and represents them as pretty gentle , in that they made it their work only to deprive , and not to murder the episcopal ministers . in some particulars , the better to disguise and lessen the attested matters of fact of our late persecution , he has brought a few evidences and attestations of some witnesses , whom he looks upon as men of integrity and credibility ; but they are those very persons who were the principal actors of that horrid tragedy ; and how fair and candid dealing this is , i leave the world to judg . is it to be suppos'd , that men who had such a degree of malice to act these unheard of barbarities , will be at a loss for a little impudence to deny them ? and yet this you 'll find to be the whole of his vindication , after perusal of it , which i would advise you by all means to do , since , instead of answering , it rather confirms the truth of the accounts that have been given by the eye-witnesses and sufferers in that persecution . there are lately publish'd some remarks upon this vindication , which are printed with another book called , the scotch presbyterian eloquence , which i shall have occasion to mention afterwards . but the author of these remarks has taken the pains to collect several of this vindicator's falshoods and contradictions , with which every page of his book doth abound , and which may be sufficient to direct us in passing our judgment on the whole ; he shews , how in some places he justifies or excuses the greatest barbarities of the presbyterian rabble , and in other places disowns and condemns them ; so that he is not asham'd to contradict himself at every turn . it 's probable that ere long you may see this vindicator more severely chastis'd , as he truly deserves , and therefore i 'll trouble you with no further account of him at present , but leave him to the correction of those that are chiefly concern'd to take notice of his insolence , and shall conclude with this one remark . that if these men were in earnest to answer the historical relations of the persecution published by the episcopal clergy , the most effectual and satisfactory way of confuting these accounts , were to examin upon oath before an impartial judicatory , the witnesses that attest all these publick declarations printed in the case of the afflicted clergy ; and if they disown the truth of these relations , or if the ministers be not able to prove their several declarations by sufficient and unexceptionable witnesses , let them ever after be reputed as men infamous for lying and calumny . this , methinks , is a fair way of dealing , and such as that party ought not in reason to refuse , since they have the government of the nation in their hands , and may easily put it to a tryal when they please . and till they do this , they must excuse the world to believe these accounts of the persecution to be true and genuine relations , and to proceed neither from malice nor revenge . the next period of the history of our scotch affairs , relates to the visitation of the universities , and other inferior schools of learning . the presbyterian ministers never thought themselves secure , were never at peace and quiet till they got this brought about ; they lookt upon them as nurseries of such plants as would infallibly overturn their settlement and constitution ; and therefore it was still the subject matter of their sermons before the parliament , to press them to a speedy purging of the universities , that the youth of the nation might not any longer be poyson'd with loyal , episcopal , and suchlike antichristian principles . this was their constant topick for many months together , and there was nothing gall'd them more than the delay of so desireable a work ; but at last their importunity was gratify'd ▪ and an act of parliament publish'd , constituting a commission for visiting the universities and other schools and seminaries of learning within the kingdom . this commission divided themselves into several committees for visiting the particular universities , who were to make report to the general commission of the qualifications and behaviour of the professors and regents in each university . and what the methods of their proceeding in this visitation were , you may easily learn from the history of what they did in relation to the colledge of edinburgh . it goes under this title , presbyterian inquisition ; as it was lately practised against the professors of the colledge of edinburgh , august and september 1690. in which the spirit of presbytery and their present method of procedure , is plainly discovered , matter of fact by undeniable instances cleared , and libels against particular persons discussed . this discourse is a sufficient demonstration to the world , what injustice and severity the professors of this colledge met with from their presbyterian visitors . it would not satisfie their malice to strip them of their places and preferments , but they must likewise contrive some ways to ruin their fame and reputation , the better to palliate their own injustice . they invent libels , and deliver them into the visitors , no accuser produc'd to own the libel , * no witnesses brought to prove any particular of it , and yet these libels must be registred and kept upon record as authentick evidences , containing the crimes for which the professors were then deprived ; and all this with design to render them infamous not only in the present , but likewise to future ages . it was this sort of treatment that obliged the professors of the colledge of edinburgh , to publish a true narrative of the proceedings in their visitation , that they might vindicate themselves from the aspersions cast upon them by these libels , and let the world see , that the greatest crimes their adversaries had against them were their sallaries and revenues . in this account you have a general narrative of the proceedings of the committee against all the members of that colledge ; and particularly you have here inserted at large the whole trials of two of their number , viz. doctor monro principal of the colledge , and doctor strachan professor of divinity . there you may see all the articles libelled against these two doctors , to what necessity their accusers were reduced , in being forc'd to invent mean and trifling calumnies against men of an unblemished character ; you may see likewise their particular answers to the libels , wherein they have fully vindicated their innocence against all those silly aspersions , that the utmost effort of their adversaries malice could contrive . the author has likewise inserted in this treatise , the report of the committee to general commission in relation to these two doctors , and the commission 's sentence of deprivation against them , together with their several animadversions upon the report of the committee . and that none might doubt of their partiality in this affair , mr. andrew massie's libel is inserted , which , though notoriously true , owned and offered to be proved by persons of unquestionable credit and reputation , was not in the least enquired into , because he had declared himself to be of their party . all these things you 'll find fully related in this account , which in your reading will afford you matter of diverson as well as of instruction . these are , i think the chief discourses , that have been published by our episcopal divines , relating to the history of the persecution under which their church at present most heavily groans . but i must likewise beg leave to mention another treatise lately come from the press under this title , the scotch presbyterian eloquence , or the foolishness of their teaching discovered from their books , sermons , and prayers , and some remarks on mr. rule 's late vindication of the kirk . the occasion of publishing this tract , as i am inform'd , was this . you may observe that the presbyterians of scotland in all their vindications , endeavour to justifie their proceedings against the orthodox clergy with this topick , by pretending that a great many of them were turn'd out meerly for their ignorance and insufficiency . this was the great test by which the presbyterian teachers pretended to proceed in judging and depriving such of the episcopal clergy as condescended to appear before their assemblies . upon this account therefore , it seems , the publisher of this treatise thought it convenient , to inform the world a little of the qualifications and learning of our presbyterian doctors , and if it were possible , to make them sensible of their own infirmities , and for the future asham'd of their insolence , that they should pretend to deprive men for ignorance , who are so many degrees above the reach of their low capacities ; that they , who in their preachings and writings appear to be not only void of all manner of learning , but likewise destitute of common sense and reason , that that they should be so arrogant , as to think themselves fit judges of any man's qualifications for the office of the holy ministry . they might have acted perhaps more prudently , if they had set this topick aside , and made choice of another test for depriving the episcopal clergy , and that is , as they are pleas'd to call it , the want of grace ; then in all appearance , they had not given our author this occasion of proclaiming to the world their scandalous ignorance , and they would have acted more consonantly to their own principles and doctrines , when they run down all kind of human learning as a thing truly antichristian . and here , sir , i must tell you , that their particular despite against all manner of learning is so observable , that when you return to scotland , you 'll find your self deprived of the society of many of these learned and ingenious gentlemen , in whose company and conversation you were formerly wont to be so much edified , and so highly pleased . they have not only persecuted the clergy at that rate , as to make some of our most eminent divines leave the kingdom ; but have likewise extended their malice against the learned men of all other professions , and discouraged them to that high degree , that they have forc'd some of the most conspicuous of our lawyers , physi●ians and mathematicians , to desert their native country , and take up their residence among such as have a just value and esteem of their merit and desert . i could instance in all these particulars , but that you your self will be too sensible of it , and the instances are so well known , and so generally exclaimed against , that the presbyterians themselves begin to be somewhat asham'd of their proceedings towards them . and truly no wonder , if they consider with what abhorrence and indignation their posterity will remember them ; that they should have been such hostes patriae , such open and declared enemies to their native country , as by their violent proceedings to banish therefrom men who were the glory and ornament of their nation . this discourse is a collection of several remarkable passages taken out of the writings and sermons of the presbyterian pastors ; in which their gross ignorance in matters of learning , and their ridiculous and almost blasphemous way of worship is sufficiently described . the author has collected a great many instances of the madness and delusions of the presbyterian vulgar ; how they are passionately moved with a sermon of the greatest nonsense , if it be pronounced but with a loud voice and a whining tone ; how they contemn the creed , the lord's prayer , and the ten commandments , as childish ordinances , and far below their care or concern ; and how upon their death-beds they take it as a certain sign of salvation , that in their life-time they never heard a curate preach . these are such strong delusions and infatuations , that it 's easie to guess by what spirit they are thus acted . in the next place he describes the peevish and unconversible temper of their pastors ; how they have enslav'd themselves so wholly to the humors of their people , that to gratifie them , they must divest themselves of common civility , as well as christian charity . he shews that their pretences to learning go no further than to understand the doctrines of election and reprobation , and how by their indiscreet sermons upon this subject , they often drive many of the ignorant multitude into such a high despair of god's mercy , as to make them lay violent hands on themselves , and this they call the saving of souls . they infuse into the minds of their hearers sordid and low notions of the high and eternal god ; they represent him as a severe and unmerciful being , and have not the prudence to intermix god's offers of mercy with his threatnings . they not only force their followers into despair , but likewise sometimes encourage them in direct impieties , by telling them , that if they be among the number of the elect , they may be guilty of the greatest sins without hazarding their salvation . they talk of the greatest mysteries of religion in such homely , coarse , and ridiculous expressions , as are very unsuitable to the gravity and solemnity with which these sacred mysteries ought to be treated . and all these particulars the author of this treatise proves against them by such undeniable instances , that i believe they 'll hardly be so bold as to offer to confute them , least thereby they expose themselves to the greater scorn and derision . i think i need not caution you to read this discourse i here speak of , with a due regard and veneration to those sacred things you see thus polluted and prophaned ; and not to improve it to such a bad use , as i too much fear some of our open prophaners of all religion will be inclin'd to do . i know you have more just and adequate notions of the divine majesty , and of the mysteries of our holy religion , than to entertain the meaner thoughts of these holy and sacred things , because you see them prophan'd in this manner by the mouths of such sordid and silly creatures ; you know that pearls cast before the swine lose nothing of their intrinsick worth and value . i must therefore intreat you to improve the reading of this treatise to the true design for which it was publish'd , viz. that all good men , being rightly inform'd of the present misery and desolation of the church of scotland , and being sensible of the great detriment that accrues thereby to religion in general , may contribute their assistance , what by their prayers and other lawful means , for restoring that national church to its primitive and apostolical institution ; that religion may again flourish there as the palm-tree , and all manner of iniquity being depress'd , judgment may as yet run down our streets like a river , and righteousness like a mighty stream . is it a matter of no moment , to see a whole national church , with its apostolical government , quite overturn'd and destroy'd ? to see many hundreds of the ministers of god's word , together with their families , expos'd to the extreme necessities of poverty and want , and by that means to the contempt of the laity ? to see them thus sacrific'd to the fury and rage of a blind and bigotted party ? is it nothing to see religion in this manner abused and polluted by sordid and stupid men , who assume to themselves the name of pastors ? to see them prophane the sacred mysteries of our holy religion by their drollery and ridicule ? to behold many christians in a kingdom wandering to and fro , without any guide to direct them in the ways and means of salvation , or which is worse , having only such teachers as entertain them with nonsense and blasphemy , and infuse into their minds such seditious principles and doctrines as must inevitably tend to their ruin and destruction ? these are matters not of mere jest and diversion , but of great concern and importance , and will at last prove to be of far more fatal consequences than , i fear , many of us are aware of . if this deluge of atheism and impiety , which these men are too too likely to introduce into that kingdom , by venting such nauseous and ridiculous stuff in their prayers and sermons ; i say , if this deluge be not timely prevented , but be suffered to go on without any stop or hindrance , it will not be found very easie to rid the nation of the bad effects of it for many generations . having now gone through all the discourses that have been publish'd on both sides , concerning our late revolution in church matters , i think it may not be amiss to acquaint you with two or three other treatises , which , tho they principally relate to the civil affairs of our nation , yet do contain some things that concern likewise our church affairs . the first of them is entituled thus , the late proceedings and votes of the parliament of scotland , contain'd in an address deliver'd to the king , sign'd by the plurality of the members thereof , stated and vindicated . that you may rightly understand the occasion of printing this discourse , it is necessary to acquaint you , that after the convention of estates in scotland had devolved the government of that kingdom upon k. william and q. mary , they fell into great heats and animosities among themselves . what the causes of these divisions were , i am not at present concerned to enquire , but divided they were into several parties , one of which went ordinarily under the name of the club. it consisted of a great many members of parliament , who were most of them presbyterians , and zealously affected to the present government , haveing appeared very active and industrious in dethroning k. james , and advancing k. william and q. mary to the throne . this party combin'd together to obstruct and oppose all matters brought into the parliament , till they should first get their grievances against the former governments redress'd by this , according to their claim of right . they alledged k. william had refused satisfaction and redress to these points of the grievances which were most material , and that he was so far from performance , that both he and his ministers deny'd there lay any obligation upon them for that end ; so that in this revolution , they pretended the people did only observe a change of masters , but no ease of burden , or redress of laws . and this obliged them to send up an address to k. william , subscrib'd by the greatest part of the members of parliament of scotland , representing to him the grievances which they wanted to be redress'd in the present parliament . this address was deliver'd to him by the earl of annandale , the lord rosse , and sir james montgomery of skelmurly , at hampton court , the 15th . day of october , 1689. they were much dissatisfy'd with the ministers of state whom king william had received into his councils and service , alledging that he had made choice of those very men , who had been the instruments of k. james ' miseries and ruine , by advising him to these courses that had robb'd him of the hearts of his subjects . it was these ministers whom they blam'd as the authors of all the differences that had arisen betwixt k. william and his parliament in scotland ; they thought his delaying to gratifie their desires , proceeded merely from the sinister misrepresentations given him of their demands as illegal , and as encroachments upon the royal authority . and therefore , to justifie their actions , they publish'd this treatise and their address to king william , to shew , that what they desired therein was agreeable to all the rules of law , religion and policy . the author has inserted at large the several contested votes of parliament , to which k. william had refused his assent , and he endeavours to demonstrate the legality , reasonableness , and necessity of them , by proving them to be in all points agreeable to the antient laws and customs of that nation . this has produced us another discourse on the same subject , in answer to the former . it is call'd , an account of the affairs of scotland , in relation to their religious and civil rights . here our author undertakes to satisfie the world , that k. william had offer'd to the parliament in scotland all the satisfaction and redress of their grievances that reasonable men could expect ; and that the true source and fountain whence proceeded all the complaints of the discontented party , was , that some of their number were not advanc'd to such honourable and advantageous posts of the state , as they thought they had merited by their zeal for k. william , and the eminent services they had done him in advancing his interest in that kingdom . and to evince what he undertakes , he has set down at length the grievances themselves , and the redress offer'd them by king william in his instructions to his commissioner , and makes some reflections on both . if you encline to search any further into the history of these debates betwixt k. william and his parliament , you may consult the treatises themselves , to which i refer you . i suppose you may have heard how active and diligent the presbyterians in scotland have been ever since this late revolution , to exclaim against the injustice and severity of the former reigns , and particularly that of k. charles ii. ( under whose administration we enjoyed so much peace and tranquillity ) whom they charge with tyranny and oppression , cruelty and persecution against them and their adherents ; and reproach his ministers of state as subverters of the laws of the kingdom , and betrayers of the liberties and property of the subject . the bad impression which these clamours made upon strangers that were ignorant of these transactions , obliged sir geo. mackenzie , ( who had been advocate to k. charles ii. and was principally aim'd at in many of the reflections cast upon the government and its ministers ) to vindicate his majesty k. charles and his ministers of state , from these calumnies and aspersions so unjustly thrown upon them . and this he has very fully and satisfactorily done in a discourse publish'd after his death , and called , a vindication of the government in scotland , during the reign of k. charles ii , against misrepresentations made in several scandalous pamphlets . to which is added , the method of proceeding against criminals , as also some of the phanatical covenants , as they were printed and published by themselves in that reign . by sir george maekenzie , late lord advocate there . in this treatise we have a short narrative of the proceedings of that government in relation to the presbyterian dissenters , which alone is sufficient to undeceive persons that have been imposed upon by misrepresentations , and to confute all the malicious calumnies raised against the government . for when we consider the frequent rebellions and commotions which the presbyterians raised during the reign of king charles ii. we shall soon find that those acts of the government , which they tax with the greatest severity , savour of nothing but mildness and lenity , and that the government proceeded by the slowest steps imaginable to punish those who openly own'd their designs of subverting the monarchy . the authour has collected all the objections and instances of pretended cruelty against the government , which the malice of its enemies could contrive , and has answer'd them beyond the possibility of a reply . the publisher has subjoyned a collection of original papers publish'd by themselves , which contain an account of their avowed principles and practices , and from thence you may easily judg how consistent it is with the security of any government , to suffer the propagation of such wicked and seditious principles . but i think you cannot have a more impartial and true account of their principles , nor a fuller vindication of the proceedings of the government against this rebellious party , than from a book lately publish'd under this title , the history of scotch presbytery , being an epitome of the hind let loose , by mr. shields . with a preface by a presbyter of the church of scotland . it is epitome of a larger book published by mr. alexander shields , one of their most eminent preachers , and a zealous defender of the good old cause . here we have a true description of the temper and genius of the whole party , and it discovers the true spirit of the presbyterian gospel . there is none of them that b●tter understands the true tenets of the presbyterians , nor is more consequential to their principles ; for he fairly sets down their doctrines and opinions , and disowns none of the most absurd and pernicious consequences that naturally flow from them . he gives us an historical account of their many insurrections and rebellions against the civil government , and very frankly owns and justifies them all , together with several of their barbarous murders committed upon the archbishop of s. andrews , and some others , ; so that by a slight view of this book , you may easily judg , whether any government of whatever species can subsist where such principles and doctrines are suffer'd to be propagated among the subjects . and now , sir , i have satisfied your desire as fully as possibly i could ; i have given you an exact account of the most , if not all the considerable treatises that have been printed with respect to the present persecution of the church of scotland , and that you may be the better able to judge of the truth and certainty of it , i have set down the treatises published by both parties ; and likewise that you may the more easily procure any of them you are desirous to read , i have subjoyned to this letter a catalogue of them all with the names of the booksellers by whom they are to be sold . i think it is sufficiently evident from the foregoing collection , what sufferings the orthodox clergy in scotland have endured , and how unaccountable the proceedings of the presbyterians are towards them ; and which is most to be lamented , the present miserable state and condition of the whole national church , and the great prejudice that religion sustains by the overthrow thereof , is no less apparent . how much it concerns all sober and religious men to contribute their endeavours , for delivering that oppressed church from the miseries and calamities under which it at present groans , i hope we are all sensible ; and therefore i shall give you no further trouble but of this one request , which is , that you would be careful to inform all persons with whom you may chance to converse , of the present deplorable state of affairs in scotland , that every one may lend their assistance for rescuing the revered clergy of that kingdom from under their present sufferings and oppressions , that the rod of the wicked may lye no longer upon the back of the righteous , least they stretch forth their hand unto iniquity , and likewise that our national church may be restored to its primitive order and beauty . this is the earnest desire of june 1● . 1692. sir , your most affectionate and humble servant . a catalogue of books mention'd in the foregoing letter . a memorial for his highness the prince of orange in relation to the affairs of scotland , &c. london printed for randal taylor near stationers-hall . 1689. the present state and condition of the clergy and church of scotland . london printed . a brief and true account of the sufferings of the church of scotland occasioned by the episcopalians since the year 1660. &c. london printed anno 1690. the prelatical church-man against the phanatical kirk-man , &c. london printed anno 1690. an account of the present persecution of the church of scotland in several letters . london printed for s. cook anno 1690. . the case of the present afflicted clergy in scotland truly represented . london printed for j. hindmarsh at the golden ball over against the royal exchange in cornhill . 1690. a late letter concerning the sufferings of the episcopal clergy in scotland . london printed for robert clavel at the peacock in st. paul 's church-yard . 1691. some questions resolved concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in scotland . london printed , and are to be sold by randal taylor near stationers-hall . 1690. the danger of the church of england from a general assembly of covenanters in scotland . london printed for tho. bennet at the half-moon in st. paul 's church-yard , and john hovell , bookseller in oxon. 1690. a vindication of the church of scotland , being an answer to a paper , intituled , some questions concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in scotland , &c. london printed for tho. salusbury at the sign of the temple near temple-bar in fleetstreet . 1691. an historical relation of the late general assembly held at edinburgh , &c. london printed for j. hindmarsh at the golden ball in cornhill , near the royal exchange . 1691. a continuation of the historical relation of the late general assembly in scotland . london printed for sam. keeble , at the great turks head in fleetstreet , over against fetter-lane-end . 1691. a vindication of the church of scotland , being an answer to five pamphlets . printed at edinburgh , and reprinted at london , for tho. parkhurst at the bible and three crowns near mercers chappel in cheapside . 1691. presbyterian inquisition , as it was lately practised against the professors of the colledge of edinburgh . london printed for j. hindmarsh at the golden ball in cornhill . 1691. the scotch presbyterian eloquence , or the foolishness of their teaching discovered from their books , sermons and prayers , london printed for randal taylor near stationers-hall , 1692. the late proceedings and votes of the parliament of scotland , contained in an address delivered to the king. glasgow printed by andrew hepburn 1689. an account of the affairs of scotland in relation to their religious and civil rights . london printed , and are to be sold by richard bald●in in the great old baily near the black bull. 1690. a vindication of the government in scotland , during the reign of king charles ii. by sir george mackenzie late lord advocate there . london printed for j. hindmarsh at the golden ball in cornhill . the history of scotch presbytery , being an epitome of the hind let loose , by mr. shields . london printed for j. hindmarsh at the golden ball in cornhill . 1692. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a51157-e170 * vid. the presbyterian eloquence lately printed . * dr. hardy , at edinburgh . * mr. shields in his remarks upon the presbyterian addresses to k. james , at the end of his hind let loose . * mr. alexander pitcairn . † mr. gilbert rule . * or pasonage-house . † shrove-tuesday . * and refused when legally required . a plea for the late accurate and excellent mr. baxter and those that speak of the sufferings of christ as he does. in answer to mr. lobb's insinuated charge of socinianism against 'em, in his late appeal to the bishop of worcester, and dr. edwards. with a preface directed to persons of all persuasions, to call 'em from frivolous and over-eager contentions about words, on all sides. 1699 approx. 208 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 73 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55108 wing p2521 estc r217330 99829007 99829007 33442 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55108) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33442) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1935:12) a plea for the late accurate and excellent mr. baxter and those that speak of the sufferings of christ as he does. in answer to mr. lobb's insinuated charge of socinianism against 'em, in his late appeal to the bishop of worcester, and dr. edwards. with a preface directed to persons of all persuasions, to call 'em from frivolous and over-eager contentions about words, on all sides. lobb, stephen, d. 1699. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. [16], 128 p. printed for j[ohn] lawrence, at the angel in the poultry, london : 1699. with errata at foot of a8v. stephen lobb's "appeal to the right reverend edward lord bishop of worcester" was published in 1698; "mr. baxter" in the title is richard baxter, the presbyterian divine, who died in 1691. this is the parting shot in an ongoing controversy between presbyterians and independents, largely fueled by lobb and john humfrey, in which the presbyterian non-conformists are accused of socinianism. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng theology, doctrinal -17th century. presbyterianism -apologetic works -early works to 1800. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2005-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a plea for the late accurate and excellent mr. baxter , and those that speak of the sufferings of christ as he does . in answer to mr. lobb's insinuated charge of socinianism against 'em , in his late appeal to the bishop of worcester , and dr. edwards . with a preface directed to persons of all persuasions , to call 'em from frivolous and over-eager contentions about words , on all sides . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . non agimur partis studiis — . london : printed for j. lawrence , at the angel in the poultry , 1699. to the ( whether dissenting , or consenting ) readers . though the concealment of my name might ( perhaps ) be some security to me , supposing any one should be offended at the following papers ; yet have i not thereupon allow'd my self a liberty ( too commonly taken ) to reflect upon and censure those , whose sentiments are not the same with mine : i have indeed taken the freedom to expose their notions , as they deserve ; but without reproaching those that hold ' em . there is scarce any thing more common , than for persons to maintain such principles , the necessary consequences whereof they do abominate ; but either through ignorance , or inadvertency , they discern 'em not : many through weakness cannot , others for want of due attention do not apprehend the connexion there is between 'em : in both which cases 't is not allowable , nor have we allow'd our selves to charge such invidious consequences upon 'em ( which are not own'd , but especially which are disown'd by 'em ) ; but to argue from 'em against their mistaken principles , is what no one can reasonably disallow . — and this is what is principally blam'd in our accuser , that he has laid us under the imputation of socinianism , at least of socinianizing ( crimes which we do from our very souls detest ! ) had he attempted to prove it , as a consequence upon one or other principle advanc'd by us , we should very thankfully have accepted his endeavours to undeceive us ; but having so injuriously reproach'd us , we are necessitated to vindicate our selves ; should we be silent under the impeachment , we should too far participate in our accuser's guilt : that same law of god not permitting us to bear false witness against our selves , which obliges us not to do it against our neighbour . but though from this very consideration the general design of these papers be justifiable , that is not enough ; nor yet tho the management and manner of writing be so too : that may be justifiable , that is not greatly useful or commendable : we have therefore endeavoured that the ensuing pages may do real service . in order whereunto , we have not only avoided all unbeseeming reflections , upon any person or party , by reason of their differing sentiments from us ; but have also studiously declin'd all meer logomachies , all contentions about meer words and phrases , carefully distinguishing ( upon every occasion ) real from meerly verbal differences ; and as to the latter , even where the words have been less apt and expressive , we have not thought rent worthy of a debate , being more sollicitous to find out the sense in which one or other person uses them , than concern'd about phrases or expressions on one side or other . and were this one rule more universally observ'd , how greatly would it contribute to the ending most of our controversies ; not to make meer phrases and forms of speaking , the matter of a dispute either way ; but to allow every one the liberty of their own expression , provided they can but agree in sense . 't is hardly to be conceiv'd , of how pernicious consequence this one thing has been , the making necessary what god has never made so : should we take the freedom to instance in self-devis'd notions , and ceremonies ( some , as amongst the papists , wicked and intolerable ; others , almost amongst all other persuasions that profefs christanity , needless , and ( at the best ) but tolerable ) which yet have been impos'd with like rigour as if all religion had dain in 'em ; how black and dismal a tragedy would it introduce ! how great a part of that christian blood , which has been spilt , would be found chargeable hereupon ! but i shall confine my self to the point before us , the insisting upon terms and phrases ( such as are meerly of humane stamp , ) as if so necessary that orthodoxy in the faith , that christianity itself could not subsist without ' em . such a spirit as this has long been growing upon the church ; and in our accuser it seems to have arriv'd to full maturity : his whole zeal and strength and time is , in a manner , taken up in collecting , and heaping together , out of various authors , certain words , and forms of speaking ( without any fix'd determinate sense ) ; and ( though they have no certain meaning ) the man will needs force some upon us , that we must by no means leave out , unless we will fall under his resentments ; and another set of phrases , we may not use ( let our sense be what it will ) but , by vertue of i know not what ( papal or patriarchal ) authority , he will say , we do socinianize . at this rate of magisterialness does he talk , in the preface to his appeal , p. 3. if any one that comes after shall use the same expresions ( meaning , the same that mr. baxter uses ) — i say ( and who then dare gain-say it ? ) he does socinianize ! and immediately after ( speaking of such words , as he with others shall put into your theses ) he adds , much less may i be censur'd , though i express my resentments against him , whosoever he be , that is for leaving such words out . one would have thought it had been no excess of modesty , if he had , at least , excepted his superiours in state , age , gravity , learning and piety : if the king should convene an assembly of the most pious and judicious bishops and others , to draw up theses to avoid socinianism and arminianism , and they should leave out such words , as this dictator would put in , they are like ( for what i see ) to feel his resentments , whosoever they be , without exception ; though those worthy persons , to whom he has appeal'd , should be amongst 'em , they are to find no favour ; nay , though the king himself should preside in the assembly , the beams of majesty will not be a sufficient security to him. in the mean time , it is to be observ'd , what a mighty stress this man lays upon words and expressions ; these are all he talks of ; not one syllable about the sense or meaning of 'em : men may mean what they will , so they do but use his phrases ; and let their meaning be never so sound , they must not escape his censure , unless they speak his words . what degree of necessity he puts upon 'em , as well as what the particular words and phrases are that he would impose , may , the better appear if we also cast our eye upon the letter he prefix'd to his late defence : there we are told , that the phrases are those , that they of the greatest character for learning — have both us'd , and judg'd necessary — not only as a fence about the receiv'd faith , and a barrier against irruptions upon common christianity : but as such phrases , without which the doctrines of christ's satisfaction , and of our justification could neither be orthodoxly , nor intelligibly express'd . you see 't is not enough , that he may use 'em himself , but they must be impos'd as necessary : nor is be satisfi'd , to have his words accounted a fence about the receiv'd faith , a barrier against irruptions upon common christianity ; but they must be admitted as the standard of orthodoxy : nothing will serve the turn , but they must be esteem'd necessary , so necessary , as that without them the doctrine of christ's satisfaction , and of our justification can neither be orthodoxly , nor intelligibly express'd . and what these so invaluable phrases are , he tells us afterwards in his defence it self , p. 13. & passim . they are the very same that run through his appeal , viz. a commutation , or change of persons between christ and us ; christ's sustaining the person of sinners , and suffering in their person ; his coming under the bond and obligation of the violated law , &c. these forms of speaking are not , by any means , to be omitted ; we forfeit our understandings , our orthodoxy , our christianity , if we dare to alter ' em . and ( perhaps ) all the guilt of this kind does not lie at the door of this accuser , and others of his way ; it were well , if there were not a participation of it on all sides : and therefore , as one earnestly desirous of the more healthy and peaceful state of the church amongst us , i will here adventure to lay my hand upon the contenders of all denominations ; and whether they will hear , or whether they will forbear , i will ( at least , so far as relates to the matter in hand ) interpose a few seasonable and healing advices . 1. distinguish carefully betwixt such words or terms as the spirit of god has made use of , and such as are of our own devising . 2. as to the latter , distinguish again betwixt obscure and improper terms , and such as are apt and expressive of what is intended by ' em . 3. distinguish betwixt what you are oblig'd to use your selves , and what you may expect from others . 4. as to others , you will find a difference ( which shou'd be allow'd for ) betwixt such as are acted for one or other party , by ignorance or prepossession , and men of more large and free understandings . 5. but especially ( as to the expressions of other men ) distinguish betwixt what they say , and what they mean. whereupon i add , ( 1. ) it should be no matter of debate amongst christians , whether scriptural , or other terms , be to be preferr'd ; the very words of scripture being sacred , as well as the sense . though this will not altogether hold true , as to one or other translation ; yet of the original text , it is most certainly true , the very words being dictated by the divine spirit . and this ( perhaps ) is what principally distinguishes it from the best of other writings : and even as to translations themselves , by how much the nearer they approach ( in their respective languages ) to the original text , and by how much the more exactly they express that , so much the greater regard is to be had to the very words that are found in ' em . thus far it may be hop'd , such as are christians will readily be agreed . i say not this to countenance any in their ignorant mis-applications of scripture-phrases ; i would only have it to refer to an understanding , and apposite use of ' em . ( 2. ) as to meerly humane phrases , or forms of speaking , there are none ( upon any pretence ) fit to be impos'd ; the most plausible pretences commonly made use of , for that purpose , are either on one side , [ our phrases are of venerable age , what the church has long been in possession of ] : or , ( perhaps ) on the other side [ our terms , though new , are most clear and expressive of the truth , and render it easily intelligible to every considering mind ] : now , granting either the one or the other to be true , or ( in some instances ) that they are both old and significant ; yet all that can follow thereupon is , therefore they are fit to be us'd ; not , therefore they may , or ought to be impos'd . how weak would such a method of reasoning as this be , such a word the ancients us'd , therefore we must use no other ; such a father , or such an eminent reformer us'd it , and therefore he is a heretick , or a man of very dangerous principles , that varies from it ] ! or again , should it be admitted on the other hand ; [ such a word is very significant , therefore no other should be us'd ] ! yet upon no better bottom do multitudes suffer the churches peace , and their own charity to be reason'd away . ( 3. ) when we either speak , or write our selves , we are oblig'd to make use of such terms as have a most clear and agreed sense , and are best adapted to express to others , what it is we mean : the very end of speech it self proves this . and hereupon we ought , out of how great variety soever offers , to choose the fittest for our own use ; but we are not hereupon impower'd to choose for , or prescribe to others , [ in these words , and no other , shall ye pray to god , or speak to men , &c. ] those seem fittest to one person , which do not so to another . ( 4. ) amongst men that do not religiously tie up themselves to the phrases of one or other party ( but , placing their christianity only in those great and necessary things about which all parties of professors are agreed , as to other matters , have a greater latitude and freedom , both of thought and speech ) we may indeed expect the last mention'd rule will be observ'd : but we should not wonder , if some do tenacionsly adhere to the terms and modes of expression , that are peculiar to their own party , how obscure and improper soever ; some out of weakness cannot , and many out of prejudice and prepossession will not vary from ' em . ( 5. ) now even as to these , there is room to hope ( at least ) , they may not mean altogether so bad , as their words would seem to import : we should therefore ( in such cases ) do what in us lies , to find out the sound sence they aim at , and approve of that , though not of their uncouth , and unintelligible phrases . but , ( 6. ) by no means seek to impose upon others , one or other self-devised phrase , or form of expression , as if truth could not be maintain'd without it ; neither lay so great a stress upon meer words , as if orthodoxy or heresie did depend upon ' em . and surely we should have little disposition so successively to cry up , and contend for our respective modes and forms of speaking , if we did consider , i. what a trifling spirit it argues , wherever it has place ! a mind empty of every thing that is more great and manly ! a childish spirit that can find leisure for , and pleasure in such little , inconsiderable things ! ii. especially , if we also add , ( and i pray let it be added ) how disagreeable it is , to a spirit rightly christian ! and that on many accounts : particularly , 1. as it manifests too little veneration for the sacred scriptures ; how boldly are these impeach'd of insufficiency , when words and phrases not to be met with here , are obtruded upon the church as necessary , so necessary as that without them , the most important articles of the christian faith can neither be orthodoxly nor intelligibly express'd . with modest minds it should surely suffice to say [ they are apt , and may be useful ] : but if their necessity be press'd upon us , they are at least equaliz'd with , if not preferr'd to those of the divine spirit . and can any one that has the spirit of christianity in him , deliberately agree to this [ my words , my phrases are as necessary as those the holy ghost has chosen ] ! he knew not how to convey his sense to the world so well as i ! if any will thus insolently set up themselves and traduce the sacred oracles of our holy religion , my soul , come not thou into their secret ! 2. nor will christianity suffer , that the perogative of god should be thus invaded : his soveraign rights are hereby usurp'd upon : for asmuch as it is one of his peculiarities , to impose any thing upon the church as necessary . he claims it , as what belongs to him , not only to be a law-giver , but to be the one , the only lawgiver in reference hereto : and who are we , that we should justle him out of his throne . 3. how disagreeing to the spirit of christianity is it , to give way to and countenance such uncharitable censures ; [ that such an one is unsound , heretical , no christian ; because he dos not use my words . ] how common a guilt is this ! and by how much the more lately such an over-magnifi'd phrase was introduc'd , so much the farther does the censure reach : for instance , christ's suffering in our person , &c. if no one may be allow'd for orthodox , that uses not this phrase ; the whole christian church is laid under censure , except an inconsiderable bandful within this last age. but can it consist with christianity ( whereof charity is a most essential and inseparable part ) to reproach , and unchristianize ( in a manner ) the whole christian church ? besides , 4. we do not only hereby revile christians , ( and so offend against the generation of god's children ) ; but we do also debase christianity it self : how contemptibly mean , and vile is it render'd in the eyes of by-standers , when they see us with so unproportionate beat and zeal contend for and against insignificant words and phrases ; and labouring to proselite men to these , as if the kingdom of god was in these letters and syllables : how do they hereupon ridicule , and break their prophane jests upon our holy profession ! and how are they fix'd in their prejudices against it ! and is it nothing to us , that the name of christ , and christianity , is blasphem'd through us , by our means . 5. besides , how are we hereby diverted , our minds diverted from intending the most amazingly great and awful things that relate to christianity : those principles and practices that do most truly essentiate and constitute it : those truths which are according to godliness , and which are adapted to advance and promote it ; which do both tend to make the temper of our own spirits better , and to excite us to do more good to others . these are forgotten , and overlook'd : hereupon ( being diverted from what should animate and nourish us ) what a ghastliness and languor appears in the face of our profession ! how are we become as dead men ! how little of the life and power of godliness is to be found amongst us ! and should not this ( will it not ) be laid to heart by such as have any serious regard to the welfare of christianity , or of their own souls ? will it not henceforward render strifes of words less grateful and relishing to such , that they are likely to be attended with so pernicious effects . we cannot surely deliberately consent , that one or other phrase should be to us instead of our god , our redeemer , our faith , our hope , our love , holiness , and our heaven ; nor place out the zeal on that , which should be reserv'd for these . but again , iii. if this spirit were not so disagreeing to christianity ; 't is no way fit to be indulg'd , on the account of those perpetual quarrels , it must necessarily introduce amongst us : it would endlesly be contested ( without the possibility of being ever decided ) what particular phrases shall be admitted as necessary ? by what rules their necessity , or no-necessity shall be adjusted ? or , with whom the judgment of this grand affair shall be entrusted ? and iv. it would greatly tend ( should it obtain ) to discourage all improvements in knowledge : every encrease of light will require more or less alteration to be made in the old and customary modes of expression ; and consequently endanger a person 's reputation . at how much easier cost , may men learn a set of phrases , that they do not understand ; and save their pains , and their orthodoxy at once . v. and lastly , it has not the least advantage attending it , to compensate for , and set against all its mischievous effects . that which is commonly pretended for it , is , that it may be a security against error . but how utterly insufficient is it for any such purpose ! how possible , nay , how common a case is it , for persons to use the same phrase , and yet not mean the same thing . so vain , and so pernicious does it generally prove , when we leave the methods god has prescrib'd , and will needs prevent or remove the churches maladies by ways and means of our own devising . but to draw to a close , there is one thing farther that i would add ( to avoid offence ) and 't is in reference to the mention of mr. cross's name , in the long marginal note : when i wrote what you find there , i was in hopes of his second thoughts upon that text ; and the papers were out of my hand sometime before i heard of his death ( i not having seen 'em for several months past ) : nor , till i saw it in print , did i remember there was any thing in which he was concern'd ; otherwise i should at least have suppress'd his name , if not all that relates to him — for i cannot but be averse to every thing that looks like trampling upon the ashes of the dead . errata . page 5. l. 26. r. nostra , p. 15. l. 8. r. as errors , p. 20. l. 16. r. alledge , p. 28. l. 26. r. surely , p. 45. l. 2. r. that , p. 75. l. 14. r. strictius , p. 92. l. 2. add it , p. 114. l. 4. r. pursuing . introduction . not knowing whether that right reverend and worthy bishop , or the other very learned person ( in the great and constant cares of a more publick nature that attend their stations ) may not account it rudeness for us to break in upon and disturb 'em with our petty quarrels ; i have not thought fit so directly to apply to them ; and for this only reason it is , that i have not joyn'd in the appeal to ' em . their determination is not hereby intended to be declin'd ; there being no reason to fear the issue should they think fit to publish their judgments to the world. but whether their leisure from greater affairs will permit 'em ( or indeed , whether they shall account it worth their leisure ) to interpose in this matter , or not ; the nature of the charge is such , that ( how groundlesly soever it be advanc'd ) it is not fit to be silent under it . that which is apprehended more especially to require that this invidious reflection be taken notice of , is , that this way the reputation of that most excellent person is undermin'd , and his most valuable writings ( as well as the ministry of those that in this matter are of his judgment ) are ( so far as in this accuser lies ) blasted , and rendred odious and useless . and such as either have wanted opportunity to look into the socinian writings , or have not judgment sufficient to distinguish betwixt appearances and realities , may be so far impos'd upon , by the confidence of this accuser , as to believe the charge advanc'd against us . for their sakes therefore , and our own ; to prevent their guilt , as well as to preserve our own reputation and usefulness ( and , if possible , also to undeceive this accuser and his brethren ) we think it fit and necessary that it be made appear , there is no sufficient ground whereupon to censure mr. baxter , or ( those whom he calls ) his followers , as socinians , in that great and important article of christ's satisfaction . for the clearing whereof , we shall , with reference to the suspected passages , ( first ) manifest their agreeableness to truth . and then shew the no-advantage hereby given to the socinian cause . now the passages this accuser , and his brethren , are so much afraid of , and griev'd at ( as he pretends ) we shall set together , that we may see what they will in the whole amount to ; and they are these : 1. christi perpessiones quoad rationem reifuere malum naturale perpessum ex occasione & causalitate remota peccatorum generis humani . ( he should have added ) & proxime ex sponsionis & consensus proprii obligatione . bax. method . theol. pars iii. cap. 1. determ . 5. p. 38. this will be the better understood , if it be observ'd , that the question he had before him , was , whether the suffering of christ was properly and formally a punishment ? for the determination whereof , he does define punishment ( properly so call'd ) a natural evil ( that is , an evil of suffering ) inflicted for , or on account of a moral evil ( i. e. the evil of sin. ) and ( besides other distinctions which he had premis'd ) he distinguishes betwixt the suffering of the delinquent himself , for his own sin , in which case his sin is directly , immediately , and per se , the cause of his suffering ; and this ( he tells us ) is punishment in the primary and most famous sense of it : and the suffering of another by reason of the delinquent's fault ; in which case , though there be a suffering for sin , yet that sin is more indirectly , mediately , and per accidens the cause of the suffering ; and therefore though it be punishment , yet 't is only in a secondary and analogical sense to be so call'd . and this secondary sort of punishment is two-fold ; 't is either natural or voluntary ; the natural punishment for another's sin , he calls that which follows upon the nearness of relation in nature betwixt the sufferer and the sinner ; as when children suffer for their parent 's sins ; the voluntary is , when there is a free consent and undertaking to suffer on the behalf , and in the stead of the sinner , though there was no previous relation to the sinner from whence he should naturally be oblig'd to suffer for him . now he does ( and surely with very just reason ) conclude the sufferings of christ to be of this last kind , for that they were not the sufferings of the delinquent himself , and so not punishment in the primary and most famous sense of the word ; they cou'd therefore only be punishment in a secondary and less proper sense . and since , even in his assuming our nature , christ was conceiv'd miraculously by the power of the holy ghost ( and did not descend from adam by ordinary generation ) therefore in that secondary sense , his punishment could not be the natural effect of adam's sin. it remains then , that christ only was punish'd as a voluntary undertaker , and the analogical punishment he underwent was inflicted on him as a sponsor in our stead ; our sins were the ground and reason of his sufferings , yea the meritorious cause ( but not so nearly and immediately as they wou'd have been of our own sufferings ; ) for that his sponsion and consent did necessarily intervene ; so that they may not unaptly be call'd punishments , though not so fully and properly as the sufferings of the sinners themselves might have been so call'd . to this sense does that excellent person speak , and this is little else than a translation of his latine words , as will appear to any one that is capable and willing to consult the place referr'd to . and this being the substance of what he afterwards quotes from him , i shall need to be at no farther trouble than only to recite the words . 2. and thus he goes on ; peccata nostra fuere causa remota passionis christi . and again , culpa nostra non erat causa proxima ejus passionis , sed tantum remota & occasio . once more ; at sensu improprio ( i. e. not in that most proper and primary sense in which they are imputed to the sinner himself , as may be collected from the immediately fore-going words ) per meram connotationem dici potest , peccata nostro christo imputata fuisse , viz. quoad reatum paenae ( & culpae ut ad paenam , at non in se ) idque tantum remote : non quasi peccata nostra paenas christi merita essent , sed quia nisi nobis paenas merita essent , ille paenas non dedisset . et quia paena nulla est formaliter nisi propter peccatum , ideo quatenus christi passiones fuere paenae analogice fic dictae , peccatum ( non suum , sed nostrum ; non causam meritoriam , sed quasi procausam meritoriam & occasionem ) connotabant . ibid. determ . 7. p. 40 , 41. 3. he quotes him again in english , thus : man's sin was an occasion of christ's sufferings , as being loco causae meritoriae , for properly there was no meritorious cause . the law 's curse , or obligation , was another occasion , as being miseriae causa removenda . christ's voluntary sponsion or consent , was the moral obliging cause . universal redempt . p. 7. again , we must distinguish betwixt suffering ex obligatione legis , & merito peccati , as we should have done if we had suffered our selves ; and suffering ex obligatione solius sponsionis propriae , as christ did , without any merit , or legal obligation , his own sponsion being instead of both , and our sin and obligation being but the occasion , or loco causae meritoriae , ibid. p. 25. again , the law , as binding us was the great occasion of christ's death , and loco causae obligatoriae ; but not the obligatory cause it self : christ's own sponsion , and his father's will , were the only proper obligations , p. 34. again , christ did not suffer from the obligation of the law , but from the obligation of his own sponsion , on occasion of the law 's obliging us to suffer , p. 48. once more , christ's sufferings had no real , proper , meritorious cause ; but yet man's sins were the pro-causa meritoria , he undertook to bear that suffering which for them was due to us ( not to him ) and therefore when i say , he bore the sufferings due to us , i mean it materialiter only ; such sufferings for kind and weight he bore , but his obligation to bear 'em was only from his own sponsion , and not the law , p. 91. these are alledg'd by the accuser , as some of those passages which move him and his brethren to fear , &c. appeal , p. 4. but these being but some of 'em , he adds the rest , p. 10. 11 , 12. and what he further transcribes is this : 4. we must not say that christ died nostro loco , so as to personate us , or represent our persons in law-sense , but only to bear what else we must have born , p. 51. and , as for your objection , that no other way but representing our persons cou'd suffice to save us by the satisfaction of another , 't is a gross mistake , and naked affirmation , without proof : and for them that say , christ suffer'd in persona nostra , but not satisfy'd , or merited so : i answer , they speak inconsistencies , p. 76. to which he adds his explication of that phrase of christ's suffering loco nostro ; as it signifies , suffering that which another was oblig'd to suffer towards the freeing him from it ; being materially the same , but not formally , from the same obligation , but from the obligation of a voluntary sponsion ; and this not in the name , or as representing the person of that other , but in a third person , viz. in the person of a mediator , redeemer , or friend , p. 22. 23. i need not mention what he next adds , for that it were exceeding strange if any one shou'd ( with this author ) traduce a person as socinianizing , for distinguishing betwixt christ's dying in our stead , and his dying for our good . now to what purpose have we all these passages transcrib'd by him ? with what design ? what , can it be imagin'd the man will make of ' em ! ( unless he have a mind to bring some of his friends into a better acquaintance with that most excellent person . ) what has he to except against any of the recited clauses ? for my part , i was not able to guess , what evil it was that he wou'd charge upon 'em ; nor cou'd i have been more surpriz'd , if any one had cavill'd against the plainest theorem in euclid ; mr. baxter's theses in this case , being as plainly demonstrable ( upon scripture-principles ) as any of euclid's are ( upon principles of common reason : ) nor is it fit ( perhaps ) that any thing shou'd be admitted into the rank of christian doctrines , but what is so . but what dangerous , what pernicious error has he found in these passages ! why , he dreams at least , that he is aware of a design ( bad enough , you may be sure ) against the doctrine of a real , full , and proper satisfaction to god's justice for our sins , p 4. risum teneatis . well , but how must this design be carried on ? why , don't you observe it , here 's left out a change of persons between christ and us all along ? i 'm well aware of it ; and what then ? why , and then there 's not a word of christ's sustaining our person , nor of christ's suffering in the person of sinners ; and a design there is on foot ( i smell it at a distance ) to turn [ christ's suffering in the person of sinners ] into [ his suffering in the person of a mediator . ] why surely , though one can't yet guess what hurt there should be in it , yet ( if it be kept so very close , as this man's way of expression would intimate ) one would be ready to suspect , there was some ill design in it ; but ( upon further enquiry ) it appears , there was no need of so great cunning to find out that this was design'd ; 't is what mr. baxter proclaim'd openly ( in the hearing of the whole world ) near fourty four years ago ; for thus he spake in his confession of faith , p. 152 , 153. christ , as the publick sponsor , did bear the punishment deserv'd by the sins of the world , and made to his father a satisfaction sufficient for the sins of all : but this he did in the person of a mediator , that undertook to bear the penalty , and not in the person of the elect , or of any particular sinner , &c. nor has he at any time since made a secret of it ; but upon every befitting occasion this has still been his constant language . so in the catechism , at the end of his family-book , p. 447. christ suffer'd for our sins , and in our stead , because it was to free us from sufferings ; but yet he suffer'd in the person of a mediator , who indeed is one that undertook to suffer in the sinner's stead , but never was , nor consented to be esteem'd the sinner himself . and a little farther ; christ suffer'd in our stead , but not as our delegate , nor in our name and person properly , but as a voluntary mediator , &c. — so also in his treatise of justifying righteousness , part i. p. 55. christ suffer'd and obey'd in the person of the mediator , between god and man , and as a subject to the law of mediation . the like again , p. 24. as indeed frequently in that book . so in his meth. theol. p. iii. p. 42. christus in persona mediatoris passus est — non in persona — offendente . and in his cath. theol. part ii. p. 38. § . 41. christ did not take upon him strictly and properly the ( natural or civil ) person of any sinner , much less of all the elect , or all sinners , but the person of a mediator between god and sinners . see also § . 43. and p. 66. § . 142. he ( god ) judges christ to have been the sponsor and mediator , and in that person to have done and suffer'd as he did ; because it is true : but he judges him not to have been the legal person of the sinner , — because that is not true . it were almost endless to refer you to all the other places where he thus speaks — now after all , is it not very pleasant , to have this man come and whisper it ( as if it had been some mighty secret ) that he was aware this great man had a design to turn [ christ's suffering in the person of sinners ] into [ his suffering in the person of a mediator . ] p. 12. if it be a plot , 't is surely a very innocent one , that he should carry it on ( for so many years ) so openly , and in the view of all the world ; 't was what he never was asham'd to own ; and what was known to be his sense of the matter ( for ought i know ) before this informer was born . but to proceed , suppose he was for christ's suffering in the person of a mediator , and not of sinners , ( as , though 't is by this accuser only hinted as a remote design , yet we have ( if that will do him any kindness ) given him very full and plain evidence of it ) what hurt is there in it ? — what! why then christ was never by vertue of the sanction of the law oblig'd to suffer for us ; that is , as he oft tells us , the original law , the law which we had transgressed did not oblige christ to suffer . well , 't is granted ! pray go on ; and then , he suffer'd not a proper punishment [ but only the same sufferings we were oblig'd to materially , not formally : ] this is the design he ( the reporter ) was aware of , and so suggested it , p. 12. the reporter ( if all reports be true ) has been aware of other kind of designs which yet he has not thought fit to suggest ; and if he be so good at an intrigue himself , as he is commonly fam'd to be , no wonder if he be jealous of every one else : it would incline one ( that is of no very surmising temper ) to fear his thoughts run much upon designs and plots when he is awake , that he cannot sleep but he must dream of 'em , and like one delirous cry out in his sleep , oh! they have a design , a cursed design , i 'm aware of what they aim at ! and when he is perfectly awake , he can tell of no more that they design , than only to turn [ christ's suffering in the person of sinners ] into [ his suffering in the person of a mediator ] who was never by vertue of the sanction of the law , oblig'd to suffer for us , and who suffer'd not a proper punishment , but only the same sufferings we were oblig'd to materially , and not formally ; though in his dream he had talk'd of a design against the doctrine of satisfaction . — whereas these two things do so widely differ , as that the one may be design'd , where the other is not , as shall hereafter be made appear ; yea , that 't is as consistent , as for a most sincere anti-socinian to be as heartily engag'd against antinomianism ; and that nothing but his ignorance can disprove this accuser's being engag'd in a design to promote either the one or the other , socinianism , i mean , or antinomianism ; though whether of the two may hereafter more evidently appear , if ever he should have either less policy , or more integrity than now . in the mean time , as a vindication of that ( not-without-just-veneration-to-be-nam'd ) mr. baxter , and those who ( with my self ) bless god for him , and his excellent labours , ( though we , as the servants of christ , dare follow no one farther than he is a follower of our lord ; ) i say , as a vindication of him and our selves , i shall undertake these two things in the following papers , viz. to prove , that what is here transcrib'd from mr. baxter is the truth , that must secure us from the impious and to be abhorr'd blasphemy of antinomianism : and afterwards , to make it appear , that the equally horrid opinions ( on the socinian extream ) are ( not only not-countenanc'd , but also ) most effectually refell'd upon these principles . to which i shall apply my self , when i have only added , that what is here said , is not intended as an anticipation to the just defence that may be expected from that other worthy person , whom this accuser does also by name traduce ; and therefore i do not meddle with any of those passages wherein he is personally concern'd . part i. § . 1. this accuser having throughout his appeal insinuated that the before-recited passages are unsound , and socinianizing at least , if not socinian , has made it necessary in order to our defence , that we make it appear , they are not chargeable errors , much less as socinianism : the former of these we shall begin with , viz. that there is nothing erroneous or unsound in the particulars he has transcrib'd from mr. baxter . § . 2. in order to which we shall consider 'em distinctly , according to the several heads , to which he seems to have reduc'd 'em ; tho' for want of method in his book ( or thro' the intricacy of it at least ) 't is not easie to find 'em out — but the principles he seems to extract from the above-mention'd passages , and to expose to censure are these , viz. i. that christ suffer'd by vertue of the law of mediation , not by vertue of the sanction of the violated law. ii. and consequently that he suffer'd in the person of a mediator , not in the person of sinners . iii. and that thereupon his sufferings were only materially , not formally the same we were oblig'd to . iv. and that our sins ( tho' they were the impulsive meritorious cause of christ's sufferings ) yet it was only more remotely that they were so , and not so nearly and immediately as they wou'd have been of our own . v. and therefore , though his sufferings may not unaptly be call'd a punishment , yet not in that full and proper sense in which the sufferings of the sinner himself might have been so call'd . chap. i. that christ did not suffer by vertue of the law which we had transgress'd , but only by vertue of the law of mediation . this is so far from being a pernicious error , as that it is a very important and most useful truth ; for the manifesting which i 'll set my self to hint the absurd consequents of the opposite notion , and to obviate the seeming reasonings of this accuser against it . § . 1. suppose we for a while that this notion of mr. baxter's is false , as this accuser would have it ; now if it be so , then the proposition contrary to it must needs be true ; and if it were true , nothing but what is so could naturally and necessarily flow from it . we will therefore consider some of the direct consequences of that opposite notion , and they are such as these . § . 2. 1. if christ did suffer by vertue of the violated law , then it must needs be , either that he was a violator of the law himself , or that law must be disjunctive ; [ thou , or thy surety , shall obey , otherwise , thou , or thy surety , shall suffer . ] that one of these consequents must be allow'd , cannot ( with any appearance of reason ) be denied : he cou'd not suffer by vertue of that law , unless he were under the reach of it ; and how cou'd he be any other way under the reach of that law , than one of these two : either as having violated it himself ; or , being bound , when the law was given , as a surety in the same bond with us . there is indeed a third way pretended by this accuser , and that is , that by his own sponsion , and by the will of the father , he came under the obligation of the violated law , and so stood bound by this law to suffer , ap. p. 5 , 6. but 't is strange , that a person so well acquainted with laws , as he wou'd be thought to be , shou'd need to be told , that if the obligation christ laid himself under to suffer , was as exactly the same , with that we lay under , as it was possible to be ; yet the change that was made in the person oblig'd to suffer , did alter the form of it , and make it truly another law , another obligation , and not that of the original law , otherwise than materially only . we are willing to allow , that christ suffer'd the same for quantity and quality that we shou'd have suffer'd , so far as there is but probable proof . baxt. of univers . redempt . p. 78 , 79. but if it were most strictly the same thing that we were oblig'd to , yet it is not sufficient to prove , he suffer'd under the formal obligation of the violated law , or that he stood bound by that law to suffer ; for that another person may , in the stead of a criminal , suffer the very same kind of pain , or loss , that the criminal himself was condemn'd to , and this by his own sponsion , and the will of the prince : in which case i dare appeal to all the learned in the law , whether the obligation be not another ; whether the law by vertue whereof he suffers , be not differing from that which condemn'd the malefactor himself . so that if christ did ( as this accuser of him , as well as us , says ) suffer by vertue of the violated law ; 't is not to be conceiv'd , how the threatning of that law cou'd reach him , unless he were ( as we have hinted ) either a violater of that law himself , or an antecedent surety with and for us . which either of these he shall say , it will equally be subversive of the whole gospel . § . 3. ( 1. ) shou'd he have the front to say , that christ was himself a violater of that law , what more egregious blasphemy cou'd he utter against the author of our holy religion ? how shou'd he be the redeemer of sinners , that was a sinner himself ! the whole gospel does depend upon , and necessarily presuppose his innocency ( yea , which is more , his divinity ) as the foundation of it , john 1. 1. hell it self cannot foam out greater rage and nonsense than to call god a sinner ; and while we are so expresly assur'd , that our lord jesus was holy , harmless , undefiled , separate from sinners , heb. 7. 26. that he knew no sin , 2 cor. 1. 21. heb. 4. 15. 1 pet. 2. 22. 1 joh. 3. 5. 1 pet. 1. 19. we shall not so much as suspect , that any one professing the christian name will imagine , that christ suffer'd as being a violater of that law himself . 2. if then he suffer'd by vertue of the sanction of that law , it remains that he was an antecedent surety with and for us ; otherwise the obligation of that law cou'd never reach him ; and then the law as given to adam , must be supposed to run [ thou shalt obey , or thy surety for thee ; otherwise , thou shalt die , or thy surety for thee . ] now if the original law did thus take in a surety , how plain is it , that it was never violated ! our surety did obey , did fulfill all righteousness ; if then it only oblig'd either him , or us disjunctively to obey ; what ground is there left , whereupon either christ or we shou'd suffer ! obj. but i presume some will allege , his suretiship did only respect the sanction , not the preceptive part of the law ; that the law did not oblige him to obey ; but only ( supposing our disobedience ) either he or we must suffer . repl. to which it might be reply'd , the surety's name is not more legible in the penal ; than in the preceptive part of the law ; and we find he did obey , as well as suffer ; and therefore have reason to think he was equally oblig'd to obey , as he was to suffer . but yet we will suppose it to be ( as they wou'd have it ) that christ was only oblig'd in case of our disobedience ; that he was only a surety with reference to the penalty ; and that the sense of the law was [ thou adam shalt obey , otherwise , thou or christ , shall die . ] and thus far at least he must be obnoxious to the original law , otherwise he cou'd not possibly suffer under the obligation of that law ; he cou'd not be said to be ( as this accuser wou'd have it thought he was ) in the same bond with us , and oblig'd to suffer by vertue of the sanction of the same law that oblig'd us to suffer . § . 4. now this notion in the consequences of it , is equally subversive of christianity with the former , for 1. if the original law ( as to its penal part ) was disjunctive , viz. either that the offender shou'd suffer , or christ for him , then the gospel had not been the bringing in of a better covenant , but a performance of the old. thus does that right reverend person , to whom this accuser has appeal'd , argue against him . upon this principle , what the apostle had so carefully distinguish'd , are confounded together , and made one and the same thing , when upon a comparing 'em together , he does once and again give the preferrence to the latter covenant , ( as heb. 7. 22. — 8. 6. ) 't is plain he supposes the one is not the other ; or , if the apostle in that discourse had a more immediate reference to the mosaick law , his argument will hold a fortiori from hence , in reference to the original law. but there is one thing farther i wou'd add under this head , which perhaps will be of weight with this accuser and his friends , and that is , that hereupon the gospel must needs be a law , the very old , original law , and not so much as a law of greater grace ; what can there possibly be left to distinguish the old , original law , and the gospel , if this principle be admitted ? 2. if the original law ( as to its penal part ) was disjunctive , it wou'd also follow , that we are justifiable , according to the utmost rigour of that law ; for supposing the penalty to be already borne , what has that law further to charge upon us ? the psalmist ( surely ) had much differing apprehensions of the matter , when he cried out , if thou , lord , shouldst mark iniquities , o lord , who shall stand ? psal . 130. 3. the reverend dr. owen's words upon this place , are very remarkable : but ( says he ) may not an intercessor be obtain'd to plead on the behalf of the guilty soul ? eli determines this matter , i sam. 2. 25. if one man sin against another , the judge shall judge him ; but if a man sin against the lord , who shall intreat for him ? there is not , says job , between us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one that might argue the case , in pleading for me , and so make up the matter , laying his hand upon us both , job 9. 33. we now ( as he immediately adds ) consider a sinner purely under the administration of the law , which knows nothing of a mediator . so that ( according to him , and indeed according to the truth of the thing ) the original law did not admit or appoint any mediator , any christ to suffer and plead on the behalf of the guilty soul ; and consequently left no place for hope . but upon this supposal , that that law only oblig'd either christ , or us to suffer , what reason was there for so dismal apprehensions ? tho' god shou'd mark iniquities , resolve to animadvert upon 'em with utmost rigour , we may yet stand ; for that the very rigour of the law does ( according to them ) require only , that either christ , or we shou'd suffer , not that both shou'd , now then where is the danger the psalmist was so apprehensive of ? and whence is it , that he does elsewhere so earnestly deprecate god's judicial process , psal . 143. 2. enter not into judgment with thy servant , for in thy sight shall no man living be justify'd . it must needs be , either that the psalmist , or these men , have very greatly misapprehended the sense of that law ; for that according to him , if god shou'd judge us by that law , no man living cou'd be justify'd ; whereas according to them , though god shou'd judge us by that law , we cannot but be justify'd ; for when the threatned penalty is inflicted , the most rigorous justice can go no further ; we are recti in curia , when the law is satisfy'd ; no further charge can have place against us . 3. yea further , it follows , that we never had ( as indeed we cou'd never need ) a pardon . the case will be very plain by a familiar instance : suppose two persons jointly bound for the payment of a certain sum of money , or for the performance of any other condition or contract ; if either party pay the money , or discharge the bond , the other is quit in law , and the creditor cannot be said to have forgiven him . justice it self is so far from requiring , that it wou'd not admit of double payment . now then , if christ was in the same bond with us , if either he or we suffer , the debt is paid , the utmost demands of justice are answer'd ; what place is there then left for forgiveness ? can a penalty be said to be forgiven , that was not due ? or can it be yet due , when 't is already paid ? and is it not in law paid , if either the principal or surety pay it ? upon this principle then it is plain , that god cannot be said to have forgiven us , to have been gracious to us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for tho' socinus did ( as grotius has manifested ) argue from those terms , with great weakness , against all satisfaction ; yet nothing can , with greater force and evidence , disprove a full and proper solution . what shall we then say to those numerous texts , where we and our sins are said to be forgiven ? hereupon the gospel-covenant , as offering remission , luke 24. 47. and the sacraments of the gospel , as sealing it to sincerely penitent believers , acts 2. 38. mat. 26. 28. are render'd meer impertinencies ; and can it be thought these persons do ever pray for pardon ; or that they do account themselves beholden to god for it ? how they can consistently with this their opinion , i see not . 4. moreover , this doctrine renders our repentance , and all obedience of our's needless ; and a continued course of the most enormous wickednesses wou'd hereupon be unhurtful to us . if these persons will be consistent with themselves , it seems necessary for 'em to say ( as dr. crisp ) that sin can do us no hurt , and holiness can do us no good . upon this principle , what hurt can sin , the grossest wickedness do us ? suppose a person an atheist , a blasphemer , an adulterer , that he live and die such ; in this case it can only be said , the law was violated , and therefore the threatning must take place : but if this notion be true , that the law threatens only , that either the sinner or christ shall die , it cannot touch such a creature as this , it having been already executed . and alike needless must it needs render holiness and obedience in all the instances of it ; for to what purpose is it , can it be suppos'd to be needful , if he may be accepted with god , if he may be rectus in curia without it . 5. again , if this principle be admitted , none of our sufferings wou'd consist with the justice of god : for that according to them , the law did oblige only christ , or us , to suffer ; if either suffer therefore , full payment is made ; the law has no farther demands to make ; how is it then , that we notwithstanding suffer ? that we are subjected to any sufferings , spiritual or temporal ( not to make any mention here of eternal ones ) whence is it that god with-draws the quickning , or comforting influences of his spirit from any ? whence is it , that he gives up any to their own hearts lusts ? whence is it that any are expos'd to the fiery darts of the wicked one ? or yet , that the arrows of the almighty do wound , do stick fast in any soul ? or , if we shou'd yet come lower , how unaccountable were it , that we shou'd groan under pining sicknesses , noisom diseases , racking pains , and at length yield to death ? it will , perhaps , be pleaded , that god may inflict all these evils , and many more at pleasure , as being absolute lord of his creatures ; but it shou'd be remembred , that having given us a law , he is become our ruler ; and thereby he does declare , that he will not , however ( antecedently thereto ) he might have arbitrarily inflicted any evil upon us : the very giving out a law , in and by which it is enacted , that such certain evils shall be inflicted upon the transgressors of it ; how plainly does it indemnifie-the non-violaters of it from such sufferings ? such threatnings otherwise cou'd answer no end ; if it were intended , that whether they violated the law , or not , they shou'd be alike obnoxious . now if we consider god as a governour , the evils he inflicts come under another consideration ; they are not meerly afflictions or sufferings , but they are also punishments , and therefore they are not dispens'd arbitrarily , but according to a stated rule ; he does not punish any but such as by the law are obnoxious ; hence is it that we read of his righteousness in reference to this matter . and as this does more generally evince , that all evils inflicted by a ruler as such , are punishments ; so ( with reference to the particular instances above-mention'd ) it might be distinctly made appear , that they are , in the most strict and proper sense , punishments — in the last ( which is not the least doubted ) case , how plain is it ! that the separation of soul and body is penal ; that 't is a natural evil no one doubts , as such 't is abhorr'd of all ; and that 't is inflicted for , or by reason of sin , is as unquestionable , if the apostle's account of the matter may be allow'd ; for so he tells us , rom. 5. 12. by one man sin enter'd into the world , and death by sin ; and so death passed upon all men , for that all have sinn'd . so that death ( amongst men ) has the nature of a punishment in it , but how then comes it to be inflicted , if it be not due ? if we be not obnoxious to the sentence of the law , it cannot be said to be due to us ; if the threatning was disjunctive , both parties bound cou'd not be obnoxious , if sentence be executed on either , the other is clear ; how comes it then that we are punish'd and christ too ! what shall we say ? is god unrighteous that taketh vengeance ? rom. 3. 5. or is not this rather an unrighteous doctrine , that wou'd reflect the imputation of injustice upon the holy god ? 6. yet again , according to this notion , how can the eternal damnation of any soul consist with divine justice ? this surety is a punishment with a witness ; but how can it be a righteous one if it be not due ? and it cannot be due to any man , if it be already paid ; and every man has paid it , if his surety have done it . i see not , upon this principle , how god can , in justice , damn any individual soul : here then is universal redemption , and universal grace , beyond the utmost stretch of arminianism it self . what! is it then not only possible that they may , but is it also certain that all shall be sav'd from everlasting perdition ! is there not only a sufficiency of grace afforded to all , but that efficacious influence that will secure the effect ! is god not only unwilling to damn any , but is he also unjust , unrighteous if he do ! 't is strange then , that we should read of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rom. 2. 5. and an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. 2. 2. certainly a threatning us with wrath , because of god's righteous judgment , and with remediless ruine , as a just recompence of reward , cannot but intimate , that god wou'd be righteous and just , tho' careless obdurate sinners shou'd finally perish . nay , while we are assur'd , that sodom and gomorrah , jude , v. 7. and many others , suffer the vengeance of eternal fire , and that god has not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power , ability , mat. 10. 28. but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power , authority , luke 12. 5. to cast into hell : those , and many like texts , cannot be more true , than this opinion is false , that wou'd infer god cannot punish , cannot cast into hell , were unjust if he shou'd do it ; yea , such a notion must needs be false , that these sacred scriptures may be true . 7. i 'll add but one more absurd consequence of this opinion ( though many more might be subjoyn'd ) and that is , that the patrons of this principle do hereby greatly obscure , and lessen that free-grace in christ , which they so highly pretend to exalt and magnifie . when they have seem'd to advance free-grace beyond all others , to cry up gospel-grace , and gospel-preaching , they do at length subvert all purely-gospel-grace at once , and necessarily resolve the whole of divine grace into the constitution of the law of works : for , supposing ( with them ) that christ's name was put into the original bond ; supposing that law did take in christ as surety with us ; 't is not of grace , but justice , that god is reconcil'd to us , or that we are accepted with him ; it shou'd not be said that we are justify'd freely by his grace , but that the rigour of the law did exact nothing more , and therefore our justification was a due debt , 't was what was owing to us by governing justice ; the righteous god cou'd not condemn us , having already exacted the threatned punishment at our surety's hands . now is it so adorable , so surprizing grace , that god shou'd be just to his own law ! is it so very astonishing and wonderful a thing , that god shou'd be true to his word ! thus , after all their pretences of a more exalted admiration of , and value for divine grace , they do by this notion shrink it into so narrow a compass , as the framing the original law ; and as for all that which the gospel magnifies as grace , they render it nothing other than pure justice ; all gospel grace shou'd ( with them , if they will consist with themselves ) be nothing differing from a due debt , tho' the apostle does so carefully contra-distinguish and oppose 'em to each other , rom. 4. 4. § 5. ( 2. ) if christ did suffer by vertue of the violated law , then his sufferings were most strictly the same that we were obnoxious to ; this is as plain , as that the sanction of the law was the same with it self . but is it to be admitted , that our lord jesus christ was alienated from the life and love of god! that he was dead in trespasses and sins ! deserted of the spirit of holiness ! was his soul over-run with outragious and impetuous lusts ! all which , under one consideration , is our punishment , tho' under another respect it be also our sin. or was the lord jesus hated , abhorr'd of the father ! did he lose all right to , and interest in god's favour and kindness ? did he bear the stinging reflections of a guilty conscience , the horrors of a despairing damned wretch in hell ? this is but part of the punishment included in the threatning against us ; but what pious soul wou'd not rise with indignation against any one , that shou'd so far blaspheme the holy and ever-blessed redeemer , as to say this was his case , his state ? and if he did not suffer what that law threatned , it cannot be said that he suffer'd by vertue of that law. it remains then , that he did only suffer by vertue of the law of mediation , as before . § . 6. ( 3. ) then the law oblig'd him to suffer ; whereupon it wou'd follow , that neither he cou'd refuse the undertaking ; nor god refuse to accept it as punishment ; but this i shall but mention here . § . 7. we are next to obviate the seeming reasonings of this accuser against this truth ; and what he does loosely ( and immethodically enough ) offer here and there to this purpose , we shall endeavour to reduce into some order , that it may appear , with all the force it has , against us ; and be more capable of receiving a just reply . and , ( 1. ) he does insinuate , that christ's sufferings cannot otherwise be an act of rectoral justice ; but only acts of obedience and dominion . take his own words : we are of opinion , that sufferings which are not from the obligations of a violated law , cannot be an act of rectoral justice , which does essentially respect the law in its distributions . — if a rector sentenceth any to sufferings , without a regard to sin , it is unjust . appeal , p. 7. and again , if mr. b. resolve christ's sufferings wholly into a conformity to the precept of the mediatorial law , — they can be but acts of obedience and dominion , not acts of justice , p. 50 , 51. so he goes on , p. 52. they affirm 'em to be but acts of obedience , and consequently acts of dominion , not of punitive justice . so again , p. 54. the sufferings of christ — cou'd not be a judicial act of god : he ( christ ) cou'd not be condemn'd , nor cou'd sentence pass upon him ; nor according to any sentence cou'd he be executed ; for where no obligation to punishment by the sanction of the law , there no guilt in any sense ; where no guilt , no condemning , no passing a sentence justly , no execution , &c. and p. 56. his sufferings cou'd be but an act of dominion . now to all this we answer . 1. that he is so confus'd , and unsteady in the forming this objection , that we can hardly so much as guess what it is he means : sometimes he speaks of the sufferings of christ as an act of rectoral justice , and a judicial act of god ; where one wou'd think he considers 'em as inflicted by god ; and yet in other places , he speaks of 'em as acts of justice , where 't is not certain , but he may refer to 'em as undertaken by christ : now these two are far from being the same thing , that christ was not unrighteous in undertaking , and undergoing those sufferings ; and that god was not unrighteous in inflicting and laying 'em upon him. again , he thus confounds , an act of dominion , and acts of dominion ; whereas the former may import , that the father ( as dominus christi , as his lord ) might enjoyn him to suffer ; and the latter may signifie , that christ ( as lord of his own acts ) might offer , might consent to suffer . besides , he confounds sufferings inflicted by vertue of the sanction of the law , and sufferings inflicted , with a regard to sin , and makes the latter signifie as much as the former , whereas we constantly ( and with the justest reason ) distinguish betwixt 'em ; and allow that in the sufferings of christ , there was a regard had to sin , to our sin , as what had offended , highly incens'd the divine majesty against us , and render'd it necessary ( for the reputation of his wisdom , holiness , justice , and the support of his governing-authority ) that his displeasure shou'd in one way or other be manifested against sin , if he shou'd ( and that he might ) remit the penalty due to the sinner . and hereupon it was agreed betwixt the father and the son , that christ shou'd suffer ; the divine wisdom this way at once providing for the honour of god , as governour , and for the redemption of apostate-man . so that we readily grant , there was a respect had to sin , in the sufferings of christ ; yea , that it cou'd not have consisted with the justice of god as rector , to sentence him to suffer , without a regard to sin . but it does not , cannot thence follow , that he suffer'd by vertue of the obligation of the violated law ; that that law oblig'd him to suffer ; unless you will also say , that that law oblig'd god to save sinners , and to appoint this ransom for ' em . but , 2. supposing him to mean ( as his reference to the bishop of worcester's letter wou'd intimate ) that unless we will allow christ's sufferings to have been by vertue of the violated law , they cou'd not be inflicted by god as a ruler , but only as an absolute lord. we deny the consequence : neither is it to be allow'd , unless he can make it appear , that this is the only law , by vertue whereof christ cou'd be oblig'd to suffer . and therefore also , it might be ( and was ) a judicial act of god , an act of his rectoral justice to inflict sufferings upon christ , because the law of mediation render'd him obnoxious to sufferings : and being hence oblig'd to suffer ( and , in that general sense , having guilt upon him ) he might have sentence justly pass'd and executed upon him ; and accordingly we find ( in that prophetical psalm , 22. 3. ) christ justifies god the father under the very depth of his sorrows . nay , christ's sufferings did not only consist with the justice of god as a rector ; but did also declare and demonstrate it to the world , rom. 3. 25 , 26. god set him forth , set him in view of all the world , by him ( by his blood ) to declare his righteousness , that he might be , and appear to be just , though he was a justifier of sinful men. as we shall ( god willing ) more fully clear , when we come to deal with the socinian adversaries , in the second part of this discourse . ( 3. ) whereas he argues from their being acts of obedience ( in our opinion ) that consequently we must hold , that they are only acts of dominion , &c. we again deny the consequence ; nay , rather think the direct opposite shou'd have been inferr'd , viz. that because we do consider the sufferings of christ , as acts of obedience to a law , therefore god is not , in reference hereto , to be look'd upon as a meer lord or owner , but also as a ruler . and we are the less afraid of having any ill consequence prov'd upon us , as to this , because ( which yet this accuser , as if he very little convers'd with the scriptures , seems not to know ) 't is consecrated language as well as divine truth ; 't is not only the sense , but also the words of the holy ghost , rom. 5. 19. phil. 2. 8. heb. 5. 8. so that the sufferings of christ were acts of obedience , and consequently we may infer , did correspond to the precepts of a law , and what other could it be but that of mediation : accordingly , in reference to these very sufferings , our saviour himself tells us , that he acted herein pursuant to a command he had receiv'd of his father , john 10. 17 , 18. he says not , this i was oblig'd to by the threatning of one or other law ; but a command i have received to this purpose , and i 'm ready to obey ; for thus also in the volum of the book it is written of him , lo , i come to do thy will , o god ; for to the offering of his body , the apostle does apply those words , heb. 10. 7 — 10. ( 4. ) and lastly , to close this head , we add , that if indeed we had said , that the sufferings of christ had no respect at all to the violated law , he might then ( with some force of reason ) have inferr'd upon us , that we thereby render'd 'em , with the socinians , a meer act of dominion upon christ , and not ( in any sense ) an act of justice : but he cannot but know , that we willingly grant , that they had some reference even to the sanction of that law , and that both as , the law , obliging us to suffer , was the ground and reason of his undertaking to suffer . his sufferings did in great part answer the ends , for which that sanction was annex'd to the law. ( 1. ) the law , as obliging us to suffer , was the ground the reason of christ's undertaking to suffer ; but his sufferings themselves , were by reason of that undertaking ; had it not been that we were under sentence of death by that law , we had not needed a mediator ; nay further , could that sentence have been remitted without any satisfaction made ; could the threatning have been absolutely recall'd ( so as that no severe marks of divine displeasure should have been left upon sin ) and this without weakning his authority , and rendring the majesty of heaven cheap : christ had never suffer'd , never undertaken to suffer — but these things are vastly differing ; to say that upon this reason christ undertook to suffer ; and to say , that that very sanction oblig'd him to suffer ; in the former case , 't is no more than loco causae obligatoriae ; in the latter , it would be the obligatory cause it self . ( 2. ) christ's sufferings did , in great part answer the ends of that sanction ; as will appear , if we consider for what purposes a sanction was added to the law ; and amongst others , such as these do readily occur , viz. thereby to express god's hatred of sin ; to secure the law and law-giver from contempt ; and to enforce obedience , &c. now these ends of the threatning were answer'd as well ( perhaps better ) by the sufferings of christ , than they could have been by the sufferings of sinners themselves . yet it cannot therefore be said , that the threatning it self was executed upon christ . in short , some respect the sufferings of christ had to the violated law , as is above said , but not such , as that it can be said with truth , either that that law oblig'd him to suffer , or that it was fulfill'd in and by his sufferings . ( 2. ) he does next insinuate , as if christ cou'd not be a mediator , at least , not suffer as such ; unless he suffer'd by vertue of the violated law. this ( surely ) must be his sense , if he have any , p. 25. where he says , that though christ came not under the obligation of the law of works , but by the father's will , and his own consent — yet ( on his entring into the office of a mediator ) the obligation to suffer for sin , is immediately by vertue of the sanction of the law. i take him to mean , that tho' he was not a mediator , without the appointment of god , and his own consent , yet upon his very becoming a mediator , the obligation of the violated law must immediately lay hold upon him ; so that tho' he might have avoided suffering , had he declin'd his mediatory undertaking ; yet supposing him to mediate , the violated law immediately seizeth on him , and obliges him to suffer . to which we answer , 1. the violated law did indeed oblige the sinner himself to suffer ; but that it did or cou'd oblige any one else , is what ( how oft soever it be said ) has never yet been prov'd . 2. nor does christ's meerly entring into the office of a mediator , necessarily ( and in the nature of the thing ) oblige him to suffer ; for it is conceivable , ( as a thing very possible ) that he might have mediated for a mitigation of our sufferings only . suppose ( for instance ) that instead of the torments of hell for ever , we might only endure those tortures for a determinate number of years . i would not be mistaken : i am not saying christ did so , being well assur'd he did otherwise ; nor am i devising a better method , or one equally good with that which took place : 't is not without inexpressible delight and gratitude , that i do own and adore the infinitely excelling wisdom and goodness , that is conspicuous in the gospel-way of mediation . all i say is , that in the nature of the thing 't was not impossible , there might have been a mediation set on foot to this purpose ; in which case i ask , how it does appear , that the mediator himself must needs suffer ? and this with a design to convince our accuser , his argument can have no force in it ; for that it must according to all rules of logick , proceed upon this indefinite and unlimitted proposition , whoever mediates for an obnoxious criminal , shall suffer . which proposition is not to be allow'd , unless every one that mediates ( in what way soever ) for such an one must needs suffer : an assertion so weak , that barely to mention it is sufficiently to expose it ; yet if he shou'd limit it to this , or any other special case , 't would there only be a naked assertion , and no argument . 3. but supposing christ was ( as i willingly grant he was ) upon his entring into the office of a mediator oblig'd to suffer for sin ; yet still , it appears not that he is so , immediately by vertue of the sanction of the law. that the sufferings of the mediator had a respect to the sanction of the law ( as before ) we grant ; but that he was properly oblig'd by that law to suffer ( whether mediately , or immediately ) is what we believe this accuser can never prove . the violated law never said , if christ mediate for sinners , he shall die ; but another law that was peculiar to himself , and which we therefore call the law of mediation . ( 3. ) but he proceeds , if christ's obligation to suffer did not result from this law ( i. e. the violated law ) our sins were not the impulsive cause of his sufferings , ibid. p. 25. and he adds , p. 41. it 's impossible sin shou'd be their meritorious cause . and again , p. 50. if christ's sufferings be not — by vertue of the penal sanction of a violated law , our sins cannot be their meritorious cause . the answer to this we must defer to the fourth chapter , where we shall have occasion to speak fully to it . again , ( 4. ) he does also suggest , in the last quoted pages , that christ's sufferings cou'd not otherwise be a proper punishment — the consideration whereof is also to be reserv'd for the fifth chapter of this discourse . moreover , ( 5. ) he does next intimate , that it was either by vertue of that sanction ( i. e. that of the violated law ) or by vertue of no sanction at all , that christ was oblig'd to suffer : for that according to us , the mediatorial law had no penal sanction ; and thereupon he challenges us to shew , by vertue of what sanction christ was oblig'd to suffer , vid. p. 26. in answer whereto , we distinguish betwixt a sanction in a more loose and general sense ; in a more strict and proper one . accordingly we say , 1. in the strictest sense , as it does import the threatning that is annex'd to a law , we see not how it can be said , that christ was oblig'd to suffer by vertue of any sanction ; for that we know no law that threatned him. but , 2. if we understand the word in a looser and more general sense , as signifying only an ordination at large ; we may say , sancitum fuit , it was ordain'd , enacted by the law of mediation , that he shou'd suffer for sin ; and so he was oblig'd to suffer by vertue of that sanction . 6. in the last place , he does advance a very formidable argument against us , viz. that ( upon the fore-mention'd principle ) we cannot hold christ's sufferings to have been in our place and stead , otherwise than as it signifies only for our benefit and advantage . this he inlarges upon , p. 29 , 30. to which we reply , first , and more generally , that all that make use of that distinction , are not agreed upon one and the same sense ; and therefore the sense of the terms shou'd be fix'd , before they can signifie any thing in an argument . 't is possible such a sense may be affix'd to one , or other of the terms , in which it may be true , that we cannot hold christ's sufferings to have been in our place and stead , or to have been otherwise so , than as it signifies for our good . who knows what secret sense this accuser may understand these phrases in , by which he may prove his charge against us . we shou'd therefore know , what it is he means , both by christ's suffering in our place and stead , and by his suffering for our benefit and advantage : for by knowing only his sense of one of these phrases , we cannot possibly conjecture , whether the other ( with him ) import less or more , or just the same thing . yet , 2. and more particularly , tho' we cannot ( in his declar'd sense ) hold that christ suffer'd in our place , yet it will not follow , that we do not ( or cannot ) hold that he suffer'd in our stead , otherwise than as it signifies for our good only . but what we do , ( and consistently with our selves can ) maintain his suffering in our stead , in such a sense in which the socinians ever deny'd it , shall ( thro' divine assistance ) be made appear in the second part of this discourse . chap. ii. that christ did not suffer in the person of sinners , but in the person of a mediator . § . 1. this also he would have to be accounted amongst our errors , as appears not only from several passages in his appeal , but also from his objecting this , amongst other faults , against the third paper ( in his report ) viz. that it was so worded as to be calculated to their meridian , who hold , that christ suffer'd only in the person of a mediator , not in the person of sinners . § . 2. that christ was a mediator , and did suffer as ( or in the person of ) a mediator , i will suppose is no part of the controversie betwixt the accuser and us : all that can then remain as questionable , is , whether he suffer'd as ( or in the person of ) a sinner — which being affirm'd , shou'd also have been prov'd by this accuser : we being only doubters or deniers in this point , have nothing to do but only to hear his proofs : no rules i have yet met with , oblige us to any thing more . § . 3. yet since he has not ( as might have been expected ) done his part ; or perhaps , could not do it ; we shall more than do our own ; that it may appear , what it is we do herein deny , and upon what reasons we do it . and § . 4. in order to a better understanding the state of the case , it should be considered , that the phrase it self is what the scriptures are utterly a stranger to : we no where read in those sacred oracles , either of christ's sustaining , or suffering in the person of sinners ; and 't is but reasonable for us , when articles of faith are propos'd to , nay press'd upon us , to hesitate about 'em ( can we be blam'd , if we also deny , renounce 'em ) unless scripture-evidence be produc'd for ' em . if their sense of this ( or any other ) phrase appear in the scriptures , we shall readily own that sense ; but the phrase it self cannot be thought necessary , while it is not there . § . 5. but besides , this is not only an humane phrase , but a very obscure and ambiguous one ; and 't is hard to conceive ( amongst the many senses it is capable of ) any one sense , in which it may be tolerably apply'd to the present case — we shall briefly mention some of the more remarkable notations of the word [ person : ] and passing by several others , i shall only take notice of the vastly differing sense in which the word is us'd by metaphysicians , and by civilians . § . 6. the word [ person ] as made use of by metaphysicians , is design'd to express an individual , compleat ; intelligent substance . thus every man , and every angel are distinct persons ; and christian philosophers transfer this account of the word [ person ] to christ as god-man ; yea , and to the god-head it self , when they use that term with reference to the sacred three , father , son and holy ghost . but in this sense 't is not to be admitted , that christ suffer'd in the person of sinners ; for that in order to his suffering in any person ( one or other ) it was first necessary he should assume that person ; now , however he did assume the nature of man , yet he did not , 't was not possible that he should , in this sense , assume the person of any sinner . surely this accuser himself will not dare to assert , that christ was the individual substance of peter , judas , &c. if not , he was not their person ; and if not their person , then he did not suffer as such . § . 7. or if they should refer us to civilians for the sense of the word , 't is amongst them a very perplex'd and un-agreed term. sometimes they do only in general contradistinguish persons to things , and make the word person to be aequivalent to the word man. thus zouch , res sunt de quibus homines agunt ; personae quae agunt in se ; i. e. viri & mulieres : qui hominis appellatione continentur . yet according to others , this term of person is not so extensive as that of man. so calvin tells us , personae appellatio cum hominis appellatione non est eadem ; haec enim quam illa est generalior — omnis persona est homo , sed non vicissim . inde persona definitur homo , qui caput habet civile . by caput civile habens . he does not ( as some apprehend ) mean one that has a civil head , or a superiour in the state ; then indeed ( as they infer ) a king would be no person ; but what he and other civilians intend by it , is one that has the liberties of a free-born subject in the state ; and so is design'd only to exclude prisoners of war , bond-slaves , &c. from being persons . thus he explains himself at large , qui in eum ( scil . liberorum ) ordinem cooptatur , caput jam habere dicitur : unde servus , qui pro lihertate pretium persolvit , pretium pro capite solvere dicitur , apud plautum & j. consultos frequentissime , i. e. ut liceat illi caput in ordinem libertorum habere : qui , si postea libertate mulctetur , capite minutus dicetur ; and thus also the learned pufendorf explains it : persona apud j. consultos praeprimis , illa dicitur , quae caput ( i. e. libertatem personalem ) habet . but this distinction is not to be admitted with reference to the sufferings of christ ; in dying he had a respect , not only to jews , but to gentiles ; and amongst them not only to the learned greeks , but also to the more uncultivated barbarians and scythians ; not only to such as were free among 'em , but also to the very bond slaves , rom. 10. 12. 1 cor. 12. 13. gal. 3. 28. col. 3. 11. § . 8. again , sometimes they do by the term [ person ] intimate ( not absolutely the man himself , but ) the man respectively consider'd , with reference to the quality , state or condition , in which he stands . so calvin , ubi supra . persona tam hominem , quam qualitatem hominis & conditionem significat . and more fully , pufendorf , personae morales — sunt homines — considerati cum statu suo aut munere , in quo in vita communi versantur . now will this accuser say , that in this sense christ did sustain , and suffer in the person of sinners ? was he every one of those very men for whom he died ? did he possess the place , state , condition , quality of every individual sinner . § . 9. but amongst political persons ( to omit other sub-divisions ) there is one special kind , which they call representative persons ; and this i suppose may be intended , when 't is said , that christ suffer'd in the person of sinners . under this rank the civilians do commonly reckon embassadors , plenipotentiaries , vice-roys , &c. as acting in the person of the prince that commissionates 'em : members of parliament , as personating or representing those that do elect 'em : advocates or attorneys , as pleading in the person of their clients : tutors and guardians , acting for , and in the name of the pupils and minors , with whom they are entrusted : a servant , or any other delegate , whom we authorise and appoint to pay money , or transact any other affair for us ; so far as any one does with authority manage any of our affairs , he may in some sense be said to represent us , or to do it in our person . now if in any tolerable sense it may be said , that christ suffer'd in the person of sinners , it must ( i conceive ) be in this , that he did suffer as their representative . § . 10. and therefore , that it may the better appear , how far he did , and wherein he did not represent , or personate us in his sufferings , we should carefully distinguish , 1. betwixt christ's representing us in his sufferings ; and representing us in his obedience . 2. betwixt his representing , or personating a sinner in his sufferings , and his representing or personating sinners therein . 3. betwixt his representing , or personating sinners when he suffer'd , only in some very limited and restrain'd sense ; and his representing 'em therein simply and absolutely . 4. we may also distinguish betwixt a representative , that is deputed and delegated thereto by us ; and one that is appointed and authoriz'd by god. § . 11. whereupon i add , i. he did not so far represent , or personate sinners in his holiness and obedience , as in his sufferings ; 't is ( as we shall immediately shew ) in some sense allowable to say , christ suffer'd in the person of a sinner , or sinners ; but i know no sense in which it may be said , that he obey'd in the person of a sinner , or sinners . he did not personate a sinner , much less sinners , in his sinless obedience ; this were as grosly absurd ( as mr. baxter himself hints ) as it would be to say , in the person of sinners he never sinned . now this we the rather take notice of , because this accuser extends christ's personating us indifferently , and equally , to both his obedience and his sufferings ; for thus he speaks in his late defence , p. 28. christ's thus suffering and obeying in the person of sinners , it is to all intents and purposes as effectual , as if they did it themselves . and what any libertine or antinomian wou'd say more than this , i know not ; or which way he will ●…can , make this consist with the necessity of faith and repentance , in order to our actual discharge from punishment ( which yet he largely asserts , appeal , p. 8. 9. ) i cannot imagine . § . 12. ii. it is more allowable to say , that christ suffer'd in the person of a sinner , than that he suffer'd in the person of sinners : for that the former of these signifies no more , than that he suffer'd as a sinner . now that may be suppos'd to intimate , either that christ , in the inflicting sufferings upon him , was dealt with like a sinner ; or also , that therein he was reputed and declar'd a sinner , suffer'd under that imputation and charge : and both these are true ; the former , whether we consider him as suffering under the hand of god or men ; and even the latter also , so far as men were concern'd in 'em ; he died by their sentence as a blasphemer . § . 13. iii. yet in a very limited and restrain'd sense it may be said , that christ suffer'd in the person of sinners ; that is , so far as that he suffer'd in our room and stead , he stood before god as an undertaker to suffer for our sins , and accordingly became a sacrifice for us : if any one will say he was our representative , or suffer'd in our person thus far , i shall not contend with him . nor would mr. baxter neither , as is plain from such passages as these — when we are agreed , that the person of the sponsor , and of every particular sinner , are diverse ; and that christ had not suffer'd if we had not sinn'd ; and that he , as a sponsor , suffer'd in our stead , and so bore the punishment which ( not he , but ) we deserv'd : if any will here , instead of a mediator or sponsor , call him our representative , and say that he suffer'd in all our persons reputatively , — not representing our persons simply , and in all respects , and to all ends ; but only so far as to be a sacrifice for our sins , and to suffer in our place and stead . we take this ( says he ) to be but lis de nomine — and will not oppose any man that thinks those words fittest , as long as we agree in the matter signify'd . again , christ suffer'd in our stead , and in a large sense , to certain uses , and in some respects , as the representer , or in the person of sinners . yet further , though the person of the mediator be not really , or reputatively the very person of each sinner , yet it does belong to the person of the mediator , so far ( limitedly ) to bear the person of a sinner , and to stand in the place of the persons of all sinners , as to bear the punishment they deserv'd , and to suffer for their sin. i 'll mention but one more , though there be several other passages to this purpose — it belongs to him ( christ ) as mediator , to undertake the sinner's punishment in his own person ; and if any will improperly call that , the personating and representing of the sinner , let 'em limit it , and confess that it is not simply , but in tantum , so far , and to such uses , and no other ; and that yet sinners did it not in and by christ , but only christ for them , to convey the benefits as he pleas'd ; and then we delight not to quarrel about meer words , though we like the phrase of scripture better . § . 14. iv. so far as he did represent , or personate us in his sufferings ; he did it not as our deputy , or delegate ; we did not order , nor could we authorize him thereunto ; not being capable either of obliging him to suffer , or of impowering him in such sufferings to represent us , and stand in our stead : but , he voluntarily consenting to suffer for us , god authoriz'd and appointed him thereunto ; and from that divine appointment his sufferings become efficacious for us ; and therefore from thence it is , from that appointment of god , that it must be adjusted how far , and to what ends and uses , he shou'd suffer as the representative , or in the person of sinners ; and in what way and method , and upon what terms his sufferings shou'd be of saving benefit and effect to ' em . christ did not represent us as far as we please ; or to what ends and uses we please ; nor will his sufferings be effectually saving to us in what way and method we please , upon any , or no terms , as we think fit ; but all this is ( according to divine pleasure ) unalterably determin'd and fix'd , by that appointment and law of god , by which it was also ordain'd , that christ our mediator shou'd be sacrific'd for us . he cou'd not personate us farther than he was allow'd and impower'd of god ; and how far therefore his commission did extend , or with what limitations it was attended , is only to be collected from the oracles of god ; so far then , as it shall appear by the sacred scriptures , that christ suffer'd in the person of sinners , or as their representative , we shall readily agree , and no farther . § . 15. v. and lastly , the veneration we have for those sacred oracles , will not admit us ( without any limitation ) to say , as this accuser does , that christ suffer'd as the representative , or in the person of sinners : the reasons whereof will the better appear , if it be first agreed what is the exact and proper notion of such a person , a representative person : and in this matter , i suppose , our accuser is not unwilling ( and for my part , i am most willing ) that the learned pufendorf shou'd be our instructer . this therefore is the account he gives us of it , peculiaris species personarum politicarum est , quas dicere possis representativas , ideo quod personam aliorum referant : quae scil . potestate & authoritate agendi ab aliquo instructae , hujus vice negotia expediunt eodem cum effectu , ac si ab illo ipso essent confecta . so that according to him ( and indeed according to the truth of the thing ) so far as any one is allow'd to represent another , they are both in law reputed one person ; and thereupon , whatever he has , does , or suffers as a representative , it is ( eodem cum effectu , i. e. as this accuser well enough englishes it ) to all intents and purposes the same thing , as if it were had , done , or suffer'd by that other whom he represents . § . 16. now , if it be the same thing , then 't is neither more or less , than if we had so suffer'd our selves ; there are therefore two things that we have to plead against christ's thus personating , or representing us ; and they are , that such a representation of us by christ , is in differing respects , both too much and too little to answer the exigencies of our case , and the scripture-account of this matter . § . 17. and ( 1. ) in some respects , such a representative personating of sinners in and by christ's sufferings , would render 'em too little to answer the exigencies of our case , and the account which the scriptures give of 'em : for if christ in his sufferings was look'd upon as properly , and most strictly our person or representative , his sufferings ( as has bin hinted ) would be but the same thing , and no more in value or vertue , than if we our selves had so suffered : but if we our selves had suffer'd as christ did , would it have been effectual to the great and necessary purposes of obtaining redemption , reconciliation , pardon , the holy spirit , and eternal salvation for us ! can any one think ? dare any one say , our own suffering what christ did , our own dying as he did , would ( by way of merit ) have procur'd such consequent blessings as the death and sufferings of christ did ! such as the mention'd blessings we needed , our case call'd for ; and these blessings we find attributed to the death of christ , as what did ( meritoriously , and by way of a price ) procure 'em for us — so the apostle tells us , we have redemption through his blood , eph. 1. 7. col. 1. 14. he obtain'd it for us by his own blood , heb. 9. 12. so 1 pet. 1. 18 , 19. so also our reconciliation is the purchase of his blood ; this account we have of it , rom. 5 10. when we were enemies we were reconciled to god by the death of his son. and having through several verses before spoken of this reconciliation , he at length tells us , that god made him to be sin , i. e. a sin-offering for us , to intimate to us which way that reconciliation was procur'd and brought about , 2 cor. 5. 21. he made him to be sin , &c. and in that , eph. 2. 16. we are said to be reconcil'd to god by the cross . and col. 1. 20. christ is said to have made peace through the blood of his cross ; but wou'd our death have avail'd to any such purpose ? if not , how can he herein be said strictly to have represented us — the same might be also pleaded in reference to the procurement of our pardon , mat. 26. 28. and the holy spirit , heb. 10. 10 , 14. — 13. 22. with eternal salvation , 1 thess . 5. 9. 10. these are blessissings that we cou'd not have procur'd by our own dying ( this , to christians surely , i shall not need to prove ) : now , if christ died strictly in our person , his death had signify'd no more than ours : a representative , so far as he represents another , is in law look'd upon no otherwise , than as that other whom he represents ; whatever excellencies he may otherwise have above that other , yet do they not come under consideration here ; as a representative , he does but personate that other man ; and what he does or suffers as a representative , is but the same thing , as if that other man had done or suffer'd . so far as there is any difference allow'd in law , 't is plain the law looks upon 'em to be two distinct persons ; so far the one does not , cannot represent the other . either therefore these benefits were not procur'd for us by the sufferings of christ , or he suffer'd otherwise than as our representative , or in our mean and vile person , viz. in the most highly dignify'd person of a mediator . to this sense mr. baxter had pleaded long since , in the forecited treatise of justifying righteousness , p. i. p. 96. if christ ( says he ) suffer'd but in the person of sinful man , his sufferings wou'd have been in vain , or no satisfaction to god , &c. see also baxter's life of faith , p. 322. thus therefore such a representation of us by christ , wou'd have been too little for us . § . 18. but again , ( 2. ) if the matter be consider'd under other respects , christ's strictly personating or representing us in his sufferings , would be too much for us . for ( as we have before observ'd ) betwixt a representative and that other whom he represents , the law makes no difference : whatever the representative does as a representative , in the sense of the law , that other does whom he represents . ( 1. ) if then christ suffer'd strictly and properly in the person of sinners , or as their representative , they did , in the account of the law , suffer themselves ; and whatever is the moral effect ( i. e. whatever the law under which christ suffer'd has annex'd , by promise , as a consequence ) of his suffering , it being the effect of our representative's sufferings , may be attributed to us whom he did therein represent ; whatever is in scripture ascrib'd to the sufferings of christ , as an effect of 'em , if he suffer'd in our person , wou'd be to be ascrib'd to us : so we shou'd be our own redeemers , our own saviours , we shou'd have merited our own peace , our own pardon , &c. as truly as i pay money , which one that in the strict sense of the law represents me , does pay in my name ; or purchase land , which my legal representative purchases for me . § . 19. ( 2. ) if christ had suffered strictly in our representative person , we shou'd have had an immediate and absolute right to all the proper results and benefits of his sufferings : indeed , if christ in his own person , as mediator , purchas'd these blessings by suffering for us , he may confer 'em on us at what time , in what measure , in what order , and upon what terms he pleases , as we find he does : but supposing him to have been our proper representative therein , our right in law , to all the benefits of his sufferings , wou'd have been absolute ( as his now is ) and have immediately resulted from his having so suffered ; so as that no place cou'd have been left for the introducing and imposing upon us any terms or conditions in order to our enjoying such benefits : there cou'd be no room for such a constitution afterwards , if thou [ sinner ] repent , believe in christ , &c. thou shalt be saved : for according to this principle , the sinner has purchas'd salvation by the sufferings of christ [ as his representative ] he has thereupon an absolute and present right to the salvation so purchas'd ; to deny or suspend his right , or with-hold him from possession , wou'd be injurious to him , as keeping him from that which is his own : how then will this consist with the justice of god , who does not give sinners immediately the full of what was purchas'd by the sufferings of christ ! god does not give 'em an immediate and absolute pardon , present freedom from all sin and sorrow , present possession of the heavenly inheritance — if sinners have an immediate absolute right to these blessings , it wou'd be a wrong done to 'em , for god to keep 'em out of possession as he does ; and such a right we shou'd have , if he suffer'd ( strictly ) as our representative — so that this way consider'd , it does as much exceed , as the other way it fell short of answering the exigencies of our case . § . 20. and we may add , as a farther consequent hereupon ( 3. ) if christ had suffer'd ( strictly ) as the representative person of sinners ( indefinitely , as 't is express'd ) it wou'd follow , that every sinner equally has a right to the fore-mention'd benefits of christ's sufferings ; why then have not all equally a pardon ? why are not the influences of the divine spirit equally diffus'd ? why are some ( yea , even of the truly sanctify'd ) more freed from sin and sorrow , than others ? some but babes , while others are strong men in christ ? nay , why are not all in heaven ( whom christ did represent ) as well as some there ? § . 21. moreover ( 4. ) if christ had thus suffer'd as our representative ( and we had thus satisfy'd and merited in him ) what room would there have been left for his holiness and obedience to bestead us , or be of any advantage to us . we are most expresly assur'd , that by the obedience of one ( i. e. of christ ) we are made righteous , rom. 5. 19. suppose his sufferings and death to be included , as it cannot be deny'd , yet 't is as they were instances of his obedience , phil. 2. 8. and ( according to that known rule , a quatenus , ad omne valet consequentia ) if his sufferings did meritoriously procure our pardon , peace , &c. as they were instances of his obedience to the law of mediation , then whatever was an instance of such obedience , had an influence upon the same effect . his habitual , active and passive obedience , are therefore to be consider'd as one entire meritorious cause , one entire purchasing price of such blessings . — but upon this principle , that christ in suffering did strictly personate , or represent us , where can his habitual holiness , and active obedience be taken in ! what room is there for ' em ! what need is there of ' em ! when we have merited a pardon , acceptance with god , eternal salvation already , by the sufferings of christ as our representative ; what further need can we have of his obeying for us ? or shall we say , that he was our representative , in his obeying , as well as in his suffering ? so indeed our accuser would have it , in his defence , p. 28. christ ( says he ) thus suffering and obeying in the person of sinners , it is , to all intents and purposes , as effectual , as if they did it themselves . but besides , that these two parts of the assertion are inconsistent with each other , had he obeyed in our person , he needed not to have suffer'd in our person ; or had he suffer'd in our person , he needed not so to have obey'd . i say , besides that , the notion carries a manifest inconsistence in it — if it were admitted , it would infer all those seven absurdities mention'd in the fore-going chapter , with many more , that i cannot now stay to mention . § . 22. in a word then , since his strict representing , or personating us , would intimate , that christ and we are , in the sense of the law , but one person ; and thereupon his suffering in our person ( our representative person , properly so call'd ) would intimate either that he ( in his sufferings ) was ( in the esteem of god and the law ) depress'd to the mean , and vile , and sinful state of us , whom he did represent ; or else that we are ( in the account of god and the law ) exalted to the dignity and perfection of his state who represented us : and neither of these are to be admitted . not the former , for that it would render christ's sufferings unavailable to the great purposes that were to be serv'd of 'em ; not the latter , for the reasons last mention'd : it follows , that he cannot ( otherwise than very improperly , and with great limitations ) be said to have suffer'd in the person ( the representative person ) of sinners . chap. iii. that christ's sufferings were only materially , not formally the same we were oblig'd to . § . i this our accuser charges also upon us , as a branch of that design , that plot he impeaches us of ; a socinian plot , a plot to introduce socinianism : that we have such a design , he once and again insinuates , and thereupon brands us as episcopians , socinianizing arminians , &c. he had signify'd his apprehensions , his fears of a design against the doctrine of a real , full , and proper satisfaction to god's justice for our sins , p. 4. but by that time we are got to the 12th . page , those surmizes are improv'd into clear evidence , he is now aware of the design ; nay , twice together we are told it , to intimate ( no doubt ) that he is throughly aware of it ; and to make proof of it , he does alledge , amongst other matters , that ( according to us ) christ's sufferings were the same we were oblig'd to , only materially , and not formally . now the design he suggests , is what we do from our souls abhorr ; and if this accuser were himself a socinian , he could no way more effectually serve their interests , than by persuading the world ( as he here endeavours ) that all must be socinians , at least socinianize , that are not antinomians . sect. 2. but for the principle he charges upon us , we are not asham'd to own it ; and cannot but wonder , that our accuser should never once attempt to prove the contrary ; it lying upon him here again , as being the affirmer , to produce his evidence : surely this , that christ's sufferings were formally the same we were oblig'd to , is not to be reckon'd amongst those propositions which carry their own light along with 'em , and engage our assent at the first hearing : why then has he only mention'd our denial of it , as if that alone , were sufficient to expose us to the severest censures . sect. 3. but we cannot satisfie our selves ( though we be on the negative part ) to deny , and dispute against words that have no meaning , or ( which is , in effect , the same thing ) words that have an unagreed and uncertain one : and therefore though he has not told us his meaning , we shall , with greatest plainness , tell him , and the world , ours ; that it may be understood what we intend , when we deny , that christ's sufferings were formally the same we were oblig'd to . sect. 4. now there are two things that ( we apprehend ) may be meant , when 't is asserted , that christ's sufferings were not only materially , but also formally the same we were oblig'd to , viz. either that they were not only in a more loose and general way of speaking , but strictly and fully the same kind of sufferings that we were oblig'd to : or , also it may intimate , that they were not only the same kind of sufferings , but even the very same thing in law , as if we our selves had suffer'd . and the former of these we dare not admit , much less the latter . sect. 5. 1. not the former , viz. that christ's sufferings were strictly and fully of the same kind with those we were oblig'd to . that they were not , could not be so , i think was sufficiently made appear , chap. i. sect. 5. of this discourse . and mr. baxter has yet more distinctly and fully clear'd it , by an enumeration of several particulars , in which his were not the same with ours , under these three heads ; i. christus nullas tulit penas , quae etiam peccata sunt . ii. nullas tales paenas dedit , quae sunt tantum naturalia peccandi consequentia . iii. nullas deus ipse paenas in christum inflixit , quae ex displicentia ( adversus christum scil . ) vel amoris diminutione aliqua proveniunt . vid. method . theol. p. iii. cap. 1. disp . 4. p. 36 , 37. sect. 6. 2. much less can we agree to it in the latter sense , as it intimates , that christ's sufferings were the idem , the very same thing in law , as if we our selves had suffer'd ; for that this it could not be , unless he suffer'd ( most strictly ) in our person ; and that too , by vertue of the law , which we had transgress'd : both which have been abundantly disprov'd by us in the fore-going chapters . what has been there alledg'd against the one , or the other of those errors , may also have place here again . to which i shall only add ; 1. the inconsistency hereof with the doctrine of christ's satisfaction . for if christ's sufferings should be allow'd to be strictly the same thing that the law oblig'd to , then they could not be a satisfaction for our non-payment , but would themselves have been the proper payment : now these two things are vastly differing , to pay a debt ; and to offer some-what instead of payment , that is accepted as satisfaction for non-payment . since the word [ satisfaction ] was borrow'd from the civilians , from them it is that the import of it may be best understood ; and they do carefully distinguish betwixt solution and satisfaction . solution is when the very same thing is paid , to which the law oblig'd . so vinnius , — solutio , specialiter accepta , denotat naturalem praestationem ejus quod debetur . which is agreeable to the account grotius gives us of it , with whom solutio stricte sumpta , is solutio rei plane ejusdem , quae erat in obligatione ; solutio rei ipsius debitae . now this , as the bishop of worcester tells us , in the sense of the law is never call'd satisfaction , but strict payment . this is what cannot be refus'd , when offer'd in payment . but christ's sufferings might have been refus'd : god was not oblig'd to accept of them , but might have insisted upon the sufferings of sinners themselves . therefore grotius tells of another sort of solution , cum aliud , quam quod in obligatione est , solvitur . when some-what else , and not strictly that which the law requir'd , is paid ; and this , if accepted , is peculiarly call'd satisfaction . talis autem solutio ( says he ) quae aut admitti , aut recusari potest , admissa ; in jure , speciale habet nomen satisfactionis ; quae interdum solutioni strictus sumptae opponitur . so that by a satisfaction , 't is plain they intend a valuable consideration offer'd instead of what was due , which the creditor in pecuniary ( and the rector in criminal ) cases , may accept or refuse at pleasure . under this notion do the greatest and best of our divines maintain the doctrine of christ's satisfaction , in opposition to the socinian adversaries ; nor can it be defended upon any other bottom . to make the controversie betwixt the socinians and us ( in the point of satisfaction ) to be not ( as it has been wont to be stated ) whether christ's sufferings were an equivalent ( a valuable consideration ) offer'd and accepted , instead of what was due from us to divine justice ; so far as that upon account thereof , we have reconciliation , pardon , and eternal salvation , in the order , and upon the terms of the gospel ? i say , to make the question in difference , not to be what is above-said , but whether christ's sufferings be the very same thing , the all , that the law requir'd , oblig'd to , the very execution of its threatning ? how plainly is this to betray the cause into their hands ! if the bishop of worcester has any judgment in this controversie ( and while the learned world has so universally approv'd what he has wrote in it , they cann't themselves be thought to have much , that deny , or doubt his thorow acquaintance with it ; and of all men living , our accuser , who has appeal'd to him , surely does not suspect it ; i say , if that right reverend person has any insight into this matter ) the socinian cause can scarcely any way be more effectually befriended , than by such as pretending to be their adversaries , do thus state our controversie with 'em : for with these remarkable words does he close up his most convincing reasonings against christ's sufferings having been the very same thing which the law requir'd : when ( says he ) our adversaries ( meaning the socinians ) dispute against this opinion , no wonder if they do it successfully ; but this whole opinion is built upon a mistake , that satisfaction must be the payment of the very same ; which while they contend for , they give our enemies too great an advantage , and make 'em think they triumph over the faith of the church , when they do it only over the mistake of some particular persons . 2. neither could the sufferings of christ be strictly ( and individually ) the same thing that the law threatned ; for it threatned the death of the offenders themselves : in the day thou eatest , thou shalt die , gen. 2. 17. the same individual that sinneth , shall die : thus does the prophet express it , the soul that sinneth , it ( that very soul ) shall die . ezek. 18. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the very sinning soul it self , that very soul shall die . the sense of the holy ghost could not have been more fully expressed to this purpose . and so also the apostle , gal. 3. 10. cursed is every one that continues not , &c. 't is denounc'd against no one but the sinner himself ? since then the law mentions no surety or substitute ; the sufferings of christ could not be the execution of its threatning , unless he was the very soul that sinned , that very individual soul. and hence we may be assisted in that only difficulty , with which our accuser ( at the second hand ) does seem to press us : for in the passage he quotes from his brother ferguson , ( p. 5. ) amongst other attributes of god that were to influence the grand affair of our redemption , he mentions the divine veracity : god's truth ( as that gentleman says ) and his immutability must be evidenc'd in proceeding according to the penal law he had at first enacted . and this being presuppos'd , he would naturally enough iufer , that man ( having sinn'd ) could not be receiv'd into favour , but in such a way as might evidence that truth of god , &c. now indeed , if the truth and immutability of god did require , that he should proceed ( exactly ) according to the penal law he had enacted , it must be granted then , that christ's sufferings could not otherwise bestead us , then as being the very execution of that penal law , the very penalty therein threatned . and this objection i shall the rather take notice of , because ( whatever character our accuser , and this brother of his deserv'd ) i find some of greatest name ( and deservedly too ) both for learning and piety , speak as if they did apprehend , that the truth of god did engage him to execute the threatned penalty ; that unless the punishment due by that law had been inflicted , his veracity could not have been justified . but ( how much soever i reverence the names of some that speak thus ) i dare not agree , out of respect to any man , so far to expose the veracity of the holy god , as to suspend it upon any thing that is not certainly true , much less upon what is evidently untrue . 1. supposing it only to be uncertain , whether he was oblig'd formally to execute the threatning of that law , 't is no way fit the veracity of god should be suspended upon an uncertainty : may i not be sure that god is true , though i were not sure , that his threatning must needs be executed ! 2. and especially , when we have full and clear evidence , that he has not executed that threatning ; we should surely be afraid to say , his truth oblig'd him to execute it ; he has falsify'd his word in not-executing it . though we could not see which way god's veracity could be reconcil'd with the non-execution of his threatning ; yet when he has relax'd or dispens'd with his threatning ( as in this case he manifestly has ) we may be assur'd , it is not inconsistent with his truth . the law threatned the delinquent himself , and every delinquent ; another ( who was no delinquent ) dies for us : here is not then an execution of the threatning ; is the truth of god therefore violated ? god forbid . yet had his truth oblig'd him to inflict the threatned penalty at all , it would as well have oblig'd him to inflict it on the offenders themselves . that god has inflicted death for sin , is not therefore because of his truth , but for other reasons that have been already hinted . and this is that which does difference threatnings from predictions : that threatnings do only constitute the dueness of punishment , and make the offender obnoxious , without determing certainly whether ( eventually ) it shall be inflicted , or not ; but predictions do primarily respect a certain event . so that the truth of god is indeed concern'd to accomplish a prediction ; but not to execute a threatning ; a meer threatning does only render the transgressor liable to suffer , but god is afterwards at liberty to inflict , or not inflict the penalty incurr'd , as his wisdom shall see fit ; indeed if a prediction should also be added to the threatning , god's word is then past for its execution , and his truth obliges him accordingly — they that are otherwise opinionated in this matter , may do well to consider , which way the veracity of god ( upon their hypothesis ) can possibly be maintain'd : when the law was at first given to adam ( as our accuser himself expresly owns ) christ was not in its obligation ; it did not run [ thou , or thy surety for thee . ] hereupon the afteradmission of a surety , and the transferring our punishment upon him ( supposing he had undergone , as far as was possible , the same that we should ) was an act of soveraign-dispensing-power : the threatning was so far relax'd , or dispens'd with ; not executed . but if god had engag'd his word ( by an absolute prediction ) to punish the offender , there had been no place for a dispensation ; in that case , as indeed in every case where the divine truth is concern'd , the event will infallibly , and in every respect be answerable to what god has fore-declared . since therefore the event did not answer in this case , the very sinning soul it self did not die , but christ for him , it must be concluded , that this was not a prediction of what eventually should be , but a meer threatning of what legally might be inflicted ; importing only what the sinner was oblig'd to undergo , not what god was oblig'd to lay upon him . and therefore his truth was no way violated , though christ's sufferings were not strictly the same thing that the law threatned . to which i might add , 3. that if christ's sufferings had been the very same thing that the law requir'd , we must thereupon , ipso facto , have enjoy'd present and perfect deliverance ; if the idem , the all ( and that it must needs be , if it was the same ) that the law threatned , was endur'd in the sufferings of christ , what further penalty could remain upon us ? justice it self could require no more than the idem quod debetur . to this purpose the learned grotius speaks , ipso facto liberat , solutio rei plane ejusdem , quae erat in obligatione . upon which account he does determine , that the death of christ was not solutio rei ipsius debitae . and so also that very judicious and right reverend person ( the bishop of worcester ) to whom this accuser has appeal'd , does not only deny , but does also very largely and nervously disprove , christ's sufferings to have been the very same that the law requir'd ; we shall only transcribe what he offers to the purpose we are arguing upon — if ( says he ) the very same had been paid in the strict sense , there would have follow'd a deliverance ipso facto ; for the release immediately follows the payment of the same ; and it had been injustice to have requir'd any thing further , in order to the discharge of the offender , when strict and full payment had been made of what was in the obligation . but we see that faith and repentance , and the consequences of those two , are made conditions on our parts , in order to the enjoying the benefit of what christ has procur'd ; so that the release is not immediate upon the payment , but depends on a new contract , made in consideration of what christ has done and suffer'd for us . this is but a small part of his most clear and invincible arguings against christ's paying ( in his sufferings ) the very same that we were to have paid . and therefore we add , 4. had christ's sufferings been the very same thing that the law threatned , there had been , there cou'd have been no such thing as pardon ; we must have been discharg'd , set at liberty as before ; but we could not afterwards have been said to be pardon'd . to remit a debt or penalty , is a phrase that is never us'd but in reference to such from whom the one or other was due ; and does import a gracious discharge of a person ( either in whole , or in part ) from what in justice might have been requir'd . the civilians therefore explain it by relaxatio , indulgentia , &c. and this is most manifestly the import of the greek term [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] . proper remission that cannot be , that is not an act of grace and favour , but what in strict justice we are oblig'd to . therefore grotius does accurately distinguish betwixt liberation and remission ; allowing ( as he needs must ) that all remission is a liberation , or discharge ; but not that every discharge is or may be so call'd , remission : the law it self does of course acquit and discharge a person ( debtor or criminal ) that fully answers its obligation ; but when a discharge is granted , by the rector or creditor , out of meer pleasure , to one that according to the rigour of the law could not lay claim to it , here is proper remission . ubi idem solvitur ( scil . quod debetur ) aut a debitore , aut ab alio , nomine debitoris , nulla contingit remissio — si quis poenam pertulerit quam debet , liberatio hic erit ; remissio non erit . remitti aliquid recte dicitur , etiam ubi solutio accedit , sed talis quae sine actu voluntatis vim non habeat pariendae liberationis . where there is a payment of what was owing , there is no remission , no place for forgiveness ; the quondam debtor or criminal now neeeds it not , nor can the creditor or rector be said to have granted it ; the same debt cannot be both paid and forgiven . it is impossible ( as the bishop of worcester further urges ) to reconcile the freeness of remission , with the full payment of the very same , which was in the obligation . sect. 7. for the close therefore of this head , let it be consider'd , that mr. baxter ( in that very book to which our accuser refers us ) thus explains the question before us : it is not ( says he ) de materia debiti that we enquire , but de forma ; whether it was the same formally which we ow'd , and the obligation requir'd ? or , only the value , and not the same full debt ? also , you must know , that though we may well use the word [ debt ] in this case , because the scripture does , yet we must acknowledge it but a metaphor , and the proper terms are , whether christ's sufferings are the same thing that the law in its threatning requir'd , i. e. oblig'd to , and made due ; and so a fulfilling of that threatning ? and this with great aversness he does ( and very justly sure ) deny . now therefore if our accuser will not own christ's sufferings to be formally the same we were oblig'd to , in the sense in which mr. baxter denied it , why does he quarrel with him ? if he will , 't is but reasonable to expect , he should either disown and disprove the doctrine of satisfaction , of pardon of sin , &c. or , else make it appear , we have not justly charg'd these consequences upon him . chap. iv. that though our sins were the impulsive , meritorious cause of christ's sufferings , yet it was only more remotely that they were so ; and not so nearly and immediately as they would have been of our own . § . 1. since our accuser bears so hard upon this point , and seems most plausibly from hence to insinuate his spiteful and unchristian surmizes of us , i shall endeavour with all the freedom and plainness possible , to deliver our thoughts about this matter ; that it may appear what we deny , and what we own ; and that herein we do not in the least vary from the common faith of christians , or make the least approaches towards the socinian tents . sect. 2. we do therefore distinguish ( in reference to the controversie , whether our sins were the meritorious cause of christ's sufferings ) betwixt the name , and the thing intended by it ; as every one surely will do , that does not prefer strife before truth . if we can agree in this , or other controversies , in sense , words are not worthy of a contention on either side : 't is strange that what the apostle has said of such contentions , that just account he has given of their so base original , and sad effects , should not awe the spirits of all ( at least ) that make any pretensions to the christian name , 1 tim. 6. 4. for ( according to the order in which the apostle has plac'd it ) this doting about questions , that are but a strife of words , a [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] does presuppose the person to be proud , puff'd up with arrogance and self-conceit , as the word imports ; and withal extreamly ignorant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that knows nothing , that has no skill , no judgment , one that has never penetrated into things , that has look'd no further than their outside ; and therefore is he so exceeding sollicitous about words , for that he is acquainted with nothing more valuable about which to be concern'd ; he is sick , nay , he does insanire , if his word may not be allow'd [ such a sense the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to carry in it ] . neither are the effects of this logomachy less fruitful ; thereof ( as the apostle adds ) cometh envy , strife , railings , evil-surmizings , perverse disputings , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as are nothing to the purpose , that can serve no good end. i wou'd requite all this accuser's hard speeches of us , with a serious admonition that he wou'd carefully look into the text last mention'd , and if to that he adds , what does occur , in the carnality of religious contentions , p. 39 , 40 , 41 , 42. ( a tract well worthy of its most excellent author . ) perhaps , it may minister towards the cure of his so sickly mind ; and he may not hereafter so far dote upon an unscriptural word or phrase , or turn it to our reproach , that we are not alike fond of ' em . sect. 3. but to proceed , we challenge this accuser to instance any one particular thing plainly intended by the orthodox ( grotius , the bishop of worcester , &c. ) that use this phrase against the socinians ; i say , let him instance ( if he be able ) any one thing they intend by it , that is not readily agreed to by us . we have reason to suppose , that he himself may intend some-what more by it , than we are willing to allow ( and which in due place may be taken notice of ) : but we cannot find that they thereby design ( in general ) to express any thing more , than that the sufferings of christ had a respect to sin , to our sins , as the ground or reason of 'em ; they were the assumed cause of 'em ; he suffer'd for , or on the account of our sins . now , whereas it may be difficult to conceive how , or which way our sins cou'd influence his sufferings in such sort , as that he shou'd be said to suffer for our sins , to die for our sins : what they say for the clearing this relation that our sins had to the sufferings of christ , as an antecedent , procuring cause ( for we meddle not now with the other respect they bear to 'em as a final cause ; though he also suffer'd for our sins , so as in a proper sense to expiate , and make atonement for 'em ) i say , the whole of what they offer , for the clearing the relation our sins had to christ's sufferings , as their antecedent procuring cause , may ( so far as i have yet observ'd ) be reduc'd to the following particulars , viz. sect. 4. i. our sins , both in the nature of the thing , and according to the constitution of the divine law , deserv'd death , eternal death , rom. 1. 32. this was what they had render'd our due ; they were ( in the strictest and most proper sense ) meritorious of our own sufferings . had we lain eternally under the avenging wrath of god , it cou'd not have been said , with truth , that he had done us any wrong ; it wou'd have been but the wages we had earn'd , rom. 6. 23. and what apostate angels do actually undergo . ii. hereupon ( death being the demerit of our sin ) it follows , that we must of necessity suffer , unless we be forgiven ; for no one ( surely ) will , or can imagine , that it might be avoided by our own power or policy ( whether alone , or in conjunction with any other creature , or creatures ) : is it possible we shou'd either hide from god's all-seeing eye , or prevail against his all-powerful hand ! we cannot therefore escape against , or without the divine pleasure . now , a liberation , a deliverance from deserved wrath , that does depend upon , and derive from the divine will and pleasure , is most proper remission , as has been before said . and , how is to be conceiv'd , that the miseries which the law threatned , and we had deserv'd by our sins , cou'd otherwise possibly be avoided , than by vertue of such an intervening act of the divine will , whereby the penalty is graciously remitted . iii. several things concurr'd to render it unmeet , that god should meerly pardon ; that he should so forgive the sinner , as not to leave ( one way or other ) any severe marks of his displeasure upon sin . he did retain ( in the heighth of his displeasure ) such a love of benevolence , as did incline him to commiserate the case of lapsed , sinful man ; and ( in some befitting way ) to re-admit him into favour . but it was highly fit and necessary , it shou'd be in such a way as shou'd both duly provide for the honour of god , and be most apt to deter and affright men from sinning . due regard must be had to both these ; the sinner cou'd not be forgiven , unless ( consistently therewith ) the honour of god cou'd be secur'd , and sin render'd frightful , and to be dreaded by us . now in reference to the former ; the honour of god did require , that if he pardon sinners , it shou'd be in such a way , as shou'd manifestly vindicate and acquit him , from the reflections that are not uncommon upon such occasions . 't is a very usual and known case , in humane governments , that the soveraign's reputation suffers by too easie pardons : in the case before us , it is exceeding plain , that the honour of god's power and wisdom , but specially of his holiness and justice , were to be provided for ; whilst he magnify'd his mercy in our forgiveness . 1. whereas nothing is more common , than for too easie pardons to be imputed to a governour , as an evidence of his weakness and want of power ; it was a most condecent and becoming thing , that god should pardon in such a way , as yet shou'd manifest his power ; that it might appear , he was not afraid , or unable to vindicate his injur'd law ; that he did not forgive , through a meer want of power to punish . 2. it was equally fit and necessary , that he should also vindicate the honour of his wisdom , and not by a light and easie pardon tempt the world to impeach him of levity and folly ; as if he had rashly and unadvisedly made a law , of the consequences whereof he was not aware ; and therefore was afterwards oblig'd to change his mind , and indemnifie the transgressors , without any compensation . 3. yea , a meer pardon would also have reflected upon his holiness ; it was therefore necessary that god ( for the vindication of his essential purity ) shou'd make it appear , that he hated sin , though he lov'd the sinner ; that men might not look upon him to be a god that has pleasure in iniquity ( the direct contrary to what he has declar'd of himself , psal . 5. 4. ) neither yet , as if he was indifferently affected towards it . he is ( as we are assur'd ) of purer eyes than to behold iniquity , i. e. so as to allow , or not to be displeas'd at it , hab. 1. 13. this holiness of his , is that which gives a most adorable and conspicuous beauty and lustre to all his other perfections , he is glorious in holiness , exod. 15. 11. and therefore it cou'd be no way meet , that the honour of this attribute should be neglected , or post-pon'd to our safety : 't were better that ten thousand worlds should perish , than that the glory of god's holiness be stain'd : but how shall it be vindicated , if sin be absolutely remitted ! that connexion we find betwixt his holiness , and his not forgiving sin , josh . 24. 19. does very plainly intimate , that the holiness of god is a bar that lies in the way of pardon , that does ( as it were ) oblige god not to give out pardons too easily ; not to pardon absolutely , or without due provision made for the demonstrating his antipathy against sin ; that in his eye ( as well as in its own nature ) 't is an abominable thing , what his soul hates , jer. 44. 4. 4. it was further necessary , that the reputation of his governing justice , shou'd also be consulted . god ( consider'd as a governour ) is necessarily just , cannot but be so : how monstrous a sound wou'd these two words conjoyn'd carry in 'em [ an unjust god ! ] they do mutually destroy and subvert each other ; he that is god cannot be unjust ; and that being that is unjust , for that very reason cannot possibly be god. now this justice of god , not only has place in the conferring promised rewards , but also in the executing threatned penalties : of the former , no one makes a doubt ; 't is the latter therefore that only needs to be clear'd : and how plain is it that even the punishment of sin is still mention'd as an act of justice , rom. 3. 8. — 2. 5. 2 thess . 1. 6. heb. 2. 2. rev. 16. 5. 7. — 19. 2. but though in the nature of the thing , and from these texts it is most evident , that when god punishes sin , he does it justly ; it may yet be a doubtful case with some , whether , or how far his justice obliges him to punish it ? and that it does oblige him in some cases , surely shou'd be agreed ; for that we cannot form a notion of rectoral justice , that does not import and carry in it a difference betwixt the righteous and the wicked in its distributions ; it will not admit , that all be alike treated : the wise man therefore complains of this , as one of the great evils of our world , that there be righteous men to whom it happens according to the work of the wicked , and wicked men to whom it happens according to the work of the righteous , eccles . 8. 14. but is certain it shall not ( at last ) be well with 'em , v. 13. god has declar'd this justifying the wicked in humane judicatures , to be an abomination to him , prov. 17. 15. and has accordingly denounc'd a woe against it , isa . 5. 23. and therefore surely it can have no place with him. besides that in reference to himself , we are assur'd , that he is no respecter of persons in judgment , rom. 2. 11. which text is the more considerable , for that the apostle does there alledge this as an argument to evince , that god will render to every man according to his works , and thereby manifest his judgment to be righteous , v. 5. 6. intimating that his justice does consist therein , viz. in rendring to every one according to his works ; his justice obliges him thereto : now , that we may not mistakingly imagine , that he intends it only of the good that is their due , he carefully distinguishes betwixt good and bad , and applies this exercise of justice to both — not only will he ( as justice obliges him ) render glory , honour , and peace to every man that worketh good , but also ( as the same justice obliges ) tribulation and anguish upon every soul of man that does evil , ver . 9. 10. not upon one , or two , but every one ; for there is no respect of persons with god. and ( to give this yet the greater force ) we find it conjoyn'd with the denial of any iniquity in god , 2 chron. 19. 7. there is no iniquity with the lord our god , nor respect of persons . signifying thereby , that shou'd god ( as a ruler ) deal unequally with persons , whose cases are the same ; or deal alike with persons , whose cases are differing ( either of which ways there wou'd be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a respect of persons ) he wou'd be chargeable with iniquity : 't is as certain therefore that god cannot but severely animadvert upon sin , as that there can be no iniquity in him. but what need we further proof , while crellius himself owns it , that the justice of god in some cases oblige him to punish . nec illud negamus , rectitudinem ac justitiam dei , nonnunquam eum ad peccata punienda movere ; eorum nempe , &c. — quales sunt homines non-resipiscentes , atque in peccatis contumaciter perseverantes , &c. — maxime , si ipsum peccati genus in quo persistunt , insignem animi malitiam , aut apertum divinae majestatis contemptum spiret . and he not only grants this ( which yet , as we may hereafter make appear , does plainly infer the whole of what he had been pleading against ) but he does also nervously prove it in the immediately following words , si enim hujusmodi hominibus venia concederetur , facile supremi rectoris majestas ( ex qua ordo universitatis pendet ; ) & legum , ab ipso latarum , authoritas evilesceret ; & gloria ipsius , quae praecipuus operum ejus finis est , minueretur . to the same purpose he speaks again : non resipiscentes paena non liber are — positis quibusdam finibus quos deus sibi in regendis hominibus prefixit , factu necessarium , &c. now upon these concessions of crellius , it may be inferr'd , that supposing god to rule us by his laws , we must conceive of him as necessarily oblig'd to punish the impenitent ; but , why is he so necessitated to punish ? that the honour of his majesty , and the authority of his law may be maintain'd : and that principle ( as we may call it ) that in god which obliges him for these ends to punish the impenitent , the contumacious , he allows to be his justice . now therefore if crellius will consist with himself , i think he needs must own , that unless god govern the world so , as to attain the great ends of government , he would not be just ; and that those ends cannot be attain'd , unless sin be punish'd , will easily be made appear , if any one shou'd make a doubt of it ; but the further consideration of this , is more properly to be reserv'd , till we meet with it in the second part of this discourse . in the mean time , let it be observ'd , how far we have proceeded ; and these things seem to be very plain , viz. that god is ( in a most proper sense ) the governour of intelligent creatures ; that ( as such ) he is most necessarily just ; that his justice does respect the distribution of rewards and punishments , and that however in reference either to rewards or punishments , it may not always oblige him to execute strictly what the very letter of the law imports ; yet will it not admit , either in reference to the one or other , of any such relaxation or change , as wou'd not well consist with , and secure the great ends of threatnings or promises . this governing justice therefore was a further bar in the way of a meer pardon ; god could not ( consistently herewith ) absolutely pardon : if the very penalty threatned be not inflicted , justice it self requir'd that an equivalent should , i. e. such sufferings as should as well attain the ends of the law , as the threatned penalty it self should . thus , in respect of god , his honour , the honour of his power , wisdom , holiness , and governing justice , did necessarily require , that if god pardon the sinner , he should yet ( one way or other ) leave such marks of his displeasure upon sin , as shou'd as effectually support the authority , and secure the ends of his government , as if the sinner himself had suffer'd according to the utmost rigour of the law. and in reference also , to the latter thing mention'd , i. e. that we be discourag'd and affrighted from sinning ; in order thereto , it was alike necessary , that sin shou'd with great severity be animadverted on ; if no punishment was inflicted , or none proportion'd to the offence , what shou'd keep the world in awe , or make 'em afraid of sinning yet again ? crimes unpunish'd are too much countenanc'd at least , if they be not thereby authoriz'd . we see the meer delay of punishment is very frequently abus'd to this purpose , eccles . 8. 11. because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily , therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in 'em to do evil . and if meer forbearance have this effect , what ( may we suppose ) wou'd have been the consequence of absolute forgiveness ? so that we conclude god cou'd not ( consistently with either his own honour , or our safety ) pardon sin without a satisfaction ; it was necessary that sufferings shou'd be insisted on ; and such sufferings as shou'd be equivalent to what was threatned , sufferings that were adapted to answer the ends of the law and government , as well , or better than the sufferings of sinners themselves . hereupon , iv. in order to our remission , the sufferings of christ were insisted on by the father , and agreed to by the son ; by his sufferings it was effected , brought to pass , that sin might be remitted , without either reflecting any dishonour upon god , or ( in the least ) encouraging any to sin. his sufferings did fully answer all the exigencies of our case ; and therefore this constitution is mention'd by the apostle as a very condecent and becoming one , heb. 2. 10. supposing so gracious an intendment towards us , that god design'd to put us into the hand of christ , that he might bring us to glory , it was what well became god , to make the captain of our salvation perfect through sufferings . but what condecency or becomingness wou'd there have been in it ; if sin might have been pardon'd , and the sinner sav'd as well without it ? nay , the death of christ was therefore insisted on , that thereby god's justice might be demonstrated , rom. 3. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 't is doubled to give it the greater emphasis . god would have been just , and sufficiently have demonstrated himself to be so , if he had infficted upon us the vengeance that was threatned ; but supposing that he pardon us , that he justifie sinners ( though penitent believers ) his justice might well be call'd in question , unless satisfaction be first made for our sins ; therefore does the apostle so industriously urge and inculcate this over and over , as what he would not , by any means , have overlook'd — christ therefore was a propitiatory-sacrifice , that god's justice might be demonstrated , that it might clearly be demonstrated to the world ; and the next words rise yet higher , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he might be ( and not only that he might appear to be the ) just , as if , upon the supposal of his justifying sinners , he cou'd not otherwise be just . so that though meer remission wou'd have well consisted with mercy alone ; or the damnation of all apostate sinners with justice alone ; yet if god wou'd be merciful to sinners , he must also be just ; and that he cou'd not be , unless he so far , and in such a way punish sin , as will suffice to keep up his own honour and authority , and effectually to discourage sin : and hence it was that christ became the propitiation for our sins . — wherefore , v. and in the last place , the sufferings of christ being thus insisted on , in order to his being a successful mediator with god for sinners , he is therefore said to have died for us , and for our sins . our sins render'd suffering necessary : god thereupon insists on suffering , without shedding of blood he will allow no remission : hereupon christ consents to die , and accordingly dies a sacrifice for us , bears our sins , carries our griefs , &c. sect. 5. and this is that relation betwixt our sins and the sufferings of christ , which is intended to be express'd by grotius , and others , when they say , our sins were the meritorious cause of his sufferings , i. e. they deserv'd death , and so bound us over to it , as that we cou'd not be exempted from it , without a satisfaction , without some-what equivalent to our dying ; in which exigency christ dies for us . i cannot find that they ( or , which with every christian surely shou'd yet be of greater weight , that the scriptures themselves ) do mean any thing more . thus grotius , causa altera , quae deum movit sunt peccata nostra paenam commerentia . he does not mean that they deserv'd christ shou'd be punished ; but they so bound us over to punishment , that unless christ die for 'em , we cou'd not salva divinae justitiae demonstratione , a paena mortis aeternae liberari , as he had a few lines before expressed himself . and therefore having mention'd that text a few pages forward , gal. 2. 21. if righteousness be by the law , then christ died 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without a cause , he adds , locus ipse pauli , de quo agimus , aliam ( quam antecedentem ) causam intelligi non patitur — and a little further adds ; causam propriam , cur se tradiderit christus , mortuusque sit , hanc esse , quod nos per legem justi non essemus , sed rei paenae ; nostra ergo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 causa est antecedens mortis christi . to which he adds , p. 36. non potest alicujus actionis causa impellens esse meritoria , nisi & finis sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and cap. 5. p. 113 , 114. merebantur peccata nostra ut paena exigeretur : quod vero paena in christum collata fuerit , hoc ita ad dei & christi voluntatem referimus , ut ea quoque voluntas causas suas habeat , non in merito christi ( qui peccatum cum non nosset , a deo peccatum factus est ) sed in summa christi aptitudine ad statuendum insigne exemplum , &c. so that whoever allows , that our sins deserv'd punishment , and so bound us over to eternal death , as that we cou'd not be exempted from it , with safety to the divine justice , unless satisfaction be made ; that christ died for this end , by satisfying divine justice to procure our remission ; and that his death therefore was antecedently thus caused by our sin , and was inflicted for an example , to deterr us from sin ; i say , whoever agrees to this ( so far as i can find ) admits of all that grotius ever design'd , when he calls our sins the meritorious cause of christ's sufferings . and so also the bishop of worcester ; our sins , as an impulsive cause , are to be consider'd , as they are so displeasing to god ; that it was necessary for the vindication of his honour , and the deterring the world from sin , that no less a sacrifice of atonement shou'd be offer'd , than the blood of the son of god. sect. 6. and to all this we do readily agree ; yea , how fully has mr. baxter spoken to this sense , particularly in his reasons of the christian religion , part i. cap. 15. sect. 9. p. 161 , 162 , 163. so also part ii. c. 4. § . 6. p. 232. and c. 5. § . 10. p. 253 , 254. the passages are too large to transcribe . but he has there very plainly intimated , that god neither has , nor cou'd pardon sinners without such a sacrifice , or substitute-means , as might preserve the honour of his law and government , and the future innoceney of his subjects , as well as their punishment in the full sense of the law wou'd have done . sect. 7. now when the whole matter or thing is agreed to , all that the orthodox intend by that phrase , 't is a very insipid thing for any one vehemently to contend what word or name to call it by : what if one call our sins the meritorious cause , another the promeritorious cause , another the occasion of christ's sufferings ; whilst they are all agreed as to the reference they had to 'em : but if any one by a meritorious cause intend more than what is abovesaid , or by an occasion intend less , it may with just reason be concluded , they are mistaken with the antinomians in the one , or with the socinians in the other extream . sect. 8. we blame no one therefore meerly for calling our sins the meritorious cause of christ's sufferings ; nay , mr. baxter himself sometimes calls 'em so , the meritorious , or pro-meritorious cause . confession of faith , p. 153. the remote , or assum'd cause . life of faith , p. 311. and p. 321. he allows , that our sins lay on christ as the assum'd meritorious cause of his sufferings . so in his methodus theologiae — ad peccatum relationem habent ( speaking of the sufferings of christ ) ut ad occasionem , & ut ad causam meritoriam remotam , & si non proximam . p. iii. c. 1. determ . 5. p. 38. and in that other book to which our accuser refers us , he thus expresses his sense , at his very entring upon this point ? when he ( christ ) is said to die [ for our sins ] it may be understood — for our sins as the pro-meritorious procuring cause of his suffering , through his own undertaking to bear what they deserv'd : or , if any think it fitter to call 'em the occasion , than the meritorious cause , they may . universal redempt . p. 5. and the very last words that i have observ'd him to use of this matter ( in that last-mention'd tract ) are these : the strictest sense in which he ( christ ) is said to die for men , is , to die in their stead ; or to die for their sins as the procuring cause , on his own undertaking : yield this once , and we shall much easiler agree , &c. ibid. p. 91. which two passages do so inclose and explicate all the rest , that for a person to represent any of the intermediate passages to adiffering and disadvantageous sense , is what deserves a censure so severe , as we did not think fit to express , otherwise than by a significant silence . sect. 9. but though we allow others their liberty , yet ( accurately speaking ) it must be said , that all that reference that our sins had to the sufferings of christ , does not amount to a proper meritorious cause : nor did grotius ever think it did ; whatever our accuser may imagine ; for though he does affirm ( as is intimated , appeal , p. 6. ) that praeter dei & christi voluntatem , datur causa antecedens legitima mortis christi : yet he distinguishes once and again , betwixt punishment taken personally , and taken impersonally : by punishment taken personally , he intends the sufferings of christ , consider'd as his ; by punishment taken impersonally , he means the sufferings of christ consider'd only as sufferings : and he expresly tells us , that our sins were only the meritorious cause of the sufferings of christ in this latter sense . for thus he speaks , illud quoque reprehensione indiget quod dicit socinus , praeter dei , & ipsius christi voluntatem non posse ullam legitimam causam reddi mortis christi , nisi dicamus christum meritum fuisse ut moreretur : nam inest quidem in antecedente causa meritum , ut supra diximus , sed impersonaliter ; merebantur enim peccata nostra ut paena exigeretur , &c. cap. 5. p. 113. our sins only did deserve sufferings , and those of such a value , and cou'd not be remitted , unless such a compensation was made to divine justice for 'em ; but they never did deserve that christ should die ; they made it necessary , supposing we be redeem'd , that it be by such a price ; but they did not deserve that we shou'd be redeem'd with his precious blood : all that grotius asserts is , that death was deserv'd , he no where says that christ's death was so . § . 10. and this is the true reason why we are not fond of the phrase [ a meritorious cause ] because it wou'd intimate , christ's sufferings were deserv'd : now if they were deserv'd , it must either be allow'd , that they were the very thing that the law threatned , or we ( by our sins ) deserv'd god shou'd save and ransom us by such sufferings . if either of these be true , our sins may then be said to be the meritorious , the proper meritorious cause of christ's sufferings , as our accuser wou'd have 'em ; but cannot be strictly and truly so , otherwise than upon the one , or the other of these principles . in that they deserv'd such sufferings for weight , and cou'd not be remitted without such sufferings , and christ hereupon consented to suffer for 'em , they may be call'd the meritorious cause of his sufferings , or , much more fitly , the ground , the reason , the assum'd cause , the pro-meritorious , or quasi-meritorious cause of his sufferings : but the real , proper meritorious cause of 'em they cou'd not be , unless they in a strict and proper sense deserv'd that christ shou'd die . now the death of christ is considerable under a two-fold notion , either as a curse or blessing . as inflicted upon him , 't was a most dreadful curse : as it was our ransom , the price of our redemption , it was and is a most invaluable blessing . if our sins therefore deserv'd the death of christ , it must be either in the one , or the other of these respects : but no one surely will dare to say , that our sins deserv'd such a ransom ; that god in giving his son to be the saviour of the world , gave us no more than we deserv'd ; this were egregious blasphemy , against the brightest and most amazing instance of love , with which god ever bless'd the world. § . 11. it remains then , that ( supposing our sins the proper meritorious cause of christ's death ) they did deserve it as a curse to be inflicted upon him , tho' not as a blessing influential upon us . and 't is not conceivable how our sins cou'd so deserve the death of christ , unless this be suppos'd to be the very thing threatned in the law ; [ if thou sinnest , christ shall die ] : and this our accuser sometimes seems to intend ; what else can he possibly mean , when he tells us , appeal , p. 25. if christ's obligation to suffer did not result from this law ( i. e. the law which we had violated ) our sins were not the impulsive cause of his sufferings : or , if it did not immediately , our sins were but the remote cause , or occasion ; not a meer impulsive , or proper meritorious cause of ' em . and p. 50. if christs sufferings be not ex obligatione legis ( we suppose he means the same law as before ) our sins cannot be their meritorious cause . and p. 41. whence its impossible ( i. e. if christ's sufferings arise not from the violated law , but from the mediatorial law , it s impossible ) sin shou'd be their meritorious cause . so that his sense shou'd be , that christ's sufferings were not , could not be , 't were impossible they shou'd be from our sins , as the proper meritorious cause , unless they did result , and immediately result from the violated law. and this is what we also say ; and therefore while he pleads for our sins being so properly , so immediately , the meritorious cause of christ's sufferings ; he must needs mean , that they did result , immediately result from the law when violated ; i. e. so soon as ever the law was violated , so soon as we had sinn'd , the law immediately lays hold on christ , binds him over to death ; and that it cou'd not do , unless he was threatned by it . here therefore i wou'd have manifested that the death of christ was not threatned by that law , but that i have already largely done it , both in the first and third chapters of this discourse : and our accuser himself has render'd it the less needful , by giving it as his true sense , that when the law was at first given to adam , christ was not in the obligation : it did not run [ thou , or thy surety for thee ] p. 5. of this very appeal . we shall therefore ( instead of perusing the matter further ) allow him leisure to bethink himself how these things will be made to consist together , that christ's obligation to suffer did immediately result from the law , and that yet the law did not include a surety : humanity it self ( and much more christianity ) obliging us to shew some pity , and not to press too hard a person that labours under the hardships of self-contradiction . § . 12. to sum up this head then , orthodoxness does not consist in words and phrases ; 't would be egregious weakness to imagine , that the controversies betwixt us and the socinians are only whether this , or the other word , or form of speaking , be most apt and expressive of that truth about which there is no difference : that which the bishop of worcester has observ'd , with a more particular respect to a change of persons , will admit a much more extensive application . it is not ( says he ) the use of the words , but the sense of 'em is to be enquir'd into . see his lordship's letter to mr. w. inserted in the answer to the report , p. 57. 't is not the bare word [ trinity ] that divides betwixt them and us in that point , or the term [ person ] or [ satisfaction ] or [ meritorious cause ] &c. but 't is the sense design'd to be express'd by those terms , in which they will not agree with us ; wou'd they allow the truth we plead for , that is wont to be express'd by those words ; they wou'd no longer be socinians ; nor wou'd any wise man perpetuate the contention with 'em , tho' they shou'd yet be unsatisfy'd as to the foremention'd phrases . our accuser therefore does not ( to use that right reverend persons words again ) discover his profound knowledge in these matters , if he think , as he says , ap. p. 39. that the heart of the controversie lies in asserting or denying our sins to be the properly meritorious cause of christ's sufferings : and if he know otherwise , and to design to impose upon those that do not , where is his ingenuity . 't is so far from being true , that the heart of the controversie lies here , that so far as i have yet observ'd , this very man is the first that ever asserted , our sins were the properly meritorious cause , &c. grotius , vossius , and the bishop of worcester , do indeed speak of 'em as the meritorious cause ; but how they explain themselves we have before manifested as to two of ' em . nor does vossius intend any thing more , than only that they are truly meritorious of sufferings , that they cou'd not be remitted without 'em ; and that in this exigency , christ consents to suffer for us ; whereupon he calls 'em the meritorious cause of his sufferings ; though he ( as grotius ) means it only of the sufferings he underwent , not of those sufferings as undergone by him. to this purpose we find him explaining himself ; punitio omnis qua talis , sive impersonaliter spectata , causam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habet justitiam dei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 procatarctica vero causa sunt peccata , itidem impersonaliter , & in genere spectata , sine determinatione , &c. punitio vero , quae pro alio est , plane misericordiae divinae opus est : procatarctica vero causa sunt peccata nostra satisfactionem exigentia . vossi responsum ad judicium ravensperg . chap. 12. so that though they call 'em the meritorious cause of christ's sufferings , yet they plainly manifest , that they intend only they were meritorious of the sufferings he underwent ( abstractly consider'd ) and therefore may improperly be said to be meritorious of his sufferings ; but i no where find 'em asserting our sins to be the properly meritorious cause of christ's sufferings , much less fixing that as the point in controversie betwixt the orthodox and the socinians , whether they be to be so call'd , or not . nay , 't is not only not needful to use the phrase our accuser wou'd impose upon us , but ( unless carefully explain'd ) 't is very unsafe ; for that if the words be taken as they sound , they wou'd import that ( in a strict and proper sense ) our sins deserv'd that christ shou'd die : an assertion , that in a sense very obvious does amount to blasphemy , and ( without a manifest force put upon the words ) cannot possibly be a truth . chap. v. that though christ's sufferings may not unaptly be call'd a punishment , yet not in the full and proper sense in which the sufferings of the sinner himself might have been so calld . § . 1. in this point also , our accuser is as clamourous , as in the former ; and what has been said in the fore-going chapter will furnish out a just answer to all his cavils upon this head. he represents us , as if we did allow the sufferings of christ to be the punishment of sin , only so far , and in the same sense as crellius does , appeal , p. 27. but deny'd 'em to be a proper punishment ; and that therefore we are against the doctrine of christ's satisfaction , ap. p. 4. 10. and lest this shou'd not be enough to leave us under the reproach of socinianism , he represents this as the very parting point betwixt the orthodox and the socinians ; the heart of the controversie ( according to him ) lies in the asserting or denying — christ's sufferings to be properly penal , p. 39. and ( if he be not mistaken ) grotius , vossius , and the b. of worcester , are of the same mind . § . 2. but after all , what if it should appear , that the phrase is ambiguous ; that in one sense ( and which is plainly the sense of that very judicious and learned bishop , and others , that use the phrase ) it is true , that the sufferings of christ are a proper punishment ; and yet in another sense ( which shall appear to be the sense of mr. baxter , and those whose sentiments agree with his in this matter ) it is as true , that christ's sufferings are not a proper punishment , but analogically only to be so call'd : that the bishop never own'd it , nor any person of note , in the sense in which we deny it ; and that we do not , mr. baxter never did deny it , in the sense in which the bishop , ( and other famous defenders of the catholick faith against socinianism ) assert and plead for it . § . 3. to evince this , there needs nothing more than a just representation of their sense ; what the one and the other intend by a proper punishment , and this they themselves were best able to express : now then to constitute a proper punishment in the bishop's sense , there is no more needful , than that there be sufferings inflicted on the account of sin , to deter men from sinning , and to assert god's rights as a sovereign , and vindicate his honour to the world. whatsoever sufferings do answer all these ends of divine punishments , and are inflicted on the account of sin , have the proper notion of punishments in ' em . and again , whatever is inflicted on the account of sin , and with a design to shew god's severity against it , and thereby to deter others from the practice of it , has the proper notion of punishment in it . this is plainly the sense of that right reverend person , he means no more when he calls the sufferings of christ a proper punishment , than what is abovesaid . and to all this we cheerfully consent . § . 4. but mr. baxter , when he denies the sufferings of christ to have been a proper punishment , 't is plain , he takes punishment in the strictest sense , as it does connote the suffering person to have sinned ; and intends no more by it than that christ was not himself a sinner . poena in sensu primo & famosissimo est ipsius delinquentis malum naturale . — concludendum est . christus non-fuit rever a peccator ; ideoque ; poenam sensu primo & famosissimo sic dictam non dedit . and this is no more than what every one must agree to ; that supposing it be taken into the notion of punishment , that the snffering be inflicted upon one that has sinned , christ's sufferings were not a proper punishment . nor was mr. baxter the only person that apprehended this to be the most strict and proper notion of punishment , the learned pufendorf ( after grotius , and other civilians ) does upon this very principle assert , that however one man may suffer , yet he cannot ( properly speaking ) be punish'd for another's sin. paenae vocari nequit dolor ille aut damnum , qui in illos redundat , qui nihil deliquerunt — & qui in altero paenae rationem habiturus est dolor aut damnum , delictum proprium tanquam causam respicere debet . unde paena non est dolor ille , quem quis ex paenae propinqui aut amici sui capit , nisi ipse fo rs ad istius delictum concurrerit , &c. to the same purpose he also speaks in his larger tract ; illos quidem , qui revera de reatu delicti participant , pro ratione influxus ad facinus aliquod puniri posse , extra dubium est ; cum iidem non alienum , sed proprium delictum luant . de jure naturae & gent. lib. viii . c. 3. § . 28. p. 831. but § . 30. p. 834. he adds , de coetero firmum manet istud , in foro humano , ob delictum alienum , de quo nulla ratione quis participavit , recte aliquem puniri non posse , &c. and the famous dr. ames includes it expresly in the notion of punishment , not only that it be some evil inflicted for or on the account of sin , but also that it be inflicted upon the sinner himself . paenae est malum peccatori propter peccatum inflictum . amesii medulla theol. lib. 1. c. 12. § . 10. p. ( mihi ) 56. and therefore he adds , § . 14. paena igitur proprie dicta non habet locum , nisi in creaturis intelligentibus , in quibus etiam peccatum reperitur . § . 5. this therefore is the only question that can lie betwixt us and our accuser , whether christ was really a sinner , or not ? if not ( which we hope our accuser himself will not scruple to say with us ) then his sufferings were not a punishment , in that most full and proper sense , in which the sufferings inflicted on sinnners themselves are so call'd . we willingly allow , that they were as properly punishments , as it was possible the sufferings of one , who was himself no sinner , cou'd be ; but we dare not say , that christ was a sinner : and therefore , though he suffer'd for sin , yet the sin ( since it was not his own ) did not so nearly and immediately render christ liable to suffering , as it did the sinner himself . death was not due to christ immediately upon our having sinn'd ; the law did not threaten christ [ if men sin , thou shalt die ] : after we had sinned , there was no one obnoxious to suffering for it besides our selves , 'till christ voluntarily undertook to suffer ; he was not antecedently oblig'd , but ( when he might have refus'd ) he freely chose to die for us , he gave himself for our sins , gal. 1. 4. he gave himself a ransom for us , 1 tim. 2. 6. § . 6. so that here is a vast difference betwixt the sufferings of christ , and the sufferings of a sinner . the sinner , and christ do indeed each suffer on the account of sin , so far they agree ; but the sinner suffers for his own sin , christ for the sins of others ; the sinner suffers deservedly , he receives the due reward of his deeds , luk. 23. 41. but christ's sufferings were undeserv'd , he having done nothing amiss : the sinners sufferings were threatned by the law ; but where do we find any threatning against christ : the sinners sufferings are inflicted without and against his consent ; but christ's were the matter of his free choice , what he might have refus'd , &c. § . 7. upon which , and other like grounds , how plain is it , that the sufferings of christ are not in all respects commensurate to the sufferings of sinners ; and that however they have such a respect to sin , on account whereof they may not unaptly be call'd punishments ( as mr. baxter himself asserts , method . theol. part iii. p. 38. ) yet they have not altogether the same respect to sin , as the sinners own sufferings have , or would have had ( as appears before ) and therefore when we call 'em punishments , we must not take so much into the notion of punishment as when we call the sinners own sufferings by that name . § . 8. so that when the sufferings of christ are compar'd with those of sinners , we say , they are less properly and analogically call'd punishments not in that primary and most famous sense in which the sinners own sufferings are so call'd : and yet when we compare the same sufferings with meer calamities , that have no relation to sin , or guilt ; we say , they are not unaptly , but properly enough to be call'd punishments , for that they had such a respect to sin , as has been before-said . in this mr. baxter is plain : and therefore elsewhere asserts , that his ( i. e. christs ) sufferings were truly punishments because for sin , though not for his own ; yet not punishments , in so full and strict a sense as ours , who suffer for our own sins . § . 9. and hence it appears , that our accuser has with no just reason , represented mr. baxter as agreeing with crellius in this matter : crellius ( says he ) says the same , only with this explication , viz. that it must be taken materially and improperly which is the sense in which mr. baxter — takes it . appeal , p. 27. but besides that mr. baxter ( so far as yet appears ) no where says , that the sufferings of christ are punishments materially only , ( as this accuser intimates ) nay , on the contrary , he argues from their participating in the formal reason of punishment , that they may properly enough be so call'd , quoad nomen vero , non inepte poena dicuntur , dum ad peccatum habent , relationem &c. baxter ubi supra . i say , besides this , any considering and unprejudic'd reader will easily see , cannot but observe , that if at any time they happen both to use one and the same term , they yet intend it in a vastly differing sense . so if crellius allow christ's sufferings to be punishments improperly so call'd ; it is most evident he thereby excludes that respect they had to sin , to our sin , which we have in the fore-going chapter asserted and clear'd , and in reference to which mr. baxter with the bishop of worcester , and all the orthodox are agreed : and so also when he calls our sins the occasion of christ's sufferings , he means it not as mr. baxter does , of such an occasion as was ( so far as the nature of the thing will admit ) a meritorious cause of 'em also . and it may as well be said that crellius says the same with grotius , and the bishop , because he sometimes calls our sins the impulsive cause of christ's sufferings ; and that his sense is the same with their's , because sometimes his words are so ; and therefore also , that their sense is the same with his , and thereupon that they are socinians : i say , there is the same reason why they might also , as well as mr. baxter , be thus represented by our accuser , for that they also sometimes use crellius's words without any scruple . § . 10. nor is it any uncommon thing , for several persons , to use the same words in differing senses : our accuser himself affords us a most convincing instance to this purpose , in reference to the very matter before us . the sufferings of christ are to be consider'd as a punishment of sin , a proper punishment . in the expression the bishop of worcester , and our accuser are agreed ; but that notwithstanding , the sense intended by the one , and the other is not the same . he pretends indeed p. 38. that it is not the words and phrases , but his lordship 's sound sence , that he contends for ; but if that were all he would have , there was no occasion for him to contend at all ; that having never ( by those he accuses ) been call'd in question : where he apprehended a difference betwixt his lordship and mr. baxter at the most , it could be but a verbal one , that their sence , when they explain themselves , does well agree , has been already manifested ; and since mr. baxter did , and we do most entirely agree , that christ's suffeings were a proper punishment , according to the notion his lordship , gives us of such a punishment , we may surely hope for an end of this contention . § . 11. only for a close , i would remark it to our accuser , that whilst ( either through prejudice , or inadvertency ) he groundlesly charges us as differing from that judicious and right reverend person ; he does himself give occasion , for any one to return back the charge , with greatest justice , upon him . for under the pretence , that christ's sufferings were a proper punishment ( for which he alledges the bishop of worcester ) he wou'd have 'em to be the very punishment we had deserv'd , the very punishment the law threatned , punishment inflicted by vertue of the sanction of the violated law. v. p. 23 , 26 , 28 , 29 , &c. this notion almost runs throughout his appeal . but this is so far from being the sound sense , in which his lordship has us'd this expression , that 't is what he does most directly dispute against . § . 12. and whereas he does once and again insinuate , that 't is necessary christ's sufferings should be truly and properly penal ( we must suppose he means it in his own , not in the bishop's sense ) in order to their being a proper satisfaction to god's justice for our sins : 't is ( as has bin already , in some measure , manifested ) utterly subversive of the true , and universally own'd doctrine of christ's satisfaction , to assert his sufferings to have been penal , in any such sense , as would inferr or include their having been inflicted by vertue of the violated law , undergone in the proper person of sinners , their having been formally the same we were oblig'd to , and most immediately and properly deserv'd by our sins ; while yet this is what he every where pleads for : but of this point of satisfaction we design ( god assisting ) to treat more distinctly and at large hereafter . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a55108-e3830 of the sufferings of christ , last edition , p. 14. dr. owen , on psal . cxxx . p. 48. elementa jurisprud . p. 1. §. 7 , 8. lexic . jurid . sub tit. personae . sub tit. caput . elementa jurisprud . p. 19. de jure naturae & gentium , lib. 1. cap. 1 §. 12. to the same purpose he also speaks . elem , jurisp . lib. 1 , def. 4. treatise of justif . righteous . part i. p. 58. treat . of justifying righteous . page 56. ibid. p. 58. ibid , p. 56. de jure nat. & gent. lib. 1 , cap. 1. §. 12. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek , as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the hebrew , do admit of two very differing senses ; they signifie either sin it self , or a sin-offering , a sacrifice for sin ; as cannot be unknown to any that are conversant with the scriptures of the old testament and the new , in the languages in which they were endited by the inspir'd penmen ; the instances to that purpose are too numerous to be over-look'd ; i 'll name a few , isa . 53. 10. when he shall make his soul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an offering for sin ; so we read it there , and in lev. 7. this is the law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not of the sin , but ) of the sin-offering , verse 1. so verse 2. they shall kill , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sin-offering , the blood thereof shall he sprinkle , &c. so verse 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is a sin-offering . once more , 1 sam. 6. 3 , 4. if ye send away the ark of the god of israel , send it not empty , but in any wise return him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not sin but ) a sin-offering — then said they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what shall be the sin-offering ; which you find afterwards specified in that verse . so for the other word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how promiscuously is it us'd in that one chapter , lev. 4. if any one of the common people , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there it is commit a sin , verse 27. and so again , ver . 28. if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his sin which he hath sinned , come to his knowledge , then he shall bring his offering [ a kid , &c. ] for his sin which he hath sinn'd ; there you have the same word again . yet in the very next verse the sense of the word is chang'd , and that very kid which is offer'd , is call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — so verse 29. and he shall lay his hand upon the head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 't is not now to be read of the sin , but ) of the sin-offering : and slay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sin-offering : the very word that , but the verse before , signify'd sin it self . the same word you have again twice for a sin-offering , ver . 33. and again , the priest shall take of the blood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the sin-offering , ver . 34. it wou'd be endless to refer you to the many other places of scripture , where the same observation would occur ; i 'll therefore only mention one text more ( which may help to evince the usefulness hereof in interpreting several difficult texts of scripture ) and that is , hos . 4. 8. they eat up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sin of my people ; so we read it ; but it were scarce possible , to devise any tolerable sense that the words cou'd be capable of , according to that reading ; yet what we have observ'd , renders 'em exceeding easie and plain ; all the difficulty dis-appears when you read , they eat up the sin-offering of my people ; and by this reading of the words , the latter part of the verse may be also most satisfactorily accounted for ; they set their heart on their iniquity ; i. e. they rejoicé at , or are pleas'd with it . thus does the very ingenious and reverend bishop of salisbury comment upon the words : that corrupt race of priests ( says he ) attended still upon the temple , and offer'd up the sin-offering , and feasted upon their portion : — and because of the advantage this brought 'em , they were glad at the abounding of sin , &c. discourse of the pastoral care , p. 23. ( a tract so very valuable and useful , that having mention'd it , i cou'd not forbear to recommend it , though i cou'd wish what is said of praying by the spirit , p. 199 , 200. were re-view'd by the very reverend author , and some-what more distinctly explain'd ; that he might not seem to reflect upon praying by the spirit it self , when ( i suppose ) he only intends to animadvert upon some persons mistaken apprehensions of it ; the same i cou'd also wish in reference to one or two passages in that book which i may not now stay to mention . now the words that the lxx . use in those places , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — but we shall only take notice of the second of those words , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and sometimes indeed by a reduplicated article , or by a preposition , they plainly refer to some or other word that is understood . so we read in that 4th chap. of leviticus , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and chap. 6. ver . 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — where the word immediately fore-going is most probably referr'd to , i. e. in one place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the she-goat , in another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the be-goat ; and in the third , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the burnt-offering ; sometimes the phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for sin , where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacrifice , is plainly enough intimated , though not express'd : yet sometimes again there is nothing more than the bare word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sin , express'd , where yet a sin-offering must needs be meant ; for instance , lev. 4. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is ( not a sin , but ) a sin-offering for the congregation . and lev. 6. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this is the law ( surely not that they should sin by , but that they should sacrifice according to ) the law of the sin-offering . so also in that mention'd hos . 4. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they eat ( not the sins , for how cou'd that be done , but ) the sin-offering of the people . and the new testament stile is generally conform'd to the septuagint : thus you read here also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. 10. 6. in burnt-offerings , and for sin ( i. e. and in sacrifices for sin , as we render it ) thou hast had no pleasure . and rom. 8. 3. we are told , that god condemn'd sin in the flesh of christ ; but how , which way ? by sending him in our likeness , to die a sacrifice for sin. and since the word will as well signifie a sacrifice for sin , as sin it self , it should surely be readily agreed to intend only a sacrifice for sin , in that 2 cor. 5. 20. he made him to be a sin-offering for us , &c. nor does any thing in the context discountenance this reading — he that knew no sin , was not a sinner , what should hinder but he might be ( nay , for that very reason was he the fitter to be ) made a sin-offering for us : i cou'd not therefore read mr. cross's objection , without a smile , when he alledges against our thus interpreting sin for a sin-offering ; that then sin wou'd be us'd equivocally in differing senses ; and suppose it be , what would the ill consequence be ? why , he tells you , the apostle then would bring a sophism instead of an argument . he knew no sin properly , ergo , he was made sin. cross 's two sermons on justification and imputed righteousness , p. 32. now what if this text be a naked assertion , and not design'd for an argument , what sophistry would there be in it , if the apostle barely tell us , he that was no sinner himself , was yet made a sacrifice for our sin. but if he will have no argument of it , 't will be as weak and impertinent , though the words should be interpreted according to his mind : he knew no sin properly , ergo , he was made sin ; i see no consequence in it , whether the phrase bare his sense or ours . as to what he next alledges , p. 33. from its opposition to righteousness , it signifies as little ; for that the apostle is not here ( there is no appearing proof that he is ) critically contradistinguishing christ's being made sin , and our being made righteousness ; nay , the contrary is plain , for that he uses differing words in reference to christ and us to intimate that he did not intend , christ was made sin , in the same way , or sense , that we are made righteousness ; nor can he for that alteration , be justly charg'd again as sophisticating , whilst he only designs to acquaint us , that our being made righteousness ( take it in one sense or other ) did pre-require , and derive from christ's having been made a sacrifice for us . as to his third allegation against us , i cann't guess what he produc'd it for . and for his fourth , that the word made is sometimes us'd for imputed , if that shou'd be granted him , yet still it must be added , that 't is where other words are found in the greek text ; for i remember not ( nor do i think our opposer can produce ) one single instance where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is made use of in the text ) does carry that sense : it does most plainly intimate the work of an effective agent ; and therefore does strongly argue for our sense of the text , that he was made a sacrifice for sin , made sin in such a sense as that god might be the author and efficient , without being chargeable as the author of sin. and for his fifth and last objection , that criticks distinguish betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and say the latter is us'd for a sacrifice , not the former : i think we have already made the contrary sufficiently appear from the lxx . to whom he refers us . so that i see not what further can be pleaded against this interpretation of the text. in notis ad justini . instit . tit. 30. p. ( mihi ) 494. de satisf . p. 123 , 126 p. 13. ib. p. 124. discourse of the sufferings of christ , p. 17. interest of reason in religion , p. 536. grotius de satisfact . cap. 6. p. ( mihi ) 123 p. 126. discourse of the sufferings of christ , p. 15. ib. p. 123. ib. p. 133. ib. p. 16. baxt. of universal redempt . p. 79. crell . resp . ad grot. cap. 1. §. 78. p. ( mihi ) 98. c. 2. §. 29. p. 198. de satisf . cap. 1. p. 9 , 10. discourse of christ's suff. p. 69. discour . of the suff. of christ . p. 59. ib. p. 73. meth. the. p. iii. c. 1. determ . 5. p. 38. pufendorf . element . jurisp . univers . lib. 1. def . 21. §. 7. p. 237. baxt. two disputat . of original sin , p. 156. an account of the late establishment of presbyterian-government by the parliament of scotland anno 1690 together with the methods by which it was settled, and the consequences of it : as also several publick acts, speeches, pleadings, and other matters of importance relating to the church in that kingdom : to which is added a summary of the visitation of the universities there in a fifth letter from a gentleman at edinburgh, to his friend at london. sage, john, 1652-1711. 1693 approx. 212 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59415 wing s284 estc r13590 13135655 ocm 13135655 97929 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59415) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97929) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 750:17) an account of the late establishment of presbyterian-government by the parliament of scotland anno 1690 together with the methods by which it was settled, and the consequences of it : as also several publick acts, speeches, pleadings, and other matters of importance relating to the church in that kingdom : to which is added a summary of the visitation of the universities there in a fifth letter from a gentleman at edinburgh, to his friend at london. sage, john, 1652-1711. [8], 100 p. printed for jos. hindmarsh ..., london : 1693. errata: p. 100. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism. scotland -church history. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an account of the late establishment of presbyterian-government by the parliament of scotland anno 1690. together with the methods by which it was settled , and the consequences of it : as also several publick acts , speeches , pleadings , and other matters of importance relating to the church in that kingdom . to which is added a summary of the visitation of the universities there ; in a fifth letter from a gentleman at edinburgh , to his friend at london . si tibi vitae nostrae vera imago sucourret , videberis tibi videre captae cum maximè civitatis faciem , in quâ , omisso pudoris , rectique respectu , vires in consilio sunt , velut signo ad permiscenda omnia dato . non igni , non ferro abstinetur : soluta legibus scelera sunt : nec religio quidem quae inter arma hostilia supplices texit , ullum impedimentum est ruentium in praedam , &c. seneca de benef. lib. 7. cap. 27. — quid nos dura refugimus aetas ? quid intactum nefasti liquimus ? unde manus iuventus metu deorum continuit ? quibus pepercit aris ? horat. carm. lib. 1. od. 35. london , printed for ios. hindmarsh , at the golden ball over-against the royal-exchange in cornhil . m dc xciii . advertisement by the publisher to the reader . i have ever thought that justice and candor require not only , that we should not utter any thing against our adversaries which we know to be false ; but also that we should suppress nothing which we know would vindicate them , or extenuate that whereof they are accused ; and therefore , having come to the knowledge of a particular , which escap'd the author's diligence at the writing of this relation , i am satisfied it will be as grateful to him , as fair to our adversaries to acquaint the reader with it here . the thing is concerning mr. james kirton's taking the benefit of the act of parliament made in favour of the old presbyterian ministers , as is related p. 24 of this book : and after a diligent enquiry , made by my self and others , i find that that account is true to a tittle from the beginning to the end of it . but that which i will not conceal , is , that mr. kirton having preached two sundays in august 1690 , at martin , and thereby secured to himself the benefice from whitsunday 1689 , was persuaded by friends to give mr. meldrum , the episcopal minister , one half year of the benefice of martin . i designed to have told this in its proper place , p. 24 , but this was prevented , that sheet being printed off sooner than i expected . the contents . a short introduction . pag. 1 act of the privy council at edinburgh , december the 24th 1689. prohibiting all inferiour iudges to give or execute any decrees in favour of such of the episcopal clergy , as had been thrust from their charges by the rabble before the 13th of april 1689. ibid. this act furnishes a pretext to these , especially of the western shires , where rabbling had most prèvailed , to refuse payment for what was due of the year 1688 , and preceding years . p. 2 the misery , this act reduced the clergy to , induced them to endeavour to have it repealed or favourably explained , but their endeavours are in vain . p. 3 the parliament meets april 25 , 1690. their first act rescinds the first of the second parliament of king charles the second , 1669. entituled , act asserting his majesties supremacy over all persons , and in all causes ecclesiastical and civil . p. 4 , 5 the thorough pac'd presbyterians nickt , for this rescissory act does not reach many other acts , which assert the supremacy to a degree inconsistent with their pretensions ; yet it encourages the presbyterians to go on , and ask an intire settlement of their whole scheme . ibid. the address they presented to the commissioner , and the estates of parliament . p. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 remarks upon this address . p. 10 , 11 the case of the presbyterian ministers , who after the first of january 1661 were turned out of the churches they then possessed , and the act restoring them . p. 12 , 13 the account upon which these presbyterian ministers were by act of parliament 1662 put from the churches , which they possest ; was their refusing to give obedience to the law requiring them to take presentations to their churches from their lawful patrons . p. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 the act entituled an act concerning such benefices and stipends as have been possest without presentation from the lawful patrons : for non-compliance with which the presbyterian ministers were outed 1662. p. 18 , 19 that act justified . p. 20 an account of the act of the privy council at glasgow in pursuance of the foresaid act of parliament . p. 21 the severity of the act restoring the old presbyterian ministers : by it the episcopal incumbents were not only ejected out of their benefices , but deprived of a whole years rent , for which they had served the cure , without any ground of hope to be provided of other churches , and this notwithstanding their compliance with the government . p. 22 , 23 the rigorous execution of this act ; instances of this . p. 24 , 25 an account of the act ratifying the confession of faith , and settling the presbyterian government . p. 26 the arts used to prepare the parliament for this act : for this end the press employed , and pamphlets published recommending presbytery , and disgracing and defaming prelacy , speeches made by the high commissioner and president of the parliament . p. 27 , 28 , 29 the pulpit tun'd to serve their design , with an account of such sermons as were printed . p. 30 to 36 endeavours of the zealots for promoting the good old cause , and of their agents and pensioners . p. 36 an account how the act was prepared , debated , voted ; list and account of the committee nominated for church affairs , to whom this act was recommended . p. 37 , 38 the act as it was made a law. p. 39 , 40 , 41 the confession of faith read in the house and ratified ; the ratification of the directory and catechism , required in the presbyterian address , and yet these not mentioned in the act. 42 , 43 , 44 act 2. parl. 2. car. ii. entituled act acknowledging and asserting the right of sucession to the imperial crown of scotland repealed in this act establishing presbytery . sir james montgomery of skelmurly reasons for repealing the act. the duke of hamilton and lord staires reason against repealing it . reflections made out of the house upon the repealing the act about succession . 45 , 46 that article of the act establishing presbytery which puts the government of the church entirely in the hands of the known , sound presbyterians considered . 47 those episcopal ministers , who had given obedience to the civil government , petition the parliament against that article , and beg to be allowed a share in the ecclesiastical iurisdiction . ibid. & 48 their petition presented , and back'd by the duke of hamilton , and yet rejected with scorn . ibid. mr. ross , a member of the house , proposes , that those presbyterian ministers , who had been deposed by their own ecclesiastical iudicatories , before the re establishment of episcopacy , an. 1662. might not be included in the number of those sound presbyterians in whose hands the government was to be established in the first instance : this proposal rejected . 49 duke hamilton reasons against putting the government solely in the hands of those known , sound presbyterians , but without success . ibid. the kng's power in ecclesiastical matters debated in parliament . 50 the petition of the episcopal ministers , who were thrust from their churches by force and violence of the rabble , in december 1688 , or at any time thereafter before the 13th . of april 1689. 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 the article concerning the rabbled clergy considered , and three amendments the duke of hamilton procured to be made in it . 57 , 58 , 59. proposal , that such ministers as had not free access to their churches , and so could not obey the proclamation of the convention , april 13. upon the day appointed , but were willing to obey when they should have access , might be excepted out of the number of those who were to be declared deprived of their benefices , rejected . ibid. reasons of the duke of hamilton , that the deed of the rabble might not be ratified , i. e. that those episcopal ministers , who had been forced from their benefices by the fury of the presbyterian mobb , might not for that be deprived . 60 the petition of the rabbled clergy presented , and back'd by the duke of hamilton , but rejected without being read , and the article approved . 62 the duke resents the approving the article , and leaves the house . 63 in his absence the act is voted in cumulo , and receives afterward the royal assent . ibid. & 64 remarks on the commissioner's behaviour . ibid. the consequences this act produced , 1. thanks . 2. printed sermons . 3. presbyterian ministers got plurality of benefices , vacant by the ejection of so many episcopal ministers by that act , instances of this . 65 , 66 , 67 the duke of hamilton and some other councillors procure a gift of a year's revenue of their own benefices , to some of those episcopal ministers , who had been turned out by the mobb . restrictions the presbyterian lords got put on this . 68 , 69 the petitions of many of those ministers rejected by the privy council . the case of mr. skeen minister of dunsyre . 70 to 77 draught of an act , given in by the earl of linlithgow , that a toleration might be granted to those of the episcopal persuasion , to worship god after their own manner ; and particularly , that those who were inclined to use the english liturgy , might do it safely . 77 this rejected . the party , especially the preachers , incensed at the design , and in their sermons declaim vehemently against it . ibid. patronages abolished , and a new strange model of electing ministers established . 78 act of parliament , prohibiting those ministers who were deprived by the committee of estates , and by the privy council , an. 1689. for not reading in their pulpits the proclamation against owning the late king iames , and not praying publickly for william and mary , as king and queen of scotland , to exercise any part of their ministerial function , till they swear and subscribe the oath of allegiance , and also engage themselves under their hands , to pray for k. william and q : mary , as king and queen of scotland , and not to own the late king james vii . for their king in any sort . 79 , 80. they are likewise obliged to subscribe a declaration called a certificate of assurance , which explodes the distinction of a king de facto and de jure . 81 they do not comply , but for sometime cease from the publick exercise of their ministry . 82 after some time they begin again to exercise their ministry in their own houses ; the presbyterian preachers perplexed at this , and move the privy council to prosecute them . 83 instances of episcopal ministers prosecuted upon this account . ibid. the presbyterians attempt to obtrude a presbyterian preacher on the parish of errol . a tumult upon that account . 84 dr. nicolson indicted , and libelled before the privy council . the narrative of his libel , with the cause why this narrative is inserted . 85 , 86 , 87 , 88. a short account of the visiting the universities . 89 to 95 the proclamation of april 13. 1689 , against owning the late king james , and appointing publick prayers for william and mary , king and queen of scotland . 95 , 96 the speech of william earl of crawfurd , president to the parliament of scotland , april 22. 1690. 97 , 98 , 99 , 100 sir , although i am satisfied , that the papers already in print concerning the persecutions , the episcopal church in scotland has suffered of late , do furnish matter enough to move the compassion of a friend , and glut the malice even of the most inveterate enemy ; yet finding by your last , that you earnestly desire to know more about them ; and not being able to resist your importunity , i have been at the pains to send you this following account . the former relation , as i remember , brought things no farther down , than that act of privy council , dated december 24. 1689. by which all inferiour judges within the nation , were prohibited to give decrees in favour of such of the clergy , as had been thrust from their charges by tumult and rabble , before the 13th of april preceding . notwithstanding you have that act in print already , yet being it must give the rise of this brief supplement , i shall here again transcribe it . an act of council , at edinburgh , dec. 24. 1689. the lords of his majesties privy council , considering , that by the ●ot of the meeting of estates of the date the thirteenth day of april last , there is a difference made betwixt the ministers then in possession , and exercise of their ministry , at their respective churches , and those who were not so . and that the case of the ministers who were not in the actual exercise of their ministerial function , the thirteenth day of april last , lies yet under the consideration of the parliament , and lest in the mean time they may call and pursue for the stipends ( alledged ) due to them , or put in execution the decrees and sentences already obtained at their instance for the same , before the estates of parliament can meet , and give the determinations in the points . therefore the said lords of privy council , finding that the case foresaid depending before the parliament is not obvious to be cognosced upon , and decided by the inferiour iudges , but that the same should be left entire to the decision of the parliament , have thought fit to signifie to all inferiour courts and ministers of the law , that the matter above-mentioned , is depending before the parliament , to the effect they may regulate and govern themselves in the judging of all processes to be intented before them upon the said matter , or in executing the sentences already pronounced thereupon , as they will be answerable . sic subscribitur , crawford , i. p. d. s. con. no sooner did that act pass , than copies of it were instantly sent by the councils order , to all inferiour judges , within whose jurisdictions those parishes lay , from which the ministers had been forced before that 13th of april , so fatal to our clergy : and forthwith a stop was put to the course of justice . for generally , those who were liable to pay the tythes in the western shires , where rabling had most prevailed , refused to pay one farthing of what was due for the year 1688. or any years preceding ; having for them the pretext of this act of council : neither would the judges grant sentences in favour of any such ministers , as had the hard fortune to stand in these unlucky circumstances . and indeed it was no wonder , if the judges were shy to meddle with such an act ; considering on the one hand , how darkly and indistinctly it was worded ; and on the other , how ticklish the times then were ; and how natural it was for the council , to have turned them out of their places , if they had chanced to give it an interpretation ( however consonant with the rules of justice ) unsuitable to the designs of the government . no man , i think , needs to doubt but this treatment seem'd grievous enough to the poor sufferers . they had entered to their respective churches according to law. they had never been summoned to appear before any court , ecclesiastical or civil ; nor tryed , or convict of any crime or scandal that might infer a deprivation . only they had been thrust from their stations by lawless force and violence ; a thing so far from being criminal in them , that it rather ought to have engaged the government , to have taken particular care for their redress and restitution . what then may be thought of this precluding them the benefit of the common law , for what was uncontrovertibly due to them ? especially considering , that most of them had numerous families ; and not one of twenty , any stock of his own ( besides his benefice ) wherewith to maintain them ? hard enough sure . well . necessity , you know , sir , is a rigorous taskmaster , and puts one upon all imaginable shifts to be eased of its burthen . and so it is not to be doubted , but these poor men would bestir themselves as effectually as they could , to have that act , if not repealed , at least explained and made more favourable : as indeed they did ; but without success . for though some consellors ( such as the duke of hamilton , in whose absence the act was made ) were inclin'd to do them justice ; yet at that time the earl of crawford , and the lord cardrosse , ( two lords , who had some reason to commiserate the needy ) and their adherents of the presbyterian party , made greatest numbers at the council board ; and they had made the act , and so they would not so much as hear of admitting it to a new deliberation . this , as soon as they knew it , made the afflicted ministers ( though they had prepared their petition ) quite give over the design of addressing to the council , and betake themselves to the last remedy , patience , till the parliament should meet , to which their case by the act of council was refer'd . i have hitherto given you but a very slender account of this matter ; but if you will be pleas'd to read on , you shall have what may satisfie you before i have done . now proceed we strait to the parliament : in the mean time , i must tell you , that it is no part of my present undertaking , to meddle with any thing , but what concerns the church or the clergy . and even of that too , you are not to expect the most perfect account . the parliament met upon the 15th of april 1690. and the first thing they did in relation to the church , was the abolition of the kings supremacy in ecclesiastical matters . but alas , the thorough-pac'd presbyterians were sadly nick'd in that matter ; for it was only the act which was made anno 1669. that was rescinded ; and other acts that asserted the supremacy to a degree entirely inconsistent with the prerogatives of the kirk , were kept in force and unrepeal'd . at least , this i am sure of , mr. andrew melvill , a great promoter , if not the first parent of presbyterian parity in scotland , and mr. david black , and such antient worthies of the sect , reckoned them intolerable , when they called them , the bloody gullies of arbitrary power ; [ i. e. the cut-throat knives . ] but that 's no great matter ; only one thing let me add further concerning the first act , which is , that it founds the repeal of that sixty nine act upon this reason , that , that supremacy was inconsistent with the establishment of the church-government ( not now in being , for presbytery was not erected till six weeks after ; but ) now desired ; which what sense it may make in law or politicks , it is not my purpose to enquire . but i remember many thought then , that it was a pretty odd fetch in common reason to abolish that act , because the supremacy , as explained in it , was inconsistent with what had no real existence , but only an imaginary one in the desires of a party . but however that was , the making this act , was an encouraging step to the presbyterian ministers : for no sooner had they found by this , that their party was strongest in the parliament , than they presented their petition to it , craving an entire settlement of all their new and peculiar scheme : which petition , because it was of so considerable consequence , and so far as i can learn , though twice published here , yet never reprinted in england , and so perhaps you have not had occasion to consider it ; i will here set down , and give you some short animadversions upon it . to his grace his majesties high-commissioner , and to the right honourable , the estates of parliament . the humble address of the presbyterian ministers and professors of the church of scotland , sheweth , that as we cannot but acknowledge and adore the holy and righteous dispensation of the lord in all the great and long continued afflictions , wherewith he hath afflicted us for our sins ; so we are not a little filled with admiration at the great and wonderful providence of our most gracious god , who alone doth great wonders , for his mercy endureth for ever : that at such a time , when our strength was gone , and there was none to deliver , he mercifully stirred up that pious and magnanimous prince william , then prince of orange , now by the good hand of god our gracious soveraign , to espouse the interest of the protestant religion , and of the afflicted ministers and professors thereof in these kingdoms , and hath blessed him in so heroick and noble an undertaking with agreeable success : as also , hath raised up your lordships , our most noble and honourable patriots , to joyn heartily with his majesty , in appearing zealously for securing of the protestant religion in this kingdom , and for what may tend to the better establishment thereof in all its concerns ; and in evidencing your just indignation against the corruptions of church and state , in your lordships claim of right : and particularly by freeing us of the yoke of prelacy , and of the undue powers , and ecclesiastical supremacy in church matters , formerly established in the supreme magistrate . and these your lordships zealous beginnings for appearing for the interest of the protestant religion , and professors thereof , have been , and are great matter of joy to our hearts , and of blessing and magnifying our lord and master in your lordships behalf : so they are a door of hope to us , and to all that love the true reformed protestant religion in this land , that his grace , his majesties high commissioner , and this honourable court of parliament , will in your station , go on zealously in your work of purging this poor oppressed church , from all corruptions brought into it , by ambitious and covetous church-men , who sought their own things , but not the things of iesus christ ; and from all the sad consequences , which have followed upon the erecting of prelacy ; such as were the driving several hundreds of ministers all at one time out of their churches , without either accusation or citation ; and the filling of their places with ignorant and scandalous persons ( which his majesty is graciously pleased to notice in his declaration for scotland , as an occasion of all this poor churches miseries , and from which unsupportable sufferings , he declared his resolution to relieve and rescue us , ) and we may add , with many also erroneous and unsound in the faith , enemies to the reformation , and who have now appeared disaffected to the present civil government ; as also framing of a numerous train of severe laws , severely executed both on ministers and people of all degrees ; so for that even while we were counted and treated as sheep for the slaughter , we might not petition or complain , without rendring our selves highly criminal by the laws and acts then made . all which , we hope , the commissioner his grace , and your lordships in this present parliament will take to your serious consideration , and will free this poor oppressed church from such oppressors and oppressions , and settle it again upon the right foundations of government and discipline , agreeable to the word of god , and established in this church by law , near an hundred years agoe . which settlement , we are confident , will prove the best remedy of all our otherways incurable distractions , and the mean of quieting and uniting the whole country , in a joynt and firm opposition against all his majesties , and your lordships enemies . we therefore , his majesties most loyal subjects , and your lordships most humble and dutiful servants in christ , humbly beseech the commissioner his grace , and honourable estates of parliament , seeing the kings majesty hath declared , and your lordships with him , have zealously appeared for the protestant religion , you will be graciously pleased , by your civil sanction , to establish and ratifie the late confession of faith , with the larger and shorter catechisms ( which contain the sum and substance of the doctrine of the reformed churches ) the directory of worship , and presbyterial church government and discipline , all agreeable to the word of god , and formerly received by the general consent of this nation . and seeing prelacy , and all who have entered under prelacy , have been imposed upon the church , without her consent , in any of her free general assemblies ; and that presbyterial government , cannot be secure in the hands of them , who are of contrary principles ; therefore we humbly petition that the church-government may be established in the hands of such only , who by their former carriage and sufferings have evidenced , that they are known sound presbyterians , and well affected to his majesties government ; or who , hereafter shall be found to be such , ( which are hopeful by the grace of god , shall be managed with such christian prudence , moderation and tenderness , as shall leave no just matter of complaint to any ) and that not only these ministers yet alive , who were unjustly thrust from their churches , may be restored thereto ; and these parishes and flocks at that time , no less violently imposed upon , may be freed from intruders ; but also , all other presbyterian ministers , who either are already , or may be , by respective flocks orderly called hereafter , may have access to be settled in churches after the presbyterian way , as they shall be ecclesiastically approved and appointed , and may have your lordships civil sanction added thereunto . and we also request , that the church thus established may be allowed by your lordships civil sanction , to appoint visitations for purging out insufficient , negligent , scandalous and erroneous ministers . and seeing patronages which had their rise in the most corrupt and latter times of antichristianism have always been a great grievance to this church , as the source and fountain of a corrupt ministry , that these may be abolished ; and that the church may be established upon its former good foundations , confirmed by many acts of parliament , since the year one thousand five hundred and sixty . and that all acts contrary to this government , that ratifie ceremonies , and impose punishments on presbyterians for non-conformity , and for worshiping of god according to their principles , may be abrogate . and as a good and necessary mean for preserving the purity of the church , your lorships take care that learned , sound and godly men be put in universities , and seminaries , of learning ; ( humbly submitting to your lordships wisdom the method of considering and effecting these our desires ) . thus all things being done for the house of the god of heaven , according to the commandment of the god of heaven , by your lordships pious and wise managing these affairs of the church of christ : this poor , long oppressed , and tossed church ; may at length , through god's blessing , arrive at a safe and quiet harbour ; and the true honour and happiness of his majesty and your lordships , as the signal nursing fathers of the church of christ in this land , may be advanced and continued to future generations : and so the blessing of the church that was ready to perish , may remain still upon his majesty and your lordships . and your lordships petitioners shall ever pray , that god may bless and protect the persons of their majesties king william and queen mary long to rule and govern this nation , and your lordships under them . this petition word for word ( unless it was in one or two sentences ) had been presented by them to the parliament the year before ; ( for a man may be against set forms in their petitions to god , yet for them in petitions to parliaments ) while the duke of hamilton was commissioner , but his grace was no ways pleased with it for several reasons , but principally that they craved , that the church government might be established in the hands of such only who by their former carriage and sufferings had evidenced , that they were known sound presbyterians . for what was this ( said his grace ) but to pull down one sort of prelacy , and set up another in its place ; to abolish one that was consistent and intelligible , and establish another that imply'd contradictions ? and indeed there was no answering this difficulty . for there were but about fifty or sixty such ministers alive in the whole nation ; and it was craved that the government of the church should be established in their hands in the first instance ? which what was it else but instead of fourteen prelatical , to give us about fifty or sixty presbyterian bishops ? but such was the posture of their affairs at that time , that there was no other way they could see for securing their interest , and so they made necessity justifie a little nonsense ; and this year they had a more favourable commissioner to deal with , the good earl of melvill . but then there is a great deal of considerable stuff in it . for observe , i pray you , the charitable judgment they make of the bishops and episcopal clergy . all the distractions have been in this kingdom will continue still incurable , unless this poor oppressed church be purged from all corruptions brought into it , by ambitions and covetous church-men , ( it is well they are allowed to be church-men ) who sought their own things , but not the things of iesus christ. and with whom were the churches filled when prelacy was erected , and the presbyterian ministers turn'd out ? with ignorant and scandalous persons , nay with many erroneous , and unsound in the faith , and enemies to the reformation , and till the church is freed from these oppressors , and oppressions she can never be right , is not all this charitably said ? yet this is not the worst of it . for , consider the whole strain of the petition , and they are the only protestants of the nation ; for if we may believe them . god stirred up the prince of orange to espouse the interest of the protestant religion , and of the afflicted ministers and professors thereof . and yet i am very sure many will confidently affirm he did not espouse ( at his first coming to britain at least ) the interest of the afflicted ministers of their persuasion in scotland . further , god raised up their lordships ( the members of parliament ) their most noble and honourable patriots to prejoyn heartily with his majesty in appearing zealously for serving the protestant religion in this kingdom , and for what may tend for the better establishing of it in all its concerns . now what is all this , but that though king iames had given a toleration to the presbyterians , yet that put them only in a very weak , uncertain , and arbitrary state , and they could not be well enough till they had a legal establishment exclusive of all popish prelates , and their adherents . and not only so , but the steps the parliament have already made , have opened a door of hope to them , and to all that love the true reformed protestant religion in this land , that they will go on zealously , &c. which words are not capable of another sense than this , that whosoever is not zealous against prelacy and for presbytery , is not a lover of the true reformed protestant religion . there are a great many other things in this petition which deserve their proper remarks ; but i will not take notice of them any more , but as they fall in naturally in the progress of this paper , and then they shall be considered : the first of which , shall be the case of the presbyterian ministers who were turned out of these churches , they possessed , after the first of january , 1661. where in this petition you see the great injury which was done them is mightily aggravated : several hundreds of them , all at one time , were driven out of their churches , without either accusation or citation . and this was so palpable a persecution , so manifest an effort of oppression and tyranny ; that his majesty was graciously pleased to take notice of it in his declaration for scotland , 1688. which 't is very true he did , for his words are : that the dissenters in scotland have just cause of distrust , when they call to mind , how some hundreds of their ministers were driven out of their churches , without either accusation or citation . nay our petitioners are at it again , in another place of the same petition , and crave ; that these ministers who were unjustly thrust from their churches may be restored thereto ; and these parishes and flocks , at that time no less violently imposed upon , may be freed from intruders . this case , i say , i shall in the first place consider ; because it was the first thing in the petition , which was redressed by the parliament . for within a day or two after this petition was presented , this act was made , which i have transmitted to you . act restoring the presbyterian ministers , who were thrust from their churches since the first of january , 1661. april 25. 1690. forasmuch , as by an act of this present parliament , relative to , and in prosecution of the claim of right , prelary and the superiority of church-officers above presbyters , is abolished ; and that many ministers of the presbyterian persuasion , since the first of january , 1661. have been deprived of their churches , or banished for not conforming to prelacy , and not complying with the courses of the time. therefore their majesties with the advice and consent of the estates of parliament , ordain and appoint that all those presbyterian ministers yet alive , who were thrust from their churches since the first day of january , 1661. or banished for not conforming to prelacy , and not complying with the courses of the time , have forthwith free access to their churches , and that they may presently exercise the ministry in those parishes , without any new call thereto ; and allows them to brook and enjoy the benefits and stipends thereunto belonging and that for the whole crop 1689. and immediately to enter to the churches and manses , where the churches are vacant , and where they are not vacant , then their entry thereto is declared to be the half of the benefice and stipend , due and payable at michaelmass last , for the half year immediately preceeding betwixt whitsunday and michaelmass : declaring that the present incumbent shall have right to the other half of the stipend and benefice payable for the whitsunday last bypast : and to the effect that these ministers may meet with no stop or hinderance , in entring immediately to their charges , the present incumbents in such churches are hereby appointed upon intimation hereof to desist from their ministry in these parishes , and to remove themselves from the manses and glebes thereunto belonging , betwixt and whitsunday next to come , and that the presbyterian ministers formerly put out may enter peaceably thereto . and appoints the privy council to see this act put in execution . which act you see uses the same colours for representing the odiousness of the usage these presbyterian ministers had receiv'd , that the declaration and the presbyterian petition had made use of before , especially in the statutory part , where it says in express terms , that they were thrust from their charges , ( which can import no less than force and violence in opposition to law and iustice , it calls the churches from which they had been thus thrust , their churches ) : as if notwithstanding their dispossession they had still continued to have a title good in law , and it restores them forthwith to the exercise of their ministry in their parishes , without any new call thereto ; each of which singly , much more altogether make it evident , that this their restitution was intended by the parliament not as an act of favour , but of justice , as if these ministers had been unjustly and illegally dispossess'd , and now sir. when all these things are laid together , so solemn a declaration , the presbyterian ministers so earnest petition , and the parliaments so publick an act , all conspiring to represent that matter so very odious and unjust , i hope it shall not be displeasing to you , if i shall endeavour briefly to set it in its due light . it is true indeed a good many of these ministers were dispossessed anno 1662. how many , i confess i cannot tell exactly , but i doubt much if they were so many as they are commonly said to be . i shall likewise grant , that they were dispossessed without either accusation or citation . herein i acknowledge they speak truth , and yet i doubt if you shall find so much as one jot of iniquity in their dispossession when it is considered impartially . the case was truly this , as before the reformation of religion in this kingdom ( which as to its legal establishment is variously dated , some reckoning from the year 1560. others from 1567. ) patronages of churches in this kingdom were in force ; so when the church was reformed , ( notwithstanding of all the changes which were then , and have been since ) our law did still continue them , and no man was ever judged to have a legal title to any church or benefice ; unless he had a presentation from the patron , and a collation from the bishop , whilst episcopacy was the legal establishment ; which it continued to be for many years after the reformation , without interruption : or from a presbytery after presbyterian government began to prevail . and as this was still our law without any shadow of interruption , so it was likewise the constant practice of the nation , not only before the late presbyterian rebellion against king charles the first commenced , but even for a good number of years after , that is , till about the year 1646. or 1647. when the rebellion by divine permission turn'd prosperous , and the kings affairs were reduced to a very low ebb , and the presbyterian interest was in a very flourishing condition : till that time i say , presentations by patrons to churches were in constant practice ( as well as warranted by law ) in this kingdom . but then indeed the kirk-men , sensible of their strength , began to adventure amongst other illegal usurpations ( to say no worse ) to take upon them the disposal of churches and benefices , by bringing that cheat , which they called popular elections , in vogue , and presentations by patrons in desuetude . i call popular election a cheat ; for in effect it was no other : and the poor deluded populace had no more true power than before , and ministers were as much impos'd on them then as ever , as might easily be made appear , not only from the common methods were then taken in managing elections , but also from the express limitations and restrictions with which even the general assemblies clog'd them . however the sound of the name , for a while , enchanted the unthinking multitude ; and the party had a turn to serve by it : and so it was push'd on with a great deal of zeal in many places , without any considerable opposition ( as indeed who durst then adventure to oppose what the ministers were for ) . the party thus finding their strength successful in so many single instances , gathered suitable degrees of courage ; and pursued their design so effectually , that at last they got patronages abolished , and popular elections set up by a certain meeting of some noblemen , gentlemen and burgesses , who were pleas'd to call themselves a parliament anno 1649. and this act of that pretended parliament , if it even deserves that name , was all the pretence of law that ever was for popular elections in this church since the reformation ; but it was enough for the then kirk ; any shadow or colour of a pretext , being still both law and gospel to them , when it makes for their purpose . and accordingly all the ministers who were setled in any churches after that time , till the happy restitution of the monarchy , that is for eleven or twelve years , were promoted after this new method . no man , i think , can doubt but this was a palpable encroachment upon the rights of patrons , and a trampling on law , and by consequence a thing that called loudly for redress , when the king was restor'd , and the government began to turn upon its proper hinges , and so no wonder if the first parliament which was called by his majesty took notice of it , as indeed they did , in their first session which was holden anno 1661. for in that session two acts were made which demonstrate , that the parliament still look'd upon patronages as subsisting by law , notwithstanding the illegal interruption which had been made by the act of the pretended parliament in 1649. for instance in act 36. 1. parl. ch. 2d . session 1. it is statuted , and ordain'd , that all patrons shall be carefull in time coming to grant presentations only to such as shall give sufficient evidence of their piety , loyalty , literature and peacable disposition , and who before they receive the presentation shall take the oath of allegiance , &c. and in that same act it is narrated : that the king's majesty has given a commission , under the great seal , as to all presentations , to all parsonages , vicarages , and other benefices , and kirks at his majesties presentation : and all this without so much as once taking notice of that act 1649. and the 54th . act of that same first session is altogether in favour of laick patrons . now both these acts , i say , were made anno 1661. and so , before episcopacy was restored , which was not till may 1662. which i observe , because , our present presbyterians in their so often named petition make the turning out of their ministers anno 1662. one of the sad consequences of the erection of prelacy . for seeing the parliament before the restitution of prelacy had considered patronages as still subsisting by law ; as is evident from these two acts. 't is evident if they were to act consequentially they could not forbear to make some such act as was made anno 1662. ( of which i shall instantly give you a further accompt ) though episcopacy had never been established . nor can there be any imaginable difficulty to any man in this matter unless it be made a question , whether the parliament when they thus supposed patronages as still subsisting by law made a just supposition . but that i think may be very soon determined : for as i have said all the old laws of the kingdom were positive for patronages ; only that act of the pretended parliament anno 1649. could be pleaded for popular elections ; and what a parliament was that ? a convention of rebels , who had presumed to meet without being called by any authority , except what they treasonably assum'd to themselves . for all the world knows that king charles the i. at that time was dead , i need not tell you how ; and king charles the ii. was not within his dominions , and was so far from calling that parliament , or being present himself , or having any commissioner or representative at it , that i doubt much if he knew that there was such a meeting till it was dissolved . all which ( and many more such nullities , which for brevity i forbear to mention ) was so recent and notorious , anno 1661. that the parliament , tho it casted and annulled all the acts of the pretended parliament holden in the years 1640 , 41 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , by its 15th act , yet did not so much as make the least mention of that meeting in the 49th , not thinking it worthy of the name , so much as of a pretended parliament . for which , whether they had not reason , i leave to the world to judge . but to proceed . the parliament having laid such a foundation , an. 1661. and continuing to act consequentially anno 1662. they made an act about the middle of may , which because it so distinctly clears the whole matter in its narrative , i have transcribed at large . act concerning such benefices and stipends as have been possessed without presentation from the lawful patrons . the kings most excellent majesty , being desirous that all his good subjects may be sensible of the happy effects and fruits of the royal government , by a free , peaceable , and easie enjoyment of their due interests and properties under his protection . and that in his restitution they may find themselves restored to those rights which by law were secured unto them , and by the violence and injustice of the late troubles and confusions have been wrested from them : and considering that , notwithstanding the right of patronages be duly setled , and established by the ancient and fundamental laws , and constitutions of this kingdom , yet divers ministers of this church , have and do possess benefices and stipends in their respective cūres without any right or presentation to the same from the patrons . and it being therefore most just , that the lawful and undoubted patrons of kirks be restored to the possession of the rights of their respective advocations , donations , and patronages . therefore his majesty with advice and consent of his estates of parliament doth statute and ordain , that all these ministers who entered to the cure of any parish in burgh or land within this kingdom , in or since the year 1649. ( at and before which time the patrons were most injuriously dispossessed of their patronages ) have no right unto , nor shall receive , uplift , nor possess , the rents of any benefice , modified stipends , mause or glebe for this present crop , 1662. nor any year following , but their places , benefices , and kirks , are ipso jure vacant . yet his majesty to evidence his willingness to pass by , and cover the miscarriages of his people , doth with advice aforesaid declare , that this act shall not be prejudicial to any of these ministers in what they have possessed or is due to them since their admission , and that every such minister who shall obtain a presentation from the lawful patron , and have collation from the bishop of the diocese where he liveth , betwixt and the twentieth of september next to come , shall thenceforth have right to , and enjoy his church , benefice , mause , glebe as fully and freely as if he had been lawfully presented and admitted thereto at his first entry , or as any minister within the kingdom doth or may do . and for that end it is hereby ordained , that the respective patrons shall give presentations to all the present incumbents who in due time shall make application to them for the same . and in case any of these churches shall not be thus duly provided before the said twentieth of september , then the patron shall have freedom to present another betwixt and the twentieth day of march 1663. which , if he shall refuse or neglect , the presentation shall then fall to the bishop jure devoluto , according to former laws . and such like his majesty with advice foresaid doth statute and ordain the archbishops , and bishops to have the power of new admission and collation to all such churches and benefices , as belong to their respective sees , and which have valted since the year 1637. and to be careful to plant and provide these their own kirks conform to this act. this act you see is so very clear and plain , that it would be superfluous to insist on any long explications of it , only three things i would desire you to remember in it . the first is , that , as i noted before , the parliament insists mainly on the rights and privileges of the patrons in the narrative and form of this act ; so that the presbyterians talk wide in their petition , when they say that this act was one of the sad consequences of the erection of prelacy . nay secondly , as it is obvious to any who considers this . this act does not at all consider these ministers as presbyterian , for then it would have considered all presbyterian ministers equally , which it does not : for it only considers such as had illegally possessed themselves of such churches and benefices from the year 1649. at least so far as laick patrons are concerned . but not so much as a word of such as had entered before that year , and yet there were many such : and this act was so far from depriving them that they continued in the exercise of their ministry , and enjoy'd their benefices for many years after that act was made , and put in execution . the third thing is , the clemency of the then government even towards these who had possessed themselves illegally of churches after the year 1649. for you see the act declares that the parliaments sentence , pronouncing all such churches ipso jure vacant , was without prejudice to any of these ministers , who should apply themselves to the lawful patron , and obtain his presentation . what greater temper could the government then shew ? would they have had it to have downright authorized their illegal usurpations ? was this to thrust them from their charges , when they might have kept them upon so equitable terms ? and was this a grievous persecution ? but to go on , notwithstanding that this act was as peremprory , as it was just and reasonable , yet a great many of these ministers who had entered illegally after the year 1649 , from what principle i am not now to enquire , turn'd obstinate , and refused to take the benefit offered by the act of parliament against the time prefixt : and therefore the privy council meeting at glasgow after the term was expired , in pursuance of the design of the act of parliament , made an act declaring all such churches ipso facto vacant . this was that famous act which commonly passes under the name of the act of glasgow . and god knows how many ill things it has been called since by the party , but with what reason , let any man consider . but , perhaps that act has been executed with some wonderful rigidity , and that hath raised the clamour : no such matter , for in effect they themselves prevented all the trouble of a rigid execution ; for immediately upon the publication of the act of glasgow , they generally forbore the exercise of their ministry , and deserted their flocks : whether they did so from a mistaken conceit , that the church could not be served without them , and that ere long the government would find it self obliged to give them their will , and court them to return to their charges , as many then judged , i shall not now affirm ; but that they actually did so , is so very notorious that to this very day they themselves dare not deny it . and there is nothing better known , than that they have more than once condemned themselves , and been condemned by the most judicious of their parry , for parting so tamely with their churches . and now sir , considering all i have said , where was the necessity of either accusation or citation . how ordinary is it in all kingdoms and commonwealths to prescribe such terms by law , as whosoever shall not perform , shall be deprived of such and such publick encouragements without further process of law ? need i rub up your memory for example ? or have you not one fresh before your eyes in the kingdom of england ? besides it had been absolutely improper in their case , for the parliament was not to punish them ; as indeed it did not , but only it did declare , that they had no title , as it was evident they had none . i will only add one thing more upon this head ; suppose nothing could have been said in vindication of their deprivation , or rather dispossession , but it had been truly unjust ; yet methinks it will very ill become the presbyterian party ever after the years 1688. and 1689. to open their mouths about it ; considering how many ministers , ( who had without controversie entered to their charges according to law ) were most barbarously turn'd out of their churches by pure force and rabble ; and all this was justified , and their churches thereupon declar'd vacant , by i need not tell you whom ; but of this more afterwards . and so much at present about the dispossession of the presbyterian ministers , anno 1662. but i have not yet done with our act of parliament which restored them . for , besides the good office it did them , we must try if it did any bad offices to any other : and here , i think we may make short work of it . for you can no sooner set your eye upon it , than you may see , that where the churches were not vacant ( i. e. where at the date of the act , viz. the 25 of april 1690. they were possessed by the episcopal clergy ) from which the presbyterians had been thrust out , their restitution to them is declar'd to be to the half of the benefice , and stipend due and payable at michaelmas anno 1689. for the half year immediately preceding betwixt whitsunday and michaelmas , and the present prelatical incumbent shall have right only to the other half , payable at whitsunday : and withal to the effect the presbyterian ministers may meet with no stop or hinderance in entering immediately to their charges , the present incumbents in such churches are appointed upon intimation of this act to desist from their ministry in these parishes , and to remove themselves from the mauses and glebes thereto belonging , betwixt and whitsunday next to come ; that is in six weeks time , or perhaps six days , just as the intimation shall be made . now , not to insist on their case who had made no compliance with the civil government , because i know not what severities their sin may merit . i would only ask you what may be thought of the case of those who had complied with the present civil government , and had still continued in the exercise of their ministry at their respective churches , many of them till near whitsunday 1690. and some of them after it , whether was it equitable or not thus to deprive them of a whole years benefice , for which they had served , and notwithstanding they were as good subjects as their majesties could desire , to turn them out of their churches to which they had entered according to law , without the least ground of hope to be provided of other churches or livings ? are they protected and encouraged according to the merit of their compliance ? will this usage they have met with be a good motive for prevailing with the scrupulous , to bring them into a dutiful submission to the government ? well ; the good old cause is a wonderful thing , what can it not justifie ? but enough of this . and so i have done with the second act of the last session of parliament , which concerned the church , or the clergy . only , before i proceed to the next , it will not be amiss i think to hint at some of its effects . i think you will not be very unwilling to believe , that those known sound gentlemen in whose favour it was made , would be forward enough to have it put in execution , and indeed there was no want of zeal that way , but whether according to the strictest rules of christian simplicity and self denial in all instances , you may judge by these two at the present . the first shall be the famous mr. iames kirtoun , one of the most noted presbyterian preachers in the whole kingdom . this ( known sound ) man had entered , by the thing called the popular call , to the church of martin in the last times of presbytery , and had been deprived with the rest in the year 1662. when k. iames gave his toleration , anno 1687. he was preferred to a meeting-house in edinburgh where , it seems , he found better encouragement than he expected to meet with , if he should return to his own country-parish of martin : and in this meeting-house he continued , till after this act of parliament passed . mr. meldrum the episcopal minister at martin had complied with the civil government , and done all duty ; and so continued still in the exercise of his ministry there till toward the end of august 1690. that is ten or twelve weeks after whitsunday ; and not till then it was , that good mr. kirkton went to visit his poor old parish . but then he went indeed with energy sutable to his party : for no sooner arrived he there , but presently he turned peremptory , demanded the benefit of the act of parliament , thrust meldrum from the parsonage-house and the church ; preached two sundays there , and secured thereby his title to the whole benefice , from whitsunday . 1689. and then returned to edinburgh , where ( as i hear ) he has still resided since , without ever more minding his old flock at martin ; and who can blame him ? for every one who knows them both , knows that edinburgh is a much better place , and now he has left his meeting house , and possessed himself of a church in that city , after a certain sort of providential manner : but i will not trouble you with an account of it at present , hoping that you may learn it shortly from another hand : in the mean time martin continues still vacant . kirkton is wiser ( as i have said ) than to put it in the ballance with edinburgh : the rest of the presbyterian divines think it reasonable to take the best benefices , so long as they have so much scope for choice ; neither will they suffer meldrum the prelatist to return at any rate . and they are in the right , for the first book of discipline saith , it 's better to have no minister at all than a bad one . now the subsumption is easie , if the man ever owned episcopacy . the other instance shall be mr. william violent , one of the gravest and ablest men of the party ; he had been minister before the restitution of the government , at east-ferry in the shire of fife , and was also dispossessed with the rest , anno 1662. but he wanted a benefice no longer ( i think ) than till k. charles ii. granted his indulgence for planting some churches in the west with-presbyterian ministers , which was in the year , 1669. for he was among the first that embraced that indulgence , and was possessed of the church of cambus-netham ; where he continued till about the year 1684. when that indulgence was retracted , and the laws were put in execution . but after k. iames his toleration came out in the year 1678 , he took the benefit of that too , returned to cambus-netham ; got a meeting-house ( for the church was planted with a regular minister ) and continued there ( without ever minding the ferry , where there was no such encouragement ) till he had this act of parliament for him , and then about whitsunday , 1690. to the ferry he comes , dispossesses mr. white a very old man , who by reason of his age was not able to officiate by himself . but his assistant , one mr. wood , had complied in all points with the civil government ; secures to himself the benefice according to the act ; and then returns to his better provision at cambus-netham , where he had the benefice also , by another act of the same parliament , and where he still continued till he got a call to be a professor of theology in the new college in st. andrews : and so in one year he got the rents of no less than three benefices . now this is pretty strange , considering that it was wont to be one of the principal common places of the party in their invidious declamations against the pretended corruptions of the church of england . for none was represented in blacker dress , than the business of pluralities , unless it was her antichristian hierarchy and idolatrous liturgy . but i remember i heard a rare note of a sermon , which was preached within these three years . the godly may sin , but the wicked must not . and so i leave that second act of the late parliament and all its appendages . proceed we now to consider the next , which concerned the church and clergy ; namely , that wonderfully famous one . intituled , act ratifying the confession of faith , and setling presbyterian church-government , dated at edinburgh iune the seventh , 1690. this presbyterian church government is the great diana of the party , and the true parent of all these tumults , rabbles and confusions , which ruined religion , desolated the church , and oppressed the clergy : and therefore , this act that establishes it , deserves a little more fully to be considered , which i shall do by these steps . 1. i shall briefly deduce the arts were used , and the methods were taken , to work up the parliament to a suitable temper , before this weighty point came to be debated , and voted in the house . 2. i shall consider the treatment it met with in the house . and , 3. what consequences it hath produced since . to begin with the first , indeed all hands were never more busie at work , than on that occasion . prelacy , as no doubt you know already had been declared an intolerable grievance and trouble to this nation , and contrary to the inclinations of the generality of the people ever since the reformation , the year before , in our new claim of right . this the meeting of estates had done in an hurry ( how truly and honestly , you may perhaps learn more fully on another occasion ) after the whole ecclesiastical state ; and a great many members of both the other two had deserted the house ; in pursuance of the same article of the claim of right . the same intolerable prelacy was abolished by the same meeting of estates , after it was declared a parliament about the 8th of iuly the same year . but then the house could not agree about a new form of government , to be introduced upon the church . several schemes were drawn and presented , but none pleased all parties , and so no form at all was established , but the church continued in a state of meer matter , without form and void of government , for eleven months after . a strange state , sure , for a christian church : i doubt if you shall find its parallel , since ever there was one ; for there was much more in it than a sede vacante . but to go on , during this state of anarchy in the church , some people's heads began to settle ( as indeed they had need , after such an universal giddiness ) and the sudden zeal many had lately taken up for presbytherian parity began to cool and relent , if not to decay and languish : people turned thoughtful , and began to reflect and examine , whether they had found prelacy so intolerable a burthen , as the meeting of the estates had declared it to have been ; and their own sense not telling them any such thing : but finding their necks not so much galled by that yoke , which for some 27 or 28 years had lain upon them , and withal , calling to mind how many necks had smarted so very sharply under the former reign of presbytery , that they were no longer able to bear their heads . they began to compare things , and to consider if it was not better to continue at blunt cudgels with prelacy , than come streight to downright sharps with parity . in short , so far did such reasonings and recollections prevail , that the inclinations of the generality of the people , which had been made the standard in april 1689. were beginning to discover themselves to be very much different from what the party expected , about the end of that year , and the beginning of 1690. and there was no little solicitude among them , lest they had mistaken their measures , and their dear parity might chance not to be established , according to their wishes : and therefore i say , all hands were most actively at work , and the whole sect were studying to acquit themselves with a sutable diligence and application , about the time the parliament was a meeting . for instance , not only had the preachers their old petition in readiness to be presented whenever it should be seasonable , of which i have discoursed already . but also , that same week , if i remember right ; the very day before the parliament met , a worthy piece came hot from the press , intituled , a true representation of presbyterian government , &c. it was written by one mr. gilbert rule the pamphleteer general for the party . we had no less than three editions of it in a very few days , and the last the most considerable : for besides several corrections and enlargements in the book , it had the addition of a preface , wherein we were told that the book was written half a year before , and endured an examen rigorosum of the most judicious of the party ; which was news indeed , for no body would have known that by reading the book . it is truly a marvellous work , for in it you have not only the divine right of parity among churchmen , and kirk-sessions , and presbyteries , and provincial synods , and national assemblies , and ruling elders , and popular elections , &c. most doughtily asserted ; ( it was no part of his task to prove ) but also presbytery and monarchy reconciled to an ace : and the putting the government intirely in the hands of the known sound men most mysteriously justified . doubtless it has been an unaccountable negligence in some body , that it has not been , before this time , reprinted in england , and carefully dispersed all over that kingdom . for who knows what light it might have diffused , and what reformations it might have wrought among you . but that which i am concerned to take notice of in it at present , is only this , that though the author is content , that by the bye , it should advance gods glory , and do good to souls ; yet he confesses neither of these was his principal end for publishing it , at that time . for that was especially that presbyterian government might stand right in the opinion of the king and parliament , &c. and as presbytery was thus represented and recommended , so the like care was taken to disgrace and defame prelacy , in pamphlets and pasquils , as the very vilest of all vile things . and to all such dirt , trash , &c. the press was open ; but a prelatist might as well expect to subvert the government , as to get one sheet published in defence of his cause . but this was not all , it was not fit that the fate of the good old cause should stand on nothing else but paper supporters : the influence of two or three principal states-men ( and if you please , you may joyn with them states-women ) , commonly carries on a cause more effectually than a thousand printed volumes ; and therefore it was necessary , that tool should be tried also , as vigorously as was possible . and therefore the great lord melvill a constant friend to the good cause , and now their majesties comissioner , must give vent to his zeal , in his speech he made to the parliament ( they say with very little assurance ) the first day they met . but whatever his influence or zeal might be , his rhetorick was , no doubt , infinitely short of the florid and genuine eloquence of that learned as well as potent lord w. e. of c. who , the next meeting , which was april 22. delivered a sermon to the house , wherein it was easie to discern no less zeal , than art ; and no less art , than wisdom . it was forthwith published , so that i cannot think , but you have seen it already . however to make all sure i have herewith sent you a copy of it . it 's true blue all over , and you may be much enlightened by it . his lordship was president of the parliament , and that gave him the precious opportunity to open his mouth and speak . thus were the commissioners place , and the chair filled , and the press imployed . and who can imagine that upon such an exigence the pulpit would be silent ? that sure is not to be supposed : and indeed it was never exercised more warmly : for not only had they been still making it their work to promote their interest by melancholy declamations against prelacy , prelates , and prelatical church-men , after they had got footing in the churches : a theme they are generally better skilled in , than in the substantial things of christianity ; but especially at that time , their fears quickening their zeal , they were extremely eager , and every one as he had the fortune to preach before the parliament , was sure to signalize his fervour , as much as any other of his good qualities , in behalf of christ's kingdom , as they call their yesterdays parity . i must confess indeed i had neither the opportunity nor inclination to hear their sermons ; but as i was told by some who did , and as i learned by such of them as were published , no man needed condemn them of coldness or indifferency ; thus , mr. george meldrum of whom you have a sufficient account in the history of our late general assembly , in his sermon preached before the parliament april 27 , exhorts them to go on zealously in settling the government of the church of christ , according to his own appointment , recommends unto them that word of artaxerxes , ezra , 7. 23. ( this text was scarce ever missed by any of them ) whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , let it be done diligently for the house of the god of heaven , &c. commends them , and blesses the lord , that with so much unity and harmony ( for the party had been infinitly afraid of the * club , that it should have marred all their designs , but by that time it was found too weak ) they had gone some footsteps already , ( that is , had abolished prelacy and the supremacy , and restored the presbyterian ministers ) exhorts them to go on , and prays that god may be with them , &c. was not this pretty fair for an old conformist ? but , good mr. spalding clerk to the late general assembly , who had sat many a day in a little shop in the town of irwin , and measured out in retail many a noggan of brandy , was a man of much finer metal , for in his sermon which he preached before the house upon the eleventh of may ( the second that was published ) he tells them in truer stile , that now god was making way for the utter ruine and fall of antichrist and popery , in all the formes of it , ( two of which , to be sure , are episcopacy wherever it is , and the liturgy of england ) that not so much as a rag of the whore may remain , and his church may sing in triumph babylon the great is fallen , is fallen : for why ? god is now carrying on the establishment of zion upon her right basis and foundation . and to shew that he was not a flattering gospeller , who respected persons . he tells them in a parallel betwixt king saul and king david on the one hand , and king iames , and king william on the other , ( at least i protest , i can make no other sense of it ) that king william is not yet absolutely right , because he has carnal fears to bring the ark ( presbytery ) , into his own city ( the church of england ) and again , labour to perfect the reformation which ye have begun happily , and is greedily expected ; and that speedily , and in the first place command , as in ezra 7. 23. that whatsoever is commanded , &c. let reformation , i say , be perfect , and throw to the door all that belongs to the whore , even the rags which she left behind her for an errand to return again ( all prelacy and ceremonies and set forms ) and let none of babels cursed timber and stone be taken to build the lords house with . ( let not so much as one prelatist continue in the exercise of his ministry , thrust them all out , that the whole kirk may be planted with true presbyterians ) . further yet , ye have under your care and tutory christ's own bride , she is a tender virgin , and hath yet but little breasts , she hath been wounded in the house of her friends ( that must needs be , either by the cameronians , or the politick presbyterians , if i may so call them , for sure in our preachers opinion , all the prelatists come under the next denomination ) as well as by her enemies , and she is not yet heal : her wounds are yet bleeding : for the lords sake prove to her as the compassionate samaritan . luke 10. 24. bind up her wounds , pour oyl into them , and take care of her , she is nobly born , she is a kings daughter , psal. 45. 13. new come from her banishment : ( for christ , you must know had no spouse in scotland while prelacy was in it . she had been banished the kingdom ) and for her fathers blessing , for her bridgroom's blessing , and for her own blessing , who is ready to perish , deal kindly with her , and be faithful tutors to her : yea , ye have christs crown , his glory among your hands , ( that is presbyterian government ) and if you take away , or suffer one iewel of it to be lost or robb'd , not only your estates and lives , but your souls may go for it , &c. once more yet : what will ye say when ye shall be sisted at the great assise , before the tribunal of christ , to that question ? what iustice and vote gave you to me , and my afflicted church in the first parliament of king william and queen mary in scotland ? was you for me or against me ? and then he concludes telling them for their encouragement to vote right for presbytery , that , as the eyes of the lord , his holy angels , and all his people in this land , yea of all the protestant churches , are upon them , ( for who dares doubt but all the protestant churches were extremely concerned to have presbytery set up in scotland ) so they are upon the wings of the prayers of the flower of the godly in scotland : and who would not be animated by such a flight as this ? here was preaching for a parliament ! a third sermon , which was printed , was preached by the learned mr. rule , whom i mentioned before , on sunday the 25th . of may , the sunday next before the wednesday on which the act was voted ; and so it was time then , or never to speak , which forsooth , the man did accordingly : for after he had insinuated enough of dislike to the club , ( as none of them omitted to do ) , and had particularly chastised sir iames montgomery of skelmurly , though he did not name him ; for sir iames had made a long speech in the house some days before , wherein he had pleaded zealously for setting up true fourty-nine presbytery in all its dimensions ; and had made use of this as one of his principal arguments ; that presbytery thus established , would prove the best and most effectual mean , could be devised for curbing and restraining the extravagancies and excesses of princes ; which was interpreted by those of the gang , as intended of design to screw up presbytery to the highest peg , that so it might turn the sooner intollerable , and by consequence be the sooner turned down again : for though sir iames the year before , had shewed a singular zeal for the good cause , yet he was now one of the leading men of the club : and it was confidently talked , that he kept a correspondence with king iames , and so he was look'd upon by the party , as a false friend as they term it . after our preacher , ( i say ) had fairly chastised sir iames for this , he comes to his purpose by cunning and smooth advances ; for first he tells them , what a glorious nation they would make scotland by erecting presbytery in it . the warlike philistines , the rich trading tyre , the ancient ethiopia wou'd be nothing to it . make poor scotland a well reformed church ( set up presbyterian government in it ) and you shall please god , and do him better service , than if you could make her richer , and more potent and splendid than any of her neighbour nations . this was a good beginning : but what was the next step ? why a necessary fling at prelacy : we plead not for a papacy to be cardinals or prelates , &c. as if it were unquestionable that prelacy hath an essential connection with papacy or cardinalism . after this again , another very courteous humble one for presbytery . we pretend not to make church laws , but declare those christ hath made , and to impose them ( not what we think fit ) by his authority , and to censure such as will not obey his laws , not as we will , but as he hath appointed . we set up no imperium in imperio , but a ministerium &c. wonderful fine cant alamode . then another fling , yet not so much at the scottish as the english prelatists . neither is the church preferred , nor religion promoted by setting up a pompous , gaudy , theatrical kind of worship , by pretending to adorn it by modes and religious rites that christ hath not instituted &c. our preacher was owing the church of england this , because one of her bishops ( dr. cousins bishop of durham i think it was ) , had excommunicated him ; from which sentence , i believe , to this very hour he was never released ; having thus made his address , he comes home at length to his business . let christ's church enjoy all the prvileges that he has granted her . if any man withhold any one of them , they do not advance the mountain of the house of the lord as they should . sound doctrine , pure ordinances , a godly ministry , a government drawn from christ's institution , and apostolical practice , and that tendeth to advance holiness ( for prelacy , no doubt , tendeth to advance nothing but atheism and irreligion ) that it be managed by its friends , ( by the known sound presbyterians , and not by them that would supplant it ) not by these juggling prelatists , who would now be content to call themselves presbyterians , so that they may be permitted to keep their benefices ) that they assemble as oft as is needful for this end , ( i. e. have the power of calling , ordering and disolving general assembles independent on the crown , &c. ) that church-officers be look'd out and chosen by the people of god , and not imposed upon them by mens will : that the fountains out of which a godly seed for the church may issue , be kept pure , ( i. e. that no prelatist be permitted to stay in the universities ) that discipline may be duly exercised , and whatever letts to religion , and snares to the serious godly , men have framed into laws ( i. e. all the penal statutes against the presbyterians ) may be removed : this would conduce much to the advancement of the church ; and ( n. b. ) and if any of these be neglected , she is not set upon the top of the mountains , but somewhat else is preferred to her : at this rate dogmatized mr. gilbert . the fourth whose sermon was published , was that able man mr. david williamson : 't is true indeed it was not preached till after presbytery was established ; and so you may think it is inartificially done to bring it in here ; but i had rather take a reproof for transgressing the rules of history , than not record the testimony of such a vigorous witness ; especially considering how notable it is ; for it is in real sense , that christ was a martyr for presbyterian government . his very words are these ; church-government is no light matter , it is an ordinance of god , the royal diadem of christ , he was a martyr on this head , it was his ditty on the cross. joh. 19. 19. iesus of nazareth king of the iews . a wonderful sermon this was as ever you read , i was once at the pains , to number the particulars he had amassed in it : and if my memory serves me , they were about 180. i have thus given you this tast of their sermons , at once , though it is not so exactly agreable to the true order of things , that you may have the fuller view of them ; and i might not be obliged to make so many interruptions as another method would have required . and by this sample you may judge both of the parts and zeal of the rest of the brethren ; for it is not to be doubted but those whose sermons were not judged accurate enough for the press , were yet every whit as much heated with the holy fire , according to the proportions of their capacities , as these first rate-men . but neither was all this yet enough for securing the precious interest : it was necessary to set other tools also a going . one there was , which i believe had no inconsiderable influence ; there was a generation of female advocates , ( belike some of them disciples of such as mr. david williamson ) ladies and gentlewomen , who came at that time and stay'd at edinburgh , and made it their work by all imaginable ways , to influence the members of parliament into a zealous disposition to carry on the work . there was also great throngs of the preachers still in town , who could not have any other business , but to do what they could for advancing the cause ; but i believe the holy sisters , the citizens wives , and some of themselves too were as successful in making proselytes as the preachers ; for they had better occasion to traffick with such of the members , as stay'd at their houses , or were of their acquaintance : and besides they had t'other shilling in greater readiness to give for a pint of sack ; and that goes very far with well disposed people . after all these , there was a certain company of planets , little luminaries , members of parliament ( some of whom i could name if it were needful ) who made it their trade early and late , in season and out of season , in all companies and on all occasions , to vex the more intelligent , and to fright the less discerning ( and very many were such ) into a forwardness for presbytery . nay , more yet , it was confidently talked , that not a few of the meaner sort of members got money , and were kept upon pension , that they might be servicable . by these and other such arts was the cause carried on , and no methods were left unessayed , till a competent number of votes were secured for every thing , that the commissioner intended : while in the mean time the club was entirely broken , and the generality of the kingdom , who were of other principles , found themselves obliged to live quietly and wait a more proper season for diligence , and action . and so much for the first part of my undertaking : come we now to the second , which is , to give you a brief account how this act was prepared , debated , voted , and at last got the royal assent in the house . it was introduced according to its quality , by the earl of sutherland , who presented an act to the house concerning it , upon the — day of — i have seen a copy of it , and thought once upon transcribing it for your use , but it was tediously long and coarsely worded , and it contained little more than what you have in the printed act , and therefore after some more thinking , i judged it not worth the pains . although it was believed that it was compiled by some of the brethren , who were best studied in the matter ; some other schemes were also given in by some other members , but his lordship 's got the preference : it was most regarded and best liked by melvil and crawford , ( who probably had seen it before ) and so it was particularly recommended to the committee which was nominated for church affairs . eighteen were at first named to be of that committee , viz. noblmen . barons . burgesses . earl of crawford , sir iohn maxwell , sir tho. stewart of coltness , e. of sutherland , sir patrick hume , anderson for glascow , v. of arburthnet , sir iohn monro , smith for st. andrews , v. of stair , laird of levingston , william heggins , l. cardross , laird of brodie , iames kenman , l. carmichael . laird of dalfoilly . patrick mordock . all of the true stamp except the laird of levingston , who , it was thought was named merely for shew , or that it might not be said , they were all presbyterians : besides these first eighteen , i think other two were added afterwards , but i have forgot their names . this committee met very often , and commonly they had some of the leading ministers with them , for advice : at last after many an hour , and much pains spent about it , it was returned , by the committee to the house on friday the 23d . of may , more briefly and distinctly digested indeed , and much more smoothly worded ; and yet without any substantial alteration , or difference betwixt it , and the e. of sutherland's copy . being thus prepared and returned to the house , in the first place , it was twice read over , all the members composing themselves to a diligent and headful attention : this done , not a few points in it were debated , and several amendments were made . but before i proceed further , i will set it down , as it was at last agreed upon , and made a law , and then give you a brief account of some particulars in it , which may perchance contribute something to your better understanding of it . act ratifying the confession of faith and settling presbyterian church-government . iune 7. 1690. our soveraign lord and lady the king and queens majesties , and the three estates of parliament , conceiving it to be their bound duty , after the great deliverance that god hath lately wrought for this church and kingdom , in the first place to settle and secure therein , the true protestant religion according to the truth of gods word , as it hath of a long time been professed within this land : as also , the government of christ ' s church within this nation , agreeable to the word of god , and most conducive to the advancement of true piety and godliness , and the establishing of peace and tranquillity within this realm ; and that by an article of the claim of right , it is declared , that prelacy and the superiority of any office in the church above presbyters , is and hath been a great and unsupportable grte vance and trouble to this nation , and contrary to the inclinations of the generality of the people ever since the reformation , they having reformed from popery by presbyters , and therefore ought to be abolished : like as by an act of the last session of this parliament , prelacy is abolished , therefore their majesties , with the advice and consent of the said three estates do hereby revive , ratifie and perpetually confirm all laws , statutes , and acts of parliament , made against popery and papists , and for the maintenance and preservation of the true reformed protestant religion , and for the true church of christ within this kingdom in so far as they confirm the same , or are made in favours thereof . like as , they by these presents , ratifie and establish the confession of faith now read in their presence and voted and approven by them , as the publick and avowed confession of this church containing the sum and substance of the doctrine of the reformed churches ; ( which confession of faith is subjoyned to this present act ) . as also , they do establish , ratifie , and confirm the presbyterian church-government and discipline : that is to say , the government of the church by kirk-sessions , presbyteries , provincial synods , and general assemblies , ratified and established by the 114 act jac. vi. parl. 12. anno 1592. entituled , ratification of the liberty of the true kirk , &c. and thereafter received by the general consent of this nation to be the only government of christ's church within this kingdom ; reviving , renewing and confirming the foresaid act of parliament , in the whole heads thereof , except that part of it relating to patronages , which is hereafter to be taken into consideration : and rescinding , annulling , and making void the acts of parliament following , viz. act anent restitution of bishops jac. vi. parl. 18. cap. 2. act ratifying the acts of the assembly . 1610. jac. vi. parl. 21. cap. 1. act anent the election of arch-bishops and bishops . jac. vi. parl. 22. cap. 1. act intituled ratification of the five articles of the general assembly at perth . jac. vi. parl. 23. cap. 1. act intituled , for the restitution and re-establishment of the ancient government of the church , by arch-bishops and bishops . charl. ii. parl. 1. sess. 2. act 1. act anent the constitution of a national synod . charl. ii. parl. 1. sess. 3. act 5. act against such as refuse to depone against delinquents , ch. ii. parl. 2. sess. 2. act 2. act intituled , act acknowledging and asserting the right of succession to the imperial crown of scotland . ch. ii. parl. 3. act 2. act intituled , act anent religion and the test. ch. ii. parl. 3. act 6. with all other acts , laws , statutes , ordinances and proclamations , and that in so far allanerly as the saids acts and others generally and particularly above mentioned , are contrary , or prejudicial to , inconsistent with , or derogatory from the protestant religion , and presbyterian government , now established ; and allowing and declaring , that the church-government be established in the hands of , and exercised by , these presbyterian ministers , who were outed since the first of january 1661. for non-conformity to prelacy , or not complying with the courses of the times , and are now restored by the late act of parliament , and such ministers and elders only as they have admitted , or received , or shall hereafter admit or receive : and also , that all the said presbyterian ministers have and shall have right to the maintenance , rights and other privileges , by law provided , to the ministers of christs church within this kingdom ; as they are , or shall be legally admitted to particular churches . like as in pursuance of the promisses , their majesties , do hereby appoint the first meeting of the general assembly of this church , as above established , to be at edinburgh , the third thursday of october next to come in this instant year , 1690. and because many conformed ministers either have deserted or were removed from preaching in their churches preceeding the 13th . day of april 1689. and others were deprived , for not giving obedience to the act of the estates made the said 13th . of april 1689. entituled , proclamation against the owning of the late king iames , and appointing publick prayers for king william and queen mary . therefore their majesties with advice and consent aforesaid do hereby declare all the churches , either deserted , or from which the conformed ministers were removed or deprived , as said is , to be vacant , and that the presbyterian ministers exercising their ministry , within any of these parishes ( or where the last incumbent is dead ) by the desire or consent of the parish , shall continue their passession , and have right to the benefices and stipends , according to their entry in the year 1689. and in time coming ay and while the church as now established , take further course therewith . and to the effect , the disorders that have happened in this church may be redressed : their majesties with advice and consent foresaid do hereby allow the general meetting and representives of the foresaid presbyterian ministers and elders , in whose hands the exercise of the church-government is established , either by themselves , or by such ministers and elders as shall be appointed and authorized disitors by them , according to the custom and practice of the presbyterian government through the whole kingdom , and several parts thereof , to try and purge out all insufficient , negligent , scandalous and erroneous ministers , by due course of ecclesiastical process , and censures , and likewise for redressing all other church disorders . and further it is hereby provided , that whatsoever minister , being convened before the said general meeting , and representatives of the presbyterian ministers and elders , or the visitors to be appointed by them , shall either prove contumacious in not appearing , or be found guilty , and shall be therefore censured whether by suspension or deposition , they shall ipso facto be suspended from , or deprived of their stipends and benefices ▪ if one had a mind to dispute , how much matter might this act afford him ? but that 's no part of my present task , i will therefore , as i promised , only give you a brief account how some things in it were debated before it received the sanction . first then , though any man who reads it may easily observe , that all along the framers of the act have had their eyes fixed on the presbyterian petition , which i have given you already ; yet it is observable , that the confession of faith is only ratified and approved , and the catechism and directory ( whose ratification was likewise craved in the petition ) are omitted . how came this to be done ? the truth , in short , is this , all these things were in the act as it was prepared by the committee : but when they began to consider that article in the house , beginning with the confession of faith , the duke of hamilton moved , that it might be read all over with an audible and distinct voice , and attentively considered before they should give it the legal sanction ; for ( as he argued ) that confession of faith had never been ratified in parliament before : and it was not suitable to the weight and importance of such an affair , nor to the wisdom and care of a parliament to ratifie what had never been publickly considered in parliament . this reason had such force with it , that it was agreed it should be read ; and the laird of craiginsh moved that if it must be read , it might be read on the lords day ; having doubts probably , that it might be a prophanation of it to read it on another day : however it was agreed it should be read on monday the 26th . as soon as the parliament should meet , and so it was , and heard with what attention the members were pleased to give it . i believe it was the first time a good many of them had ever heard it . however it passed without any exception , which was pretty fair for such a vast number of propositions as are contained in the westminster confession . the confession of faith thus approved , it was moved next that the catechism might be read over also : but the confession had worn out some three or four hours to them ; and most part were wearied with it , and beginning to discover , some by looks , some by whispers , that they were no way willing at that time to hear any more such long lectures , and so it was moved by the d. of hamilton ( who was probably well enough satisfied to escape the hearing them also ) that the catechism and directory might be forborn : for ( as he said ) they had now voted the confession of faith , and that was a sufficient standard , and so they might leave the rest to the ministers to be managed according to their discretion . this proposal was greedily snatched at by the most part : but there were some of the ministers in the house who were not a little surprized , that the parliament appeared so unanimous to neglect what they had so expresly craved in their petition , and so they were like to fall a muttering ; which the commissioner perceiving he left his throne , and went out of the house to another apartment , the earl of crawford first , and then the ministers following him . what passed among them there , whether the d. of h. his reasoning , after they had pondered , satisfied them , or they themselves stumbled upon some new discovery , i am not able to tell : though there wants not probability , that there might be something of the latter : of this at least , i am sure , a very good reason for forbearing the pressing the ratification of the catechism and directory any further , was very obvious : for , the directory positively and peremptorily appoints the scriptures to be read publickly in churches , one chapter out of each testament at least , every sunday before sermon , as being part of the publick worship of god , and one means sanctified by him for the edifying of his people , which the presbyterians in scotland have been so far from observing these many years , that not only has there been no such practice among them , but even in some very considerable churches , they lately got a custom of reading the sermon which was last preached , as it was taken from the speakers mouth , by some zealous and swift handed brother , instead of the scriptures , before the preacher come to the pulpit . and besides this , the same directory , because the prayer which christ taught his disciples , is not only a pattern of prayer but , it self , a most comprehensive prayer , i recommends it to be used in the prayers , of the church ; and the larger catechism is express to the same purpose . and yet as the guise goes now , it would be a mighty scandal to the sect , if any brother should say that prayer : for this reason ; i say , it seems to me very consequential ; that the ministers needed not have been very earnest for having the cateohism and directory ratified : but , as , i said , i cannot tell if this reason occurred to them on that occasions but it seems some one or other did . for after they returned to the house the matter was compounded , and the duke's motion was agreed to , and so the article was framed as you now have it , without mentioning the catechism or directory . the second thing that i shall take notice of in this act , shall be the repealing of a former act of parliament ; intituled , act acknowledging and asserting the right of succession to the imperial crown of scotland , ch. 2. parl. 3. art. 3. i need not send you a copy of that act , for doubtless you have seen it : in short , it is an act , declaring , that , according to the fundamental constitutions of the scottish monarchy , the crown descends by lawful succession , according to the proximity of blood : so that , in that same instant , in which the present sovereign dies , the next in blood is setled on the throne . this act was not named with rest which were to be repealed , as inconsistent with the protestant religion and presbyterian government , in the act as it was prepared by the committee : but no sooner came they to consider these acts which were to be repealed in the house , but sir iames montgomery of skelmurly made mention of this , and pleaded earnestly that it might be likewise inserted and annulled : his reason was , because that act was utterly inconsistent with the security of the protestant religion : for by that act , the next heir might come to the throne , and actual administration of the government , without taking the coronation oath , which was the only security the king could give for the protestant religion : and it was possible the next heir might be a papist ; and then he insisted to shew how all this was contrary to the claim of right . the duke of hamilton pleaded on the other hand , that to rescind that act , was to cut the lineal succession , that he remembred very well , that act was made as much , if not more , to exclude the duke of monmouth , as to make way for k. iames. and that it was a very tender point , and dangerous to speak about . the lord stair added , that it was treason even in parliament ( unless one had a good backing ) to move the rescinding of it : nor was it necessary to rescind it , seeing whatever was prejudicial in it to the protestant religion , or presbyterian government , was ipso facto to be rescinded by this act they were now a forming : but sir iames montgomery of skecmurly's reasons prevailed ; and so it carried that it should be inserted , and rescinded with the rest , in so far at least as it was inconsistent with the just now named interests . the making so great a stir about this act , i remember at that time made no little noise , and underwent several censures out of the house . some wondered what had moved sir iames to start such a matter . was it merely to rub up old sores ? as we say : for where was the difficulty of securing the protestant religion , though that act had stood in force ? is the protestant religion inconsistent with a lineal succession ? or was it inconsistent with the protestant religion to say , that god almighty is an earthly sovereign's immediate superiour ? none of these could ever enter into a mans head who had so much sense as sir iames montgomery ; so it was conjectured , he had some other thing at the bottom . on the other hand , it seemed as strange to many , that the duke of hamilton should have pleaded so zealously for the continuation of that act and for the lineal succession ? it 's true indeed , ( said they ) consider him as duke of hamilton and he had good reason to appear for it , it being so nearly the concern of his own family . but consider him as a president of the late meeting of estates , and the principal person who deposed k. iames , and excluded him whom he himself had sometimes acknowledged to be the prince of scotland , without ever offering at a reason for it , and transferred the crown upon their present majesties , and they could not see how he was consistent with himself . but , as for my lord stair , few thought it strange that he should have so reasoned . it was treason to move the rescinding of that act , even in parliament , unless a man had a good backing , which was readily interpreted to be just as much , as if he had said , that a man that had a good backing power and party enough , might say any thing in parliament , or out of parliament without being guilty of treason : but perhaps , you may be apt to say , what is all this but digression ; for wherein is the church or the clergy concerned in this matter ? to which i shall make no other reply but , was not all this stir made about this act , in behalf of the protestant religion ? the next thing i would have you to consider , is the establishing the whole government of the church in the hands of the known , sound presbyterians , &c. as it was craved in the petition : i have told you already how this article displeased the year before , while the duke of hamilton was commissioner : but now , you see it was granted : yet not without some opposition . for , on friday may 23. the first day that the act was debated in the house , a petition was given in by some of these episcopal ministers who had given obedience to the civil government : i am affraid the copy i have of it is not corrected , and therefore i will not transcribe it in form , but it was this for substance . they for themselves , and others of the episcopal persuasion , who have submitted to the government of their present majesties , according to law , do humbly supplicate ; that , according to the protection promised them they may be secured in the possession of their offices and , benefices : they humbly conceive , that , to put the ecclesiastical jurisdiction intirely into the hands of the presbyterians , and establish them the sole judges of their life and doctrine , will be in effect to turn them out of that protection : for they shall not only thereby be deprived of all share and interest in ecclesiastical government , though they have every way as good a right to , and are as capable of managing that trust , as the presbyterian ministers , and do very far exceed them in numbers ; but also shall be subjected to the arbitriment of a party who profess it , their duty , to purge the church of all ministers who have at any time declared for the lawfulness of episcopacy : whom therefore ( though they are not afraid of the strictest impartial tryal ) they decline as their judges ; which declinature , the presbyterian ministers themselves cannot but in reason acknowledge to be just and equitable , considering that they have all along refused to submit to the jurisdiction of the bishops upon the like reason . that it has been still matter of regret of them , that the differences upon the account of opinion about church government have been so much kept up ; that therefore it would please the parliament to appoint a conference betwixt some ministers of both persuasions , which they most humbly conceive may prove a good expedient for curing the distemper , or at least for finding where it lieth . they do not take upon them to prescribe to the high and honourable court , but in all humility supplicate for these things : to the end that the true protestant religion , for which they have still declared their zeal , may flourish ; and they and others for their opinions about church-government , ( which they are ready to maintain and justifie ) may not be oppressed in their consciences and interests . the petitioners did not expect that the grand point of the church-government should have been so soon brought to the house , so that this their petition was penned in such haste , that they had not time to wait upon the commissioner , and acquaint him with it before it was presented : however while the duke of hamilton was disputing the equity and reasonableness of that article in the house , one iames more of stonywood presented it , and craved that it might be read : the duke of hamilton back'd him warmly ; so it was read , but then it was immediately hissed at : the noise was great , and the cry was loud that it was indiscreer , unmannerly , arrogant , and what not ? and all this , forsooth , because they called themselves ministers of the episcopal persuasion ; compar'd themselves for abilities with the presbyterian ministers ; declin'd them as their judges ; craved a conference , and undertook to maintain the lawfulness of episcopacy : extravagant impudence sure ! this petition being thus rejected with disdain , the duke thought it not fit at this time to insist any longer ; so there was no more that day concerning that article ; except that one mr. ross , a commissioner for some northern burgh , moved ; that at least these presbyterian ministers who had been deposed by those of their own persuasion before the restitution of episcopacy , anno 1662. might not be included in the number of those known sound presbyterians , in whose hands the government was to be established in the first instance : but his motion was not regarded : and indeed it had been a great oversight if it had , for thereby the worthy master kennedy who was moderator of the late general assembly , and some other such zealous brethren had been excluded , which might have been of very sad consequence to the kirk . but , the duke was at his purpose again on wednesday the 28. and insisted largely on the iniquity of putting the government solely in the known sound presbyterians hands . he argued from the prince of orange's declaration for the kingdom of scotland ; from the great purpose of his coming to britain , from his declaration for keeping the peace in the kingdom of scotland dated february 6. 1688 / 9 from the proclamation of the estates , april 13. 1689 ; from the nature of the thing , and from many other topicks , but all to no purpose : for when it came to a vote , it carried easily , that the article should stand as you now see it in the act : thus were some hundreds of the episcopal persuasion , by act of parliament , exposed to the fury of fifty or sixty sworn enemies , without any imaginable necessity : for had it not been easie for the parliament , if they had had a mind to it , to have setled presbyterian government , so , as that all who owned the civil government , and were willing to continue in their charges without bishops , might have been obliged to live peaceably together , and carry on the common work of the ministry ? but it seems the parliament were resolute to support a party . but enough of this . there was some dispute also about a clause which was in the act , as it was prepared by the committee ; in that article , which grants the power to the presbyterian ministers and elders ( even before the general assembly should meet ) to appoint and keep visitations , for trying and purging out all insufficient , negligent , scandalous and erroneous ministers ( that is , all who were void of the grace of presbyterianism ) by due course of ecclesiastical process and censures , and redressing all other church-disorders ; for here it was subjoined ; to all which censures the civil sanction is hereby interposed . about this clause , i say , there was some dispute ; but it lasted not long , for the duke of hamilton his reasoning prevailed ; which was , that that clause must necessarily import an implicite faith in the presbyterian ministers inerrability ; for if it was possible that they might judge wrong , should the civil sanction for all that , be still interposed ? how strange would that be ? and what might be its consequences ? so , that clause , as you see , was expunged . indeed the civil sanction had been interposed very laudably many a time since , if that clause had been retained : and many a sweet sentence had it backed : but it is no part of my present task to meddle with these : i might insist upon a great many other things , which bred no little dispute ; such as the kings power in ecclesiastical matters , and especially in calling and dissolving general assemblies , &c. the duke of hamilton and sir iohn dalrymple were advocates for the prerogative of the king ; and sir iames montgomery of skelmurly and others for the prerogative of the kirk : it was a nice point ; and vast harangues were made on both sides . it was debated all the three days ( i. e. the 23. 26 and 28 of may , ) and at last left in sufficient obscurity . but to be brief , i will only insist on one article more , which deserves a little more fully to be represented . it is that famous article in the act , concerning the rabled ministers . i think i need not tell you how they were turned out of their churches by force and tumult , about the beginning of the late revolution , nor how they were directly excluded the protection of the government by that admirable proclamation of the meeting of estates , dated april 13. anno 1689. these things and many more which concern these poor people , you cannot be ignorant of , if you have ever read the four letters , or the case of the present afflicted clergy in scotland : and sure i am , any man that understands how they were treated in that wonderful year 1689. cannot but think they met with very hard measure : yet for all that they had still some hopes of redress : for they could not believe , but the government sometime or other would take their case to consideration , and do them something like justice : in this faith , i say , they lived till this act was forming : so that when they heard of the article that concerned their case , it was no wonder if they were sadly disheartned ; as indeed they were , to such a degree , that the most part of them who were then at edinburgh , had once very near resolved calmly and silently to sit still , and receive the blow which was design'd them , without ever giving the parliament the trouble of any address or petition . yet after the first consternation was over , i know not how , but some of them collected so much courage as to think of giving in a petition , which might represent their case , and crave a remedy . what ( said they ) may the world think of us ? how may it condemn us of an unaccountable negligence , if , having received such notorious injuries , we shall seek no redress ? it is not to be supposed but a parliament which calls it self christian , will shew at least , that they are so much men as to pity our case when it is represented to them . but if they will not , if they shall take no notice of such oppressions , if the worst shall happen , if they shall make such an act as is now before them : 't is no great loss to lose the pains of drawing a petition : one effect it cannot miss to have , which will easily counterballance all that expence : it will put a thorn in their foot , and be a witness against them , and render them inexcusable before the world , if they make such an act concerning us . having reasoned with themselves after this manner , i say , upon saturday the 24th of may some of them met , and resolved upon this form , which because it contains the true state of their case in few words : i will here thanscribe as followeth . unto his grace their majesties commissioner , and the honourable estates of parliament . the petition of the ministers who were thrust from their churches by force and violence in december 1688. or at any time thereafter , before the 13th . day of april 1689. humbly sheweth , whereas your petitioners , ( though they entered to their offices and benefices , at their respective churches according to law , and were in uncontroverted possession of them ) were thrust from these their offices and cures , by notorious force and violence ; cast out of their dwellings , with their families and furniture , and threatned with death , if they should offer to return to the exercise of their ministry at their respective churches . whereas your petitioners , upon such violent treatment , made application to his present majesty , then , his highness the prince of orange , ( who , at the humble desire of divers lords and gentlemen of this kingdom , had then taken upon him the government and administration of the affairs of this realm ) by their humble petition for protection , of the date at glasgow the 22d . of january 1688 / 9. presented to his majesty by dr. robert scott minister at hamilton , impowered by your petitioners for that effect , as will appear from his commission of the same date ; and upon that application his majesty did emit a declaration , for keeping the peace , &c. in the kingdom of scotland , of the date at st. james ' s the 6th . day of february 1688 / 9. whereby he did expresly prohibit all disturbance and violence , upon the account of religion , and authorise all protestants , to enjoy their several opinions , and forms of worship , whether in churches or meeting-houses , whether according to law , or otherways , with the same freedom , and in the same manner , in which they did enjoy them in the month of october preceeding , as the said declaration at more length bears : whereby it is evident that his majesty and his councellours and advisers for scotish affairs , at that time , were clearly convinced of the violent wrongs your petitioners had met with , and of the irregularity and illegality thereof . whereas , notwithstanding the said declaration the persecution of your petitioners continued as hot as ever ; as is evident from a second tumult at glasgow upon the 17th . day of february , and year abovesaid , being the lord's day , on which both minister and hearers ( having assembled for divine worship according to law , and upon the protection and security , contained in the said declaration ) were most violently assaulted by an enraged multitude , in the high church of that city ; and a great many other instances which may be easily adduced ; and a representation of that tumult in glasgow , and a second application for protection , were made to his majesty by dr. james fall principal of the college of glasgow : and his majesty referred the matter to the meeting of estates , indicted by him to sit at edenburgh the 14th . of march ; and year aforesaid . whereas the said meeting of estates , did not think it convenient , in that interim , by their authority , to repossess your petitioners of their just , legal , and undoubled rights , as appears from their proclamation , of the date at edenburgh the 13th . day of april 1689. so that your petitioners , wanting protection , durst never since , without the manifest peril of their lives , adventure to return to the exercise of their ministry at their respective churches . whereas your petitioners ( beside the unspeakable grief it is to them to be thus restrain'd from the exercise of their sacred function ) are generally reduced to great necessities , and many of them with numerous families , are at the point of starving , having no livelihood but their stipends , and being refused payment of these , by the debiors thereof , upon pretence of an act of council dated december the 24th . 1689. whereby intimation is made to all iudges , that the case of the ministers , who are not in the actual exercise of their ministerial function the 13th . of april 1689. lyeth under the consideration of parliament , and they are required in executing of sentences already recovered , and in iudging of processes to be intented at the instance of such ministers to behave themselves as they will be answerable , which act not only the debiors of your petitioners stipends pretend for not paying the same , as said is , but also many inferiour iudges do so construct , that they will grant no decrees in favours of your petitioners . and , whereas by the laws of this realm , your petitioners ( being ministers of the gospel of christ , and having entered legally to their offices and benefices , as said is ) have right to protection in the exercise of their ministry , at their respective churches , and to their benefices , ad vitam vel culpam , and can neither be deprived of either without a legal sentence ; and now your grace and the estates are met in parliament , to which , the case of your petitioners is referred by the aforesaid act of privy council . may it therefore please your grace and the honourable estates of parliament to take the premises under consideration , and interpose your authority , for restoring your petitioners to the exercise of their ministry at their respective churches ; for causing make payment of the stipends that are due to them by law ; and for protecting them both in their offices and benefices , according to law. the framers of this petition made it their work to put it in as smooth and modest a dress as they could ▪ that it might not be condemned of superciliousness and arrogancy , as that had been which was presented the day before . as for the form , one of these who were concerned produced king charles the first his large declaration , and therein turned to the petition which was given by the presbyterians anno 1638. to the presbytery of edenburgh , against the bishops ; affirming it would be best to imitate that pattern as near as could be ; for so , the presbyterians in the parliament could not find fault with it , without casting dirt upon their own predecessors . the fancy was relished by the rest ; and this was the true reason , why there were so many whereas's in it . having thus formed their petition , their next work was to wait upon the commissioner and shew him a copy of it : but that night they could not have access ; it was a post-night , and his grace was busie writing letters : so they returned on monday morning , and were at last , admitted into his grace's presence , where one of them in very few words told him ; they were of the number of these ministers , who had been thrust from their churches by force and violence before the 13th . of april 1689. that they were informed , that the parliament had now their case under consideration ; that therefore , they had formed a petition , which they were to present to the parliament , and so , were come to acquaint his grace with it , and give him a copy of it , that he might thereby understand the true state of their case ; and with these last words he offered his grace a copy of the petition : he received it ; and after a little pause , he asked this question : what ? are ye the gentlemen who gave in the petition to the parliament on friday ? the person to whom he directed this question , understanding very well what he meant by it ( viz. that his grace had a mind to be at them , for their arrogancy , if they had been the men ) replyed instantly , they were not : and then deduced their case , over again , briefly : then was there another pause , his grace still holding the petition in his hand , without ever offering to read it : at last , he broke his silence , with this very christian sentence ; ( had he been ingenuous in it ) gentlemen , i can say no more , but that i am for doing just and righteous things to all men . to which it was forthwith replyed ; that they sought nothing but justice ; give them that , and they were satisfied ; and with that they left him . the next thing to be done was to search out some member of parliament who might do them the favour of presenting the petition to the house : at last they found sir patrick scott of ancrum , a discreet gentleman who undertook it : for you must know , it was not every body that had courage for such an imployment , as matters then went. well , on monday the 26th . of may , there was no opportunity for it : the reading the westminster confession ( as i have said ) wearied the whole house ; so , that article about the rabbled clergy was not considered till the last and great day wednesday the 28th . of may : the day on which the whole act was voted ; but before i come to the work of that day , i must give you an account of some skirmishings had been concerning it , on friday the 23d . for , the duke of hamilton obtained no less than three amendments in that article , that day , which that you may the better understand , i will set down the article , as it was prepared by the committee ; and then tell you briefly upon what reasons the amendments were made . the article , as it was prepared by the committee , ran thus : and because many conform ministers either have deserted , or are removed from their churches , preceeding the 13th . of april 1689. and ought not to be reponed ; and others were deprived for not giving obedience to the act of the estates of the said 13th . of april 1689. therefore their majesties with advice and consent foresaid , do hereby declare all the churches , either deserted , or from which the conform ministers were removed or deprived , as said is , to be vacant ; and that the presbyterian ministers , exercising within any of these parishes , or where the last incumbent is dead , shall continue their possession , and have right to the legal benefices and stipends forth and from the time of their entering , and in time coming , ay and while the church as now established take further course therewith . in the article thus digested , you see that 't is said , that conform ministers who had deserted , ( which none had ) or were removed from their churches , ought not to be reponed . the duke was not pleased with this clause : and pleaded , that it was not only needless , ( as 't is evident it was ) but also that by necessary consequence , it would infer , that these who had been removed , ( alias rabbled , for in this case , these are truly equivalent terms ) since the 13th . of april , ought not to be reponed neither : for if their being thus removed , was a sufficient reason , in one case , why they ought not to be reponed ; why not in all ? which reasoning prevailed , and so that clause was left out . another amendment was : you see , by the article as it was prepared by the committee , the presbyterian ministers , simply , upon their exercising in such a parish , should have the benefice , which the duke excepted against , and said that many presbyterian ministers had exercised their ministry in several parishes , and possessed themselves of the churches from which the conform ministers had been forced , who had neither presentation , nor call from the greater or better part of the parish : and what title could such men have to the benefice ? this was pungent also ; and so this clause was added as you see it in the printed act ; exercising their ministry by the desire , or consent of the people . the third was this ; in the article , as prepared by the committee , the presbyterian ministers were to have the benefices forth and from the time of their entering without specifying any definite term or year from which that entering might be dated : the duke said this was very strange ; for many presbyterian ministers had exercised their ministry in several parishes , even since king iames's toleration ; which was in the year 1687. so that this clause gave them title , even since that year , though both in that year , and the next , there was a legal incumbent in the actual and uninterrupted exercise of his ministry in the parish : what iniquity was this ? hereupon the time of their entering was limited to the year 1689. as now you have it . i have represented these things , that you may see , as severe as the act is , how much more so it had been , if the committee's draught had passed ; or , if the duke of hamilton had not been at very much pains . besides these amendments in this article procured by his grace , on that 23d . of may , there was another thing proposed by the laird of kellburn one of the commissioners ( i think ) for the shire of bute ; it was , that such ministers as had not had free access to their churches , and by consequence could not give obedience to the proclamation of the estates april the 13th . upon the days appointed , but were willing to obey , when they should have opportunity , might be excepted out of the number of these whom the parliament was to declare deprived , and their churches vacant : but that was rejected with scorn . come we now to our wednesday on which the great point in the article was debated , viz. whether the deed of the rabble should be justified , and all these ministers who had been driven from their churches by the rabble should be deprived . the duke of hamilton pleaded earnestly that this article might not pass . it was wonderful to call these men deserters : for was it not notorious all the kingdom over , that they were violently forced from their churches by tumult and rabble , and could not , without the evident peril of their lives , continue in the exercise of their ministry at their respective churches ? it was as wonderful , to declare their churches vacant , because of their being removed from them : for what would be the sense of the word removed in the present case ? was it not plain , that it was just neither more nor less than rabbled ? and what might the world think of the justice of the parliament , if it should sustain that as a sufficient ground , for declaring their churches vacant ? these men had entered to their churches according to law ; how then could they be deprived without a legal tryal ? what evil had they done ? they had never had opportunity to disobey the government : they were violently thrust from their churches by the rabble before the 13th . of april 1689. so , it was impossible for them to obey the authority of the meeting of the estates , in that days proclamation : nay consider that proclamation , and it will be found that it did not bind them . were they chargeable with any other crimes , or scandals ? why then , let them be first tryed , and convict , and then deprived by due course : was it ever heard , that ministers of the gospel of christ were turned out of their offices and livings , without the least guilt fixed on them ? what a reflection would it cast upon the king , if such an act should be made ? did not he come to these kingdoms , to deliver us from arbitrary power ? to secure liberty , and property , as well as religion ? but how was it consistent with this , to deprive so many protestant ministers of their churches and livings , for no imaginable reason in law , or equity ? besides , when first the government of this kingdom was transferred on his majesty , did he not receive these men into his protection , by his declaration dated february the 6th . 1688 / 9. but how was it consistent with the common protection due to subjects , to deprive them of their undoubted rights so very arbitrarily . these and many other such unanswerable arguments did his grace insist on . neither did any one man so much as once offer at shewing how such a thing could consist with law , justice or reason . while the duke was thus pleading , sir patrick scott presented the petition , and craved it might be read : he was assisted by the duke , who prest it very warmly : and then there was no little stir in the house : for such as were resolved to vote the petitioners out of their rights , knew very well , if it should be read , they were not able to render a solid reason , why what it craved should not be granted ; and therefore they had no inclination , that the house should hear it : but then it was as difficult to find a colour of reason why it should not be read . crawford said , it could not be read in the midst of the act ; a wise tale indeed ; for when was it proper to read it , if not , when the case it concerned was under consideration ? cardross said , he did not know but all these men were enemies to the government ; and why then should the house be troubled with their petitions ? but he knew as little , but they were all friends to the government ; for ( as hath been said ) they had never had opportunity to shew how they were affected to it . at last , after a great deal of such impertinent stuff , sir patrick hume , now lord polwart , moved , that the house might first go on in the act , and after that was voted , they might hear the petition . a judicious overture , to shut the stable door ( as we say ) when the steed is stollen : for the great purpose of the petition was , that no such thing might be voted . however this motion , because , it seems they could stumble on none better , was greedily entertained by the party : and so it was carried , that the reading of the petition should be delay'd till the article was first voted : which , what was it else , but downright to reject it without an hearing ? then the duke of hamilton was at the point again , and renewed his endeavours , but to no purpose : for the cry immediately arose , that there was no need of further debate , in the case ; it had been disputed enough already , put it to a vote , &c. so there was no help for it : the vote came to be stated . the duke of hamilton craved it might be stated thus . approve , or not approve , the deed of the rabble ; and this twice or thrice over he pressed : but though that was the true state of the case , it was too bare faced ; and therefore it was put in these smoother terms , approve , or not approve the article . i need not tell you which carried ; you may see that by the act ; how almighty is a vote ! what can it not do ? yet i must acknowledge , there were some fifteen or sixteen negative voices , and which is remarkable , some of these , by persons who in the hight of their zeal , the year before , had been amongst the most forward , for refusing these poor men the protection of the government ; such as the lord ross , sir iames montgomery , &c. after this article was thus voted and approved , the duke of hamilton , not able to bridle his indignation , told the house plainly , he was sorry he should ever have sat in a scottish parliament , where such naked iniquity was established into a law ; that it was impossible presbyterian government could stand , being built on such a foundation , and it grieved him to the heart , to consider what a reflection this act would bring upon the government , and justice of the nation . while the duke was thus insisting , a certain member stood up , and said , the duke would do wisely to temper his language ; for , what was this , but to reflect on the house , and flee in the face of an act of parliament ? the duke instantly replied , it was a mistake , it was but a vote of the house , and had not yet got the royal assent , so it was no act of parliament : but seeing matters went so , though he was very much afraid the reflection would go further than the house were aware of , for his part he should say no more , but put his hand upon his mouth : and with this he left his seat ; and went out of the house , a good number of members folowing him . well , what was my lord melvil's behaviour all this while ? why , his grace sat upon the throne , heard all that the duke of hamilton had said for the rabled clergy , and all that passed concerning their petition , and yet never so much as once opened his mouth in the matter ; but perhaps prelatical people are not men ; and though they were , is not dominion founded upon grace ? and so what pretensions can conformists make that justice should be done them ? but enough of this . there was now only one thing more to be done , and that was to vote the whole act in cumulo , which before had only been voted by parcels . this was immediately proposed upon the dukes departure . now it must not be forgotten , that as soon as this began to be talk'd of , a little presbyterian preacher who had got into the house , cried out to the members who were next him , fie ! make haste , dispatch , now that he is gone , lest he return again , and create more trouble . this he meant of the duke . whether it was in obedience to this seasonable warning , or not , 't is no great matter ; but so it was , that instantly the thing was done ; the whole act was approved , and so prepared for the royal assent . and indeed it was no wonder , considering what members were in the house , even few or none who were not frank for the good old cause , except some four or five who stayed to vote against presbyterian government , that it might not be said , that it carried nemine contradicente , and some few others who would not vote for that establishment of presbytery ; because as they pretended , it was not established in its proper plentitude of power and independency : except such , i say , there were none in the house , but those of the gang ; for a great many noblemen and gentlemen ; such as the duke of queensberry , the earls linlithgow and balcarras , &c. would not be present on that occasion , and , as i have said the duke of hamilton , and a good many members had left the house before that great vote was moved . thus was this act prepared for the royal assent on wednesday the 28th of may : but it got it not till the 7th of iune : for that same night that it was vored , an express was sent to the king to give him an account what was done , and his majesties answer and allowance was necessary , before the act could be touched . and now that i have mentioned his majesties granting his allowance to his commissioner to touch the act , and give it the form of a law ; i cannot forbear to tell you , that i am fully persuaded , he did not get a just and impartial information about the nature of the several articles in it : which had he got , it was impossible that he should ever have approved or ratified the act : for why ? that article concerning the rabled ministers is plainly inconsistent with the express words of the coronation oath . now who can believe that the king would have consented to such notorious oppression , as more than three hundred protestant ministers met with him from this act , if that matter had been duly represented to him ? but i cannot find what can be said for my lord melvil , who knowing very well the whole matter , abused his master by not fairly representing it to him . thus i have given you a brief account how this act was made , i shall make no more reflections on it , knowing very well , how the writers of former accounts of this nature , have been lash'd for making so bold with the government , and intituling it to the persecution of the clergy . for my part i shall leave it to you sir , or any to whom you shall communicate this paper , first , to consider matter of fact , which i have plainly and freely told you , and then to make your own reflections . and so i cometo the third thing which i promised concerning this act , which was to tell you , what consequences it produced : and , that which deserves to be put in the front was , the pious gratitude of the presbyterian ministers to the parliament , for making so gracious an act : how they thanked the commissioner , and crawford , and sutherland and such others of their good friends , in private , i am not able to tell : but in their sermons , they were extremely careful to express a deep sense of the wonderful favour was done them . i shall only take notice of two that were published , viz. mr. gilbert rules , and mr. david williamson's . mr. gilbert's sermon , as i told you was preached before the act was voted , and therefore he was at the pains to embelish it with a preface to the reader , when it was a printing , wherein he harangues thus , as the interest of religion was our solicitude when these thoughts were conceived and delivered : so now we are filled with joy , while we behold the religious regard ; which the high and honourable court of parliament have shewed to the mountain of the lords house above other mountains ( which they truly are and ought to be concern'd about ) in the great step towards the establishing thereof , that they made by their vote of the 28th instant . and then he concludes , that the lord may help them to go on as they have begun and hitherto acted , and reward them for their good deeds towards his house — is the earnest prayer of , &c. but was worthy mr. david inferiour to him ? that 's not to be thought : neither indeed was he ; for thus he bespeaks them in his sermon preached iune 15. which i cited before , honourable worthies , i incline not by panegyricks to offend your modest ears , whose praise will be in the church : but we bless god , we have such a king and queen to rule over us , and such a representative of their majesties in this honourable court , and so many noble and worthy patriots in this assembly , who befriend the interest of our lord : we bless the lord , and we bless you from the lord with our hearts , for what you have done for the house of the lord , &c. i believe he never complemented lady more zealously . thus these two eminent lights . and it is not to be doubted but the rest were as forward : but to this very hour , i never so much as heard of one of them , who either publickly or privately condemned that article concerning the rabbled ministers : and now , when i think on it , who can blame a commissioner , or a parliament for making such an act , when they were thus not only authorized and justified , but prais'd and magnified by such infallible casuists ? and indeed laying aside all notions of right and wrong , and heaven and hell , and judgment . the brethren had all the reason in the world to be thus thankful . for , not only were they secured of all these benefices , where they had set up at their own hands , after the rabbling trade begun , for the year 1689 ; which they had still in their prospect ; and in order to which , that act of council dated december 24. 1689. whereof i have spoken sufficiently already , was made ; but they had also another fair opportunity of gaining considerably by it : for they had not so many preachers of their gang as filled the half of these churches , from which the conformists had been forced ; so that there were some hundreds of vacancies , whereby they had an excellent occasion to petition the the council for the vacant benefices to make up their pretended losses : this was a blessed providence , and with them it had been to resist a divine call , to have neglected it : and therefore it was their great business in the months of august , september and october , &c. to make hay while the sun shined , that is , to petition the council for vacant stipends : thus mr. william veitch had been a great sufferer , for why ? he had been forced to appear actually in rebellion against k. charles ii. at pictland hills , for which he was not hang'd indeed , but declared rebel and fugitive : but now that the fields were fair , and he had endured so much undeserved persecution , would he not have been to blame , if he had not studied his own interest ? and therefore he petitioned for no less than five vacancies , viz. creiland , eckfurd , yettam , marbottle , and oxnam . 't is true , the council were so hard-hearted as to grant him only three of them , viz. creiland , eckfurd , and yettam : this was hard enough : but alas ( tho he had confidently affirmed in his petition the contrary , ) it was afterwards found that the minister of creiland had not been deprived before michaelmas 1689. so that mr. veitch could not get that benefice , which was certainly a very disappointing persecution to him . no doubt you have heard of this mr. veitch before , for he is the same who had the inward call to be minister at peebles , ( because the benefice was far better ) rather than at several other places , where he was far more earnestly desired . thus also , one mr. iohn dickson , who had sometime preached at rutherglen , ( but as i am told was never admitted to the ministery there ) before the restitution of episcopacy 1662. petitioned not only for that , but other four benefices : and a great many more i could instance if my design'd brevity would allow me . in short , if they had preached but one or two sermons in a parish casually , or upon an invitation from one or two of the parishioners in a whole years time , it was sure to be put into the bosom of the petition , that they had served the cure in such a parish ; and that was enough . thus did that act of parliament caress the presbyterians : while in the mean time it behoved the poor deprived rabbled clergy , who had an undoubted title in all justice and equity , patiently to endure want , and see their estates disposed of to other people , without daring to say , that any wrong was done them : until at last the duke of hamilton and some other councillors , who were not entirely of the fashionable metal , began to encourage some of them to petition the council , and promised them their assistance : and so indeed , some of them got gifts of their own benefices . but then two or three things are observable : for 1. if there was a presbyterian preacher who pretended to have exercised his ministery in such or such a parish ; it was in vain for the rabbled man to petition for it ; the càse was clear ; it belong'd to the presbyterian by the act of parliament ; so that there was no place for any man to petition for his own benefice , but where no presbyterian could pretend that he had served in that parish . 2. whoever petitioned , was carefully to forbear pleading any thing like right or title , for that was downright to flee in the face of the act of parliament ; which crawford , who was seldom or never absent from the council board , was sure to entertain with very terrible resentments . 3. if the duke of hamilton was absent , it was folly to petition , for it was sure to be rejected . nay , sometimes when he was present , yet if two or three of these who used to vote with him , were not at the board , it was extremely dangerous to venture ; for if a petition was once rejected , it was hard to get it considered a second time : for then crawford was furnished with a pithy argument against it . once , indeed ( for i must do him justice ) i heard his lordship was forward to grant a conformist's petition , so very forward , that he was clear it should be granted before it was read : but there was a singularity in the case , which when you understand , perhaps you will not be much surpriz'd at this his lordships forwardness ; even though there was a presbyterian minister concerned : for alas ! the man , weary of his wife , had fallen into the sin of adultery with another woman : and his lordship was mightily afraid lest this should have been mentioned in the petition , or by some ill natur'd person at the council-table , who knew the story , if his lordship had made any bustle about it , as he used to do on other occasions , which he had no mind for . this was the reason of his frankness in the matter . but , besides my lord crawford , there were some other councillors , who sometime did obstruct the reading of petitions , perhaps on more odious grounds than his lordship : for example , i could name a certain privy councillor , who for several days hindered a certain rabbled minister's petition to be read , until the poor man was forced to come to him , and offer to quit him some twelve or thirteen pounds sterling , which he was obliged to pay of the benefice : and then his lordship appeared for him indeed , and obtain'd both the reading and granting of his petition . had he been as poor as my lord crawford , perhaps he had been the more excusable , but he is a man of a good estate , which makes the trick the baser ; however , i will not name him at present . from what i have said , you may competently understand the whole matter of the petitioning , which was some while on foot , and of which perhaps you have heard . i cannot deny but many were the better for it : but they ow'd all the thanks to the duke of hamilton ; and some other councillors , but none to the parliament . and yet , for all this , perhaps it were possible to give you as many instances of petitions that were rejected , if not more than were granted : but i will only insist on one man's case , whereby you will clearly and distinctly perceive , in what sense both the council , and session ( the two chief judicatories in in the nation ) understood our act of parliament : which to represent in its true colours , is the chief aim of this part of this letter . the case shall be that of one mr. robert skeen . this gentleman had entered to his church at dunsyre , within the shire of lancick , according to law ; and served there in the holy ministry , faithfully and painfully for a good many years ; a man of very good abilities and unblameable in his life . in the year 1684. a circuit court was kept in these parts , for executing the laws against nonconformists ; and so one mr. anthony murray an old presbyterian minister , who had been still connived at before ; because he would not then conform , was deprived of the church and benefice of coulter . this mr. murray had a little estate in the parish of dunsyre , where mr. skeen was minister : thither he retired after his deprivation , and lived quietly , without making any disturbance to mr. skeen , or keeping any conventicles , till the year 1687. that k. iames granted his fatal toleration . but then , with the advice of his brethren of the gang , who had resolved in their clubs to carry on a schism in the church : he began to set up again , not in his old parish of coulter , to which one would think he should rather have returned ; but in the parish of dunsyre , and endeavoured to draw the people after him . and true it is , some of the meaner sort he got : but mr. skeen still kept the church , and the better part of the parish adhered to him till april 1689. that he was turn'd out by the rabble ; or rather till after whitsunday , as you shall hear instantly . skeen thus forced away , murray continued to preach a while after he was gone : and therefore , after this our act of parliament passed in iune 1690. he resolved to take the benefit of it , and so petitioned the council for the benefice of dunsyre for both years 1689. and 1690. and obtained his request without difficulty : skeen in the mean time knowing nothing of it . one would think that this was even but course iustice ; for granting the act of parliament declaring all their churches vacant , who had been rabbled before the 13th . of april 1689. had been never so iust and righteous , yet how did it appear to their lordships that skeen was rabbled before that day ? was it enough that they had murray's word for it in his petition ? ought not skeen to have had notice to appear for his interest ? but let that pass with the rest . mr. skeen is a very poor man , and no wonder , considering , that he had no patrimony of his own , his benefice was but small , and his family was numerous . and so it was as little wonderful if he was surprized when he heard the unwelcome tydings of mr. murray's having got a gift of his benefice for these two years : but how to right himself was the question . he knew very well already in what sense the council understood the act of parliament ; but the session had never yet had occasion to give their sense of it : so he resolves to try his title before their lordships , and accordingly charges those who were lyable in payment of the stipend , for the whole year 1689. and the half of 1690. to make payment to him . this was done about the middle of ianuary 1691. it is not to be doubted but murray would soon get notice of this charge ; so he makes his address to some of the lords of the session , and obtains letters of suspension against skeen , till the case should be debated before their lordships . and so the case came to be fairly stated , before that judicature . sir david thoris was advocate for skeen , and iames stuart for murray : for whose title he produced these three arguments . 1. murray had an act of council for him , so that it was res hactenus iudicata . 2. skeen had deserted and was removed from his church before the 13th . of april , and so was deprived by the act of parliament . 3. murray had officiated , as a presbyterian minister in the parish of dunsyre , during these years for which he had got his gift . to these arguments , sir david thores gave these following answers : to the first : that skeen had legally entered to the church of dunsyre , and had a good and undoubted title and right , which ought in all law and reason to be preferred to murray's gift , especially considering that it had been obtained clancularly , & parte inanditâ alterâ . to the second , that skeen had not deserted , but was barbarously forced from his church by notorious rabble and violence as was evident from this deduction . 1. about candlemas , first , and then several times after , in the month of february and march 1688 / 9. a godless rabble which was then overrunning the country , and thrusting out the regular clergy where ever they came , sent to him peremptory orders to remove from his church , and desist from the exercise of his ministery , under no less hazard than tearing him in pieces , notwithstanding which he still continued in the exercise of his office. 2. the rabble finding those their menaces unsuccessful , no fewer than sixty of them , all armed , under the command of one steel , came to his dwelling house upon the 21st . of march , and committed such outrages , that they frighted the poor gentlewoman his wife , then big with child , into her pangs , before the time ; in which she continued till the first of april , that she brought forth her child , dying her self within three hours after the birth , and leaving him the weighty burthen of eight motherless children ; yet neither for this did he forbear to exercise his minstry in the church of dunsyre ; until , 3. upon the 13th . of april ( the same day that the proclamation was ordered by the estates ) another barbarous , and numerous rabble came to his house , and threatned to murther him , if he should offer to possess the pulpit the next day which was sunday ; and then indeed for fear of his life , he went not to the church ; yet he preached in his dwelling house to such of his parishioners as came to hear him . 4. the proclamation being ordered to be read by him upon sunday the 21st . of april , the rabble returned upon saturday the 20th . and by violence barricado'd the church doors , and carried away the keys , and such utensils as they could find , belonging to the church , and not only so , but on sunday morning they planted guards of armed men , at the doors of the church , by which they kept him out by force ; yet even that day too he preached in his dwelling house : nay , 5. he continued still to preach in his dwelling house on sundays , and to baptize children , and visit the sick , and perform all other parts of his ministry as he had occasion ; till after whitsunday , that another rabble came , and most outragiously and inhumanely cast him , his family , and all his furniture , out of doors ; so that he was then forced to retire elsewhere for shelter . all these things were offered to be proved positively and evidently by many famous and unquestionable witnesses ; and so the lords were desired for these reasons , to give their judgment upon this point : whether skeen having thus continued in the exercise of his ministry , in the church , and parish of dunsyre , notwithstanding so much barbarous usage and so many forcible interruptions and oppositions , could , in law , reason , or common sense , be reputed a deserter of his charge before the 13th . of april . to mr. stuart's 3d. argument , it was answered first that granting it had been true that murray had officiated as a pesbyterian minister , in the parish of dunsyre , yet he could plead no title to the benefice , because he had neither been presented , collated , nor orderly instituted and admitted to be pastor of that parish ; all which were necessary to constitute a legal right : nay he could not pretend to so much as a call from either the greater or better part of the people ; so that he ought to be look'd upon as an intruder , who had forced himself upon another mans charge , against law , and in a schismatical manner . but then secondly , it was not true , that he had officiated as a presbyterian minister , but on the contrary , it was offered to be proved , that he had refused to preach , and did forbid the people to come to him , nay that he had refused to baptize the children of his next neighbours , in case of extreme necessity , in so much , that the presbyterian party in the parish had actually called one mr. donaldson another presbyterian preacher , to supply their necessities . thirdly , murray was reponed by act of parliament of the date april the 25th . 1690. to his church at coulter , had actually got the benefice there for the year 1689. and was to get it for 1690. why then should he have the benefice of dunsyre for these years too ? what title could he plead for both benefices ? and then fourthly , it was pleaded , that of all men in the world , murray was in pessimo dolo to be skeen's competitor for the benefice of dunsyre , because , as skeen offered to prove , and make as evident as light , ( and indeed he was able to have done it by a sufficient number of witnesses ) , murray had not only never endeavoured to quiet the rabble , which he could easily have done , had he applyed himself to it , notwithstanding skeen several times demanded it of him ; but on the contrary , he had openly and avowedly sent to skeen and threatned him if he did not desist from the exercise of his ministry , saying , he could not be answerable for what he had done already , and he should smart severely for it , &c. so that murray ought truly and in law to be reputed one of skeen's rabblers . for all which reasons , and in respect , that the stipend for which skeen had charged ( besides that it belong'd to him incontrovertibly in law and justice ) was all the reparation and assithment , he expected for the murther of his wife , and the violences and outrages done to himself and his children : the lords were desired to prefer him to murray : but nothing could prevail , for the sentence was this word for word . edinburgh 26th . of february 1691. upon report of the lord anstruther , the lords find , that , seeing mr. robert skeen , was not exercising the ministry in the kirk of dunsyre , upon the 13th . of april 1689. the church was vacant by the act of parliament ; and therefore prefers mr. anthony murray . sic subscribitur , stair i. p. d. here sir you have the lords of session giving their sense of the act of parliament with a witness . but i must beg their lordships permission to tell them plainly , that many judicious people think , their lordships did even stretch the act of parliament , which i am sure was needless , in all conscience : they stretch'd the act of parliament , i say , for skeen did actually exercise his ministry in the church of dunsyre upon the 7th . of april , which was the sunday immediately before that 13th . of april , so that he ought to have been reputed in possession of his church till the end of the week , for he was not obliged to be in it till next sunday unless it was upon some extraordinary occasion , which is not pretended to have happened that week . in effect when this their lordships sentence is considered it amounts to just neither more nor less than this . skeen upon such a saturday ( for such was that 13th . of april ) was not in the exercise of his ministry , had not publick worship and sermon , and therefore the act of parliament declared his church vacant : and is not this a probable consequence ? i could easily say a great deal more ; but perhaps even what i have said is a digression : leave we therefore the session , and let us accompany skeen now to the council . his pinching circumstances prompted him to make another attempt , before he should quite give over , and that was , to petition the council that they would retract their gift to murray ; and restore him to his right : or if they would not do that , that their lordships would at least allow him . the equivalent for the year 1689. out of some other vacancy . you may easily collect reasons enough to recommend this petition , from what i have already set down i. e. the usage he had received from the rabble ; the death of his wife ; the numerousness of his family ; his poverty ; his continuing so long in the exercise of his ministry after the 13th . of april ; his never , to that hour , being under any sentence , civil , or ecclesiastical ; his never being heard for his interest . murray's procuring that gift surreptitiously , &c. and a great many more . all these he had in his petition : but the result was , the council would neither recall their gift to murray , nor supply the poor mans needs from any other fund ; so that all this while , he has nothing but the charity of good christians to subsist by . thus i have briefly hinted at such things , as may give you a sufficient tast of the consequences of our act of parliament that settled the presbyterian government . 't is now time for us to return to the parliament house again , and see what more was done there concerning the church or the clergy . and that which comes next in order of time , was a draught of an act which the earl of linlithgow gave into the parliament , the next day after the act establishing presbytery was voted : the design of it was to give toleration to those of the episcopal persuasion to worship god after their own manner , and particularly : that whoso were inclined to use the english liturgy , might do it safely . being presented by so considerable a member , they could not refuse it a reading : but it never got more ; indeed , i am apt to believe his lordship , who presented it , did not expect that it should meet with better entertainment . however one thing was gain'd by it , even that it was rejected ; and that the party who had so thankfully embraced king iame's toleration before , now that they were mounted on the sadle , refused to tolerate any of a different persuasion . this themselves were sensible of , and that it was a thorn put into their foot : but it was inconsistent with their principles to grant it , and so that such a thing should have been moved , incensed them exceedingly ; especially the preachers , who for several days after , made it their work to declaim vehemently against all tolerations ; particularly worthy mr. david williamson in his famous sermon , which i have cited already , was at it , with a great deal of warmth , and that oftner than once ; for not only towards the end of his sermon did he harangue directly and copiously against it , calling it a backset to all that was done , and a mystery of iniquity , &c. but even near the beginning , with more zeal than discretion ; he made it an infallible mark of infidelity in a prince to grant tolerations : do not think i am injurious to him ; you shall have his own words : in respect of religion , some ( princes ) are believers , as ioshua ; some infidels , and so are either such as persecute religion , as herod and iulian ; or tolerate it , as a trajan . thus the zealous man , not considering , that king william had granted a toleration in england . nay so much was the mans teeth set on edg , that such a thing should have been once muttered in parliament , that he was earnest in his exhortations to the house , that they would , if not hang , at least banish all the prelatists . thus he tells them , it is not the wisdom of magistrates to overlook dangerous persons by cruel indulgence ; one achan spared , may endanger the whole camp of israel ( is not this as bad as hanging ? ) traytors to kirk and king would be duly noticed . and again , persons of a dangerous complexion , to undermine the state , would be incapacitated , ( and a rope is the best way for that ) and put out of reach to hazard the commonwealth : if he were a churchman , an abiathar , he might be sent to anathoth . this last fling i am apt to believe , was design'd against the archbishop of glasgow , for possibly mr. david dreaded , he was upon the plot of the toleration . stubborn parliament , that would not provide halters , or at least prisons for all these rogues , when such a godly man advised them ! the next thing wherein the church was concerned , was an act which passed iuly 29. 1690. abolishing patronages , and setting up in their stead , what ? popular elections , according to the presbyterian profession ? nothing less . what then ? a new model for electing ministers , for which it will be very hard to find a ius divinum in all the scripture : for now the heritors and elders are to name and propose the person for whom they encline , to the whole congregation , to be either approved , or disapproved by them ; and if they disapprove , the disapprovers must give in-their reasons to the effect the afsair may be cognosced upon by the presbytery of the bounds , at whose judgment , and by whose determination , the calling and entring of a particular minister , is to be ordered and concluded , &c. i am not at present to debate the reasonableness or conveniency of this new model : but it surpriz'd me at first , that the presbyterian preachers were so easily pleased with this , after their so warm and frequent protestations for the ius divinum of the popular elections : but this surprize was soon over when i found that this method in the result brought the whole power as effectually into their hands , and perhaps more easily than popular election could have done , and that was all they were aiming at : and here it is that the divine right of any thing , with them , doth commonly terminate . at least i am very far mistaken , if this is not all the divine right , that shall be found at the bottom of the most part of their glorious pretences . the next thing i am to take notice of concerns a set of men , whom , i know not if you will allow to be called in a state of persecution , viz. those who had been deprived by the committee of estates and the council , anno 1689. for not reading the proclamation against the owning the late king james , and not praying publickly for william and mary as king and queen of scotland . some of these , though they had obeyed their sentence so far , as not to exercise their ministry in their own churches , yet had adventured to preach in neighbouring churches : and for this they pretended they were only deprived of the exercise of their ministry at such a place : the council though it had deprived them , had not unminister'd them ; it was still lawful for them to preach the gospel when they had occasion : and as they thought they had but too much of that , considering how many vacancies were made , and how few of these churches were planted ; so very few that in many corners of the country you should have found six , eight , ten churches all empty in one neighbourhood : besides , as they still pretend , they preached nothing but the solid and substantial points of christianity , faith and repentance , &c. they did not meddle with crowns and scepters , and government , but made it their work to persuade people to a sober , righteous and godly life . however , this irritated the government , or at least the presbyterian party in the government exceedingly , and therefore upon the 22 of iuly , 1690. this act mas wade about them . the estates of parliament taking into their consideration , that several ministers deprived for not praying publickly for king william and queen mary as king and queen of this realm , and not reading the proclamation of the estates , emitted upon the 13th of april 1689. for that effect , are vp their sentence of deprivation , expresly prohibited to exercise any part of their ministerial function , within the parishes from which they were deprived , do nevertheless , now far more perniciously and dangerously , diffuse the poison of their disaffection , by taking the liberty to preach and pray at other churches and elsewhere , where they neglect to pray for king william and queen mary , in manner enjoined by the said proclamation , to the manifest contempt of publick authority , and the stirrrng up and fomenting the disaffection of the people to their majesties and the present government , and the encouragement of all their enemies . therefore our sovereign lord and lady the king and queen's majesties with advice and consent of the said estates of parliament , do hereby prohibit and discharge the whole foresaid ministers , deprived as said is , to preach or exercise any part of the ministerial function , either in churches or elsewhere , upon any pretext whatsoever , until first they present themselves before the lords of their majesties secret council , and there , in presence of the lords thereof , cake , swear , and subscribe the oath of allegiance , and also engage themselves under their hands to pray for king william and queen mary as king and queen of this realm , and not to own , or acknowledge the late k. iames the 7th for their king in any sort , conform to the tenour of the said proclamation : certifying such ministers as shall do in the contrary , that they shall be proceeded against , as persons disaffected & enemies to their majesties government , with all rigour . and further , their majesties , with advice and consent foresaid ordain the said proclamation , and act of the estates of the kingdom to be put to further execution against all such ministers , who have not as yet given obedience thereto , by praying for their majesties in manner foresaid ; and that the lords of their majesties privy council proceed therein , or impower the sheriffs or magistrates of burghs to do the same , within their respective bounds , as they shall see cause . neither was this thought enough , for within a few days after , another act was made against the distinction of de iure , and de facto , and appointing a certain declaration ; which they call the assurance to be taken by every person in publick employment ; and amongst the rest , the deprived ministers ; for it is an express clause in the act , that all shall take it , who are obliged by law to swear the oath of allegiance to their majesties . i am now almost wearied , and therefore i cannot be at pains to transcribe that act of parliament , but i am afraid you may be angry if you get not a copy of the assurance , and therefore take it as follows , iab , do in the sincerity of my heart , assent , acknowledge and declare , that their majesties king william and queen mary , are the only lawful undoubted sovereigns , king and queen of scotland , as well de iure , as de facto , and in the exercise of the government ; and therefore i do sincerely and faithfully promise and engage , that i will with heart and hand , life and goods , maintain and defend their majesties title and government , against the late king iames , his adherents , and all other enemies , who either by open , or secret attempts , shall disturb or disquiet their majesties in the exercise thereof . thus the parliament thought fit to seeure their majesties government , by exploding that pitiful distinction of de iure , and de facto , rationally sure , and consequentially : for in a kingdom where the government is incontrovertibly monarchical and hereditary , such as scotland is , how is it possible that one can be king de facto , if he be not first such de iure ? an usurper he may be , but can never be a king ; a king in such a constitution being necessarily nomen iuris . but to let this pass , because it is no part of my present concern ; were not our non-complyers , our non-readers , and non-prayers , our clergymen who were deprived anno 1689 , pretty well taken notice of by these two acts of parliament ? i believe you will not readily imagine that many of them would incline to qualifie themselves according to these laws , for the further exercise of their ministry ; neither indeed ( so far as i can learn ) has one of them done it in all the kingdom . they were forced therefore to chuse the other side of the alternative , and cease from the publick exercise of their ministry either in churches or elsewhere , and did so for a certain time ; that they look'd about them , and considered a little better : and then in several places , they adventured to have divine worship somewhat publickly in their own houses that is , they prayed and sung psalms according to the scottish fashion : and also gave their families a sermon , but so as they did not shut their gates , but left them open , that whosoever pleased might meet with them . this gave mighty provocation to the presbyterian preachers : for wherever this was done , it emptyed their convinticles , of a great many of the common sort ; and besides , the gentry generally flocked to these private meetings of the deprived men : which was an unsupportable grievance and trouble to the brethren ; for so long as that was the guise , they concluded , it would be impossible , their interest ( what ever pretences of law they might have on their side ) could be secured . but what remedy was proper for such a dangerous disease ? should they cite them before their presbyteries , or synods , and enter in ecclesiastical process against them ? but that would be to no purpose : for they would be sure not to appear ▪ and if the pursuit should proceed to the outmost , if they should excommunicate them , nothing would be gain'd ; for the sting was taken from that sentence , by act of parliament : no man being , now , by law in scotland , to suffer in his temporal interest , by vertue of his being excommunicated : and it was manifest enough , these episcopalians would not value a presbyterian excommunication upon spiritual accounts . what then should be done ? why ? there was no choice : there was no other way imaginable but to importune the privy council , that their lordships would take some course with such a criminal enormity . but then , even this required prudence , and due season ; for if such a matter should be proposed when the duke of hamilton was present , he might breed difficulties , and make opposition : so , it was fit to take the opportunity of his absence ( when he was at court ) in may and iune 1692. and then it was , that the rebellious and intollerable practices of the deprived men , came to be considered in council . there was a long list of such given in to their lordships , but i know not how it happened , it seems it was thought fit to cite only two at first , viz. dr. richard waddel archdeacon of st. andrews , and dr. iohn nicolson parson of errol . the first had been deprived for not reading the proclamation enacted by the states against the owning king iames , and not praying for william and mary as king and queen of scotland , before whitsunday 1689. and by consequence before the accounts came to scotland that william and mary had sworn the coronation-oath , without which , according to our claim of right , they could not be king and queen . the other , for the same crime , had been afterwards deprived by the council : dr. waddel's late crime was , that in his own dwelling house at st. andrews , he had preached some sundays , without qualifying himself according to law , that is , without swearing the oath of allegiance , and giving it under his hand , that he should pray for william and mary as king and queen and taking the assurance : but dr. nicolson's transgression had many different circumstances : which , that you may apprehend the better , i will give you this view of his case . errol is a considerable parish : it lies in one of the most fertile places in scotland , commonly called the carse of gowrie : and so there are a great many gentlemen who have estates in it : but all generally malignants , or antipresbyterians , except two or three : so that it was very difficult to get it planted with a fashionable preacher . but zeal for the good cause must surmount all difficulties : and therefore these two or three presbyterian lairds , with a small number of inferiour people , whom they had cajoll'd into their own temper , resolve they will have a presbyterian preacher , once possess'd of the pulpit of errol , and accordingly upon a sunday morning , ( i think it was on the tenth of may 1691 ) they bring along one tullidaff , a young forward man to preach to them in the church ; but it seems besides those in the village of errol , all the commons in the parish generally had got notice of the design , and therefore they convened in a considerable number , and met tullidaff and his guards , as he was entring ; and ask'd what the matter meant , &c. one of those presbyterian lairds , who were in his company , began to harangue to them , how presbytery was now established by the law of the land , that here was a presbyterian come to preach in the church , that it would be dangerous to make any opposition , and a great deal more of such stuff : but the resolute clowns were not to be wrought upon by such whining rhetorick , and therefore they told that gentleman briskly , that that preacher would do best to be gone without further noise , for that day he should not enter the church of errol : the laird began to expostulate further with them but in vain , for one of them told him , they were not to reason matters : but they would have nothing to do with that preacher ; he should not come there . upon this one of that gentlemans servants ( more couragious , it seems , though not more zealous than his master ) offers a stroke at that fellow , and then it came to earnest , in short tullidaff the preacher found it convenient to try if his horse could ride , and his guards got sufficient pay for that days muster . all this time dr. nicolson was in the parsonage-house ( for by the forbearance of a worthy young nobleman the earl of northesk his patron he had still continued to to inhabit it , notwithstanding his deprivation ) no ways concerned in the tumult , but as he used to do , going about divine worship in his own family . methinks it needs be no hard task to persuade you that this opposition would be warmly resented by those of the party , and indeed so it was ; for within a few days after the matter was brought before the privy council , and summons were issued out charging those who had made that tumult to appear before their lordships , and among the rest doctor nicolson , as one who had instigated and encouraged the rabble . the privy council banished doctor waddel out of the town of st. andrews , and doctor nicolson out of the parish of errol . but it is not much my present business to insist on this ; that which i have had in mine eye all a long , is the libel that was given in against doctor nicolson ; or , which is all one upon the matter the charge that was given him to appear before the council : it was a very large one , no less than three full sheets of paper ; so that it would be both a tedious and a needless work to transcribe it all : and therefore i will only give you the narrative of it ; which was this word for word . william and mary , by the grace of god &c. forasmuch as it is humbly meant and shown by our lovit sir william lockhart our sollicitour , and john blair agent for the kirk ; that where , albeit by the common law , the laws and acts of parliament , and daily practique of this and all well governed nations , the sacred function of the ministry is to be holden in great respect or esteem , and ministers should be secured in their persons , and goods against all assaults , outrages and violences ; and the perturbers of divine service , and those that shall hinder the performance thereof are severely punishable , and particularly it is provided by act 4. parl. 3. jac. ii. that the hally kirk be kept in freedom , and that nay person vex kirkmen in their persons and goods , &c. and by many subsequent laws the liberty and freedom of the hally kirk is to be observed , and the persons of ministers and church-men in the sacred function are to be had in special reverence , and no ways to be assaulted , hurted or affronted , especially when they are about going to divine service , and in the execution of their office. and by the 27. act parl. 11. jac. vi. 't is statuted that whatever person or persons , shall happen to perturb the order of the kirk , or make any tumult or raise any fray , where through the people convened shall happen to be disturbed , disordered and dispersed , the same shall be a point of a ditty against the persons that shall be convict thereof , and they shall tyn all their moveable goods to be escheat to the king , for their offence ; but prejudice of a greater punishment , if there happens any offence , as slaughter , blood , mutilation , and whosoever invades any minister or puts violent hands upon them , shall be punished with all rigour , and incur the pain of their moveable goods , for the said invasion or violence , albeit no slaughter nor mutilation follow thereupon ; all which is ratified by the 7th . act ch. i. by which it is declared that because the insolence and violence may be committed by lawless and irresponsable men ; who cannot be gotten detected ; it is statuted that the landlords , heretors , chief of clans , and others within whose bounds they dwell , shall be holden , upon complaint to the lords of secret council to exhibit and produce the malefactors , to be censured and punished at the discretion of the iudge ; and the heretors and others in whose land they reside are obliged to exhibit them , under the like punishment after intimation made to them that they stay upon the place . and by the 4. act , session 2. parl. 2. ch. ii. it is statuted and declared , that whatsoever person or persons shall be found guilty of assaulting of the lives of ministers or actually attempting the same shall be severely punished , &c. thus , i say , did the narative of the doctors libel proceed , and then upon this foundation was the rest of it built , viz. that notwithstanding he was deprived , and the church of errol declared vacant , yet when by the presbyteries appointment mr. iohn tullidaff came to preach there , such a tumult was raised : and the doctor was accessary as an instigator , &c. now , i could easily tell you a great many things that might be worth your notice : and that a great many more acts of parliament might have been cited : for we have had enough to that purpose , occasioned by the insults , invasions and murthers committed by the presbyterian party in king charles ii. his time : but that for which i have transcribed this narative is chiefly this , that as on the one hand you may see the piety of our former parliaments , in the protection of clergy-men , so on the other , you may take occasion to consider what a spirit prevailed in the last session of our parliament , which justified and approved the deed of the rabble against so many ministers : and whether we have not now a very impartial government , when the same laws , which must be buried in deep silence , when the case concerns the episcopal clergy , are thus awakened , and made cry so lowdly , when the presbyterian interest stands in need of them , not as if i were to justifie tumults of that nature , no : i abhor them with all my soul : but why should not all alike guilty be equally punished ? thus , sir i have according to your desire , given you a short deduction of the usage the episcopal clergy in scotland have met with , from the civil power since the 24th . of december 1689. i have endeavoured all along to represent matters faithfully and truly , as well as succinctly . two other things there are which are important , and would not a little gratifie your curiosity . viz. the proceedings of the presbyteries and synods since the power was put in their hands by the parliament , against those prelatists who complied , and the purging the universities . as to the first , i thought it convenient at this time not to meddle with it , both because it would swell this letter infinitely beyond its due limits , and i have reason to believe you may confidently expect to se that fully done by another hand . and for the universities , those seminaries of learning , as they stood under the episcopal constitution , were a great eye-sore to the party ; and therefore none could expect that the presbyterians could be satisfied , unless the publick schools were put into their hands . besides the education of youth added much to their strength and national settlement ; so they are resolv'd at any rate , quo jure , quáve injuriâ , to seise very speedily the most conspicuous , and most eminent places . the ministers were so warm in this design , that they importun'd their patrons in the state to remove such masters as they judg'd most opposite to their government , even before the affair was considered by the parliament . but the wiser sort among them withstood this precipitancy ; for since they might frame an act of parliament such as they pleas'd , it was thought most convenient to delay their revenge for a little while ; because the masters of the universities might be more effectually turn'd out under the covert of an act of parliament , than by the methods that they first advis'd . these consultations toss'd to and again at last produc'd that act of parliament , that appoints all masters and professors in universities and publick schools : 1. to sign the westminster confession of faith , as the only standard of theological orthodoxy . 2. to swear allegiance to k. william and q. mary . 3. to sign the declaration and assurance , which i have had occasion to mention above . 4. to submit to the presbyterian government in its last and latest figure , as it was lodged in the hands of about fifty or sixty old presbyterian ministers . it was easie to foresee that there were but few masters whose deprivation this act would not occasion . the trust of visiting universities , colleges and schools was devolv'd on some noblemen and gentlemen ( whose names are inserted in the act of parliament ) that were most addicted to the interests of presbytery . a full quorum of them met on the twenty third day of iuly 1690. and subdivided themselves into four lesser committees : one for st. andrews , one for edinburgh , one for glasgow , and one for aberdeen . the committee appointed to visit the university of st. andrews was managed by the earl of crawford , and they could not commit it to one more bigotted to the interests of their party . so that their design was accomplish'd in that place , in a very few meetings , when the earl made report to the general visitation at edinburgh , they were deprived the 25th day of september , ad unum omnes ; nor did they expect to be otherways treated ; but this merciless sentence rais'd the odium of many against the party : for both the heads of houses and the subordinate professors in that university are learned and deserving men , dr. alexander skeen rector , and provost of the old college by his singular dexterity , industry and constant application , chang'd the rubbish and ruins of that house into beautiful and convenient habitations both for masters and students . and dr. iames weems principal of s. leonard's college minded nothing in the world more than the welfare of that house . and there is little doubt to be made but that the learned and reverend dr. lorimer , principal of the new college , if he had lived had been treated as his brethren were , since his principles were as different from presbytery , as theirs are from the catholick church . the next place to be visited was the college of edinburgh , and because that house was in the eye of the nation , they peremptorily determin'd to have the government of it in their own hands . and it must be confess'd , that the first professors in that house , did frequently and freely despise the faction : and therefore could not but expect to be censur'd accordingly . the presbyterians were very much afraid that dr. monro and dr. strachan would comply with the late test , as it stood in their act of parliament . this put their invention upon the rack , and therefore a strict enquiry is made into their lives , actions , private behaviour , words and conversation ; that if they had comply'd with the act of parliament , they might be turn'd out on other heads ; but this inquisition and toil was very needless . for after four years sufferings , they 'd venture upon the greatest calamities , rather than comply with a test of such consequences as that is . however it was , this is certain , that the professors of the college of edinburgh were prosecuted with the greatest solemnity , bitterness and indignation that was possible . the first masters knew very well , that they could not hold their places under the present scheme of things , yet they made particular answers to all the articles libell'd against them : for otherwise the presbyterians would have propagated amongst the people , that they were not turn'd out , because of their refusing the publick test , but rather for immoralities and scandalous faults . there is already published a particular account of the methods that they took in turning out the masters of the college of edinburgh , yet i must beg the author of that narrative pardon , if i add some things to what he has written . and i do it the rather , because they are material , and because i have undeniable authority for them . in the general it is very observable , that the libels against the masters of the college of edinburgh were own'd and subscrib'd by no particular accuser , and yet the committee proceeded upon such libels , as if they had been brought before them in the most orderly and legal manner . by a publick proclamation they had invited , in a manner , all the nation , and every particular man in it , to bring libels against the masters , but all this to no purpose : and therefore sir iohn hall then provost of edinburgh ( who was contented with the humble glory of being a drudge in this affair ) cajoll'd mr. andrew massie , one of the regents of the college , to draw up libels against all his brethren . mr. massie had in all the periods of his life some affected singularities , that made him apt to quarrel with his collegues ; and always had so much religion as to worship the rising sun ; and therefore he ( foreseeing that dr. monro must needs be turn ' out ) undertook this generous and honourable employment of being the accuser of his brethren . these libels form'd and contriv'd by mr. massie , were afterwards in several private conferences conserted with sir iohn hall , and mr. henry ferguson , and then at length read in the town council , the clerks being remov'd , to the end that sir iohn might be furnished with all necessary preparations when the committee for visiting the college of edinburgh sat . by such kind offices mr. massie recommended himself at once to sir iohn hall and mr. gilbert rule , who , a twelve-month before the visitation , was design'd to succeed dr. monro as principal of the college . let none of the inhabitants at edinburgh think that this is a piece of forgery vented by ill-nature and envy ; for i appeal to all who were members of the town-council of edinburgh at that time , and i have my intelligence from one of their number , who still makes a considerable figure in the city . and if any sober man be unsatisfied concerning the several steps of this knavery and disingenuity , he may ask his neighbours who were then members of the town-council . but the most extravagant piece of partiality was , that mr. gilbert rule himself , who had all possible assurances and promises of succeeding ▪ dr. muro , was one of the judges in that committee ; and 't was told by a gentleman , who observed very punctually what passed in the general visitation , that when dr. monro was remov'd five or six times , the other presbyterian ministers members of the visitation all of them by turns rose up and spoke against him , some once , some twice , but mr. rùle spoke thrice . upon which some said , that that was to kill and take possession . the masters were never acquainted with the libels until they appear'd before the committee , and even then they were not read all at once , but one article after another , for since most of the articles libell'd against them related to matter of fact ; to oblige the masters to answer ex tempore , was the most proper way to entangle them ; and so the members of the committee took all possible advantages to make them say things inconsistent , or to make their defences in great hast and confusion . in the next place i must acquaint the reader , with what i have from good hands , viz. that the only reason why dr. monro and dr. strachan return'd particular answers to the unsubscribed libels against themselves , was , that the presbyterians might not propagate among the people , and leave it upon record , that they were turn'd out for immoralities of life , not that they thought it possible in that juncture , to stand their ground against presbyterian malice . at this visitation there were five of the masters turned out . the two professors of divinity , mr. iohn drummond professor of philology , mr. alexander douglas professor of the oriental languages , and mr. thomas burnet professor of philosophy , dr. gregory professor of the mathematicks was conniv'd at for a while , though he had refus'd the test as it stood in the act of parliament . the college of glasgow was visited by a committee whereof my lord carmichael was president : and he ( you may be sure ) would take a method different from sir iohn hall ; for though my lord favours the presbyterian party , yet he is a man of great modesty and calmness of temper , and he managed that trust with great moderation and equality : dr. fall principal of the college of glasgow refused the complex test as it stood in the late act of parliament , and so must needs be turned out , and upon the same account , his collegue dr. weems professor of divinity , and two of the subordinate masters , mr. blair , and mr. gordon . by doctors fall's prudent and frugal management of the publick revenues he advanced the college of glasgow to a very flourishing condition . as for the university of aberdeen , the presbyterians were not so zealous to turn them out , because they were remote from the center of the nation ; and partly because they had but few of their own number , who were willing at that time to undergoe the toil and pedantry of speaking latin. it was more convenient for their interest , and more agreeable to their nature to preach little stories to the people , and since most of the churches of the southern shires of scotland were vacant , they might plant themselves in the most plentiful livings , and so leave the aberdonians for a while in possession of the northern university ; whether for the reasons lately mentioned , or because , perhaps the present professors of aberdeen are of a more yielding temper than their inflexible predecessors dr. baron ; and dr. forbes , &c. they continue still in their places . they are all of them very deserving men , and it is good for that part of the nation , that they have been more gently treated , than their neighbours . i have given you this short touch of the visiting our universities and colleges , but no doubt you have the acquaintance of some in all of them , to whom you may write as freely as to me , and from whom you may expect greater satisfaction than i am able to give you . and now i hope you will allow me to draw to a conclusion for this time : and pardon all the failings in language and method . i am &c. a proclamation against the owning of the late king iames , and appointing publick prayers for vvilliam and mary , king and queen of scotland . april 13. 1689. the estates of the kingdom of scotland having proclamed and declared william and mary , king and queen of england , france and ireland , to be king and queen of scotland , they have thought fit by publick proclamation , to certifie the leidges , that none presume to own or acknowledge the late king james the seventh for their king , nor obey , nor accept , or assist any commissions or orders that may be emitted by him , or any way to correspond with him ; and that none presume upon their highest peril , by word , writing , in sermons or any other manner of way to impugn or disown the royal authority of william and mary king and queen of scotland , but that all the leidges tender their dutiful obedience to their majesties ; and that none presume to misconstrue the proceeding of the estates , or to create iealousies , or misapprehensions of the actings of the government ; but that all the ministers of the gospel within the kingdom publickly pray for king william and queen mary as king and queen of this realm : and the estates do require the ministers within the city of edenburgh , under the pain of being deprived and losing their benefices , to read this proclamation publickly from their pulpits , upon sunday next , being the 14th . instant , at the end of their forenoons sermons ; and all the ministers on this side of the river of tay to read the same upon sunday thereafter , the 21st . instant ; and those benorth tay , upon the 28th . instant ; under the pain foresaid . discharging hereby the proclamation of the council , dated the 16th . of september 1686. to be read hereafter in churches . and the estates do prohibit and discharge any injury to be offered by any person whatsomever to any ministers of the gospel , either in churches or meeting-houses , who are presently in the possession and exercise of their ministry therein , they behaving themselves as becomes under the present government ; and ordains this proclamation to be publisht at the mercat-cross of edenburgh , with all ordinary solemnity that none may pretend ignorance , and that the same may be printed . the speech of william earl of crawfurd , president to the parliament of scotland , the 22d . of april 1690. my lords and gentlemen , i may say with nehemiah , to the nobles , rulers , and rest of this honourable assembly ; the work before us is great , let us not be separated upon the wall one far from another , and our god will do for us . our religion , church-government , publick safety , laws , and liberties , are all at stake ; and the enemy is watching for our halting in our endeavours , for every one of them : yet if god countenance us , so that duty be made plain , and we be helped to follow it , we are under the protection of a prince , who is a great iudge where our true interest lies , and i am convinced , will frankly deal to us , whatever upon a just claim , we shall apply for . his majesties printed instructions for last session , are plain evidences of his tender regard of his people , and contain greater condescensions , than we have seen , or read of in the reigns of any of our kings , for many ages : but i trust this new dyet will compleat that tranquillity , which we so impatiently wish and wait for : and that we shall be engaged to say of his majesty , as the queen of sheba did of solomon ; blessed be the lord thy god , which delighted in thee , to set thee on the throne , because the lord loved us , therefore made he thee king to do judgment and justice . it were a suitable return to his majesty , for the great things he hath done for us , to repose an intire trust in him , and evidence a true zeal for his service ; which in this critical time , as it would be most satisfying , and engaging to so generous a prince ; so it would be of notable advantage to his , and our affairs . were it not a seasonable part to guard against prejudices towards one another , and when all is at stake , to part with trivial differences , ( our enemies only reaping advantage by them ) and to employ our selves to the outmost , for the settlement of our church , the defence of the kingdom , and the enacting of other good laws , now under our consideration : that we may comfortably and fully partake of the wonderful deliverance god hath wrought for us . if in our last session we had begun at the house of god , other things might have framed better in our hands ; hath not the church suffered sadly by our differences ? and have not our delays made the work more difficult ? the opposition at home , and clamour abroad , had certainly been less , and many honest suffering ministers ere now had been relieved of their pinches , if a greater dispatch had been made . but what if any remaining obstacle should prove a real disappointment in the establishing of our church , would not the blame be lodged at our own door ? some are at the same language that was spoken in haggai ' s days ; the time is not come that the lord's house should be built : to such i shall give the prophets answer , is it time for you to dwell in your cieled houses , and this house lie wast ? we have occasion with ezra , to bless the lord god of our fathers , that the stop is not at the king's door , but that he hath put such a thing as this in his heart , to beautifie his house with that model , which shall be suited to the inclinations of the people , which i trust will be squared to the pattern that was shewed in the mount , and not meerly regulated by humane policy . we are threatned by a foreign enemy , our country is infested at home , and the kingdom sadly exposed to many great inconveniencies ; what should become of us , if his majesty withdrew his special protection , and we were left to the rage of our enemies ? though our church were settled to the greatest advantage , and our other grievances likewise redressed , the nation cannot be safe , without a supply , suitable to the present exigency . it is matter of heavy regrate , that so many are groaning under the load of forfeitures and fines , and his majesty willing to relieve them , and as yet no issue put to those desirable purposes . may the wisdom and goodness of god , so over-rule all our counsels , that we be not imposed upon by false notions of things : let neither partiality on the one side , nor passion on the other , either keep up former differences , or give a rise to new ones , lest it he said of us , as was spoken by ezra upon the like occasion , and after all that is come upon us for our evil deeds , and for our great trespass , seeing that thou our god hast punished us less than our iniquities deserve , and hast given us such deliverance as this , should we again break thy commandments ? what my lord commissioner spoke the other day , 〈◊〉 delivered to such advantage , that any enlargment i could make on it , would be like a rash touch of a pencil , by an unskilled hand , upon a compleat picture ; so i forbear every thing of that kind . it is beyond debate , that in this honourable assembly , the hearts of a great many are very warm to his majesty , and that his ▪ though at a distance from us , is no less filled with thoughts of favour to us : so if the result of our councils be not comfortable to our selves , and of national advantage ; i am afraid , the present opportunity of doing well , if neglected , shall prove a heavy charge against us , in the day of our accounts . but as the lord's hand hath been eminently seen in every step of our late escape from popery , and begun reformation ; so i trust the head-stone shall be put on with shouting , and we shall in the issue be forced to acknowledge , this is the lord 's doing , and it is marvellous in our eyes . finis . errata . pag. 1. lin . 18. read ●ise to . p. 2. l. 10. dele the. ibid. r. determination . p. 4. l. 2. r. the greate . p. 7. l. 2. r. power . ibid. l. 29. d. for. p. 18. l. 30. r. we are hopeful . p. 11. l. 25. r. the episcopal persuasion . ibid. l. 27. r. ioin ▪ ibid. l. 28. r. preserving . p. 18. l. r. cassed . p. 21. l. ult . r. examples . p. 37. l. 28. d. [ . ] before although . ibid. l. 39. put [ . ] after matter . p. 41. l. 31. r. representatives . p. 45. l. 9. r. the rest . p. 48. l. 8. r. to them . p. 55. l. 10. r. debitors . and so l. 19. p. 63. l. 25. after matter . r. is this doing just and righteous things to all men ? p. 64. l. 17. r. earls of . p. 65. l. 3. d. him. ibid. l. 19. r. is. ibid. l. 30. r. embellish . p. 70. l. 5. d. in. p. 74. l. 13. r. cases of . p. 77. l. 1. r. in to . p. 86. l. 27. going about divine . p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. just now . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59415-e2050 vid. paper at the end of this book . * a company of noblemen and gentlemen members of the convention and parliament , who had been very zealous at first for king william , and had not a little promoted the revolution in scotland , turned afterward malecontent ; because ( as themselves said ) the claim of right was not observed ; or ( as their adversaries alledge ) because they were disappointed of the preferments and rewards , they thought due to their early services . to these joyned some other members , who had been thought jacobites , and they altogether were called the club. they struggled for some time against the designs of the commissioner , &c. but at length were defeated . vid. presbyt . inquisition as it was lately practis'd against the professors of the college of edinburgh . the spirit of calumny and slander, examin'd, chastis'd, and expos'd, in a letter to a malicious libeller more particularly address'd to mr. george ridpath, newsmonger, near st. martins in the fields : containing some animadversions on his scurrilous pamphlets, published by him against the kings, parliaments, laws, nobility and clergy of scotland : together with a short account of presbyterian principles and consequential practices. monro, alexander, d. 1715? 1693 approx. 235 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 53 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51160 wing m2446 estc r4040 12787612 ocm 12787612 93903 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51160) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93903) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 699:19) the spirit of calumny and slander, examin'd, chastis'd, and expos'd, in a letter to a malicious libeller more particularly address'd to mr. george ridpath, newsmonger, near st. martins in the fields : containing some animadversions on his scurrilous pamphlets, published by him against the kings, parliaments, laws, nobility and clergy of scotland : together with a short account of presbyterian principles and consequential practices. monro, alexander, d. 1715? s. w. [12], 89 p. printed for joseph hindmarsh ..., london : 1693. preface signed: s.w. attributed to monro by wing and halkett and laing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ridpath, george, d. 1726. church and state -scotland. presbyterianism. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-06 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the spirit of calumny and slander , examin'd , chastis'd , and expos'd , in a letter to a malicious libeller . more particularly address'd to mr. george ridpath , newsmonger , near st. martins in the fields . containing some animadversions on his scurrilous pamphlets , published by him against the kings , parliaments , laws , nobility and clergy of scotland . together with a short account of presbyterian principles and consequential practices . tenue est mendacium , perlucet si diligenter inspexeris . senec. london : printed for joseph hindmarsh , at the golden-ball over against the royal exchange . 1693. to the reader . it is not much worth the while to inform the world , that now mr. george ridpath is at the head of the presbyterian party in scotland . his associates there , and here , have such an opinion of him , that they consider him as the invincible champion of their cause ; and the truth is , if any man be so inconsiderable , and so much a brute , as to fight him at his own weapons , mr. ridpath will certainly carry the prize . he 's the man , that is now most likely to pull down antichrist , and the whore of babylon . and as for the scotch episcopal clergy who yet retain any kindness for the hierarchy , and the former government , if he lives another year , they must all of them be banish'd the isle of britain . it is enough for you to know , that now the presbyterians , as is probable , have by an unanimous suffrage chosen him to manage the libels against their opposites . he now appears in the field of battel , with all the noise , lies , and clamour , that becomes a zealous covenanter . he began this last years campagne with a libel against dr. m — o , which valuable book he dedicated to the parliament of scotland ; by this , one may easily infer , that either he had a mean opinion of the parliament , or extraordinary thoughts of himself . if the following treatise cannot be reduc'd into any certain method , this is not to be imputed unto me ; for i must confess that i too much follow'd the excursions of mr. ridpath's invention . i was willing to contract the animadversions that i made upon his book into as little room as was possible ; and therefore the frequent transitions from one thing to another , are best understood , by such as have read his continuation , &c. i hope most men are better employed than either to think or speak of the calumnies and lies , that he industriously heaps together against the clergy . his party is resolv'd to make use of such engines against the church , as they and their fore-fathers found most successful to the extirpation of root and branch : and they that are unacquainted with their malicious methods , are great strangers to our nation , and history . if the reader meet with some paragraphs that are more particular , and peculiar to mr. ridpath , than the publick is oblig'd to take notice of , i must be excus'd , since i was compell'd ; for i assure you , that i value personal altereations no otherwise than a good christian ought to do : nor did i ever write to satisfie or convince mr. ridpath , that being a thing in it self impossible . there is a certain order of mean spirited fellows ( i do not mean by their external quality ) who think that there is nothing written by their party , ( were it never so ignominiously fulsome and scandalous ) but what is invincible and unanswerable . their pride , and vanity are incurable . it is not my meaning that we ought to put our selves to the drudgery of answering all the scurrilous and obscene libels that are propagated by our enemies , but 't is reasonable to let our friends see , that at some times we can confute them if that be thought convenient . i am so far convinc'd of the weakness of their reasonings , that i know no sect , antient , or modern , that ever broke the peace of the christian church , but may be more plausibly defended , than the latest edition of presbytery in scotland . i never thought that the reputation of my friend was in any hazard by being attack'd by mr. ridpath , or the little creatures who instigate him ; yet by the following papers , i make it plain to all disinteressed persons , that mr. ridpath lies willfully and deliberately in several instances ; and therefore i may be allow'd to take leave of him for the future , if he does not manage his accusations , as becomes the spirit of truth , innocence , and ingenuity . if you think that the style is more sharp than is decent or just , then i intreat you may read his books which occasion'd these papers , and then i am confident that you will retract your censure , and find that i have meddled with his person as little as was possible . he is in some places so obscene that there is no coming near him , and therefore i made all possible hast to rid my imagination of him , and the paultry trash that he gathers together . the bookseller was willing to print a sheet or two more than the letter that i address'd to mr. ridpath , and therefore i gave him some propositions that are extracted out of such books as are most in vogue amongst the scotch presbyterians , that the reader might have a sample of their moral theology with regard to obedience , government , and subjection . to which i have added a letter , written from the tolbooth of edinburgh by the famous assassin mr. james mitchel , who endeavours to prove from several texts of scripture , that he ought to kill dr. sharp , lord archbishop of st. andrews . in short , to use the words of a great man , rebellion is the soul of the kirk . and though we had not known the history of that parliament anno 1645. ( so they call'd the bloody meeting at st. andrews ) we have later instances of their arbitrary and tyrannical malice against the better half of the nation . their very patrons are asham'd of them ( not through any ingenuous remorse ) but because their bare fac'd villanies are frequently expos'd . i think the following letter needs no other preface than what is already hinted by sir , your humble servant , s. w. the contents . the occasion of this letter . mr. ridpath , the author of two or three scurrilous and abusive pamphlets against the kings , parliaments , laws , nobility , and clergy of scotland page 1 his rage and passion against the author of the apology for the clergy of scotland ibid. his challenge fairly embrac'd . the author of this defence undertakes to prove that there is not a good consequence in mr. ridpath 's books from the beginning to the end p. 2 the character bestowed upon mr. rutherford by the author of the apology , no justifiable ground of mr. ridpath 's clamourous bawling against the learn'd advocate ibid. ●●●path 's accusation against sir george mackenzie in the case of c. of c. founded only on his own petulance and malice p. 3 ridiculous advices to the ministers of state in england , and his civilities to k. w. and q. m. ibid. his imitation of the famous presbyterian buffoon dr. bastwick , when he reviles the present clergy of the church of scotland p. 4 his impudence in charging the archbishop of glasgow with so many unheard of crimes p. 5 his vanity in thinking that his books do greater feats than the other scriblings of his party p. 6 his civilities to the clergy of the church of england ; and his particular forgeries against the author of the apology ibid. his critical skill examin'd . and his officious interposal in the defence of mr. rule further chastis'd ibid. train of many impertinent lies together against dr. monro expos'd p. 7 his stupid ignorance in the history of the first reformation of scotland ; and in the doctrine of the first reformers p. 8 his feeble attempts to prove the divine right of presbytery ibid. his abominable lies in charging the government with unheard of cruelties p. 9 the cameronians prov'd to be the most zealous presbyterians . and mr. radpath 's argument against their authority , prov'd from presbyterian principles to be no argument at all ibid. his argumentum ad hominem from the viscount of dundee 's practices proves no more than that he is ignorant in the first elements of logick p. 10 his comparison between the practices of the church of england , and those of the scotch presbyterians , scandalous and impertinent ibid. presbyterians more cruel and barbarous than any other people . this prov'd by a memorable instance in the year 1645. p. 11 the covenanters less skilful than the inquisitors , but equally cruel p. 11 his ignorance further expos'd p. 12 the dr. us'd no equivocation when he said , that the covenant was rigorously impos'd upon children ibid. this prov'd by an act of the gen. ass . 1648. p. 13 the charge of equivocation disprov'd and retorted p. 14 , 15 the practice of the episcopal clergy in exposing the presbyterians , vindicated from levity and profanity ibid. the cameronians the most active , and the most consequential presbyterians p. 16 his derivation of the word enthusiasm , compar'd with such another critical essay of a bedlamite ibid. the acts of the general assembly , especially those of 48 , and 49 , do sufficiently vindicate k. ch. 2. from all imputations of rigor and cruelty p. 17 sir george mackenzie gave a true narrative of the first rise and occasion of those laws that the presbyterians complain of p. 18 one of the pedling scribles in favours of presbytery , his weakness , silliness and ignorance , fairly expos'd in some particulars p. 18 , 19 mr. ridpath 's lies , viz. that sir geo. mackenzie persecuted hamilton of hallside , refuted by hallside himself ibid. no laws made against presbyterians as such , but against seditions , tumults , and insurrections ibid. his method of answering arguments by suppressing such words , upon which their strength depends p. 19 , 20 the presbyterians in general charg'd with rebellious principles and practices . this made good against the whiffling exceptions and evasions of mr. ridpath p. 21 the king and parliament did not consider them as presbyterians , but as stubborn and incorrigible rebels ibid. the majority of the people for the episcopal clergy ibid. his rude and inconsiderable lies against the earl of airly , and the laird of meldrum p. 22 the doctrine of passive obedience fairly stated and defended p. 23 , 24 the presbyterian exceptions disprov'd and retorted ibid. mr. ridpath 's incurable infelicity in mistaking true sense for contradictions ibid. the writings of mr. rutherford prov'd obscure , and mr. ridpath invited to defend them p. 25 , 26 mr. ridpath 's impudence in denying the blasphemies that are to be seen in mr. rule 's books p. 26 , 27 his blustering ignorance further expos'd p. 28 the presbyterians prov'd to be the first aggressors in the trade of libelling , and the only experienc'd practitioners p. 28 , 29 , 30 the additional accusations against dr. monro proves no more than mr. ridpath 's wickedness and malice p. 30 , 31 the murder of archbishop sharp prov'd to be the result of presbyterian principles p. 32 the presbyterians by their principles not oblig'd to forms p. 33 the charge of pedantry brought against the doctor disprov'd and retorted p. 33 , 34 , 35 our ecclesiastical superiors did not connive at the faults of the subordinate clergy , tho they proceeded against such as were complain'd of by the orderly and tedious methods of the law p. 35 mr. ridpath further chastis'd for his ignorance in the history and principles of the presbyterians p. 35 , 36 his ungovernable malice against dr. canaties in many rude and impertinent efforts canvass'd aad examin'd p. 37 his willful and affected mistake of the author of the postscripts meaning p. 38 his ignorance of a formal contradiction p. 39 the presbyterians accuse all men of plotting against the government , because plotting is their only element p. 40 mr. ridpath 's hypocrisie , wishing , that both parties may be tender of one another , when his practice in the next line confutes all his pretences of piety ibid. his common topick to justifie his calumnies , viz. that he does not know what he writes to be false , further expos'd and ridicul'd ibid. his ignorance in opposing the knowledge of arms to the liberal arts and sciences p. 41 , 42 the charge against the clergy of stealing their sermons retorted upon an impudent presbyterian plagiary p. 42 , 43 his vanity and ignorance further chastis'd p. 43 , 44 his affectation of theology , logick and wit , expos'd by plain and palpable instances p. 45 , 46 his catalogue of cruelties and treacheries paralell'd p. 47 , 48 , 49. another objection against the bishops of scotland consider'd p. 51 , 52 , 53 several certificates and letters in favours of the calumniated clergy p. 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , 66 several propositions extracted out of the presbyterian books p. 68 , 69 , 70 , &c. mr. james mitchel the famous assassin his letter . justifying from scripture his villanous attempt to murder the archbishop of st. andrews . mr. ridpath , i have good information from several persons of known integrity here at london , that you are the author of two abusive pamphlets by which you endeavour to defame our kings , parliaments , and nobles , such as we had in scotland before the revolution . our kings were perjured tyrants , and k. charles ii. knew that he himself had forfeited his title to the crown * . our parliaments were but pack'd clubs , a company of slavish parasites , that contributed all they could to the ruin of our liberties , civil and religious ; and consequently our nobility can deserve no better character , who made so great a figure in all our parliaments . as for the episcopal clergy whether bishops or presbyters , you give them so many names , that it is a wonder you did not think such a despicable company of men below your notice . the book which you call your continuation , most of it is levelled against one particular man ; and when i undertake his defence ( if that be necessary ) i find that the reading over your book , and transcribing so many parts of it was all the toil i was likely to undergo , and tho you call him whom you fancy to be your adversary a man of ungovernable passion ; yet i must tell you that he could not but be mad to the last degree , if he were angry at the names you give him , since they of the first quality in europe , have no fairer quarter at your hands ; a scribler . a pedant , a hawker , a villain , an ass , an ignoramus , a blunderer , are all of them words that he can hear with patience , when his superiours are not better treated . one may modestly conclude that you are very angry , and that 's a greater punishment than any of your adversaries can inflict upon you . the author of the postscript to the apology for the clergy of scotland , told you already , that he was not at all concerned in that scuffle between you and your antagonist , nor is he likely to offer his mediation to end your debate ; and he is still of the opinion , that he can employ his time better than to read again your answer , or the book that occasioned it . his postscript is a short epistolary account of the first , or rather a character of the present methods of presbytery , in imitation of their predecessors , than any particular view of your book , and i am content that you impute this to his ignorance or weakness or what else you please to call it . it is very odd that you should think that you have power to summon any body to the press when you please , even when you lurk behind the curtains . you take it for granted that dr. m. — was the author of that postscript , and it may be you hit right enough ; yet tho your party be lashed in it with some severity , he takes no great pleasure in medling with particular men further than necessity constrains . he said , that there was not a good consequence in your book from the beginning to the end ; this could not but provoke a man of your courage and mettle . by a consequence , i humbly think he understood a truth deduced from true and solid principles that overthrows the common cause of episcopacy , or the reputation of those men whom you asperse , i mean such of the clergy who were never under any publick censure of the church . he told you likewise that he had no inclination particularly to examine the imaginary contradictions that you charge your enemy with , and now i give you the reason , partly because the theme , as you manage it , yields no edification , partly because the publick is not at all concerned to read such libels and altercations , and he gives you liberty to triumph as much as you please upon this head : but if your honour and credit is at stake , and that you find your self concerned more particularly to run him down than any other , he is content to meet you before any competent number of grave witnesses , who by their authority may mitigate such excursions of rudeness as may be feared , if your blood should boil to its usual fervor : and to reason the matter calmly , and ( without either huffing , or the terrible language of an almanzor ) to demonstrate that there is not a good consequence in your book from the beginning to the end . and indeed you may excuse me to tell you , that in your last pamphlet you seem not to understand the very first elements of logick . moreover , the author of the postscript incurr'd your high displeasure , by saying , that there were abusive metaphors in mr. rutherford's letters , and some dark and unintelligible passages in his scholastical essays : and is this the unpardonable crime for which there can be no atonement ? mr. ridpath , this was no reflection upon his morals , but a plain matter of fact to be seen by every body that peruseth the books that are cited . and therefore this could not at all justifie your accusing sir george mackenzie to have suborned witnesses ; a practice so infamous and so wicked , that i am confident no man of honour will ever say any such thing of the truly just , and learned advocate . a previous examination of witnesses in criminal cases is not subornation , but precognition , practised at all times in scotland before they deponed judicially ; and sir george mackenzie wanted not many clear evidences to prove that c. of c. was plotting an insurrection against the king and government about the time of argyle's rebellion . you may read the elegant history of that insurrection written by the * bishop of rochester , and there you may see with your own eyes several authentick evidences , upon record , against c. of c. and i must tell you that sir george mackenzie needed not that gentleman's assistance to re commend him to the present court , if he had been ambitious to have been a favorite ; and if he told c. of c. that he had done him an injury , and begg'd him pardon , how came this confession to be made publick ? if he to whom it was first revealed , under trust , spread it abroad , he is guilty of something that no gentleman will readily own ; but the plain truth is sir george mackenzie never told him any such thing , after the manner you represent it ; and he had very good reason to expect that the witnesses against c. of c. would judicially depone in publick , the very same things that they asserted in private ; and if you please you may remember that there is a greater difference between sir george mackenzie and your self , than between mr. rutherford and those of our clergy you trample upon . your advices and threatnings to the ministers of state in england are idle , and of no use at all ; for ministers of state will advise according to their light and conviction , without any regard to the short-liv'd pamphlets that fly about the city ; nor are they likely to receive their measures either from you , or any of us who see so little in their sphere . the presbyterians in england are not yet ripe for a rebellion , and they in scotland can do little to disturb england , without their assistance , and therefore you had best forbear your threatnings , for i am apt to think that your influence in either nation goes but a little way . you treat king william no better than other kings , since , you say , he is prevailed upon to write letters to the general assembly that they are not obliged in law to comply with ; but better lawyers are of another opinion , and if king william venture upon such essays of arbitrary power , in a little time ( according to your hypothesis ) he may forfeit his title , since he has none but such as is twisted with the divine right of presbytery . but indeed , mr. ridpath , i think we had kings in scotland , before we had either covenants , or presbytery , or the claim of right ; and that our fundamental constitution does not depend upon an act of the general assembly , tho the general assembly sometimes venture , in terminis , to make an act against an act of parliament . it is a gentile compliment that you bestow upon queen mary , when you allow the jacobites to invite her father to keep the solon-geese in the bass ; and i think none is permitted to speak so but mr. ridpath . it is not safe for any government to suffer buffoons to treat crowned heads so familiarly ; whatever be the quarrel between princes , this language is intolerable ; yet some animals are privileged to bark at this rate . the clazomenians , coming to sparta , fullied the thrones on which the ephori sat ; when the ephori came to know this indignity , they bore it patiently , and called for a publick herald , and ordered him to proclaim through the city , that it was lawful for the clazomenians to do things that were unbecoming and undecent , that is to say , such barbarous rascals were below reproof and revenge . two of our archbishops you treat in the same language that dr. bastwick , the famous presbyterian buffoon , used towards the archbishop of canterbury and his collegues , when he tells them that the hierarchy came from the pope and the devil , diabolus caccavit illos ; they forsooth must be called magnates ecclesiae , and the verity of the matter is , they are magnae nates ecclesiae . it is tedious to transcribe his civilities to archbishop laud , and his venerable brethren , and therefore i refer you to the book cited in the margin : only there is one of his complements which i set down , because it hath in it the mean and scurrillous spirit of the party ; which you copy so exactly that one would have thought dr. bastwick had been your father ; thus he goes on ( speaking of the priests of the church of england ) they are secundum ordinem diaboli , a generation of vipers , proud , ungrateful , illiterate asses : the church is as full of ceremonies as a dog is full of fleas . and again , one would think that hell were broke loose , and that the devils in surplices , in hoods , in capes , and rochets , and in four-squared cow-turds upon their heads , were come among us , and had beshit us all . pho ! how they stink ! this is the wit and civility of an enraged presbyterian ; these are the flights of a zealot , when inspired to the heighth . you treat archbishop sharp and the archbishop of glasgow , in the same language that archbishop laud , and archbishop spotswood were complemented by your predecessors . there is a letter here , which i have seen , from the archbishop of glasgow to one of his friends ; which , some time or other may see the light in a larger treatise . it was occasioned by your obscene libels against him ; i must tell you one thing that is in it , and it may provoke your curiosity to see it ; he promises two hundred pound sterl . to any man that will prove , by witnesses of known probity , any one particular that is maliciously vented against him by your self or any of your informers . why then do not ye appear openly above-board , for the bishop declines no competent judge in scotland ? 't is true , he thought that the book that treated him so barbarously had been writ by some of the fluttering damme's about the city , whose most compendious method to destroy religion , is , at any rate , to run down the clergy ; but if he had known his accuser , 't is more than probable he would forbear any vindication . he was sometimes opposed by persons of the first quality in the nation , and if he had been so wicked a wretch as you represent him , he had certainly forfeited his life to justice , and his name to infamy , as he expresses it himself in his letter . mr. ridpath , do not take it ill that i do not go through the particulars of your libel against the bishop , for i have made you a fair offer already ; and besides , when you are better informed , you will find your self that you name some persons in your libel , who are lasting monuments of the disgrace of your faction ; so that you have as little of the wisdom of the serpent , as of the innocence of the dove . you may go on and accuse the bishop and his collegues of all the crimes that your predecessors charged the former bishops with , in the year 1638 ; nay , which is more , you may accuse him of all the villainies which your own major wier actually committed , when he ran about with so many of the sisters , from one communion to another : and i assure you that neither he nor any of his friends will take notice of you . we know very well that you are at extraordinary pains to gather intelligence against the clergy , but all your evidences hitherto are of no authority at all . you think that if mr. rule 's book provoked the author of the postscript to undecencies of passion , the reading of yours would make him stark mad . not so , mr. ridpath , we may sometimes get a more deadly wound by an arrow that flies near the earth , than by the thunder that goes over our heads . he begins , you say , with downright nonsense and a notorious lie ; but one and the same proposition cannot be both nonsense and a lie ; one cannot tell what to make of the first , and therefore it is neither a lie nor a truth : he continues still in the same opinion , that the principles and practices of the covenanters occasioned the laws that you complain of , whether you mean their practices from the year 1637 , to the year 1650 ; or their behaviour after the restoration of king charles ii , all is one to me ; they overthrew the monarchy under king charles i , disturbed it by frequent insurrections under king charles ii , and are ready to do so still , if at any time their boundless tyranny and ambition be restrained . the rest of that paragraph is a declamation against prelacy , and the clergy of england must be lashed with the same severity , wherewith you chastise those of scotland ; and in your first book you represent those of england as a company of treacherous prevaricators : that the crown set them up by a daring perjury , and that the same party hath thrust that family from the throne , by a copy exactly answering the original . they are obliged very much to your civilities , if the family be thrust from the throne , you are the author of a new discovery ; but i leave this to their consideration who are more concerned . you are diffident of your arguments against the author of the postscript , and therefore you will take more effectual and compendious methods to ruin him : for you tell us that upon the taking of namure , he was heard in st. james's park to salute mr. shields by the title of a bishop , no doubt in view of a revolution which was likely to follow . there is one thing that i thank you heartily for , viz. that this accusation is express , particular , and circumstantiated , for when accusations are loose , general , and indefinite , nothing can be fixt upon that can lead us unto the truth , and therefore mr. ridpath , here i plainly give you the lye ; i know a man of your honour will resent this affront . the affirmative part is your own , and therefore common sense obliges you to prove it if you can , you are here upon the place , so are they whom you accuse ; the dr. declines no competent judge in england , and if you can prove that ever he spoke with mr shields in st. jame's park , he 'll acknowledg all the libels against him to be true , and the only method to save your reputation in this particular , is to put it to a fair trial. but i perceive that you are as unfortunate in the informations that you receive against the clergy , as you are hasty and unadvised in publishing of them . whether the error in scotch grammar with which you charge the dr. be an omission of the printer or his inadvertence , is not material to enquire , he had rather commit a thousand such , than one latin solecism in a publick harangue ex cathedra . it is uneasie to live next door to a grammarian . read over again the 2d . page of your continuation , l. 21. or the 5th . p. of your preface , l. 30. and tell me if it be exact grammar . it is impudence beyond comparison , to say , that the dr. charged mr. rule falsly with speaking wrong latin ; 't is a wonder to me , why he himself or any of his friends should be so zealous to defend him upon that head , and if you would be so wise as to let those stories alone , i know none would be so idle as to revive them ; and because you will not suffer us to forget his latine , i will give you one instance more of the purity of his stile . asking one of the students what was his name , the youth told him so and so , but not adding his sirname ; he asked again , quid est totum nomen ? at another time missing the key of a certain box which is kept in the library , when he would have opened it , he told them that were about him , nescio quid factum est de iis , habui mox . now the affirmative is mine , i am obliged to prove it when ever you put me to it . you are all of you so tender upon the point of honour , that you let nothing pass without present revenge , and mr. rule himself may know the witnesses when he pleases , tho it be not decent to print their names . the next accusation against the dr. is , that he cannot forbear swearing . mr ridpath , i hope it is otherwise ; and this is but an article of the original libel , answered already in the presbyterian inquisition . you was advised by the author of the postscript , rather to insist on the old libel than to trust to your own invention . moreover you say that it can be proved , that he said to a certain minister , that if the episcopal party had not the government , he cared not if the devil had it . by other accusers this calumny is otherwise represented , viz. that if the episcopal party had not the government , he cared not if the papists had it ; but both are beat out upon the same anvil * . i wish you had named the minister to whom this was said ; the devil has but too much of the government of the world already , and i am affraid that they who publish such malicious and indefinite reports , are more governed by him than they are aware of . you charge him again , that he hindered the printing of mr. jameson's book , against quakerism ; he had no authority to do so , nor was it possible for him to treat mr. jameson with greater civility than he did . as for the oath imposed on the scholars in king james his time , that is sufficiently accounted for in another * treatise , and whether you are satisfied or not , it matters not much . the objejections started against it , were but the whimsies of a malicious pedant who knew not well what he said . it must be confessed that he preferred the french refugies to the scotch presbyterians , when both petitioned the town-council for the use of the publick hall to preach in upon the sundays . i am not obliged to believe , upon your authority , that he had any undecent expressions upon that occasion . i incline to think that if the presbyterians had the publick hall of the college , very many naughty persons would resort unto it , though the presbyterian ministers should endeaviour to hinder it . now i would gladly ask you one question , whether ever you had a scholar , that answered you with greater submission and obedience than i do . you name a person at the foot of the 15 pag. whom you say , the dr. was careful to vindicate , that he never so much as mentioned his name ; but newsmongers have a greater priviledge than their neighbours . 't is certain that the scheme of the presbyterian religion , as far as they differ from the episcopalians , is nothing else but ungovernable humour and rebellion . now is it necessary to strike off the doctor 's head for this one expression . the presbyterian opinions , as such , are new and lately started , and peculiar to themselves , nor is there any of the reformed churches that ever asserted presbyterian government to be founded upon such divine right as is exclusive of all other ecclesiastical polities . the church of scotland , which , you say , was presbyterian from the beginning of the reformation , declares positively , in her confession of faith , that church polity is variable , and the order of bishops was never condemned by our reformers ; and buchanan tells us expresly , that our first reformers were so far from being presbyterians , that scoti ante aliquot annos anglorum auxiliis è servitute gallica liberati religionis cultui & ritibus cum anglis communibus subscripserunt . to say that the church of scotland should be governed by presbytery , because presbyters were most active in the first reformation , is an unpardonable impertinence . if all the bishops in the church of scotland had been as zealous to promote the reformation as the bishops of galloway and argyle , would it therefore follow , that if the bishops had reformed the church without the assistance of presbyters , there ought to be no presbyters in the church when it was fully reformed . no , i think this could not follow ; and therefore when the bishops own the doctrine of the reformed churches , they must be obeyed , and our reformers never declaimed against their order ; and if they would adhere to the doctrine of the reformed churches , calvin determines positively in that case , that nullo non anathemate digni sunt , who stubbornly oppose their authority ; but we had no such thing as presbytery in scotland , settled by authority in all its pretences , until the rebellion brake out in the year 1638. presbyterians we had , tumults , combinations and factions in abundance , and interruptions of the legal government , and parliamentary concessions to pacify the faction ; but a total abolishing of the order of bishops , before the rebellion in king charles i. his time , was never heard , and to say otherwise contradicts the series of all our records . if the places of scripture that you cite , prove that the names of those clergy-men that were above deacons were not distinguished ; yet this cannot infer an equality among them , for the apostles themselves were called sometimes presbyters , and the church was never governed by a perfect equality of presbyters . the ecclesiastical senate had its constant praeses , without whose authority nothing of any moment was transacted . how often do you meet , in the old testament , the jewish clergy dichotomized into priests and levites ? will it therefore follow , that there was no high-priest among them to govern the whole society ? you seem to have no other notion of a presbyter than what you meet with in your late pamphlets ; but it was an honourable appellative , bestowed , in the apostolick times upon all orders of ecclesiasticks above a deacon . let us know where this superiority and jurisdiction of one presbyter above another is forbidden . it was established by god himself in the old testament , let us see it repealed in the new. i think we may leave this dispute to other combatants , who may have occasion to discourse of it more fully , when the mortar pieces are shot that you threaten us with . only be mindful to let us see those epistles of st. augustine to st. jerom , wherein you say that episcopacy is proved to be of humane appointment . your next contains a lamentable catalogue of crueltiess that you say the presbyterians in the west did undergo under the former reigns , viz. that some were roasted before fires , &c. i thank god i never heard any such thing before , and if it had been true all christendom would have heard of it , and tho you had the aauthority of the general assembly to vouch it , you must excuse me if i continue in my former unbelief . all your bauble about the cameronians is neither to your purpose nor mine , their practices can never be condemned by presbyterian principles , and they may be the standard of presbytery as much as the ministers you name in that paragraph . the protesters were not so numerous as the resolutioners , yet you must acknowledge they were the only orthodox presbyterians ; for the resolutioners were rotten-hearted malignants , and the protesters are the present visible church of the presbyterians ; and if they had stood upon the plurality of votes , they had yielded to the general assembly against whom they protested . and this is the fatal and fundamental error of your party , that they have no principles of unity , but such as a plausible protestation seconded by the rabble can shake your ecclesiastical authority upon all occasions , according to the original maxim of mr. andrew melvil , vota sunt ponderanda , non numeranda . your argumentum ad hominem taken from the viscount of dundee's practices , proves no more than your thick and palpable ignorance in the first principles of logick . nothing can be improved as an argumentum ad hominem against any man , but such practices as naturally overthrow his own principles ; and do you think that my lord dundee own'd any true and indisputable right in them against whom he sought ? and if upon his hypothesis there was no title , pray what becomes of your argumentum ad hominem ? my humble advice is , that some one or other of your friends may teach you the vocabula artis , before you write so magisterially : and you 'll find this to be but a friendly advice before i have done with you , and whatever proficiency you have made in grammar , your logicks are but of about two months standing . your parallel between the practices of the church of england towards king james and those of the scotch presbyterians towards king charles 11. is a true specimen of your skill . we know no such practices of the church of england , nor are we to learn her doctrines from scurrilous pamphlets , but from her articles , homilies , liturgy , and canons . that the presbyterian cruelty towards the episcopalians after the year 1637. were unparallel'd in history , remains still a truth , because they suffered from men who declared themselves to be of the same religion with their neighbours ; the cruelties of papists towards protestants , and of infidels towards christians , and of pagans towards them who worship one god , cannot make up an exact parallel , because the rebels by whom our people were persecuted , pretended to be of the same communion . but since you name the massacre at paris , you may call to mind that in the year 1645 the presbyterians under the command of general leslie , cut in pieces some hundreds of the marquess of montross his infantry , in cold blood , after quarter given ; when the marquess was betrayed , and that he was forc'd to retire , a considerable body of his army surrendred their arms upon articles , and stood , as they were directed by the covenanters , in a plain open field , having nothing to defend themselves with but their nails ; then it was time for the presbyterians to discover their true intentions , and to let the world see that no promises ; no capitulations could bind up the hands of covenanters , when it was in their power to do mischief , and you are to remember that this horrid tragedy was acted at the special instigation of the godly ministers in the army , for souldiers know no such villanies . but the enthusiastick zealot who preached , thought that the blood of so many innocent people was a good beginning of a through reformation . he chose his text 1 sam. 15. 14. what meaneth then this bleating , &c. infinuating that they could not be said to obey god , as long as they left any alivethat were not covenanters , and when general leslie , contrary to his own inclination , honour , and authority , yielded to their fury , he asked this sanguinary enthusiast , mas john ha not you blood enough now ? compare all circumstances , and match this in history if you can ; not to mention now the throwing so many women and children over the bridge of lithgow , without either form or process , for no other crime , but that they followed their husbands and relations to montrose his army . and the former instance is by so much the more remarkable that the poor people who were murdered in cold bloud , contrary to the laws of nations , the faith of mankind , and the ancient honour of the scots , were all of them protestants , and laid down their arms upon capitulation for their full freedom and safety : to embrew their hands in the bloud of their countrymen , contrary to the solemnity of promises , was a thing that could only be acted by covenanters ; so that your instances of the massacre at paris , and the duke of alva's butchery in the netherlands , are indeed sad abuses of supreme authority , and lasting monuments of cruelty : but that which i just now named , adds to cruelty perfidious treachery , such as blows up the foundations of humane society . but mr. ridpath , you ask if ever you put the prelatists in dungeons to be eaten up of toads and serpents and if not , you think you may conclude that you fall short of the cruelty of the inquisitors . i answer , whether there are toads and serpents in the lower vaults of the tolbooth of edinburg , i cannot tell , but i am very sure the reverend bishop wiseheart was almost eaten up of vermin in that dungeon , and bore the marks of the covenanters cruelty , as well as the evidences of his own invincible patience to his dying hour ; and if your covenanters at that time were not so ingenious in inventing instruments of bodily torture as the fathers of the inquisition were , yet you cannot deny but that they were equally fierce and bloudy : the presbyterians were only acted by a lower order of daemons , who had not so much light and art , ( yet altogether as furious and as opposite to true goodness ) as those by whom the inquisitors were guided . but you think that though the dr's conscience be prostituted to a prodigy , yet it flies in his face , when such and such things are said of the covenanters . mr. ridpath , i am now pretty well acquainted with this noise , and you see that i meet your loudest thunder without any disturbance , and all that i return to this civility is no more , than to advise you to distinguish between a little fluttering rhetorick and common sense ; when ones conscience is prostituted , as you say , to a prodigy , he feels no remorse at all ; and therefore his conscience cannot fly in his face , 't is seared with a hot iron , he is proof against all light and conviction , altogether blinded and stupified under the power of his error . and if the dr's conscience fly in his face , he is still within the possibilities of being recovered , but you must treat him a little more softly if you intend to make him a proselyte . but you tell us next , that the dr. learnt the art of equivooation as well as if he had been at rome ; for he says , that the covenant was rigorously imposed upon all , children at the schools not excepted . to this you answer , that you believe it was required of little children that offered to take the degree of masters of art about the age of thirty years , and then you hoise all your sails , and leave the poor dr. exposed to all the contempt that a silly sophister deserves . now mr. ridpath , we are again closely engaged , and if i do not get the dr. out of this mire , i must run for it . if you was your self near thirty years old when you went to the university , as you seem to insinuate , one might reasonably presume , that your bloud had been colder before now ; and that you would not vapour at this rate , when you had no reserve to defend you , but your ignorance in a plain matter of fact ; and therefore all that know scotland , know very well , that the children in our country ordinarily go to the university at the age of twelve , thirteen , or fourteen years ; and such may in the strictest sense be called children , and of such it was required to take the covenant : for my part i never knew one amongst them that arrived to the age of thirty before he received his degrees . there was no equivocation in the case , when the author of the postscript told you , that the covenant was imposed upon children at the schools , for he meant it of no other children than those younger ones who entered the university , and who were not allowed to delay their swearing the covenant until they left it , but were forced as soon as they entred , to take it upon implicite faith ; if this is made evident , you must acknowledg that there was no equivocation used by the author of the postscript . if you set up for a patron of presbyterian practices , and must needs hector the world into a belief of your blustering romances , if you intend to be succesful , you ought to read more and write less ; and because the affirmative is now mine , i am obliged to prove it , and if you desire better proof , i 'll make you amends ; it is the following act of the general assembly . act for taking the covenant at the first receiving of the sacrament of the lords supper , and for the taking of it also by all students at the first entry to colleges . the general assembly according to former recommendations doth ordain , that all young students take the covenant at their first entry to colleges , and that hereafter all persons whatsoever take the covenant at their first receiving of the sacrament of the lords supper . requring hereby provincial assemblies , presbyteries and universities to be careful that this act be observed and account thereof taken in the uisitation of universities , and particular kirks , in the tryal of presbyteries . now mr. ridpath , i hope you are satisfied , that by children were meant those young ones who are but newly come from country schools . the word equivocation brings to my mind some practices of the presbyterians , still upon record ; i mean publick and solemn deeds , which seem to justifie equivocation , if it be for the glory of god , i. e. if it promote the ends of the covenant . it is nothing to see you or me equivocate ; these are the failings of us two private , obscure , and particular persons , but to see the general assembly , the true and only supreme representative of the kirk of scotland , shift , double , and equivocate , is treachery and hypocrisie with a witness . to make you sensible of this , you are to remember as an introduction to what follows , that the covenanters who went to aberdeen to recommend the covenant to the clergy and professors of divinity there , told them , that notwithstanding they should swear the covenant , yet they were left at liberty to vote for episcopacy when the general assembly met ; but when the general assembly met , they concluded primâ instantiâ , that episcopacy was abjured in the covenant : this prevarication is complained of by the marquess of hamilton , his majesties commissioner , in a printed declaration , anno 1639. to this they answer , that they did not expresly and specificè abjure episcopacy , but only generally and virtually , by abjuring whatsoever was abjured in the confession 1580. now the meaning of this is , by their covenant they abjured episcopacy virtually , but not specificè . but how could the members of the assembly be left at liberty to vote freely for episcopacy after they took the covenant , if episcopacy was virtually and generally abjured in the covenant ? this is as much to say , as , tho i am obliged by the christian religion virtually and generally against all degrees of theft , yet i am not obliged specificè by my baptismal vow against picking a man's pocket of his watch. what a juggle was it to say , that men might vote freely for that government which was , for the matter , abjured ? these are the metaphysical lectures that are to be learned in presbyterian schools , who think nothing to dally with mens consciences , by the jingle of a distinction , which , at bottom , is but hypocrisie and impertinence . but would you have another sample of their casuistical theology ? read what follows , * in their answer to the third reason , albeit by the meaning of the prescriber of an oath , the swearer were tacitly bound to maintain episcopacy , five articles of perth , and such like ; yet according to the premitted considerations he is more obliged to the reality rei juratae , which is now declared and found to abjure episcopacy , † nor to the meaning of the prescriber , or his own either , being contrary to the explanation of the sovereign judge competent . thus far the covenanters . now mr. ridpath , name any one proposition more knavish , hypocritical and damnable than this is , that the swearer is neither bound to the meaning of the imposer , nor to his own meaning who takes the oath , but to the reality of the thing sworn , as it shall be afterwards explained by the competent judge ; which , in their meaning , was none else than the general assembly . did you ever read any thing worse in the casuistick writings of the jesuits ? but it may be that your curiosity reaches not so far as the moral theology of escobar , filiucius , or emanuel sa. did ever the transcendent power of rome go higher ? if oaths neither oblige sensu dant is nor jurant is , but in the sense of the kirk , then we are obliged , without any further enquiries , to submit our necks to the infallible decrees of the assembly , tho we neither know what is in them , nor never intended to oblige our selves by them . i cite a very authentick paper , being under the hand of mr. archibald johnston , clerk of the assembly . so that the mother kirk can evacuate the force of all oaths , promises and subscriptions , to the end of the world : for they do not oblige in the sense of the first imposer , nor according to the meaning of him that swore , but according to the commentary and interpretation of the general assembly ; and so the next general assembly may pronounce , that by the test ( against which they objected so many sad stories ) we are obliged to maintain and support presbytery , tho we swore it with quite contrary . intentions ; and indeed there is not any thing to be met amongst the jesuits , more subversive of all religion and true morality , than that memorable position that i named from the authentick records of the covenanters . some grave men have been displeased that the presbyterian fooleries have been exposed to laughter ; and for my part i was not of their council who first assaulted them in that manner , yet those gentlemen who accuse the episcopal clergy of scotland , as if they had exposed religion it self , by publishing some of the impertinent and ridiculons bauble of presbyterians , must consider , that the learnedest and gravest divines , in this as well as other nations , have treated enthusiasts in no other manner . i have no room to insert monsieur paschal's excellent letter to the jesuits , wherein he proves , from the example of god himself , our saviour jesus christ , the prophets , the fathers of the christian church , and the holy men of all ages , that it is ordinary , just and lawful , to ridicule such as profane and pervert religion by visionary and fantastick glosses , or such as deprave its morals by loose and scandalous interpretations of god's most holy law. must we be said to laugh at religion , if we smile when we hear a man gravely telling us , that abraham left the land of chaldea for debt ? no ; we are as far removed from that profane humour , as this commentary is from the gravity and authority of the holy scriptures ; 't is one thing to laugh at religion , and another thing to laugh at them who profane it by their extravagant opinions ; and they ought to remember , that the friendly debate treated them in as familiar a manner as some of our party have done ; nay the most leading men among the presbyterians , in their most publick appearances had always something or other to provoke the people to laughter , i instance in dr. burgess's sermon before the house of commons , 1640. the fifth motive by which he persuaded them to take the covenant was , that * the devil himself will have a covenant from all his vassals that expect any extraordinary matters from him ; there is not a witch that hath the devil at her beek , but she must seal a covenant with him sometimes with her blood. mr. ridpath , you are very angry when we charge the presbyteterians with the odd and extravagant practices of the cameronians , as if such things were unagreeable to their sentiments : to tell you the truth , i think the cameronians are the most active and ingenuous subdivision of the presbyterians ; they are the pioneers in your camp , whom you hug and embrace as your dearest brethren , when the roughest part of your work is to be performed . upon the late revolution they drove the clergy out of the west , and guarded the convention , and many other considerable services ( they 'll tell you themselves ) they have done you ; and yet forsooth they must not be allowed to be presbyterians . the act of the west-kirk , and the remonstrance in the year 1650. are better evidences of presbyterian principles , than all your little whiffling excuses and evasions . our people took care to publish an epitome of the hind let loose , not because it was written by any of the cameronians ; but rather because he that wrote it , gathered together the publick papers , remonstrances , declarations , and wrestlings of that party against the state , in which they lived since the reformation ; and therefore if any suffered hard things under the late reigns , they were the high-flown presbyterians ; such of them as lived peaceably and modestly , suffered nothing at all : for our laws never forbad any man to think but that presbytery was preferable to episcopacy , if his opinions and education led him to think so ; but our governours took care that the principles of presbyterians might not break out into tumults and insurrections ; such as formerly pulled down the monarchy , overthrew the fundamental constitution , and turned our nation into a field of blood. we are very much obliged to your wit and invention for your derivation of the word enthusiasm ; you prove us enthusiasts from two arguments , first because we are drunkards , and next because we use unscriptural ceremonies . i cannot deny but i was refreshed a little with this extraordinary flight of your fancy , and i leave it to all impartial men to judge whether this witticism of yours , or another which i am going to tell you , be more coherent , rapturous and gentile ; nay , i think i may leave it to your own decision , if you are but a little recovered from the career of your passion : the story is this , one of my friends once persuaded me to go along with him to see that sad sight of bethlehem hospital ; as we entred the lower apartments , we drew near to the cell of a little grave man , whom we found reading ovid de tristibus with great application . my friend and i asked him several questions , all which he answered very pertinently , so that we could not discover for a good while where his madness lay : at last i asked him if he understood the book he read , he told me he did , and convinced me that what he said was true . i asked him again , how he came to have such a kindness for that book beyond other books ; at which he smiled with some appearance of disdain , pitying my ignorance , that i did not know a thing that he thought was known all the world over : why ( said he ) ovid is of our family ; and do not you know , ( said he ) that ovidius is from ovis a sheep , and the butchers take ovis by the neck , and therefore he began his book de tristibus , with parve nec invidio ; from all this he concluded that ovid was of his family ; and , i think , he argued as wisely as you do to prove us enthusiasts . it is true , the author of the postscript said , that the acts of the general assembly did sufficiently vindicate king charles ii. and his ministers of state from any shadow of rigour or cruelty ; but i must tell you that he meant other acts than those you guess , and it is a sad thing to have to do with such an adversary as you ; it appears that you have a very good opinion of your self , and there is not a quality more essential to a presbyterian than pride and vanity , you have not read the books you are concerned to read , if you set up for the publick advocate of the kirk ; how came you to guess what acts your adversary meant , unless he had cited those acts particularly : and therefore i advise you to read the acts of the general assembly more narrowly , and see if you can name any of the papal enchroachments upon the civil magistrate more daring and ambitious than that one act which is cited in the margine , and which is recorded to the honour of presbytery . mr. ridpath , you see that i have a great desire to court your friendship , since i cite the books exactly , that you look upon as oracles . you tell us , after a long declamation against king charles ii. his government and the doctrine of passive obedience , that sir george mackenzie's arguments in the defence of his reign , are all of them built upon a false narrative of matter of fact ; as if the rebellions against king charles i , and ii. were not notorious , and known all europe over . the scotch rebels laid king charles i. upon the altar , and the english rebels sacrificed him ; and this is no other censure than what is obvious to every man's observation . must we sit down and transcribe all the presbyterian protestations , remonstrances , seasonable warnings , and declarations , when every little pamphlet is answered ? must we prove that presbyterians are rebels ? that is as needless as to prove first principles : for since the covenant is the magna charta of your religion , as you are distinguished from other christians , why should you think the imputation of rebellion to be any reproach ? sir george mackenzie gave the world a true narrative of the first rise and occasion of those laws that you complain of . and we are very glad how much you write against it , you but wound your own head , and kick against the pricks : for his narrative remains true , and founded upon the records of parliament , and progress of your rebellion , and still unanswered , as it is unanswerable . i know that one of your club wrote a pamphlet against his defence of king charles ii ' s government , entituled , a vindication of the presbyterians in scotland , &c. it peeped out , as if it were afraid to see the light , but no body knows where to find it , and in a few days it evanished . 't is said to be printed for edward golding , 1692. i got one copy accidentally , but all my industry could not procure another . the author is a very accomplish'd gentleman , no doubt of it ; he tells you , in the very first page of his pamphlet , that he left the law part unanswered . and this one expression is enough to proclaim him a fool , that he who had no knowledge in the laws , should venture to answer sir george mackenzie's book ; just as if one should censure the works of tully and quintilian , without any knowledge of the rules of oratory and rhetorick ; and , to let you see how grosly ignorant this poor creature is , he tells us , that king ch. i. when the earl of traquair sat at the helm of affairs , imposed on the subjects an oath , commonly called the tender , with great severity , and that , it is not improbable but that the covenant was a counter-oath to that . now mr. ridpath , i ask you how any man can forbear smiling to see how such a little shuttle-cock can assault the memory and writings of sir george mackenzie ? was the covenant no older than the tender ? and was the tender , ( by which men were made to part with all degrees of loyalty ; and to renounce the family of the stewarts ) imposed with great severity by king charles i. and is this the book that you think confutes sir george mackenzie's vindication , better than the doctor can defend it ? but your learned author goes on , and tells us that the general assembly ( i suppose he means that in 1638. ) did not throw out the bishops without the authority of parliament , since they had their allowance for it ; as if the general assembly that threw out the bishops had waited for the determination of a parliament : and when sir george pleads , that the ecclesiastick state were always the first of the three estates of parliament , your little man tells us , in opposition to this , some stories of monks and culdees , by which the church was governed from the beginning of christianity in scotland . but is this any thing to our purpose , when we plead , that by so many laws and parliamentary constitutions , our bishops make up the first of the three estates of parliament ; and which is more , those very laws are not yet repealed , by which the ecclesiastick state is declared to be the first . and tho in the days of the covenant , when the bishops were expelled by tumult and violence , one of the three estates was split into two , contrary to the fundamental constitution of parliaments , yet by unrepealed laws and immemorial possession , they remain the first of the three estates of parliament . he tells us next , that there were no bishops during king james ' s residence , and consequently none sat in parliament ; and must we be put to the drudgery of confuting such a sad creature as this is , when the records of parliament give him the lie ? and i speak it sincerely , i never saw any thing in print more ignorantly writ than that pamphlet is : for he tells us again , that he knew of no persons of quality put to death by covenanters , save the earl of montross . and if you please to defend your learned brother , you may ; for my part , if i am not constrained to it , i am resolved never to look into his pamphlet ; nor do i know how to excuse my self at the reader 's hands , for inserting so many of his lamentable impertinencies . in another place of your book , you accuse sir george mackenzie of having persecuted hallside ; but this gentleman is here also , and no man can speak more to the advantage of sir george mackenzie , in all companies , and upon all occasions , than he does ; and he flatly denies all the malicious fictions that you have heaped together on that subject . if laws have been made under the reign of king charles ii , to restrain the fury of madmen and incendiaries ; neither the state , nor such as advised those laws to be made are to be blamed ; for there were no laws made against the speculations of presbyterians , but against the practices of such of them , whose principles and endeavours were equally destructive to humane society , as they were pernicious to the particular settlement of our nation . the paragraph that follows is a true sample of your way of reasoning , when you say that nero and julian the apostate had the advantage of the primitive christians , in regard of quality , sense , and interest . but i still think that the apostles and primitive christians were men of the best sense , and far beyond all their persecutors . mr. ridpath , to do you no piece of injustice ( for i disdain it , and one needs not take any advantage of you ) i let the reader know , that in the correction of your errata's , you advise to dash out the word sense out of lin . 32. of pag. 27. but then when the word sense is dashed out , you do not repeat faithfully the doctor 's argument : for you know very well that he reckons the quality , sense and interest of the nobility that are for episcopacy , as things that bear down the noise and clamour of all their antagonists ; you may raise monsters as many as you please , and then fight with your own dreams and imaginations ; but since you do not repeat an argument faithfully , you should let it alone . and what followed in the same paragraph of the postscript , viz. that the episcopal nobility were men of parts , honour and integrity , was to be considered in conjunction with the former ; the characters last named you do not deny to be true , and if so , how can men of honour and integrity be perjured oppressors ? for my part , i never thought that honour in its true notion could be separated from a good conscience : and the author of the postscript intended to baffle the calumnies of their opposers , by a compendious enumeration of the outward and inward advantages that the patrons of episcopacy possessed ; so that if you was at the pains to answer this argument , you ought not fraudulently to suppress such words , as contained its frame and energy : and i am content that you call me as well as the author of the postscript , a pedant , an ass , a blunderer , a villain , a lyar , and a papist ; if i tell you that you seem to have nothing in your view than to raise a little dust , when you repeat an argument but not in the authors words , it is no more his but yours ; you may be taught your mistake by that of the poet , quem recitas meus est o! fidentine libellus sed male dum recitas incipit esse tuus . you tell us next , that sir george mackenzie owns , that presbyterian ministers , and presbyterian jurors who were summoned to the tryal of malefactors of their own persuasion , seldom failed to condemn them ; from this you conclude , that sir george gives himself and the dr. both the lye , when they charge those principles upon the presbyterians in general : and this you say , discovers the falshood of that necessity , that the episcopalians pretend the government was under to make such laws against the presbyterians in its own defence . your argument may be reduced into form thus : some presbyterian ministers who lived peaceably at edinburgh , blamed and condemned the practices and rebellions of the cameronian presbyterians : ergo , the principles of rebellion are not to be charged upon the scotch presbyterians in general . but mr. ridpath , here i deny your consequence . for when we charge the presbyterians in general with rebellious principles and practices , we do not intend to include every individual of that persuasion ; for many of them do not see the just consequences of their own principles , many of them have not courage enough to put them in execution : many of them may be naturally of so sweet a temper , that the felicity of their complexion resists the malignity of their tenents ; yet notwithstanding of all this , the presbyterians for the most part are guided by a spirit of rebellion and ill nature . when one says such a thing is true of such a sect or fraternity ; generally speaking , he does not intend that it should be understood in a strict universality , but with that latitude that the subject matter will allow ; and if you say , that the severe laws that you complain of were made against such malefactors , as presbyterian ministers themselves condemned ; then i infer , that the laws were not made against presbyterians as such , but against those rebels who improved their covenants and associations into seditions , tumults , and insurrections . 't is very true , that those presbyterian ministers who were of a calmer temper , were sometimes employed to reclaim the malefactors to their duty , yet they could not prevail with them , because the western enthusiasts had a higher opinion of their own preachers , who were remonstrators and through paced covenanters , than they had of the more peaceable and sober presbyterians ; why then are our laws and governours blamed for restraining the madness of such who were thought intolerable by presbyterians as well as by the king and parliament , and your reasonings in this paragraph plainly infer , that the king had nothing in his view but to preserve his hereditary right , and the peace of his subjects , when such and such laws were made against illegal and tumultuous meetings , as men of all persuasions were necessitated to condemn . but you add further , that this concession of sir george mackenzie's , discovers the falshood of that necessity which the episcopalians pretend the government was under , to make such laws against presbyterians in their own defence . mr. ridpath , if the government was assaulted , and the peace openly disturbed , there was a plain necessity to make such laws as were thought proper to restrain the fury of such zealots , whether they were presbyterians or anabaptists , all is one to me ; and if you say that presbyterians were not guilty of such practices , then i say there were no laws made against the presbyterians : for the king and parliament did not consider them as presbyterians but as heady , incorrigible , and stubborn rebels , who were restless in their nature , and gave them perpetual disturbance . what follows is of the same nature with the former ; you tell us that sir george says , that the hereditary sheriffs refused to put the laws in execution against conventicles , by which they became formidable . this you pretend destroys two other assertions propagated by our party , viz. that presbyterianism is not popular , and that none but the rabble are their friends . but mr. ridpath , all this proceeds from your incurable precipitancy and ignorance . for some heritable sheriffs might be inclined to favour presbytery , and yet 't is very true , that the most of their friends are among the rabble ; and when we say so , we do not intend to say , but that here and there an heritable sheriff , or a gentleman , may be a stiff covenanter , and may differ very little in his education and principles , from the inferiour sort of people , and if at any time we say that the rabble only favours the presbyterians , we understand that proposition in a limited sense , as all such propositions must be understood , for generally speaking ( except it be in the west of scotland ) the presbyterians have very few friends among the nobility or gentry ; and though they had not the majority of the nation , yet they might prove formidable , and when sir george says that they were formidable , can you infer from it that they were more numerous than their opposites . at this rate you may prove , that high-waymen , and robbers are more numerous than honest citizens and subjects , because a very few of them are able to frighten a whole county . we are ever and anon told by you and the rest of your party , that the majority of scotland is for presbytery ; but the wiser men of your faction think otherwise , and therefore they took care to secure their inclosure ( into which they stumbled by a fortuitous concourse of many accidents ) by several laws and barricadoes not to be named in this place . when you recollect your self a little , perhaps you may acknowledge that it is not wisely done of you to abuse so many of the nobility of scotland , by such infamous lyes and forgeries as you are pleased to print , particularly when you tell us , that the court employed bloody , cut-throat papists to ruine the country . you name the earl of airlie , and the laird of meldrum ; 't is true , this may pass in a coffee house at london where the earl of airgile is not known ; but there is not a scots-man alive that ever heard that either of these gentlemen were papists . now this is very sad stuff mr. ridpath , and any man that undergoes the toil of considering your books , if he knew not whence they came , must be guarded by extraordinary patience , when truth and innocence are almost in every line so boldly invaded . what you mean when you tell the dr. that he has wounded his pretences to loyalty by defending sir george macknzie's book , is to me a mystery ; for i am confident that you are but very little acquainted with him or his pretences either . but you complain that he did not answer your argument taken from the consequences of passive obedience , and that he turns his back and takes no notice of you . well , mr. ridpath , it is but just that a person of your valour should be met in open field ; but you must not conclude that a man is pusillanimous when he retires , unless you have him so much under your authority that he dare not move a step without your order , nor answer any thing unless in the method that you appoint him . you impute all the direful effects of arbitrary power , to the episcopal party and the doctrine of passive obedience ; yet i am apt to believe , that there is no people in the world loves arbitrary power so much as the presbyterians do , and that they hate it only when it is not in their own keeping . if by arbitrary power the presbyterians mean some such power as is unaccountable to any earthly tribunal , such a power there must be in every government , and if it be not managed by a true christian publick spirit , it may be as grievous and intolerable in the hands of a parliament , as in the hands of a king. to declaim against arbitrary power , is to declaim against all government ; for there is no government upon earth but exercises in its supreme judicatories arbitrary power and jurisdiction . for which it is not accountable to any but to god alone , where this finally decisive and supreme power ought to be lodged , is a question that i leave to lawyers and statesmen ; they know our municipal laws and constitutions . when the sins of a nation provoke god , then he punishes them by foolish , extravagant ; and cruel magistrates ; when it is otherwise , and that god is pleased with them , they enjoy good laws , peace and protection under wise governours ; and this is all the remedy that is left in humane affairs , against publick calamities and disasters . there was no meeting since the world began that declaimed against arbitrary power so much as the long parliament did , nor was ever england so miserable as under their tyranny and oppressions ; as long as the administration of publick affairs is left to the disposal of men , so long we may be exposed to arbitrary power ; and the former must be as long as the world continues : a parliament may be as tyrannical as any king ; and when they are thus pack'd together to serve a particular design , we must truckle under them until those laws are repealed by another ; so that passive obedience thus stated , is necessary under all forms and models of government ; it is all one thing to me whether i am oppressed by the king , or by king and parliament ; there is no judicatory allows the remedy of a rebellion , and what all judges determine in all nations , and at all times , must be the voice of god. they who plead for the supreme and decisive authority of the general assembly in ecclesiastical affairs , ought to be more friendly to arbitrary power ; for though their sentence against any particular clergyman were never so unjust and oppressive , yet he must strike sail and hold his peace , and practice non resistance to a greater heighth , than ever the episcopal clergy preached it , if he would not incur the highest censures of the kirk . and this spiritual tyranny is more insupportable , than that which reaches only our temporal concerns ; and i am content without any blustering or foaming to reason this modestly with your self , or any other that you can name , but still with this proviso , that there be many more present than you and i , for i am afraid that we do not well understand one another , and therefore , if ever we meet we must have a moderator to keep the peace . you say that the dr. contradicts himself , because he thought that there was no injury done to the presbyterians , in publishing a book that exposed their fooleries ; and yet he grants , that the author of that book was perhaps unwary as to some instances . good mr. ridpath , i see no contradiction here at all , for a book may serve the end for which it was published , though perhaps the author mistakes himself in some single instances . there is no author now adays sets up for an infallible dictator ; and you tell us in another place of your last pamphlet , that it is not possible to publish so many particular stories without committing some faults ; there is no doubt but you have a very good opinion of your own book that you last printed , yet i hope you are convinced before now , that the covenant was imposed upon children when they entred the university . whether the author of that book mistook himself or not , is not positively affirmed by the dr. so your contradiction vanishes into air and noise . you raise more dust than a coach and six horses , when you are about to kill a fly. it is probable that the author of the postscript may be chastised for having said that mr. rutherford's writings , in some places were past all human understanding . i have no commission from him or any of his friends to return your language in specie . you tell us , that if mr. ruhterford were alive , he would have scorned to have fouled his fingers with such an episcopal hawker ; but indeed , mr. ridpath , i do not think that mr. rutherford was so proud , but that some time or other , he fouled his fingers with meaner creatures than the doctor . but what was it that he said of mr. rutherford's writings ? that , in some places they were very dark and obscure ; and was this any such extraordinary crime ? mr. ridpath , i love to say very little of men that are dead , if you think that his writings are so clear , pray give us your commentaries upon his second chapter of his second exercitation pro divina gratia. 2. resp . distinguo vocem ( verum ) quod unusquisque tenetur credere , id est , verum , metaphysicè & fundamentaliter , in se & quoad eventum , concedo majorem & tum minorem pernego . but still he left us to guess what the other member of the distinction may be . therefore take it thus , quod unusquisque tenetur credere , id est , verum , logicè , formaliter , extra se , & quoad non eventum ; nego majorem . and then both the one and the other are good strong nonsense in all its formalities . but he goes on , christum enim pro unoquoque mortuum esse in se fundamentaliter & metaphysicè , non est verum sed falsum . christum pro unoquoque mortuum esse metaphysicè falsum , is a phrase i am not acquainted with ; and if one durst speak it , the author seems not , ( notwithstanding of all the flights of his metaphysicks ) to advert to the trite distinction between the veritas metaphysica and the veritas logica . for veritas metaphysica numeratur inter proprietates entis , & consequenter non objectum fidei sed simplicis apprehensionis ; at propositionibus logicè veris assentimur vel propter testantis auctoritatem , vel propter rei evidentiam : and the question is not de metaphysica veritate hujus propositionis , sed de veritate logica . this is not the only instance that may be pick'd out of this paragraph to prove it obscure and unintelligible ; that other phrase in se & quoad eventum concedo majorem , is as dark as any thing can be ; nor do i remark here the solecism of his latin , quoad eventum ; but i name this exercitation as unintelligible from the beginning to the end . and because you are a man of honour , and cannot endure contradiction with any patience , it were a more gallant exercise for you to prove that this exercitation of his , is plain and solid theology , than to blot so much paper with your imaginary libels against the clergy . you fight much at the rate that the tartars do , when they are driven before their enemies ; or rather like the dutch , who are mounted on horseback that they may flie with greater convenience : but if you have as much courage and honour , as you have bawling and impudence , come to a close engagement , and prove that mr. rutherford's answers to the forementioned argument are solid , plain and intelligible . what miraculous feats other presbyterians can do , is nothing to your purpose . add to the former instance mr. rutherford's argument in his 22. chapter of his disputatio scholastica de divina providentia , to prove that there is no opposition between sin and the divine nature , which i cannot now transcribe , and yet still i have the confidence to say that it is foolish , childish and frivolous , and of the most pernicious consequence upon the morals of mankind . for if there is no opposition between the divine nature and sin , antecedenter ad liberum d e i decretum , men may be brought to think that sin is not so odious in it self , nor at so great a distance from true perfection , as the scriptures represent it . but if you would see many more passages that are unintelligible , read his disquisitiones de ente possibili , and the former exercitation , and if any thing can convince you , you may be then forced to acknowledge that his writings are obscure , and consequently the doctor 's saying so did not furnish you with the least umbrage of charging sir george mackenzie with the grossest immoralities of life , for such i think the subornation of witnesses is . the next blow is for his incivility to mr. rule , that he does not allow him the title of doctor . truly , mr. ridpath , if he wilfully made use of any other complement towards him , than what is just , there is no man alive more ready to retract his error than he ; he thought there was no rudeness in bestowing upon him the title by which he was ordinarily known ; and if the doctor knew not the several steps of his promotion , i see no reason why you can accuse him of incivility , and the thing being purely indifferent ; if he had been better informed , he would not deny any thing that he knew to be so easie and innocent . next you tell us that you do not believe the two instances that are cited in that postscript against mr. rule upon the doctor 's authority . but why , mr. ridpath , did the author say so of him barely upon his own authority , or are they not to be seen both of them in his printed books ; and are not you much more uncivil to him , who revive stories when perhaps they are entirely forgotten by others ? the decretum praedamnatum was not the fiction of my friend , nor yet his new and unnaccountable criticism of the word ordinatio ; and now you may add another , which is decretum praeteritum . and you may see these new decrees ( never mentioned before by any class of divines ) in page 66 of his vindication of the church of scotland . and now i think one is sufficiently provoked to call you impudent , that you bring above-board things that you neither understand nor defend . you complained , in your former pamphlet of the injuries done to mr. urqhuart and mr. kirkton ; because the first was said to have spoken contemptuously of our blessed saviour and the lord's prayer , and the other alledged , that abraham run out of the land of chaldea for debt . the author of the postscript told you that both these stories ( which you your self thought unpardonable ) could be proved ; and i am confident many more of that nature . but you tell us that you are sufficiently satisfied , by those who have lately made enquiry into the affair , that the whole is a malicious calumny . so we must take it upon your word and theirs , it might be reasonably expected from you , that , at least , you would have procured under their own hands solemn attestations that they never said any such thing ; and that was all that you could do to prove your negative : and this might have been easily had , especially from mr. j. k. who lives at edinburgh ; nor is there any of us so far exasperated against him as not to believe his own testimony solemnly and seriously delivered . and this is more civility on our part , than any of them will allow us at any time , or upon any occasion . if i were at edinburgh i could prove the affirmative ; and you must excuse me to continue just where i was , notwithstanding of all the informations you have received . the following paragraph hath in it more impertinencies than there are lines , and yet it is probable that many of your sect may think it seraphically witty . the author of the postscript said , that the absurd and ludicrous sect metamorphos'd religion and its solemn excercises into theatrical scenes . another of the same fraternity says , that your preachers were whining fellows that drivelled at mouth and eyes . and thus you make them contradicct one another , and then you run away with a loud holla'a , as if you were at the head of the rabble pulling down a cathedral , to see so many curates slain with the jaw bone of an ass . the word theatrical scenes does not determine whether your preachers acted comedies or tragedies , and a whining scaramouchi may act his part in either ; and if so , the many words , which you have gathered to no purpose , discover your ignorance , and not any contradiction amongst them whom you hate . but , mr. ridpath , are you not in a strange career when you can never hit upon the true nature of a contradiction ; i am not surpriz'd that you do not know the nature of a comedy and tragedy , for you never read aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor none of the commentators upon him , either ancient or modern ; yet you might , in two months time ( for so long i am told you was at the university ) have learned what a strict and formal contradiction is . that the presbyterians were better at libelling than their neighbours , is evident from all records ; and therefore the author of the postscript had good reason to say , that libelling was their characteristick , as that which they most practised , and excelled all others in ; that , in which they placed most of their strength and confidence , and which they will never forbear , if they happen to live where there is any to be accused . but you say that your enemies were the first aggressors , and their bold attempts against the godly , justifies all the rough treatment that they have met with . mr. ridpath , there is one thing that i would entreat you to condescend to , and it is , in itself , very just and reasonable , and unless you yield to it , we may fight to our last breath without satisfying one another or serving any good design , the thing is this , when you accuse persons and parties , you must be more express , definite and particular in your libels . i am of the opinion that it is not possible for presbyterians to forbear libelling , especially upon all publick turns and revolutions ; their libels against the clergy both in england and in scotland , are still upon record . did you never see the centuries of scandalous ministers accused before the long-parliament . the general libel against the bishops of scotland may be seen , when you please , in the king 's large manifesto , and in the first volume of nalson's collections , and if you believe neither of these books , since they were both written by malignants , read the acts of the general assembly , 1638 , and there you have the very same libels mentioned ; and there is no presbyterian but knows , that the libels against the bishops , in the year 1638 , were read from all the pulpits of the nation where the assembly's authority was obeyed : and what is said , by the author of the postscript , of their behaviour towards archbishop spotswood , is commonly attested by the oldest men in that corner of the country , near st. andrews . particularly this is more carefully preserved in the family of ballfour . and the bishop of o. and mr. sage of glasgow , had this very story from the laird of ballfour's own mouth . 't is true that there is an act of the general assembly , mentioning the libels against the bishops , but there are also among the unprinted acts , acts of excommunication and deposition against some prelates ; and when those acts are produced , i offer to prove , from their own authentick records , many more steps of their fraud and artifice . that there are such acts as i last named unprinted , vid. index of the principal unprinted acts of the assembly at glasgow , 1638. and if they were not afraid of being discovered and exposed , upon this very head , those acts had been printed as well as the other principal acts ; nay , the act against episcopacy it self was not printed , because it could not but alarm all the protestant churches abroad against them , when the order of episcopacy was condemned as simpliciter unlawful ; a thing unheard in the christian church , until the mungrel conventicle at glasgow sat : therefore the act against episcopacy was left unprinted as well as the acts of excommunication and deposition against some prelates . and this is either altogether unknown to , or dissembled by mr. gilb. rule , when he denies the truth of that story , as related by the author of the five letters . and you are a fool to think , that , in those days , when rebellion and hypocrisie were triumphant , they would have stuck at such little punctilio's , and not practise all arts to delude the populace . i hope you do not deny what use they made of margaret mitchelson's visions , raptures and revelations , by which they persuaded the people that the covenant was authorised by immediate revelations from heaven , as well as by the popular tumults at edinburgh . the knavery against archbishop spotswood was an injury done to him and the church ; but the counterfeit raptures of margaret mitchelson ( countenanced by your party ) mocked and defied god's justice and providence , no less than it ridicul'd and prophan'd all religion . [ vid. king 's large declaration . ] nay , they procured libels against the clergy from most counties in england ; and in those counties where they had none to work upon of their own gang , they forged libels , and presented such counterfeit petitions in the name of such counties , and dispersed their forgeries for real truths , to make their party appear numerous , and the * clergy odious . and sir thomas aston petitioned the house of lords against this villanous practice ; but this was not welcome to those lords who favoured the faction , and therefore sir thomas aston was reprehended , and the forgerers gently rebuked . and my author truly observes , that this was like to prove aglorious reformation , which was built upon such foundations , and advanced by such arts and methods . so that if you mean the former presbyterians , they were the first aggressors ; and if you mean the modern , they practised this trade of libelling ever since the beginning of the revolution , and long before the book appeared that provoked your displeasure , and they are much better at it than their opposites ; their curiosity reaches to the meanest concerns . there are no people in the world can give such exact account of their neighbours , when they rise , and when they go to bed , what they eat , and what they drink , what they say , and with whom they converse ; and this is the reason why they so often blow up the neighbourhood into flames of contention and calumny . name me but one man since the name of presbyterians was known to the world , that ever gave them any sensible provocation , whom they have not persecuted with their tongues and libels to the utmost of their power . they were not only the first aggressors , but they continued their practices under the reign of charles ii. and since the revolution the libels against the clergy have employed their presbyteries , synods , and assemblies , not to mention the libels against masters of universities , where there was no accuser . i have insisted the longer upon this , to let you see the vanity of a common topick that runs through both your pamphlets ; libelling is so peculiar to the presbyterians , that they cannot think of reforming it ; in all their conversations their discourse runs most upon them that are absent . it is an idle thing to deny plain matter of fact , especially when it is supported by publick records , practices , and the unanimous suffrages of a whole nation . i think it enough to prove by the most undeniable evidence , that in this art of libelling you are the first aggressors , and the only experienced practitioners , without putting my self to the pains of calling you rogue , villain , rascal , impudent lyar , and such like gentile names as you bestow upon your adversaries . you add , that it is natural for a cadet of dumbarton's regiment , which used to plunder people of their goods , to rob men of their good names , and therefore ought not to be believed . this is a new article which we have not heard of before , that he plundered people of their goods , and it supplies the defects of the original libel in the inquisition ; and it is very ordinary for the presbyterians to represent such as they libel , actually guilty of the breach of the ten commandments : now your woman amongst the corn , and the plundering people of their goods , added to the former libel makes him actually guilty of the breach of all . for in the first libel , he is accused of having no religion , and of swearing , so at one stroke he transgresses the first four ; and the two articles added in your continuation , together with his reflections against the presbyterians make him guilty of the rest , either expresly or by necessary consequence . but mr. ridpath , you do not know the discipline of the french army , and if he had inclinations to rob and plunder , this is a more proper time to practise it ; when he is turned out of all his possessions , and allowed no other employment under this reformation than to answer libels . and indeed i think if you were a soldier , you have no principle to restrain you from plundering when you might venture with safety , especially in a popish country , the true israelites , and covenanters might take the egyptian goods without scruple or remorse ; as they formerly did at new-castle , contrary to articles and capitulations . your grammatical lecture of the literae mutabiles , you may recommend to your scholars , and whatever proficiency you have made in grammar , you seem to me to reason much like the gentleman that i formerly named , who thought himself of ovid's family . you had better let fall the mention of archbishop sharp , than bring him so often upon the stage to the disgrace of your party . he was certainly murdered , not by an accidental effort of fury and passion as you alleadge ; but in a most deliberate manner , after many cabals and consultations kept for that very end ; and the author of the postscript did not reason from shields his authority so much as from the principles he went upon , his book being an accurate collection of several authentick papers , and avowed practices of his party since the reformation ; nor was it ever said , that sober presbyterians did allow of his murder : but how few of them are sober ? and i can tell you more , that the presbyterian ladies in fife at that very time , did industriously shun in all conversation to call this bloody act , a murder ; but gravely said , that indeed the man was slain , but they could not think that any thing that was performed by so great a saint as rathillat and his religious cut-throats , could be called a murder . and when such practises are charged upon the presbyterians in general , it is not intended ( as i told you once already ) to involve every individual ; it is not possible to deprave the nature of some particular men to that degree , though they seem to maintain principles that yield pernicious consequences . but , mr. ridpath , by conversing with your self i am become a little more bold , and i offer to prove from presbyterian principles , that archbishop sharp ought to have been murdered , are not all the covenanters obliged to bring their enemies to condign punishment ? and when the magistrates are open and avowed enemies to the cause of god , is it not lawful for some to interpose ? especially when acted by heroical impulse to stop the universal deluge of impiety , that was likely to drown the whole nation , to recover the freedom of the church that was run down by tyranny and perjury , contrary to all national obligations , former laws and liberties . did not king charles ii. himself know * , that he had forfeited his title to the crown ? and was it necessary according to you to delay the execution of justice in this calamitous posture of publick affairs , unless it could be procured in due form ? when it was not possible for honest men to be heard : especially since the covenanters struck off the heads of montrose , huntley , haddo , spotswood , for acting by a commission from the very king , by whose commission they themselves pretended to hold their places . what is there in the murder of archbishop sharp that may not be justified by your principles ? did not he deserve death ? no doubt you think he did ; and if it be only the forms that you stand upon , must the seasonable execution of justice be delayed , because it cannot be had in all its regular steps and formalities , when the magistrates openly tyrannize and oppress our liberties civil and religious ? at this rate you disown the most publick acts of the covenanters . by what form of law then in being , did the tables of your govenanters sit at edinburgh , when they were forbidden by open proclamation to continue any longer their consultations and cabals . if you pretend the necessity of their affairs , was there ever any state of things more lamentable in it self , than you represent the reign of king charles ii. to be ? and if so , why might not some resolute and gallant heroes , some true sons of the covenant , venture , without the ordinary forms , to do justice speedily upon such an eminent opposer of religion as archbishop sharp was ? the laws of self-defence and preservation , as you explain them , dispence with forms , when the thing is for the matter right in itself , and the magistrate not only neglects , but avowedly opposes truth , justice , and innocence ; then 't is time for men of courage and resolution to step forth and assert their religion and liberties , not by the tedious method of law , order and process , when covenants and original contracts are turned topsie turvy , but speedily and by open force pull antichrist from the throne . mr. ridpath , be advised by me , do not stand so much upon forms ; else you must part with your best beloved principle and covenanted reformation . and if the murder of archbishop sharp be sincerely disowned by the presbyterians , since they are so often upbraided and reproached with it ; why do not they by some solemn act of their assembly declare , that the killing of cardinal beaton and archbishop sharp were villainous murders ? tho the first was usheredin by prayer , and the other by singing of psalms . you oppose your own authority to mr. shields , and this i am sure many of your own party will laugh at ; whether you have the ascendent of the doctor in the point of philosophy , i will give you my thoughts of that before i end this letter . the doctrine of passive obedience comes again in your way , and nothing is more odious to so brisk and daring a spirit as the very thought of so tame and silly a discipline ; and you refer us to the incomparable argument lately published by mr. johnson . mr. ridpath , i agree with you , that the preface of mr. johnson's book hath in it very pleasant stroaks of wit and fancy ; but as to the argumentative part of his book , it proves the doctrine of passive obedience to be heterodox , by an argument of equal strength with that of your own , by which you prove the episcopal clergy to be enthusiasts . you tell us next , that his defences of mr. brown and mr. cant , are so like a pedantick doctor , that they deserve no regard , and what you said of them you can bring the authors to avow it to their faces . now we fall upon the common-place of pedantry ; and , mr. ridpath , you must understand that there are pedants in all employments . if the vanity of appearing learned and knowing where there is no solid foundation to support the character deserve that name , perhaps the citing so many logical axioms in your pamphlet , which you do not at all understand , may , in the opinion of some , make you pass for a pedant . but , to let this go , tho the doctor 's being a cadet in dumbarton's regiment , was not , in your opinion , an auspicious omen of piety and humanity , yet one might think it a good presage of his freedom from pedantry , at least as good as any of your most remarkable adventures in my lord wh — ton's kitchin. the doctor said , that mr. george brown , minister of drysdale , processed andrew johnston of lockerby , vigorously before the ecclesiastical court for his crime of adultery , and therefore his alledged connivance was a presbyterian fogery . and here the affiemative was his , which i prove by the following certificate under the hands of four witnesses ; two in the parish of st. margaret's westminster , another in cornhill near the exchange , and the fourth without aldersgate . we whose names are underwritten , hereby testifie and declare , upon honour and conscience , that , to our certain knowledge , mr. george brown , minister of drysdale in the diocese of glasgow , processed andrew johnston of lockerby so vigorously , for his crime of adultery with sarah brown , that he got him formally excommunicated . given under our hands at london the fourth of july , 1693. alex. guthrie , andr. johnston . tho. mitchell . alex. johnston . now , mr. ridpath , where lies the pedantry in saying so and so of mr. brown ; is not your accusation against him proved to be a lie. and as for your charge against mr. andrew cant , that he was suspended , &c. it is purely a fiction from top to bottom we cannot prove a negative otherwise than by informing the world that we who are his most intimate acquaintances never heard of any such thing ; he was never suspended , and consequently never used any mean arts to ingratiate himself with his superiours , the first is a romance , and therefore the superstructed must be a forgery . and when you charge the doctor with pedantry , read over your own learned book of the sufferings of presbyterians from the episcopalians , especially your nasty and fulsome epithets that you bestow upon such as you bark at , viz. that they are tyranno-papa-prelatical , and then let any impartial reader judge whether you do not deserve a place ante omnem circulum amongst the pedants . there is nothing in all the athenian flexions and compositions , like that high and majestick word , tyranno-papa-prelatical . 't is worthy of the noble mr. ridpath's high flown genius ; and if you were on the top of a hill in galloway , preaching to a field-meeting , this one single world would confound your auditors into a belief that you were a precious , gracious , convincing man. who could stand before so much eloquence and acuteness , bombabamachides , clunenstaridesarchides in campis gurgustidoniis . the author of the postscript said , that you charged our superiours with such as were deposed for their immoralities , ad dean hamilton , and cockburn of st. bothens . to this you say , that you charged them only with having protected those men from the punishment due to their impieties . but did they protect them when they were deposed ? and how can you say that ever they were protected ? if their superiors waited for full and clear evidences against them before they pronounced sentence , here was no protection of criminals , but obedience to the laws ; and tho your party be not tied to forms , yet we think our selves obliged to act as we are directed by the laws . you fall next upon archbishop paterson , and the lies that you have published formerly of archbishop cairncross , which are plainly refuted in his own printed letter , to the conviction of all men , shews what credit you deserve when you accuse either of them . mr. ridpath , you think it a palpable blunder to say , that some who complyed with episcopacy after the restoration of king charles ii. were presbyterians ; and this is another sad instance of your ignorance ; for they were required to do nothing inconsistent with the principles of moderate presbyterians ; and all the ringleaders of the covenanters , had their mission from the bishops of the church of scotland , and do you think that they did not then conform to episcopacy , or that they were not presbyterians ? i am afraid that the little club , whereof you are moderator , does not throughly understand the principles of presbytery . had we no presbyterian ministers in scotland , but such as deserted their churches in the west after the restoration ? was it ever required of any of them that conformed to episcopacy , to assert that episcopacy , was preferable to a parity of presbyters ? no ; they still enjoyed their own liberty of thinking what they pleased , if they obeyed their superiours in licitis & honestis . were not mr. meldrum and mr. wilkie , and many others that i could name , presbyterians , tho they conformed to episcopacy ? they themselves think that they were so still ; to my certain knowledge the last was , and i know him to be so honest a man , that he never endeavoured to hide his principles , and he thought that he did nothing in conforming to episcopacy , inconsistent with his own opinions , and he would have continued still in the communion of the episcopal church if a later test had not removed him . you must not think that all the presbyterians are warmed to an equal degree of heat : there are some , tho very few , more calm and solid than their younger brethren . read mr. rutherford's due right of presbytery ( and i cannot name a book more acceptable ) perhaps you may meet with some notions there that are not so agreeable to the late model of presbytery ; the last edition of a book is still auctior & emendatior . and if it was a blunder to say , that some who continued presbyterian in their principles , conformed to the external order of the church under episcopacy , they who did so conform are obliged to defend him . you still oblige your adversaries to prove negatives ; when you libel dr. canaries , you tell us , that tho the ministers and judicatories declared , that they could make nothing of the accusation brought against him , yet that will not amount to prove it false ; and because a negative in matter of fact is not demonstrated ( a thing in it self absolutely impossible ) you therefore conclude , that still you may accuse him as guilty ; but if nothing could be made of it why should you propagate or continue the slander ? for not only are you destitute of true and solid proofs , but all your evidences when they are aggravated by presbyterian malice , could never be heightned into a plausible presumption of his fault . if i should accuse you of having committed incest with your mother , you could not prove it to be false otherwise than by letting the world know , that nothing could be made of it ; and if so , no honest man will defame you upon that head . but you tell us , that there is unexceptionable evidence of the woman's having declared the thing her self . what thing her self declared i know not ; but for the unexceptionable evidence , 't is only upon record in the world of the moon , else we had seen it in legible characters long e'er now . but you tell us , that the reputation of your informer is fairer than that of either of the two dr's . mr ridpath , i do not know who this gentleman is , and therefore in modesty i must forbear to make comparisons ; but if he will preserve his reputation , he must smother his evidence . what you drive at towards the close of this section , is past my skill to find out ; when you say , that we have a very pregnant instance of a person of no mean note , whose accusation , most in england are satisfied is true , and yet we see nothing can be made out , neither before the judges nor the lords . mr. ridpath , you leave it uncertain whether the person of no mean note be the accuser or the accused . but to demonstrate the impertinence of this instance , and that you understand law as little as you do the rules of logick . i put the case , that titius accuses his wise moevia of adultery ; the judges may be persuaded that the accusation of titius is true , though the evidences be not so full as the law requires ; yet being plain and positive in their nature , and but a degree removed from full proof ; such presumptions of guilt which the civilians call praesumptiones juris & de jure , leave deep impressions upon all , when duly conveyed to our knowledge : because they are as near as can be to that which is plena probatio in foro . but pray , have you any such presumptions against the dr ? is there any plain evidence against him ? and if nothing can be made of it as the judicatories declare , then 't is many degrees below a presumption ; much less that higher presumption which is the ground of a reasonable suspicion . but you add , that , suppose the accusation against the dr. to be false , yet it argues a great want of cleanly men amongst the episcopalians , that they should choose a man for agent who lay under a flagrant scandal . the apostle's rule is clear , that a bishop ought to be blameless . a surmise magnified by presbyterian malice illustrates rather than darkens a man's reputation , and clears his innocence ; not to be evil spoken of by such whose element is calumny , is an argument of no great spirit , and far less activity . but you say , that the apostle's rule is clear ; i say so too , but your head is not clear because the apostle says , that a bishop ought to be blameless ; therefore you conclude , that if bishops at any time are evil spoken of and traduced , they must be no longer bishops . at this rate the most innocent and deserving men must be disowned , and the greatest luminaries of the church must expect to be cashier'd . athanasius was accused of abominable immoralities ; and st. john the baptist was said to have a devil ; and the great bishop of our souls was accused of being a friend to publicans and sinners ; he went to feasts and entertainments which the puritanical pharisee could not behold without grumbling and censuring ; they would quietly whisper in their neighbours ears , that though he said many good things , and wrought many miracles , yet he was still a stranger to the power of godliness ; he kept ill company , and the modern phanaticks would add , that he was for forms of prayer ; and a great many other things he did , that the spirit of detraction took by the wrong handle . if your commentary upon these words , a bishop ought to be blameless , had appear'd before the scotch eloquence came abroad , it ought to have had its own room in that book , corah , dathan , and abiram , raised many scandals , and they were scandals of prelacy and priest-craft too , against moses and aaron ; and by your argument they ought both of them to have been deprived of their honour and government . the next mistake is as foolish and impertinent , though not so dangerous as your wresting the holy scriptures to serve the heats of your deluded fancy . you tell us , that dr. m — o was very angry that you said of him , [ commonly called dr. ] but i assure you , you mistook his meaning : he could not but remark a quaker expression [ commonly called ] and so much the rather , that there are many presbyterians who industriously shun the giving any such title ; for those academick distinctions look so near the whore of babylon , that it is not safe for the saints to use such words ; and if the dr. has any grains of pride ( which perhaps might be allowed in a cadet of dumbarton's regiment ) yet his ambition runs in another channel than to affect empty sounds and big words . i thought ( and i think i know him better than you do ) that a careless easiness rather than reserve , distance or singularity , made up his character ; the affectation of titles at this time is very unsuitable to the scotch clergy , yet it is not in the power of might or malice to make some of them fawn upon the presbyterians : and though we are obliged to forgive our enemies heartily and sincerely , we must not be so abject as to encourage them to continue their hostilities , but there is a greater impertinence in your censure of the dr ; for when you made him to ride in the popes guards with a — ●o insinuate the many crimes that he was guilty of at rome , you conclude thus , which methinks looks somewhat strange that such kind of men should be the greatest sticklers for the party . if you represent the party as odious and irreligious , and him of the same temper with his party ; what is there strange in this , that an ill man should defend an ill cause : but the most ordinary things appear to you in your dreams and visions , monsters , miracles and contradictions . you are so sharpsighted in discovering contradictions , that you see them almost in every line ; and because the author of the postscript said , that dr. canaries was treated with special honour by a presbyterians judicature ; therefore this is made a contradiction to what others say of them , that they are a proud , soure , unconversible tribe . but this is your everlasting mistake , that you do not understand what a contradiction is . that they are a proud , soure , unconversible tribe , is true in the sense , that all such propositions are understood ; not in a logical universal sense , but generally speaking ; the proudest man upon earth is not soure and unconversible in all the intervals of his life ; mad men have their lucid intervals , and a wise man may sometimes act foolishly : solomon says , that a wise man's heart is at his right hand ; yet the presence of his mind may sometimes forsake him , and he himself was a sad instance of this truth ; his proverbs , that are livinely inspired , many of them are true in no other sense than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and is it not sad that the poor curates should have no other employment now adays , than to dispute with ●uch as know not the nature of a contradiction ; yet for your ●ncouragement , i believe george stirling , and harry ferguson ●ay think you one of the learnedest men this last age has produced , and perhaps there is none beyond you in their opinion already . your quarrel against the dr. is never at an end , and he expects no fairer quarter at your hands . you are angry it seems ●hat he denied that ever be rode in the pope's guards ; he denies ●t still , and he offers to prove this negative as far as any thing ●f that nature can be proved , and he is still of the opinion , ●hat , none knew him to have ridden in the pope's guards : but presbyterians who discover plots in the world of the moon . this ●●st expression raises your indignation higher , because you say , it hath in it an impudent hint of denying the late prelatical plots against the government . and must he be impudent because he does not know the plots against the government ? and how came you to know that there are no plots in the world of the moon ? are you so well acquainted with the inhabitants that you know exactly their times of peace and war , the several revolutions and designs in that country ? for my part i know of no plots against this or any other government , and i never read your news-letters , and i think that the great and dangerous plots of which no man is found guilty , are all of them in the world in the moon . presbyterians are so well acquainted with plotting , that some of them cannot forget it no more than a jew can forget his religion ; they speak of plots and designs , they dream of them , they talk of them in all companies ; and if an innocent man steps aside to ask his neighbour what a clock it is , he is immediately found in a plot by some presbyterian informer . but now , mr. ridpath , you fall into a fit of devotion , and you wish that the falshoods which have been mutually charged on one another , may oblige both to be more tender of publishing reports upon trust . alas ! mr. ridpath , is it come to this , that you acknowledge that there have been falshoods charged upon the episcopal party by the presbyterians ; no doubt a man of your tenderness and sincerity regrets this infamous practice ; yet in the next breath you tell us , that when the doctor was parson of — he was accused of villany with a woman amongst the corn. such stories are the very things that confirm me in the opinion that your tribe is so very well acquainted in the world of the moon . where was he parson when he was accused ? by whom was he accused ? who heard of this accusation before your scurrilous pamphlet appeared ? you do not say positively that he was guilty . no ; you let it sneakingly drop thro your fingers : so that the question now between you and me is not whether he was guilty or not guilty ; but whether accus'd or not accus'd . the affirmative part is yours , and if an honest man had it by the end he would either prove it or retract it ; the negative is mine that he was never accused , and if none of them amongst whom he lived , in the most eminent places of the nation ever heard that he was thus accused , none but an impudent liar will affirm it . but if you were to speak your last , you can freely declare , that you do not know one syllable of what you write to be false . at this rate , you may accuse him of all the crimes that the presbyterians invented against the bishops in the year 1638 , as i have told you before when i mentioned the archbishop of glasgow ; and of all the crimes which your own major wier actually committed with mares , cows and cats ; not to name the sisters that run with him from one communion to another , for his extraordinary gift of extempore prayer ; for after all , you may safely say , that you do not know them to be false ; and if any should accuse mr. ridpath to have committed incest with his mother at cockburnspeth , before he went to the college of edinburgh ; i may safely say , that if i were to speak my last i do not know it to be false . and how should one know such negatives in matter of fact without omniscience ? and because you do not know such things to be false , you think you have liberty to spread and propagate romantick lies , pure and unmixt calumnies against particular persons . are these the weapons by which you serve your party ? and do you think to impose upon the world by such bedlam fooleries ? but tho the dr. was not in the pope's guards , yet he was a cadet in dumbarton's regiment in france , and there is no such odds , you think , between being a cadet in dumbarton's regiment , which guarded popery and contributed so much to enslave europe , and riding in the pope's guards . yes , mr. ridpath , there is very great odds , tho you do not see it , as much as there is between the liberties of the gallican church , and the unlimited supremacy of the pope : and do you think that the king of france was fighting for popery , when he wrested the antient rights of the regale out of the possession of the roman bishop ? but mr. ridpath , the dr. was certainly in dumbarton's regiment , i assure you of it , and , which is much worse , he never thought shame of it . the strict alliance between the liberal sciences and arms is a common-place too well known , and he is very sure , that neither scholar nor gentleman will ever reproach him upon this head ; and his passing some of his time in france ( the great theatre of breeding and civility ) was a more auspicious omen of piety and humanity than the most remarkable gallantries of your life . * plato had strong inclinations to follow the camp when he was young , until he was diverted by the advice of socrates . i hear you sometimes teach grammar ( a study in it self very commendable ) why then do not you read our buchanan , * not to name any of the antients ; and if nothing else must please you but the example of a presbyterian of the latest edition , why may not i justifie the dr's practice , when he was very young , from the example of your mr. williamson , when he was old . i mean the celebrated mr. williamson whom all the ladies flock'd to see from all the corners of the court , when he delivered his harangue before queen mary ; for he was a captain of horse in the rebellion at † bothwel bridge . and i think any cadet in dumbarton's regiment may , without vanity , be compared to a captain of the rebellion at bothwell bridge . and now that i mention mr. david williamson , i intreat him not to take it ill if i recommend the censure of one part of your preface to the parliament , to himself ; for amongst many other things with which you asperse the clergy of scotland that sojourn in england , this is one , that they troop about the country with their stoln sermons . truly mr. ridpath , i do not know any one of them that preaches , except such as are provided with some benefice in the country , and i think that is no small part of their disaster and infelicity , so you cannot tell whether their sermons are stoln or not . in some cases it is not only allow able to borrow but expedient , and if your curiosity would engage you to read st. cyprian de idolorum vanitate , you would find that he hath several sentences , nay the very turnings of phrases from minutius faelix ; and this argues his love to the author and to the thing rather than any indigence of his own . if the curates read good and solid books and preach them to the people , why may not they be allowed to bring out of their treasure things new and old . if the sparkish daw in the fable had only filled up the vacant places of her wings with feathers of her own kind , she had never been ridiculous ; for we all of us acknowledge heartily that we borrow ; but still it is from birds of our own colour . but mr. ridpath , i am to give an instance of an impudent plagiary , who lately before the presbyterian parliament , in a sermon designed to abuse the whole order of bishops , borrows from * bishop brownrig , no less than about 16. or 17. lines . i do not at all find fault with mr. williamson for reading bishop brownrig's sermons , nor yet do i blame him for preaching them to the people ; would to god he would preach none else , but to borrow so much from a superstitious sermon preached at the inauguration of king charles i , a martyr for prelacy , and before my lord melvil , in a discourse calculated to incense the meeting against prelacy , was truly becoming mr. williamson's genorisity : i do not declaim against his stealing , for i am as much obliged to bishop brownrig as to any book of that kind that ever i read . and this very observation i have from another * curate who read mr. williamson's sermon , and compared it with the place in bishop brownrig , whence he stole his most beautiful feathers : and if the members of parliament had known , when they groaned under mr. williamson's powerful preaching , that his smooth and nervous conclusion , full of laconick majesty and solidity , had been borrowed from a bishop , they might think that such a man as brownrig was , was not altogether unworthy of mr. williamson's conversation ; and the plain truth is , it was a very hard thing to treat a bishop as a limb of antichrist , when his own jewels were borrowed to make such a figure before the parliament . next comes your compliment to the memory of my lord dumbarton , as an evidence of your extraordinary prudence and caution . you knew , that when your book appeared my lord duke hamilton was commissioner to the parliament , and then you expected the thorough settlement of presbytery , which now you have in folio , by the late act ; and therefore it was not safe to reflect upon my lord dumbarton or his regiment . but good mr. ridpath , speak out plainly , do you truly think that persons of my lord duke hamilton's quality and sence read such pamphlets as yours ; certainly you cannot be so mad , your books are calculated for a lower order of men , and tho you sent some of them beyond seas , yet they are only considered by such who never read any thing but nasty pamphlets , and who now and then dream of plots , and reason about them with the same profound sense that you do when you cite your logical aocioms . now when you draw near to a conclusion , you give the dr. such a blow , that he is not able to recover : for the author of the postscript said , that you began your title page with a lie , that your book might be all of a piece . and this again provokes your heroick passion , and you load your antagonist with some of the most odious reproaches that your dictionary could furnish you with . but , mr. ridpath , what was it that he said ? why , he said that your book , was not printed for tho. anderson near charing-cross , and you charge him upon credit , to prove that it was not printed for him . and must you never be cured of this impertinence , that you oblige your adversary to prove a negative in a matter of fact ? and then to make your ignorance the more conspicuous , you guard your desire with a logical axiom , affirmanti incumbit probatio . i am ashamed of you , that you do not know the difference between an affirmative and a negative proposition ; when he said that it was not printed for tho. anderson near charing-cross , he affirmed nothing ; and if he called you a lyar , though such a proposition sounded like an affirmative , yet it was no affirmative proposition , but finally resolved into a negative , and can no otherwise be proved than as a negative may ; and since he could meet with no bookseller near charing-cross , who knew any such man of their trade , might not he reasonably presume that your title-page had a lye in the bosom of it ; notwithstanding all this it may be true that your book was printed for him , and that he lives in some dark vault near charing-cross . such a thing is possible , though it be not very probable that a bookselseller should hide himself under ground ; for that is not their ordinary way of selling books . i insist on this only to chastise your ignorance , and vanity , when you darken the whole hemisphere with dust , out comes your affirmanti incumbit probatio , as if your adversary had the affirmative that ought to be proved . you are so foolishly vain , that if all the particular paragraphs of your first book have not been considered , you conclude that your adversary was convinced of their truth and solidity . the error that i just now named brings to my mind another piece of fulsome ignorance of the same nature with the former . you may meet with it in the place cited on the margin . your antagonist loaded the presbyterians with inconsistencies , and particularly he exposed your dorage and fooleries concerning anniversary days , and he might do it with the greater safety , because you still retain something in your practice which overthrows your principles : for you celebrate the great charities of george herriot by an anniversary commemoration : ergo ( says he ) you are not against anniversary solemnities . but you confute this argument very learnedly , and you prove from clear scripture that anniversaries are unlawful , because the fourth commandment says positively , six days shalt thou work : ergo , you conclude , that all anniversary solemnities are unlawful . now mr. ridpath , let us calmly consider the strength of your argument . all men are obliged by this precept in the sense that you put upon it , or they are not ; if all are obliged ( as no doubt they are ) by what dispensation are they of heriot's foundation exempted ? and if particular societies be exempted , why may not the whole nation pretend an exemption ? for one society is no more privileg'd than another , and if all societies may equally pretend an exemption , why may it not be granted to the whole kingdom , which is but the political aggregate of so many societies ? for , if they of herriot's hospital may celebrate an anniversary , why may not all the inhabitants of edinburgh do it ? but you fortifie your opinion by a logical axiom , ex particulari non licet syllogisare , which you think signifies , that we must not draw precedents from the allowable practice of particular societies ; and this is the philosophy that you make such a noise with , whereas every boy in the second class that does not deserve whipping , can tell you that the meaning of that logical rule is , that either of the premisses at least must be an universal proposition , whether affirmative or negative : for two particular propositions cannot bear the weight of a conclusion , no more than two negatives . now tell me sincerely , whether the making such a noise with logical rules , when you do not understand what they mean be not nonsense and pedantry , in all their pomps and formalities . if the practice of herriot's hospital were to be defended by argument , the patrons of it would reason from the religious practice of all other societies , the rules of gratitude , and the constitutions of the place , and a conclusion regularly deduced from such principles is not i hope ex particulari , as you ignorantly fancy . but not to trifle with you any more , the answer to your argument is contain'd in that short , but undeniable axiom received by all divines , praecepta affirmativa obligant semper , sed non ad semper ; and we may work six days , nisi interveniat feriationis causa legitima , auctoritate divinâ vel humanâ stabilita . pray mr. ridpath , forgive all this latine ; for i do not think that the speaking of latine is at all times pedantry , and many are apt to let that pass for pedantick which they do not understand ; but if the phrase , of your infectious breath , be the word that provoked the severity of your censure , the dr. in all humility retracts it ; for tho your breath be putrid , yet the contagion spreads no further than people of your own complexion , men sufficiently infected before you breath'd upon them . mr. ridpath , i do not pretend that this treatise is methodical , and therefore i take no other care to methodize my animadversions on your book , than as they tumble into my fancy , i lie open to the censure of your histeron-proteron as oft as you please . your dedication to the scotch parliament is as considerable as the book it self , for being the only book that was dedicated to them , it contains your own grave and serious advice how to manage the publick affairs . next you fall upon the poor dr. and he must be lash'd and chastis'd for his rashness and precipitancy , because he presumed to give such an account of your first book : but since you paint him as an ass at the very beginning , why was you at so much pains with him ? so mean a creature was below a man of your elevation ; and since you can defame and expose crowned heads , dukes , earls , and prelates , why all this noise to run down a poor hermite . your very first blow hath in it so much life and wit , that one of his cold and phlegmatick temper can never reach it , as postscript in answer to the first . in the second page of your continuation there is a catalogue of the most tragical stories , made up to justifie all the bitterness and buffoonry of your former pamphlet . you justifie the severity of your stile by the answer of a tinker . and truly if all the parts of your book had been equally pertinent , it had been the best presbyterian farce that appeared since its late erection : but because i would let you understand that our registers of fanatick cruelties , rebellions and perjuries are as exact as the legends of your imaginary grievances , i will set down eight particulars in an opposite column to your eight , and then we have sixteen . i. as long as we remember the tumultuous meetings , rebellious protestations , and the bloody consequences of the presbyterian covenants and associations , the murder of our king , whom they tied neck and heels , until their confederates brought him to the scaffold , the miseries of an intestine war , the taxes , contributions and free-quarter imposed by the arbitrary power of rebellious subjects and mock parliaments , the multitude of errors , heresies and dreams , that were proclaim'd from our pulpits , so long we remember that their principles were inconsistent with the royal prerogative , our antient constitution , as well as the primitive order of the christian church . ridpath . i. while the memory of king charles ii. and king james vii . endures , and till time , the consumer of all things hath eat up their parliament rolls , it will hold an undeniable truth , that the prelatical party of scotland are persecutors , and that in denying the same they have made themselves notorious liars . ii. as long as we remember that the first covenanters had all sworn the oaths of canonical obedience to their respective bishops in their several dioceses , and that they dispensed with the said oath of canonical obedience in their general assembly ( an. 163. sess . 13. dec. 5. ) and forgot their allegiance to their natural lord and sovereign , and imposed their babel covenant on all in the most tyrannical manner , and that to this day they continue to declaim against the legal securities of our religion and constitution as contradictory to it self ; so long we must be excused to say that presbyterians have no rule of faith , but the covenant , nor no standard of morals but the practices of their rebellious predecessors . ridpath . ii. so long as it appears by the same acts , that they imposed a contradictory test , so long will it hold that they are perjured themselves , and chargeable with the perjury of others . iii. so long as we can remember that the western bigots and incendiaries blew up the people into such mad fancies , that they laid the whole stress of their salvation upon their zeal to promote the covenant , and taught them to resist their lawful sovereign , and to proclaim war against him , and printed books to justifie the most barbarous assassinations ; so long we may conclude that the people who are led by such guides are in a most miserable condition ; and as long as we retain the exercise of reason , and the sense of self-preservation , so long our governours must be commended , who guarded against the dangers that threatned us under their administrations ; and so long as men love their peace , constitution and comfort , so long they must endeavour by the supereminent law and first principle of all societies , to teach sanguinary rebels to feel the effects of their open villanies and conspiracies . ridpath . iii. so long as it remains in the records of council , that they ordered men to be killed without any tryal or colour of law , or so much as with an exception , whether they resisted or not resisted , so long will it bold that they are bloody murderers . iv. as long as there are any records of that mock-assembly preserved , the world may be easily satisfied , by their impertinent queries and disobedience to the king's order , of their tyranny and ambition , and their lording it over others , who , by their confession are their equals in power and jurisdiction , and that by divine right , and yet they suspend the exercise of that power which is conferred by divine right , by virtue of an act of parliament , which i hope they do not think to be of any thing more than human authority . ridpath . iv. so long as the records of the last general assembly of the church of scotland remain , it it will appear by their evasions , answers , and disingenuous refusals to declare their abhorrence of arminianism , socinianism , and popery , that they are firebrands in the church , and incendiaries in the state. v. as long as such blasphemous nonsense as the decretum praedamnatum , and the decretum praeteritum , are to be seen and read in the writings of their greatest champions ; so long they are iustly charged with nonsense and blasphemy . vid. second vindication of the church of scotland . pag. 66. ridpath . v. so long as any of their villanous libels , called the scotch presbyterian eloquence , exist , wherein they charge holiness with deformity , god with horrid decrees , and mock at seriousness and piety ; so long will it be evident that they are blasphemers . vi. the address of the bishops of scotland , before the revolution , to the king , contained nothing but what was agreeable to the publick prayers used in behalf of the king in both nations ; and mr. ridpath knows that the other branch of this particular must not be touched : yet as long as the act of the west kirk , and the remonstrance in the year 1650 , ( not to name preceding papers of the same nature , and acts of the general assembly in the year 1648 ) are preserved ; so long the presbyterian principles are known to be subversive of all kingly power , and destructive to all allegiance , and the rights of sovereignty . ridpath . vi. so long as that scurrilous address of their bishops against the prince of orange , their opposing him in parliament , their refusing to pray for him , or swear to him now he is king , and the legal procedure against them on the said accounts are on record ; so long it will appear that they are rebels . vii . so long as the acts of your rebellious parliaments from 1639 to 1649 , and the acts of your assemblies in 1648 and 1649 continue upon record , and your zealous * preachers importuning the committee of estates in person , to execute the king 's most faithful servants , so long the world may be informed of presbyterian spite and malice . ridpath . vii . so long as their bloody acts of parliament , and barbarous execution of those acts against us , and our gentle acts of parliament , and moderate execution of those acts against them , are upon record , so long it will appear that they are infamous liars in asserting that we treat them more barbarously than they treated us . viii . as long as the west of scotland continues unreformed from barbarous principles , so long they are a plague to the nation , and a reproach to the protestant religion . this is only understood of such of them as deserve this character . ridpath . viii . so long as the west of scotland ( which was the principal scene of these bloody tragedies ) has a being , so long will it appear that they were barbarous . before i take leave of you , i must put the reader in mind of one argument by which you endeavour to fully the reputation of such of the bishops as voted in the late convention , before the king's letter to them was opened , that they were a free and lawful meeting , notwithstanding of any order that might be contained in that letter to dissolve them ; from this you conclude , that they were inconsistent with their own principles and after practices . and the truth is , if they intended by that vote nothing less than what the presbyterian party advanced , they were inconsistent with their principles ; but tho they concurred in that vote , they took the words a free and lawful meeting , not to signifie any meeting of the people contrary to the king's prerogative , authority , and standing laws ; but rather a meeting to support all the three , and they were to sit notwithstanding of a prohibition , until such time as they could duly inform the king of the straits and difficulties that they were involved in : necessity made them bow under the weight of that opposition that they wrestled with ; and they hoped that a vote might be forgiven , which their practices would have vindicated from any suspicion of lessening the royal authority . but mr. ridpath , did you never hear of a merchant throwing overboard his goods in a storm , his principle is ( no doubt ) to preserve , and improve his stock , yet when life , and ship , and all is in hazard , silver and gold , and the best cargo that he is master of , must be flung over . men sometimes , in the simplicity of their hearts , may yield to some publick acts in a time of danger and confusion , which , in their own nature and tendency are inconsistent with their principles : the wisest men may sometimes mistake their measures , and the presence of ones mind does not perpetually attend him . a great many of the presbyterians of scotland took the covenant as it was enjoin'd by king charles i. in the sense intended by king and parliament , in the reign of king james vi. yet this act of their duty and obedience was by the leading-covenanters thought inconsistent with their principles and practices , and therefore they were forced to disown it afterwards , and to adhere to the covenant it its true and genuine sense of sedition and rebellion . all the presbyterians of scotland after the restoration of king charles ii. both ministers and people came to church without scruple or hesitation , yet afterwards they began to think that this practice could not be reconciled to their mutinous associations and covenants ; and therefore for the most part all of them left the church and publick worship of the episcopalians . there is a protestation upon record in the year 1641. in the journal of the house of commons , may 3. which in its nature was but a prologue to the solemn league and covenant , and very derogatory to the king's prerogative , and the ancient settlement of the nation ; and yet i find that several of the loyal nobility , and six bishops , signed this protestation . things may appear very plausible in the beginning , that are introductiory to the saddest consequences . the nobility and bishops that signed the protestation that i just now named , had reason to repent of their precipitancy , when the faction owned above board , that no reformation woul satisfie but the extirpation of root and branch , according to the phrase that then was in vogue . we are to take an estimate of mens principles , not from their indeliberate and casual stumblings in time of darkness , uncertainty and danger ; but rather from their constant doctrine , their habitual byass , their more calm and sedate reasonings , their books , homilies , and sermons . i could name later instances than any that i have touched , which might reasonably be presum'd to be inconsistent with their principles who were actors , and yet i am so far from thinking them disingenuous , or treacherous , that i know them to be men of the greatest candor upon earth . all this i have said upon the supposition that the bishops who concurred with that vote of the convention intended it in its full extent and latitude ; but i know that they intended no more by the words , free and lawful meeting , than what they are capable of in the lowest sense that they can be taken in , and as privy councellours some of the bishops might suspend the execution of the king's orders contained in his letters , until he should be better informed of the state of affairs , and until he should reiterate his commands : in that case i am apt to think that all who own his authority would leave the convention . mr. ridpath , i would gladly know whether you think that a libel against dr. monro was a book worthy to be dedicated to the parliament of scotland ? and whether your returning to scotland was such an extraordinary advantage to the nation , that you thought they would upon this consideration go forward to the through settlement of presbytery ? for no doubt you are among the first of those students who promise to return , if your model be established in its height . the books that you have written against our kings , dukes , and parliaments , may make atonement for the former gallantries of your life . i despise the knowledge of your particular history , and unless you are as stupid as you are petulant , you may guess by some dark hints in this letter , ( which i took care that no other should understand but your self ) that i am not altogether a stranger to your adventures . i had your life sent me , written by one of your acquaintances , but though i may have many faults , yet i never loved personal reproaches and altercations . when you are in the heighth of your humour and passion , i think you still below revenge : it may be that the lay-gentleman who is next to take you to task , may handle you more briskly ; notwithstanding that presbytery is now triumphant , and setled by an act of exclusion of the episcopal clergy : mr. ridpath , i sincerely wish you more sense and modesty , and i enter my protestation before all reasonable men , that i am not obliged to answer indefinite libels . if you think that you are so extraordinarily qualified to manage the debates that are on foot : chuse one of the questions that are toss'd between both the parties , eithe the divine right of presbytery , or the unlawfulness of anniversary days , or significant ceremonies in the worship of god : i name these , because you offer to vindicate your own opinions concerning them in your books ; and since you cite the epistles of s. augustine to s. jerome , from which you say , the antiquity of presbytery may be demonstrated , pray do not forget to name that epistle ; but i am affraid you will be forced to go to the booksellers in the world of the moon , before you can meet with it ; and to make you amends , i offer to prove positively that there is not one of your party in scotland , that truly and sincerely represents the opinions of st. jerom : nay more expresly i offer to make evident from the writings of st. jerome , that eiscopacy was established by the apostles , and that he never dream'd of any such period of the church wherein the parity of presbyters prevailed after the death of the apostles . and if you must write books , you ought to come out from behind the curtains , and let us know where your bookseller may be found , and by whom they are licensed , and take the assistance of all your fraternity , read all the books that you think defend your cause to the best advantage , and let us plainly hear what grounds you have to assert , that your new and upstart discipline is founded upon devine right ; and why the ministers of the episcopal persuasion are turned out , if they do not solemnly promise never directly nor indirectly * to alter an ecclesiastical government , which can no more be reconciled to the former constitution of presbytery , than to the word of god , the canons of the universal church , and the practice of the first ages of christianity . and let us know if ever clergymen were turned out of their livings upon their denying to make any such promise , since the name of christian was heard in the world : and do not run up and down , and make a noise as if i opposed and act of parliament , i only dispute against the opinions of blind zealots , who have no more regard to the peace of the nation , than they have to the order of episcopacy . mr. ridpath , if you are as resolute as you are clamorous , you cannot but think it reasonable to appear , for no man is obliged to consider fulsome lampoons , no accusations ought to be heard against any man ( far less against kings , dukes , and prelates ) unless the accuser openly pawn his reputation to prove the crimes fairly before a competent judicature . there are many things in both your books that i have not mentioned , yet i am ready to prove that they are less material and more ridiculous than those i have named ; for i know no man so pusillanimous as to turn his back upon you for fear of any harm that you can do him , and therefore i set down the initial letters of name and sirname , and that in mr. rule 's latine , makes up totum nomen : and there are a great many here who know me , though at present i neither wear the doctoral scarf or canonical habit. i have hitherto treated you with all civility , though there be none alive has fewer engagements or obligations to continue , mr. ridpath , your humble servant . s. w. postscript . mr. ridpath , the following certificates and letter came to my hands from scotland , not until the former sheets were wrought off , else they had been set down in their proper places , to which they are more immediatly related . the first is under the hands of so many honest inhabitants of leith , in favours of mr. andrew cant sometime their minister ; and it fully and plainly disproves and overthrows the original and fundamental libel propagated by your self , and your informers , against him , viz. that he was suspended from the exercise of his ministry : and therefore the other fabulous accounts that you raise upon this calumny , must necessarily fall to the ground . it is not possible to prove negatives in a matter of fact otherwise , than when they who ought to know the thing in controversie , declare upon honor and conscience , that there never was any such things ; and if the course of his ministry had been interrupted by any sentence , how easily might this be prov'd ; nay how impossible had it been to have deny'd it , since in so numerous a parish , so near the centre of the nation , their would have been so many witnesses of so recent a transaction . we whose names are underwritten , ( inhabitants of leith ) do by these presents declare upon honor and conscience , that mr. andrew cant , ( sometime our minister ) was never discharged the exercise of his office ( by any sentence , ecclesiastical or otherwise ) amongst us , but on the contrair , continued very diligent and painful therein , for the space of eight years or thereby , after which time he was preferred to be one of the chief ministers of the city of edinburgh . sic subscribitur . jo. broune , [ skipper . ja. hutcheson , [ notar publick . john burton , [ baker . alex. robertson , [ wine-cooper . james cuningham . [ wine-cooper . patrick smith , [ wine-cooper . john wilson , [ wine-cooper . thomas riddell , [ skipper . ja. balfour , [ merchant . t. fenwick , [ maltman . jo. muchmutie , [ skipper . james johnston , [ wright ( or joyner . ) rob. herdman , [ maltman . robert bowy , [ wine cooper . g. farquhar , [ maltman . andrew fairservice , [ carter . geo. davidson , [ maltman . george albercromby , [ maltman . j. d. [ james dow , tailor . j. w. [ james walker ( as i took it ) mason . the two last could subscribe no otherwise being illiterate but very honest . i have subjoyn'd to this certificate a letter to one of his friends in london , occasion'd by your fulsome and unchristian libels against him . worthy sir , ever since i came to mans years , i have been very sensible that we live here in the neighbourhood of a sullen sett of people , that can never think themselves secure of any measure of reputation , unless they raise it upon the ruins of the good name of innocent men that are not of their opinion in every thing , and am farther confirmed in this thought by a late instance in what concerns me personally , in a slanderous pamphlet inscribed , an answer to the scotch presbyterian eloquence , it was some months in this place before i could procure a sight of it ; but when i had seen it , the thoughts i had concerning what i am wickedly libelled of , were not so full of anger as disdain , to find an obscure sorry jack ▪ anapes ( for so he must be ) attacquing me with so much malice and arrant calumny , though i was living very peaceably as i haye always done without being the aggressor of any person or party . at first i was resolved to slight it , as a thing that can never do me harm with any one that knows me ; yet upon second thoughts , and to satisfie a worthy friend of mine , i give you the trouble of this line , which bears such short answers to the ill-natur'd and cursed accusations of that infamous libeller , as i think sufficient . first , then he endeavours to vilifie and belie me , by saving i was an underling at leith . what he means by this i know not , the true matter is , that the first appearance i made in my sacred office was as second minister of leith , to which i came regularly by a presentation from the patrons , and collation thereupon from the diocesan , i cannot apprehend any disparagement in the thing , and i am sure i have yet a very great kindness from all that people , excepting a few bigots , and of very little interest . next i remember he will needs have the world believe , that i preached very odd things to the people , but has not so much as given one instance , not for want of malice , but ( it seems ) invention , in that particular . my poor gift of preaching the holy gospel was but small , yet i bless god i am not asham'd of it , and i hope i have somthing of the power of those divine truths i declar'd to the world on my own heart , and seals of them upon the hearts of others , but if this railing fellow doubt i be competently qualified , let him procure me liberty and safety i will not decline to preach before the general assembly . in another passage of that pamphlet , this silly fellow charges me with being a notable brawler , and for proof says , i was suspended for sometime from the exercise of my office for beating of a highlander . to lot you see what impudence is in this contrivance , i send you herewith inclosed a copy of a declaration , under the hands of some of the honest neighbours in lieth , bearing , that i was never suspended the exercise of my office during my abode with them , and if it were necessary , i doubt not but i can easily obtain the attestation of all that are yet alive of them i left in the place . it s hard that i should be obliged after fifteen years time to give them the trouble of attesting my innocence against the snarlings of a rank-mouth'd curr : but i have done it very easily . now this being made appear a manifest lye , with a witness , there is no place left to suppose i made use of any method for returning to my office which i never left , far less such impious and silly ones , as he says , and would have believed i did , and are not worth the mentioning , being such as i fancy no man on earth , ( though of less heigth of natural temper than i , and almost of equal villany with the scurrilous author ) could be guilty of ; but was it not a lucky thing that this mettled spark charged me not with the criminous sins of bestiality , incest and sorceries ? certainly he had not failed of it , if they had not been vertues peculiar to the saintship of one of his friends , who was publickly burnt betwixt edinburgh and leith , upon consession of the foresaid crimes , in my sight and some thousands besides . in some other part , he charges me with robbing of a thousand marks scots mony , from william carfrey who came to pay me my stipend due by the town of edinburgh . i shall never think it worth my pains to offer a justification of my self from so ridiculous a story ; the young man lives still in the city , and is so just and honest to declare to some of my acquaintance that it is a most notorious lye ; but innocence it self cannot be secure against hellish impudence . there is one thing more in his paper , ( not worth the minding indeed ) which i had almost forgot , viz. that i was , at the time of his writing , a vagabond at london ; if a man must be branded with this character for going from one place to another , he has been much longer a vagabond than i , as i am told , and i am sure for his bloody uncharitableness , deserves the mark of a second cain , and the character of another accuser of the brethren , having been made very skilful in the art of lying , by his father , who has used it since the beginning . i leave this letter intirely to your disposal : i ask your pardon for this trouble , and am with all respect , sir , your affectionate faithful , humble servant , andrew cant. edinburgh , july 29. 1693. the next certificate is in favours of dr. alexander monro , and it serves the end for which it is publish'd . you say that when he was in scotland , he was so and so accus'd as is narrated in the following certificate . if this had been true , there is no doubt to be made but that persons of honour , sense , and interest , in the cities of edinburgh and st. andrews would have heard of it , especially since he was preferr'd to such places as would provoke rivals and competitors . and is it to be believ'd , that the least surmise of that nature could have escaped the industry of the presbyterians , who scrupled not to pretend to the knowledge of his very thoughts without any external evidence ? i have often told you that negatives in a matter of fact are not otherwise to be prov'd ? 't is no wonder that so malicious an accuser should mistake truth for falshhood , and falshood for truth , when you have not yet attain'd to so much sense , as to distinguish between an affirmative and a negative proposition . you are firmly resolv'd to defame and disparage the episcopal clergy at any rate , and that hath occasion'd the following evidence of your candor and veracity . whereas dr. alexander monro ( late principal of edinburgh college ) is said in an impertinent libel , entituled , a continuation of the answer to the scotch-presbyterian-eloquence , to have been accused when he was in scotland of being found with a woman among the corn , we whose names are under written , ( living in and near to the city of edinburgh ) do by these presents declare upon honor and conscience that we never heard that he was so accused , and that if any such accusation had ever been invented against him , we think it very probable that we would have heard of it , especially since so narrow an inquisition has been made into his life and actions in the beginning of the late revolution , when for non-complyance he was turned out of the college of edinburgh , sic subscribitur . w. binning . sir william binning of wallinford , late lord provost of edinburgh . j. dick. sir james dick of priest-field , late lord provost of edinburgh . tho. kennedy , sir thomas kennedie of kirk-hill , late lord provost of edinburgh . john marjoribanks , [ late bailiff of edinburgh . ja. henryson , [ writer to the signet there . john baillie , [ apothecary and chirurgeon there . robert clerk , [ apothecary and chirurgeon there . a. skene , alexander skene , d. d. late provost of the old college in the university of st. andrews . ri. waddell , richard waddell , d. d. late arch-deacon of st. andrews . a. macleod , [ mr. alexander macleod , advocate . james flemyeng , sir james flemyeng of ratho-byres , late lord provost of edinburgh . a. balfour , sir andrew balfour , doctor of medicine . ar. stevenson , sir archibald stevensone , doctor of medicine . will. monipenny , [ mr. william monipenny , advocate . t. skene , [ mr. thomas skene , advocate . c. gray , [ mr. charles gray , advocate . al. craufurd , [ mr. alexander craufurd , advocate . jo. mackenzie , mr. john mackenzie , one of the clerks of session . du. mackintoshe , [ late bailiff in edinburgh . aen. macleod , [ town-clerk . j. wedderburn , mr. john wedderburn , clerk of the bills . al. gibson , [ one of the clerks of the session . mr. ridpath , i would have gladly taken leave of you long before now , but that i am not left at liberty as to the following letter . it is occasioned by your own civilities to the archbishop of glasgow and others . we oppose the publick records of the nation to your clamorous and obscene libels ; and if there were nothing else to prove the madness of your temper than that one story of margaret paterson , we need no other proof to convince the world of your desperate impudence . a letter from a gentleman in scotland to his friend in london . edinburgh , july 22. 1693. sir , i had not yours till last night , which lets you see that it hath been a month by the way , and this is the true reason your return is so late . as to that silly varlet ridpath , all i can say of him more than yours to me contains , which i know to be most exact truth , is , that being apprehended and made prisoner here about christmas 1680 , for contriving and writing a bond of combination , or kind of association , for burning the pope in effigie , which you know was a folly never before that time attempted here , and was design'd then by the rogues of this city , particularly the presbyterians , as an indignity to his ( then ) royal highness . this bond being found in the custody of this villain , by the diligence of the learned and reverend dr. cant ( then ) principal of king james his university of edinburg , ( who , though he was a celebrated champion for the protestant church , yet had he a just indignation against all rabbling and tumults . ) this bond , i say , is now in the council office , and i have often seen and read it . 't is indeed a young league and covenant , containing a clause of mutual defence , not excepting the king , or any in authority under him ; and an invitation to prentices , and all others to joyn in this their association . now a bond of this nature is by many laws and acts of parliament declared treason ; and that , not only since the dreadful effects of the infamous league and covenant , but even by very old acts in the reigns of king james the first , and second , so much for this . this scoundrel was committed , who was not then a boy , but a fellow come to years , and then a servant to two sons of one gray , a person living on the english border , and of the same gang with his man ridpath . the fellow confess'd before the committee of council , that he had drawn this bond , but would not own that he had been prompted to it , or assisted in it by others , though the council well knew , that many of the ringleaders of the party were the promoters of this trick , which was design'd as a prologue to a rebellion against the ( then ) government . for this villany the law here might have justly sent him to the gibbet , and perhaps the council had put him in the hands of the judges criminal , had he not been preserv'd by the unparallel'd clemency of the prince that ( then ) sate at the helm here , which you know is so natural to that sacred race . i remember the duke of rothes the chancellour , and several other great lords having examin'd him , and finding him very false and obstinate in his answers , ordered him to be committed close prisoner till he were further examin'd . and as he was going to prison , seeing a crowd about him , and considering them as a rabble , he cry'd out aloud , that he was suffering for the protestant religion , the ordinary , but false pretence of all seditions and rebellions here . for which he was for some days put in irons , and a little after by the goodness of his ( then ) royal highness , who was always too compassionate to that generation of vipers , he was dismissed . this is all i can remember or learn of this creature . i hear in his late pamphlet , which i have not yet seen , he has the impudence to say , that one margaret paterson ( a prostitute sufficiently infamous ) should have confess'd somewhat before the criminal court relating to the archbishop of glasgow and me ; i am satisfied that all that that villain has scribled of the bishop be believed , if ever she named either the bishop or me in her confessions , either before that court , or any confessions else , whether publick or private . nor did the bishop hear of such a creature , till the noise was made at her being taken naked in the bed with the late presbyterian moderator kennedy his two sons , for which they stand declared fugitives in the justice court books , for the horrid crime of incest . as to what relates to the c — ks , i make you this distinct return . in the year 1684 , sir hugh and sir george campbels of c — k , with baylie of jerviswood , commissar monro , mr. william spence , mr. william carstairs , and some others were sent down prisoners here by sea , and were kept close for some weeks ; during which time i had occasion to be often with them , for the council ordered any of their friends to converse with them , and see them , in presence of any of the clerks of council ; and such of them as are yet alive , and their relations will bear me witness , that i was as easie to them that way as they could desire . for , the truth is , they all professed so much innocence in the matter they were accused of , ( which was for being in a conspiracy with the late monmouth and argyle for raising a rebellion in both nations at the same time , and which fell out the next year accordingly ) and that with all the circumstantiated imprecations to them and their families , that i began to believe the government had been imposed upon in this matter , and contracted such a compassion for them , as made some of our then statesmen angry with me : and yet carstairs upon the first application of the thumb-screw , even the first touch of it , confessed all , as may be seen in his printed confession in the tryal of jerviswood ; and then monro , and afterwards the two c — ks themselves ; which two campbels were upon their judicial confession forefaulted in plain parliament 1685 , and their estates annex'd to the crown : tho the king gave them not only both remissions for their lives , but even ordered their estates to be returned to them , upon their paying a very inconsiderable composition to some of the then statesmen . that which the rascal ridpath aims at , i suppose , is a process which was commenced some time before that , against old c — k : the undisguised matter of fact was truly this , which you may rely upon for certain and recorded truth . there was one wallace a collector or surveyor in airshire ▪ this man gives information to the secret committee , that there were three men in that country who had assured him that old c — k had encouraged several country people to the rebellion at both well bridge , 1679 ; and that particularly he had said to themselves whom he rencountred with upon a place , called the bridge of gastoun , near his own house , what meant such young lusty fellows to stay at home , when the people of god were in arms for their covenanted cause ; and bid them go on to the rest ( the whig-army being then at hamiltoun , within ten miles or thereby to that place ) for he and the rest of the country would quickly be with them upon which information the three fellows are brought in , and kept some time in the cannon gate prison . i heard them examined before the secret committee , and all of them both jointly and separately were very positive , clear , and distinct in their depositions . upon this an indictment is raised against c — k , and the same witnesses are again examined upon oath before the justices , which is called by our law a precognition , and there they were again very firm , and seemed altogether clear and sincere . but the day of the tryal being come , and a disaffected crowd getting in about these witnesses , when they came to depone they began to waver much , and upon the matter deny much of what they had twice clearly made oath of before ; so that the jury brought in c — k not guilty ; and so he was acquitted from that indictment . and the next day the same three rogues begged to be heard before the council , where i heard them again upon their knees , and with all the solemnities of truth and sincerity , protest and swear , that what they had first sworn was simple truth , and that their carriage the day before in the court , was occasioned by their being terrified to swear against c — k , so great a man in that corner of the country . but upon the whole matter , the worthy sir george mackenzie had no more hand in all this affair , but meerly to pursue as the king's advocate . and in general i can affirm , as in the sight of the god of justice and truth , i do believe , after all the enquiry i have made , that never a person suffered in scotland by subornation or false witnesses employed by the government since the restoration of the royal family . tho many of the rebels have been brought off , and assolzied by the scandalous and bare-faced perjuries of their own party : for in the tryals of those rebels , the witnesses for the king being formerly engaged in the saids rebellions , made use of such strange and uncouth fetches and strains of words , that no jury could fix any verdict or doom upon ; for being interrogated , if they saw the person at the barr in arms with the rebels ( as particularly in the case of one sprewel , an eminent ringleader and captain , several of his own kinsmen as well as acquaintances , and who had ridden under his command ) they were brought with great difficulty to confess , that they thought they had seen a man there which seemed to be somewhat like the prisoner at the bar , but for a world they could not swear , that this prisoner was the person they saw there . being ask'd , if he had a sword ; they answered , they saw that person have something like the end of a scabbard , hanging from under his cloak , but whether there were a blade there or not they could not tell ; and being question'd on oath all the while if that person had pistols ; they confessed they had seen something like hulster-cases at his saddle , but whether there were pistols in them or not , they could not swear for a world. and by such presbyterian canting prejuries as these , this sprewet , and many others were brought off . dear sir , i am afraid i have been too tedious in this return , but since it contains nothing but simple truth , it will be the wellcomer to you , and therefore is subscribed by your humble and faithful servant , w. p. advertisement . the following propositions are taken out of such books as are most in vogue amongst the scotch presbyterians . they contain a short account of their moral theology with regard to obedience , subjection , and government . i desire the impartial reader to let me know , wherein the sentiments of the kirk differ from the doctrines propagated by the jesuits . you have many of them gathered together in one view , not at all as an answer to any of mr. ridpath 's scriblings , but as a sufficient confutation of the impertinent clamours against the government of king charles the second . for since they were taught by their religion to rebel against their king and parliament , our governors could not but secure the peace of the nation against such barbarous practices as were indeed the natural consequences of their principles . 1. a man ought no more to suffer when the sentence is unjust , than he ought to do that which is unjust and sinful at the command of authority . jus pop. throughout . 2. no authority can command or can oblige until he himself that is commanded be convinced and persuaded that the thing is just , reasonable and expedient . gillesp . ingl. pop . cerem . 3. to oppose the persons invested with authority , is not to oppose the ordinance of god , for the ordinance of god is magistracy in abstracto , that is it that we are commanded rom. 13. not to resist , but the person of the king ought to be resisted . lex rex pag. 265. and when the parliaments of both kingdoms fought against the king's person , they fought for his royal interest , and as he was a king , and tho the person i of the king was absent , and denied his consent as a man , yet they were as valid parliaments as if he were personally present with them . lex rex 270. 4. patient suffering fall under no law of god. lex rex pag. 314. vide napht. pag. 157. 5. the presbytery hath the power of making peace and war , neither ought the parliament enter into war without them no more than joshua did offer battel without eleasar the high priest . acts gen. ass . 48. agust . 3. 6. since religion is the highest interest of mankind , it is not only lawful but necessary for private subjects to rise in arms against the king to reform the abuses crept into it , and when the supreme powers serve not the great ends of religion , we are ipso facto loos'd from all tyes of o bedience to them . naph . pag. 154. vide jus populi throughout . 7. the presbytery may excommunicate the king , and when he is excommunicated , none of his subjects owe him obedience , neither may they converse with him . jesuits and presbyterians . 8. there is nothing to be allowed of in the worship of god as to its order and circumstance that is not founded on the express letter of the scripture ; the unscriptural symbolical ceremonies are the badge of antichrist . all the sectarians . 9. it is a good argument against any part of the worship of god to have it abolish'd , that it was or is still to be found in the mass book . bailies parallel of the liturgy . 10. it is lawful and necessary to enter into covenants and leagues without the king , and formally to protest against the king's most legal methods to the contrary . prot. at the cross ed. 37. p. 38. 11. the king having now for many years usurped the power of christ , and most palpably tyrannized in civil matters , he is to be deposed and brought to punishment , and all the covenanted people of the lord are to fight against him and his adherents , under the standard of christ jesus . sanchor . declar. 22. june 1680. and cargill's cov. broughtout . 12. it is downright idolatry , and prejudicial to the honour of christ and the interest of reformation to appoint anniversary days for benefits bestowed on the king and kingdom . apol. narrat . naph . p. 87. 13. the minor part of a kingdom that is for god and his cause against the king , if they be in a probable capacity to bring their design to pass , ought by the call of god to endeavour the reformation of their nation by force of arms. naph . and jus populi throughout . 14. tho our saviour told his disciples , john 18. 36. that his kingdom was not of this world , and that they ought not to fight for him , yet it obliges not the christians now , they may fight without and against the consent of the supreme magistrate . jus pop. proef. to the reader . and naph . pag. 159. 15. the greatest reproach that the people of god could be exposed to , was to own the king's proceedings , without satisfaction to the covenanted people of god in both kingdoms . vide act of the west-kirk . 16. none have right to the creature but the people of god , or dominion is founded in grace . enthus . and sect. 17. the scots covenant is the magna charta of all religion and righteousness , and not only obliges those who personally swore it , but the whole nation to all succeeding generations in all its tendences and natural consequences . naph . pag. 83. and 185. 18. the success that the presbyterians had in the late troubles against the king and his adherents , were undeniable signs of god's favour to that party , and to follow and promove their success , was to follow providence . act. of gen. assem . frequently . and those who fought for the king fought against the lord jesus christ . ibidem an. 45. 19. it is the duty of the meanest subject in his most private capacity ( nay , they are indispensibly obliged to it ) to admonish and reprove the king when they observe any thing that they think contrary or disadvantageous to the presbyterian interest and reformation . naph . pag. 86. 20. the covenanted people of god adhering to the faithful ministers of christ that owned the cause and covenant , and forsaking the apostate hirelings , the many conversions wrought upon them were infallible marks that god did approve them in their proceedings against wicked rulers . cup of cold water . 21. the change made in the church of scotland at the king's return , from presbytery to episcopacy did naturally , and in its just consequence and tendency , overthrow the very foundation of religion , and the change is no less than from the pure worship of god , to down right idolatry . naph , pref. to the reader , pag. 4 , and 5 , ibidem 84. 22. whoever is a sincere seeker of god , and truly regenerate , will immediatly discern upon his seeking of god , ipso facto , the profanity and wickedness of all that adhere to the episcopal church . naph . pag. 11. 23. it was the peculiar lot of the church of scotland , more eminently than any other church upon earth , to contend against the powers of this world , for the scepter and kingdom of jesus christ , by their protestations , petitions , remonstrances , declinators and all other methods to advance presbyterian interest . naph . pref. to the reader , pag. 16. 24. papacy and prelacy have one and the same original , and their adherents are the synagogue of antichrist . naph . pref. to the reader , pag. 20. and pag. 154 : and pag. 184. and pag. 53. 25. the people of god in these nations ought to rest assur'd that their enemies shall be ruin'd and destroy'd , for the lord hath said that the false prophets shall pass out of the land , and all that countenance them shall be asham'd , and ought we not to believe what god himself hath said . naph . pref. and pag. 153. 26. no ecclesiastick is oblig'd to give the king or his council an account of any doctrine preached by him immediately , and prima instantia , he is oblig'd to the presbyterian classis ; and if the king meddle with him , or call him to an account immediatly , he invades the scepter of jesus christ , and if he arrogate unto himself the power of convocating national or provincial synods , he confounds the government of jesus christ with the civil , and invades his authority ; therefore it is not safe , nor scriptural dialect , to say the king is supreme governour over all persons , and in all causes . naph . frequently , and page 38 , and 40. the royal prerogative in cognoscing upon the doctrine of ministers , is the devil 's great design to endear the powers on earth to the prelates . ibidem . 27. the presbytry can counter act the acts and statutes of the supreme court of parliament , and can forbid all the subjects to obey those laws , if imposed without their consent . july 28. anno 1648. act and declaration against the act of parliament . 28. no man can enter lawfully to the ministry , but by the call of the people , but when the people are malignant , then the presbytery may give them a minister . act. gen. assem . august 4. 1649. 29. when the presbytry appointed a fast , upon king james his appointing of a feast , they did nothing but what they were oblig'd in conscience to do . lex rex pref. to the reader . 30. if the king will not reform religion , the assembly of godly pastors and people ought to reform it , and they may swear a covenant without the king ; and if he refuse to build the lords house , they may relieve and defend one another , when they are opprest and hinder'd in the work and cause of god. lex rex pref. to the reader . 31. inferiour judges are no less essentially judges and god's vice-gerents on earth than the king himself . lex rex , pag. 159. 32. the king is under the law as to its coercive limitation , and ought to be resisted by force of arms. lex rex , pag. 231. duglas coron . ser. pag. 22. and elsewhere frequently . 33. the king is not the final and supreme interpreter of the law. lex rex , pag. 252. 34. the king's pretogative royal , and the oath of supremacy are directly contrary to the word of god , and the fundamental laws of this kingdom . naph . pag. 86. 35. to allow that the present graceless hirelings and curates , had so much as an external call to the ministry , were as much as to make the god of order , the author of confusion . naph . pag. 104 , 105. and the true zeal of god would inspire us to eradicate those plants that our heavenly father never planted . ibidem pag. 108. and to bid the covenanted people of god come to the church , is the height of oppression and rigour . ibidem pag. 109. 36. a king that transgresses the law is degenerate into a tyrant , and ought to be ranked amongst such as destroy the peace and advantages of human societies , because they transgress the limits and bounds of their constitution , therefore are they hateful to god and men , and to be looked upon as no better than wolves , tigers , and lions , and the death of such ought to be rewarded by the whole people , and every one of them . de jure regni , pag. 36. 37. the oaths given by intrants to their bishops , at their ordination , do not oblige at all , because they bind us to those constitutions that were not allowed by the presbytery . act. gen. assem . decemb. 5. 1638. 38. the call of a clear and necessary providence is , enough for christs witnesses to resist and stand up against earthly powers , and to this they are indispensably obliged , when they are in a probable capacity to act successfully , although the motive of self-defence were not conjoin'd ; and all such combinations for just and necessary ends , are warranted before god and men , notwithstanding of any pretended law to the contrary : and to affirm that the first and last covenanters were acted by a spirit of rebellion , is a sin the next degree to the sin against the holy ghost . naph . pag. 7 , 8. 12. 16. 39. the great law of self-preservation , in its immediate and most natural effects , teach us , and indispensably oblige us to resist kings , and all superiour powers when they command things contrary to the word of god ; nay when the great ends of government are perverted , then the bond thereof is dissolved , and the people thus liberated therefrom do relaps into their primeve liberty , and may upon the very same principles combine and associate for their better defence , that they first enter'd upon unto society . naph . pag. 147 , 148. 150. 40. when the faithful of the land are destitute of the best and surest means to overthrow the present government and wicked governours , they are still oblig'd to use their utmost endeavours . naph . pag. 155. 41. we ought not to believe that the primitive christians were so numerous as the first apologists for christianity did give out , they were deceived in a matter of fact , for the sufferings of the martyrs do not at all militate against the lawfulness of defensive arms. lex rex , pag. 2. 71. 42. the very power to extirpate the present government is god's call to do so . cargil's new cov. art. 1. 43. we are no more bound by any tie of allegiance to the present governours , than we are bound in allegiance to the devils . cargil's new cov. art. 9. if the scotch presbyterians under the former reigns had satisfied themselves with the theory of rebellion , and if they had not actually practis'd according to the full extent and tendency of their principles ; then , their writings and seditious sermons might have been tolerated with the greater ease : but since those active gentlemen ventur'd upon the natural conclusions that their principles yielded , so that none of the kings loyal subjects knew but that they were to be murder'd as soon as they stept out of doors . i hope modest men will allow that severe laws were very necessary when the holy scriptures were perverted to destroy the general peace of mankind ; and fiery enthusiasts were made believe , that they might make bold with the life of any man , whom they took to oppose their own dreams , if they fancyed that their neighbours were canaanites and moabites . most of them that bawl'd against the government of charles ii. are such as never understood the temper of our religious incendiaries , or were themselves deeply ingaged in the rebellion ; and therefore i have added to the former papers , the following letter , to undeceive such as are misinform'd , and to let the world see that it was impossible for our kings and parliaments to forbear the making of such laws as our enemies complain of ; when the holy scriptures were wrested contrary to their true meaning , and made to truckle under the hellish designs of incorrigible hypocrites . the following paper is a very authentick one , written by the famous assassin mr. james mitchel , who attempted the life of the arch-bishop of st. andrews upon the streets of edinburgh , and in doing so , wounded the bishop of orkney . this sacrilegious effort he endeavours to justifie from the holy scriptures . the presbyterians cannot take it ill that the monuments of their martyrs are preserv'd ; if they say that all presbyterians have not such principles , i say so too : but then , they must remember , that such were the presbyterians against whom the laws were made under the former reigns ; and 't is difficult to know whether all of them have not the same principles , if once they are provok'd to anger , and if they are consequential to the doctrine of the first puritans : for * goodman saith expresly , that , if the magistrates shall refuse to put mass-mongers and false preachers to death , the people in seeing it perform'd do shew that zeal of god which was commended in phineas , destroying the adulterers , and in the israelites against the benjamites . let any sober man consider what improvemnnts the principles of the following letter are capable of ; and then let him tell me , whether he can name any crimes punished by any magistrates in any corner of the world , more dangerous to human society , than the doctrines that he may read with his own eyes in this letter . i have copied it from that collection of mr. mitchel's papers , which his own consederates took great care to print and preserve in the latter editions of naphtali . the copy of a letter from edinburg tolbooth , february — 1674. me who may justly call my self less than the least of all saints , and the chiefest of all sinners : yet christ jesus calleth to be a witness for his despised truth , and trampled on interests and cause , by the wicked , blasphemous and god contemning generation , and against all their perfidious wickedness . sir , i say , the confidence i have in your real friendship , and love to christ's truth , people , interest and cause , hath encouraged me to write to you at this time , hoping you will not misconstruct me , nor take advantage of my infirmity and weakness . you have heard of my inditement , which i take up in these two particulars ; first , as they term it rebellion and treason , anent which i answered to my lord chancellor in committee , that it was no rebellion , but a duty which every one was bound to have performed in joyning with that party , and i in the year 1656 , mr. r. l. being then primar in the colledge of edinburg , before our laureation , tendered to us the national covenant and solemn league and covenant , upon mature deliberation , i found nothing in them , but a short compend of the moral law , only binding us to our duty , towards god and towards men in their several stations , and i finding , that our banished king's interest lay wholly included therein , and both coronation and allegiance oaths , &c. and they being the substance of all loyalty , and my lord , it was well known , that many were taking the tender , and forswearing charles stuart , parliament , and house of lords , i then subscribed both , the doing of which , my lord chancellour would have stood at no less rate , if as well known , than this my present adhering and prosecuting the ends thereof doth now , and when i was questioned what then i called rebellion , i answered , it is in ezra vii . verse 26. and whosoever will not do the law of god and of the king , &c. but being questioned before the commissioner and the council therea nent , i answered , as i said to my lord chancellour before , in the year 1656. mr. r. l. being then primar in the colledge of edinburg , before our laureation , he tendered to us the national and solemn league and covenant : he stopt me , saying , i 'll wad ye are come here to give a testimony : and then being demanded what i called rebellion , if it was not rebellion to oppose his majesties forces in the face : to the which i answered , viz. my lord chancellour , if it please your grace , i humbly conceive they should have been with us , according to the national and solemn league and covenant , at which answer i perceived him to storm . but , saith he , i heard ye have been over seas , with whom did ye converse there ? answer , with my merchant : but , saith he , with whom in particular ? answer with one john mitchel a cousin of mine own . saith he , i have heard of him , he is a factor in rotterdam , to which i conceded . but , saith he , did ye not converse with mr. livingston , and such as he , to which i answered , i conversed with all all our banished ministers . to which he replyed , banished traitors , ye will speak treason at the bar. then he answered himself , saying , but they would call the shooting at the bishop an heroick act. to which i answered , that i never told them any such thing , but where did you see james wallace last ? answer , towards the borders of germany some years ago . but what alled you at my lord st. andrews ? ( pointing at him with his finger ) answer , my lord commissioner , the grievous oppression , and horrid bloodshed of my brethren , and the eager pursuit after my own , as appeareth this day to your grace , and to all his majesties honourable privy council . after which he commanded to take me away , that they might see what to do next with me . the second is , the shooting of the shot intended against the bishop of st. andrews , whereby the bishop of orknay was hurt , to which i answered my lord chancellor in private , viz. that i looked on him to be the main instigater of all the oppression and bloodshed of my brethren that followed thereupon , and the continual pursuing after my own , and , my lord , as it was credibly reported to us ( the truth of which your lordship knows better than we ) that he kept up his majesties letter inhibiting any more blood upon that account , until the last six was execute : and i being a soldier , not having laid down arms , but being still upon my own defence , and having no other end nor quarrel at any man ( but according to my apprehension of him ) that as i hope in sincerity with fixing either my sense or action upon the covenant it self , as it may be understood by the many thousands of the faithful , besides the prosecution of the ends of the same covenant , which was , and in that point the overthrow of prelates and prelacy , and i being a declared enemy to him on that account , and he to me in like manner . so i never found my self obliged , either by the law of god , or nature , to set a centry at his door for his safety , but as he was always to take his advantage , as it appeareth , so i of him , to take any opportunity offered . moreover , we being in no terms of capitulation , but on the contrait , i by his instigation being excluded from all grace and favour , thought it my duty to pursue him at all occasions : also my lord , sir william sharp making his apology , anent his unhandsome and cheating way taken , he took me , under pretence to have spoken with me about some other matters . i not knowing him until five or six of his brothers and his servants were laying fast hold on me , they being armed of purpose , desired i would excuse him , seeing what he had done was upon his brothers account , which excuse i easily admitted , seeing that he thought himself obliged to do what he did to me , without law or order in behalf of his brother , much more was i obliged to do what i did in behalf of many brethren , whose oppression was so great , and whose blood he caused to be shed in such abundance . moreover , he persisting in his bloody murthers , as witnesseth the wounding of mr. bruce at his taking , by his emissaries some few days before that fell out concerning himself . now if by any means in taking him away , i could have put a stop to the then currant persecution . thus far i have truly resumed what passed . but this answer to the second part of the inditement may be thought by some to be a step out of my ordinary way ; wherefore i shall offer to your consideration that passage deut. 23. 9. wherein it is manifest , that the seducer , or inticer to worship a false god , is to be put to death , by the hand of those whom he seeks to turn away from the lord , especially by the hand of the witnesses , whereof i am one , as it appeareth deut. 13. which precept i humbly take to be moral , and not merely judicial , and that it is not at all ceremonial , or levitical ; and as every moral precept is universal , as to the extent of place , so also as to the extent of time , and persons . upon which command , sir , i think that phinehas acted in taking away the midianitish whore , and killed him whom she had seduced , num. 25. 8. also elijah by virtue of that precept gave commandment to the people to destroy baals priests , contrary to the command of the seducing magistrate , who was not only remiss and negligent in executing justice , but became a protector and defender of the seducers . then , and in that case , i suppose it is the christians duty not to be very dark . moreover , we see that the people of israel 2 chron. 31. 1. destroyed idolatry not only in judah , wherein the king concurred , but in israel and in manasseh , where the king himself was an idolater . and surely what all the people was bound to do by the law of god , every one was bound to do it , to the uttermost of their power and capacity : and as it was in zach. 13. 3. there the seducer's father and mother shall put them to death : i take this to be meant of the christian magistrate ; but when he is withdrawn by the seducer from the exercise of office and duty , and is become utterly remiss and negligent in putting the seducer to death , according to god's express law , which is not to be expected of him , for then he should do justice upon himself , but is become a protector and defender of the idolater ; then i doubt not , but that it doth become the duty of every christian , to the uttermost of his power and capacity , to destroy and cut off both idolatry and idolaters . yea , these presumptuously murthering prelates ought to be called so by the avenger of blood , when he meeteth them , by the express commandment of god , seeing the thing is manifestly true , and not to have liberty to flee to such cities of refuge , as the vain pretext of lawful authority : but they should be taken from the horns of such altars , and be put to death . moreover , was it spoken concerning amalek , upon the account he designed and resolved the extirpation of the lords people and truth , which are his throne , upon which he put forth his hand , and because he took occasion against them , exod. 17. 14. num. 24. 20. he endeavoured god should not have a people to serve him according to his revealed will upon earth : and if he could have effectuate his design , there should none have lived , who would not have worshiped and served him , and his idol gods : and for the better effectuating his design , he took occasion against them , when they were wearied coming out of aegypt , deut. 25. 17 , 18. and the reason there annexed is , he feared not god. and because i know that the bishops both will and do say , that what they did against the lords people , whom they murthered , they did it by law and authority , but what i did was contrary to both . i answer , the king himself and all the estates of the land , and every individual person of the land , both were , and are obliged by the oath of god upon them , to have by force of arms extirpated the perjured prelates and prelacy , and in doing thereof to have defended their lives and fortunes , the covenants being engaged to on these terms , viz. after supplications , remonstrances , protestations and all other lawful means have been used now for that effect : as the last remedy we took up arms , upon which condition , our nobility , and all the representatives of the nation , according to the national covenant , and solemn league and covenant , gave to the king both the sword and the scepter , and set the crown upon his head ; and he accordingly received them , and promised and sware by the ever living god , to use and approve them for the use aforesaid : and especially in order to the performing this article , viz. the extirpation and overthrow of prelates and prelacy , and now they vaunt of authority ; of what authority do they mean or speak of , truly i know not , except it be the authority of their aggregated gods , new gods , gods of whom they have their gain , life and standing , chemosh or bacchus , which drunken moab delighted to dwell within dark cells , ash●aroth , or venus , whom they worship of the female kind , because of their adulteries and whoredoms , as also malcome , or molock , which signifies tyrannical king , or a devil , if they will have it so , in whose arms and power they put their poor infants and posterity to be burnt according to his lust and pleasure , amos 5. vers . 26. psal . 106. 37. and their mammon , which they delight to worship daily , together with their own bellies , whose glory is their shame , who mind earthly things , whose end will be destruction , except they repent , which there is little probability of , ph. 3. vers . 19. to which we may add their abominable pride , and blasphemous perjuries , then their gods will be equal in number to the whore their mothers sacraments , from whom they have their being , strength and standing , and from the devil their father , who was a deceiver and murtherer from the beginning . and now seeing the prelates possess whatever their god chemosh giveth them to possess : then should we not possess what the lord our god giveth us to possess , viz. the eternal truths manifested to us in his revealed will , and keep and defend the same from all innovations and traditions of his and our adversaries , defend our lives and liberties out of the hands of our usurping enemies , judg. 11. 29. for sure i am , that god once dispossessed the prelates and malignants of all these ; and should they again possess them through our defect ? god for bid , but the like of this work our murthering prelates like not , who plead like the whore their mother for passive obedience , and that all the lord's people , who may not comply with their idolatries and persidies , should lay down their bloody axe , with whom too many of our hypocritical , time-serving and perfidious professors do agree , who had rather abide with reuben among the sheepfolds , than jeopard life or fortune in the help of the lord against the mighty ; do not consider the bitter curse pronounced by the angel of the lord against meroz , to which immediately he subjoins a blessing on jael the wife of heber the kenite . others excuse themselves thus , vengeance is mine , and i will repay it , but so the throne of judgment is the lords , and by this they will take away the use and office of magistracy , which erroneous principles i detest : for god even in the working of miracles in dividing the red sea , exod. 14. 16. commanded moses to stretch forth his rod : and christ when he opened the blind man's eyes , maketh use of clay and spittle , tho indeed i mean not of any who were willing to have helped , but wanted opportunity , yet there are many peevish time serving professors , who shall never suffer , so long as they have either soul or conscience to mortgage , providing that they may keep them from suffering . and if it will not do their business , it seemeth before they suffer , they resolve to sell all out at the ground . now , sir , i have neither misinterpret scripture , nor misapplyed it , in regard of the persons here hinted at , nor been wrong in the end , which ought to be the glory of god , the good of his church and people . then i think that some persons ought to forbear to scourge me so sore with their tongues , while i am not yet condemned by the common enemy . and my hearing of some things reported by some behind my back , hath occasioned my writing to you at this time . o , sir , be intreated to pray to the lord in my behalf , that he would be pleased out of his mercy and goodness , to save me from sinning under suffering in this hour and power of darkness : for my soul is prest within me in the search betwixt sin and duty , viz. lest i should be niggard and too sparing of my life , when god calleth for it : and on the other hand , too prodigal and lavish of it , in not using all legal defences in preserving of it , and in any of the like nature ; i am in a strait , o lord , undertake for me . sir , i hope ye will excuse me in sending you these indistinct and irregular lines , when you consider my present condition . sir , believe me , i would many times , when i am before them , think a scaffold a sweet retirement , lest they should cheat and deceive me , in making me either to stain the declarative glory of god , my own conscience , or his people and interests , and wronging of them , either by opening the enemies mouth against them , or letting loose their hands upon them ; henceforth let the adversaries both say and do what they can , yet the righteous shall hold on in his way , and he who hath clean hands will be stronger and stronger , job 7. v. 9. but he that saith unto the wicked , thou art righteous , him shall the people curse , nations shall abhor him , prov. 24. v. 24. farewel in the lord. sic subscribitur mr. james mitchel : finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a51160-e2460 * continuat . * a true account of the horrid conspiracy against the king , &c. printed by tho. newcomb . edit . 2. 1685. contin . p. 4. aeli . hist . var. dr. paterson , dr. caincross . nals . coll. 1 vol. pag. 499. vid. p. 500 , & 501. ib. p. 503. ib. p. 502. contin . p. 10. pag. 12. ans . scot. eloq . p. 4. pag. 14. ibid. * this is glanced at in a late letter written by a presbyterian minister to a member of parliament , p. 11. p. 15. * presb. inquisit . pag. 16. buchan . hist . lib. 19. calvin . inst . lib. 4. and again , lib. 4. c. 10. § 6. sane si veri episcopi essent , aliquid eis in hac parte auctoritatis tribuerem , non quantum sibi postulant , sed quantum ad politiam ecclesiae ritè ordinandam requiritur . vid. nals . coll. 1. vol. and the k's large manifesto . pag. 17. pag. 18. pag. 19. vid. hist . obs . mss. by guth . montross def . at philiphaugh . pag 20. ibid. ibid. gen. ass . 1648. p. mihi 44. printed by ev. tyler , edinb . an. 1648. an. 1638. nals hist col. 1. vol. p. 128. v. king 's large manifesto . & nals . hist . coll. 1 vol. pag. 151. * nal. hist . coll. 1 vol. ans . to the 3 reasons . pag. 152. † than . i. theologie morale des jesuites , pag. mihi 149 , 150. a cologne , an. 1666. en verite , mes peres , il ya bien de la difference entre rire de la religion , & rire de ceux qui la profanent par leurs opinions extravagantes . ce seroit une impietè de manquer de respect pour les veritesque l' esprit de dieu à revelées : mais ce seroit une autre impietè de manquer de me pris pour les faussetez que l' esprit de l' homme leur oppose . * nals . hist . coll. 1 vol. pag. 532. pag. 23. july 28. 1648. ante mer. sess . 18. p. mili 7. act and declar. against the act of p. pag. 17. pag 3. pag. 4. ibid pag. 5. ibid. pag 28. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. pag. 29. ibid. pag. 30. pag. 31. pag. 32. * nals . coll. 1. vol. pag. 795. pag. 33. ibid. ibid. * continuat . pag. 34. pag. 35. pag. 36. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. pag. 37. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. * aelian . var. hist. * ad illustriss . vir. car. coss . franciae maresch . in jephth . tragoed . praef. absurdam fortasse ; rem facere quibusdam videbor : qui ad te , hominem ab ineunte aetate militaribus imbutum studiis & inter arma tubasque semper versatum munusculum hoc literarium mittam : sed ii fere hoc absurdum existimaturi sunt qui aut harum rerum inter se consensionem non salts animadvertunt aut ingenium tuum parum habent perspectum . neque enim inter rei militaris & literarum studium ea est quam plerique falso purant discordia , sed summa potius concordia & occulta quaedam naturae conspiratio ; quanquam enim superioribus aliquot saeculis sive hominum inertia sive falsâ quâdam persuasione divisae fuerunt hae professiones , nunquam tamen perversa imperitorum opinio tantum potuit ut ipsae inter se veterem illam & naturalem ( ut it a loquar ) cognationem obliviscerentur . † hist . of the consp . against k. ch. ii pag. 118. continuat . pref. p. 10. * bishop brownr . serm. lon. printed , 1664. ser. 1. pag. 10 compared with williamson's serm. jun. 15. 1690. pag 20. * r. b. answ . to the scotch eloq . pag. 53 * guth . mss. vid. nals . coll. 1 vol. from pag. 811 , to 817. * vid. act of parl. for settling the peace of the church , edinbugh , june 12. 1693. notes for div a51160-e22180 de jure regnipag . 46 , 47. vide seasonable warning . an. 45. * see dangerous positions by bishop bancroft , p. 35. help in time of need from the god of help to the people of the (so called) church of scotland, especially the once more zealous and professing, who have so shamefully degenerated and declined from that which their fathers the primitive protestants attained unto ... / writ by george keith, prisoner for the truth in aberdeen in the latter end of the year 1664. keith, george, 1639?-1716. 1665 approx. 200 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47150 wing k173 estc r36221 15619322 ocm 15619322 104192 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47150) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104192) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1151:10) help in time of need from the god of help to the people of the (so called) church of scotland, especially the once more zealous and professing, who have so shamefully degenerated and declined from that which their fathers the primitive protestants attained unto ... / writ by george keith, prisoner for the truth in aberdeen in the latter end of the year 1664. keith, george, 1639?-1716. jaffray, alexander, 1614-1673. [4], 75 [i.e. 79], [1] p. s.n., [aberdeen printed : 1665] preface signed: alex. jaffray. t.p. cropped, imprint lacking. imprint information supplied from wing. errata: p. [1] at end. "writ about the beginning of the 11 month in the year 1664": p. 75. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -controversial literature. society of friends -apologetic works. presbyterianism -controversial literature. 2003-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion help in time of need , from the god of help . to the people of the ( so called ) church of scotland , especially the once more zealous and professing , who have so shamefully degenerated and declined from that which their fathers the primitive protestants attained unto ; yea , and from what they have but of late themselves , so zealously asserted and maintained to be the cause and work of god , which now they have generally shrunk from , the most part actively complying and concuring to the building up again and healing of old babylon , that , even by themselves so called , and runing into the excess of ryot with the prophane world , ( like the dog returning to the vomit , and the sow to the puddle , after the being once washed ) others being lying by , and cowardly bowing under , and giving up themselves to a detestable neutralitie , which they in express termes vowed against to the most high god , not daring to bear a testimony by their sufferings ( plentiful occasion being given ) for that , they , when having power made others suffer , who would not concur with them ; and all of them ( almost ) joyning together , as a common enemy against the work and glorious appearance of god , brought and more abundantly bringing forth , among his people called in derision quakers , by the ismaels of this generation , who mock at , and persecute the true heirs of the promise , as ever it hath so been from the foundation of the world. being certain particulars very weighty , and of great concernment for them to consider seriously , for their souls good , directed unto them , by a true lover of their welfare and prosperity both temporal and eternal , a mourner over them in this time of their great calamity and distress , who hath oft poured forth his soul before god on their behalf , that they might be saved , one of their brethren according to the flesh , and a true protestant & friend to the good old cause against babylon in whatsoever appearance . writ by george keith prisoner for the truth in aberdein in the latter end of the year 1664. isa. 51 18 , 19 , 20.23 . there is none to guide her among all the sons whom she hath brought f●rth , neith●r is there any that taketh her by the hand of all the sons that she hath brought up , &c. ezek. 10 4. wilt thou judge them , son of man , wilt thou judge them , &c. see the whole c●●p●e th●●ughout . jer 5.10 . go yee ●p upon her walls and destroy , but make not a full end , take awa● her battlements , for they are not t●e lords , &c. jer. 6.15 were they shamed when they had committed abomination ? &c. revel . 19.6 , 7 , 8 hallelujah , for the lord god omnipotent re●gneth , &c the contents or heads of the particulars are as followerh . 1. a lamentation over , and an expostulation with the people of scotland for their so gainstanding and opposing the appearance of god among the lords people called in derision quakers ; and for their foul defection and apostacy from what the primitive protestants and reformers were , ( whose successors they boast themselves to be ) yea and from what they have been but of late dayes themselves . 2. a demostration of the apostacy and defection of the ( so called ) church of scotland , from what their fathers , the primitive protestants , and reformers were in principles , to the number of 14. or 16. and in many practises also , wherein their apostacy also and defection from what they have been themselves , but in late dayes in several particulars is hinted at , and there vile relapse into popery ( out of which they were never cleanly extricate ) is discovered , and their treachery laid open in the matter of their covenant which they cryed up as the glory of their nation , and the concernment and interest of iesus christ , which now they have trampled under feet as the myre in the street , and think shame of it as if it had been a whores brate . 3. true and righteous judgment from the god of judgment seperating the precious from the vile , concerning the late proceedings of the people of scotland in the matter of their reformation from , and their covenanting against prelacy , with the corruptions , and popish superstitions accompanying it ; as also concerning their church constitution , ministry , worship and government set up 〈◊〉 them after the pulling down of the former , and discr●ing it ▪ as a●tichristian , wherein lik●wise the lords controversie w●th th●m in laying them by , and suffering this day to come over th●m is shewed in which their building is also laid in the dust , and its the will of the lord , that it never be again rebuilt . 4. the blessed , long looked for day of god broke up among us the lords people called quakers , with a declaration of the lords loving kindness to us , and what he hath done for our souls in causing the light of his countenance to shine on us . and a brief description of our church , ministry , word , worship , order and government . and a proclamation of the foresaid day of the lord to the people of scotland in judgment and mercy . with a loving exhortation unto them , and dear and tender counsel concerning what the lord requires of them in order to a perfect , and thorow reformation which they have often assayed , but never as yet come at . also a few words to such who expect the breaking up of the day of god , and yet deny it , broke up among us . writ in the fear and love of the lord , and in bowels of love and compassion , to the people of my native country . a word of exhortation by way of preface to the following purposes , from a lover of the true interest of those to whom they are directed . how is it , that yee do not yet discern this time ? how long will yee shut out the discoverers of it , and so provoke the lord to shut you further out from beholding them ; o fear , fear to be found any more in that guiltiness , which ( if persisted in ) may make you to be shut out for ever : and let none so look on themselves as to suppose they are past this hazard , if so be they yet continue , neglecting , opposing , and persecuting , or approving of them who persecute the growing light of this day , as it s come , and coming forth with power and great glory . truly friends , think what ye will , this is the thing ( i say not the only ) but the maine and chief thing that 's in the quarrel betwixt god and you , your keeping up of mens traditions in place of the true institutions of christ , while he now so comes forth to vindicate and restore them , your so adhearing to , and preferring of the oldness of the letter to the newness of the spirit , that had its glory , but not comparable to this which excels , think not that this case and state of things , as then it was in the primitive dayes ended with those , that were then so zealous for , and loath to part with , the law and outward ministration thereof , in the letter : nay friends , consider seriously of it in the fear of the lord , lay by your passion and prejudice , for it concernes you near , consider of it in soberness , and yee shall truly find it your very case at this day , as then it was theirs , that same spirit for the outward , in opposition to the inward ministration acting now as then , and heightned in its actings now , more then ever . o who● shall that be dead to you , or yee to it , wherein yee have been 〈◊〉 long held from beholding the glory of the lord , as it comes forth in the work of this day ? and how contrary to , and inconsistant with it , that work was , which ( by might and power ) yee were leading on , though yee had attained , what yee so proposed in the furthest , and highest extent of that uniformity , which yee so endeavoured to have imposed upon all ; are yee not yet sensible of your mistakes and snares in these matters , so as to be made willing to glorifie god , ( as some of you have , it may be ingeniously gratified men ) with a humble confession of your over-reachings ? and other guiltiness brought upon your selves , and the people of these nations . truly friends , however this may relish with you , yet yee will find yee are called to it , even to own your shame , for so setting up your posts and thresholds by his , that so yee may come to have the true forme of the house and fashion thereof shewn unto you : are yee not sensible , that as unwise sons yee have stayed too , too long in the place of the breaking forth of children ? do yee not yet perceive how that the bridegroom is really departed , and the children , the children of the bridechamber called to mourning ; so will it be before the enjoyments of christ as the bridegroom or first husband be parted with , yet this must yee come to know , and condescend unto , that so yee may be marryed to another , even to him raised from the dead : thy dead men shall live ( sayes the prophet ) together with my dead body shall they arise : the dead and the living body consider , for there 's much in it , and very much that concerns you nearly to look to : for , as their mistake who crucified him , was their not discerning his living body , ( for if they had but so known him they would not have crucified the lord of glory ) so a mistake in the other persisted in , brings under no less hazard , then being given up to crucifie him over again , eating and drinking of the damnation spoken of ( 1 cor. 11. ) is where this discerning of the lords body is not rightly made , the dead and crucified body , from the living body , the living soul as its first , from the quickning spirit , which follows after , the letter and out ward teachings so much cryed up , with all the fruits , and effects of the one , ( though a very blessed and comfortable enjoyment in its place and kind , yet being but that which made nothing perfect , it s now no less necessary to be parted with , then at that time it was , else the comforter as the blessed effect of the other cannot come , nor can he be supposed so to become , where his immediate teachings are so slighted and cryed out against . many times hath it been in my heart thus to have spoken some few words unto you , ( as these ) who i dearly love in the lord , and to whom i stand by many bonds obliged , if in any service i could be useful , but being somewhat sensible , what i had to do in my own particular case , and not altogether unacquainted with the deceipt of the busie enemy who in this day lies so near , ready to draw out the mind , to vent its own imaginations , and to speak of the things of god , without his warrant . i have hitherto withholden in expectation of a more fit opportunity , and a clearer warrant to go about it , which upon the perusal of these ensuing papers was very clearly given to me : and indeed the subject spoken to , and the truths asserted in them , had been some years ago much on my heart , and seriously enquired after , and that this search and enquiry was of the lord attended with a blessing to me , i can very clearly testifie ; and finding the same things for the most part so sweetly , and with such a spirit of meekness offered unto you ; i find it only my duty at present to be concuring in my testimony , as agreeing fully with what in them is said , as most fit and necessary to be seriously minded by you . dear friends , it is high time for you to awake and consider what yee are doing , there is another thing to be brought forth in this day then yee have yet conceived of ▪ and your guiltiness for opposing it , is greater then yee are yet aware of , nor will your apparent zeal for god , and his ordinances , which hath with some of you hitherto layen very near your hearts ( this i do think it hath been and that yet it may be in a measure with some of you , where singleness of heart in any measure yet remains ) serve the turn , if yee so persist in the way of provocation . consider if something of the same snare and tentation be not on you , as was on them who so zealously contended for moses , and the prophets , the same was their plea , and upon the same grounds did they go on , to the rejecting and crucifying of christ , as yee ( some of you ignorantly and others more perversly ) are in the way to do at this day ; bear with my freedom , for truly i can say it , there is no bitterness nor passion at my heart , while thus i use it , but the deep sence of the dreadful hazard yee are runing , hath drawn it from me , that if so in the will of the lord yee may return to your first love , and so imbrace the guide of your youth again ; the missing and departing from whom , hath alwayes been the cause of our fathers the first protestants their short comings and mistakes of the work of god , as well as of ours , that they were not in every thing come to own their true guide , though in some things they did it , and according to the simplicity that was in them , they were sweetly ordered by him , and accepted of him . and thus was it with them and so hath it been with many , who succeeded them ; and was it not so of late among us also ? yea , eminently so it was , both in scotland , england , and ireland ; mainly in this our great sin and guiltiness ( as the foundation of all our mistakes and failings ) it s aggravated exceedingly beyond and above what was theirs , that the discovery of this duty of waiting to find the immediate direction of our guide in every thing as absolutely necessary ( and at the very time when more fully and universally then ever formerly it was bestowed ) being more clearly come , and coming forth then to them in that day it was , yet now more then ever , ( which is dreadful to think of ) is it both disowned and persecuted even by them whom i well knew to have sometimes sweetly enjoyed the blessed effects of the spirits immediate teachings in themselves , and so to have been instrumental to the great advantage of others , such wonderful and astonishing effects does the deep and fiery tryals of this day bring forth , when every work of man is to be consumed , the gold and precious stones ( not built on the true foundation ) as well as the wood , hay and stuble , that which is born of the flesh is but flesh , even that which is begotten , but through the knowledge of christ after the flesh must be left behind , and parted with , else the comforter cannot come that the fruitful field may become a wilderness , and the wilderness and solitary place a fruitful field ; that so the lord alone may be exalted in this day , and all flesh lie low as grass before him : let therefore the dread and terror of the lord seize upon all , especially the professing people of this generation , that they may no more transgress in this thing of despising or neglecting , the immediate teachings of his spirit : this key of knowledge which the lawyers have taken away , this little stone which must fill the whole earth , dreadful is the judgment that is to be met with by such ( whatever they be ) who shall be found any more refusing to receive jesus christ thus coming to his kingdome in their hearts ▪ and what then shall become of such who shall be found rebelling against the true light , so as to mock and persecute it ? dear friends , as yee love your peace and safety beware of this , for it borders too near upon that guiltiness that will not be forgiven : what needs you so to be afraid at the coming of christ to his kingdom , that so his will may be done in earth as it is in heaven ? hath it not been the matter of your prayers many a day , and do yee well to be angry , when it s so gloriously coming to pass ? o! how ill does this become you , & how ill does he take it at your hands , were it not more becoming you ( with him who so long since wished for it , ) and rejoyced thereat ) to desire that all the lords people were prophets ? this would not have wronged , nor deminished any thing from his ministry then , who was so eminent , nor will it now do from the true ministers of christ ; those who make but a trade of preaching , thereby to win their living , as other tradesmen do , it is no marvel to see them very angry at the approaching glory of this day , if every one is to have the spirit , and be permitted to speak publickly , what shall become then of our ministry , say they , and how shall we live ? and though there be some , yea , i conceive it may be granted , there be many among you , who upon this account do not own these men , nor this their plea for their pretended ministry ; but it may be really , think in your hearts that if there were no other thing in it , yee could with moses wish for , and rejoyce thereat , even that all the lords people were prophets , and that it is a gospel ministry , and maintenance that yee stand for , and no other , and this being an institution of christ , which now you perceive so to be struck at by the quakers , yee may not so part with it . but friends consider seriously of this matter , and it will not be found so , either on your part , or on theirs , whom with the world in scorn yee call quakers ; for we do really own both a gospel ministry , and a suitable maintenance according to the scriptures , and yee do neither own the one , nor the other , but in words only ; for though yee seem to disown those men who seek after the ministry , and the standing of it , mainly upon the account of their hyre ; yet consider it seriously if upon the matter yee do not the very same thing with them , and harden them in their guiltiness , and the people in their prejudice against us while yee so both by your profession and practice , justifie and imposed , and forced maintenance , which is so well known to be contrary to the gospel , and condemned also by your predecessors , and many others of the martyrs and servants of god , among our selves , and elsewhere . and again consider , however yee pretend to be for a gospel ministry ; it is not so , no , yee are downright opposers , and persecuters of it ; and alass that i should have such cause so to speak it . can yee produce any institution of christ , for justifying such a ministry , which other wayes ye cannot maintain , but as through a line of succession from the gre●● enemy of christ , descended upon you , and for keeping up of which a door must be set open , even for the ungodly to enter ; for its plainly so affirmed by many of greatest note amongst you , that grace belongs only to the well being , and not to the being of such a ministry , and ministerial qualifications , as are by you required ; see durhame on the revelation concerning ministerial qualifications page 199. and where it is thus , a door set open for an ungodly man to enter ( if he be furnished with gifts of humane learning ) and closely shut upon another ; however he may be known to be eminently pious & well furnished with spiritual knowledge & gifts of the holy ghost , is this your gospel ministry ? and yet thus it is according to the acts and appointments of your supposed , most pure and incorrupt assemblies that hath been of late ; so far are yee in this also become contrary to your predecessors who both by their practice and profession affirmed that every faithful man and woman was a priest , this is fully testified too , both by knox his chronicle , and spotswood in his history of the ( so called ) kirk of scotland , second book , page 60. and 61. are yee not ashamed therefore any longer to own such a ministry ? o friends , come come down and lye in the dust , for greatly hath the lord been thus provoked by you , and lamentable is the case of the people of these nations , who are perishing in their sins , because of such a ministry , such leaders of the people so causing them to err . and if it be here required what is that ministry , and what are the qualifications thereof , which the quakers require . to this i need say but little , the author of the ensuing papers having fully and faithfully spoken to it , and divers other particulars , whose testimony if not made use of will one day bear witness against you , as well against the multitude of time servers ( who go along with every thing making no question for conscience sake ( as the apostle speaks in another case ) as of others who are under some sort of suffering at present though in part , for a true testimony , given in some particulars , yet even in this , no wayes answerable , nor suitable to what is required in this day , and all of you in your several interests and capacities , as yee stand related to the ( so called ) kirk of scotland , and pretended work of reformation , are very much called , seriously to mind what is therein said unto you , and if in soberness yee well consider of it , the thing intended may very clearly appear , that hitherto yee have been labouring but in the fire , as to the producing any work of reformation which god allowes of ; yea , and going rather backwards , from what was once attained to loosing , and plainly contradicting the true and honest principles of your worthy predecessors , which one thing rightly considered may evidently demonstrate to you , that your work hath not been nor is of god. the presence of god having been very eminently with the author of these papers in his enquiry after these things , this his service may be very useful for you , and will be so found , and acknowledged by those , whose eyes shall be opened to behold , how the lord comes forth in this day of his power to try every work of man , and by the foolish things of the world to confound the wise . and to what is there said as to that particular , annent the qualifications of a true minister , i shall only add these few words , that which so was necessary from the beginning , that which we have heard and seen , and handled with our hands of the word of life , even the power and presence of the lord , in his people do we ( whom in scorn yee call quakers ) declare unto you , as the only essential qualification of a true minister of christ. and if this be it yee are so affraid of , that through the increase of this , the spirit of prophesie , the true church and ministers of christ , shall suffer loss , your fear upon this account is groundless , for these must stand , and only in that way must they prosper , so as that the gates of hell shall never prevail against them , but if your fear be for the fall of that supposed church , which they the hirelings i mean , and yee so contend for both among your selves , and with others , which is truly antichristian and no better , then undoubtedly your fear is coming upon you , and for preventing of it ( as yee may suppose ) it is no marvel that ye so fall in with them for the defence of rome , and her ministry , or else as some who have been , and yet are famous among you , have both spoke and written , that yee must not only lose your church and ministry , but your baptism , and the bible , which the witness of god in your consciences , cannot but tell you , how much yee did sometime detest and abhor so to say , or think untill of late through the growing light of this day , in these and in many other truths of the like nature , your skirts are so discovered , and your heels made bare , and your way so hedged up of the lord that yee cannot escape , either to own rome as your mother church , and so to return to her again , or fully to part with and come out of her for ever , and thence not to bring with you a stone of hers , either for a foundation to zion , or for a corner ; nay , she must not be healed any more ( which yee have been for a long time so endeavouring ) but destroyed for ever , ier. 51.9.26 . and the time draws near , and yet thereby neither the church , nor ministers of christ , nor the true baptisme , nor the holy scriptures of truth , nor any other of his true ordinances shall thereby s●ffer loss , but great and glorious advantage to them who wait for it . and because there be some , with whom i have had sweet fellowship in the lord , who its very like , would have expected some other thing from me , then such sharp and peremptory expressions , and conclusions against them , and the way of the ( so called ) kirk of scotland in which i was bred with them , and had my beginning in the way of godliness ; i know very well , as things now stands with you , yee may think so , of what i have said , as also that it may be , yee would rather have expected some account of the grounds , moving me to , and the advantages that i either looked for , or have found by such a thing : now to speak shortly a word to this , i trust for it , yea , i am not without hope in it , that the day is coming ( and frequently have i sought it of the lord on your behalf ) when ye shall so come to see the truth of what i say , and the necessity that ( on your account ) was on me for it , as that ye shall willingly acknowledge , that it was the greatest evidence of my dear and tender love in the lord to you , which next to his glory led me to it , and that otherwise i should have been wanting of the expression of that true and sincere love which still i have unto you , as to the advantages i have found , which might be also offered , as the reasons whereby i was moved of the lord , to make that so strange a change as yee account it , in owning these despised people called quakers : i need say but little , if what is in this and the following papers be well considered of , and i know it is my place to lie low in the fear of the lord , and to speak but little as to advantages , or any progress that i have made ; and i acknowledge no man hath more matter so to do , yet in this case i may not be silent , but must in the fear of the lord , give this my testimony to the pretious people , and the truths of god asserted by them , that they do truely and really , both profess and practice the new and living way in which holiness ( by mortification and subduing a body of sin and death is attained , and have indeed come to the discovery of these things , even the life and power , which throughout the dark night of apostacy hath lyen much hid , and hath been but very little felt , or known ; yet such is the goodness of god to that pretious people , count of them , and call them what yee will , the true power and life of holiness is more truly known to them , and eminently holden forth by them , then by any people else that have come forth since the apostles dayes , and a greater measure do they yet wait for , and as they are faithful , it will be multiplied on them ; for the presence of the lord is with them , and all their opposers must fall before them . dear friends consider then , how far yee have been mistaken concerning them , and with groundless jealousies carryed on with prejudice against them , as grosly erronious , blasphemers and the like ; nay , nay , friends , it is not so , and upon search yee shall find it far otherwayes , let your informers who many of them sinfully take things on report without tryal , and others who for maintaining of your own interests have made lies their refuge , let such say what they will , they are , and will be found a blessed people , who as instruments in the lords hands may be called the repairers of the breach , and the restorers of the paths to dwell in ; they own dearly , and rejoyce in the use of the holy scriptures , and desire to live up to the practice of all the truths of god declared in them . beware then what yee say or think of them , and that yee approve not in the least their persecuters . and if as yet yee cannot receive what they offer , yet beware to reject it , or to judge of it , because yee cannot as yet close with it ; the time may come when yee shall both see and receive it : if the work they are about be of god , ( as undoubtedly it is , then it must prosper ; beware therefore to be found any more in opposing of it , least yee also be found fighters against god. as for me , i am but a child , and as one of yesterday , yet through grace , i am what i am ; and as i own that state wherein i was , when i walked with you , for truly i can say there was a measure of singleness and sincerity within me in it , and therefore i may not disown it , nor any , while they so continue there , if they be not wilfully opposing further discovery ; yet this i verily know , and can truly say , i then was , and now am called of the lord to go further forgeting the things that are behind , to press forward for the prise of the high calling of god in christ jesus , and this is that i aim at , and which thorough the help of my god , in this way so much by you so slighted and despised ; as i keep faithful to what i know of it , i have more hope of attaining then ever . now that i may come to a close , i have but a few words more to say to such of those to whom these papers are directed , who are gone beyond sea , if at any time this shall come to their hands , which is to desire them in the fear of the lord , to consider seriously what is therein said unto them in particular , and if without prejudice in soberness they wait for it , i am hopeful , it shall be said unto them , how came yee here ? and what do you here , seeking to uphold that which i am pulling down , and to bear down that which i am setting up ? this is not your work , return from whence yee came , and it shall be shewn unto you . dear friends , ( for so are yee to me ) whither yee will hear or forbear , yet know of a truth i speak not unto you without a warrant . written in the 11 th month in the year 1664. alex. iaffray . a lamentation over , and an expostulation with the people of scotland , for their so gain-standing and opposing the appearance of god among the lord's people , called in derision quakers ; and for their foul defection and apostacy from what the primitive protestants and reformers were , ( whose successors they boast themselves to be ) yea and from what they have been but of late dayes themselves . oh , oh , people of scotland ! great is my sorrow of heart for you ; and when i consider your state and condition , many times my soul mourns , and pangs take hold of me , as of a woman in travel , and i cannot cease , but take up a lamentation over you , if possibly any of you hereby may be reached and awakened out of the deep slumber of security , whereinto ye have fallen , to consider your wayes and turn unto the lord , from whom ye have deeply revolted , and against whom ye are fighting in this day ; and his appearance ye are calluminating , blaspheming & opposing , as witnesseth too manifestly your savage and cruel dealings with the lord's people , whom he hath framed for himself , and who do and shall shew forth his praise to the ends of the earth . oh , oh , your cruel mockings , your hard speeches , your inhumane usage of them , one way and another , is noticed and marked before him ; yea , it is writ as with a pen of iron and a point of a diamond , and the least grain weight of their sufferings by him is regarded , and he will be avenged of their enemies , and repay them double ; yea , great is the indignation and wrath of the lord against you ; verily i have felt it , yea , i have seen it ( and many others with me ) burning like a very sea of fire and brimstone , ready to break out upon you , as certainly it will do , and sweep you away to the bottomless pit , if ye do not prevent it by speedy and unfeigned repentance . alas unthankful people , do ye so requite the lord ? is this the fruit ye bring forth to him , after he gave you deliverance from your enemies , and peace and rest round about ? remember and call to mind the rock from whence ye were hewed out of , and the pit from whence ye were digged , and consider your poor , low and despicable condition , and your fore-fathers estate , in the day of your and their nativity , when the lord first visited you in egypt , the da●kness of popery i mean , and gave unto your fathers a little goshen , where they had light , when the egyptians ( such as remained papists ) were choaked with the thick darkness ; and after when the lord called them forth out of egypt , and they begun to remove , having a red sea before them , pharaoh ( antichrist in the pope ) and his complices behind , and mountains on every side , yet the lord was with them , and did fight on their behalf , and they saw great wonders in egypt and in the wilderness , but with many of them god was not well pleased , for they tempted him exceedingly , whereby the lord was provoked to swear against them , that such should not enter into his rest : and oh , how have ye their posterity , lusted in your hearts to return into egypt , because of the onyons , and garlick , and flesh-pots thereof , and others of you would not go forwards at the command of the lord , but ye would sit down in the land which god never appointed for your rest , for it was but the wilderness , and ye made to your selves of it a resting and dwelling place , where ye thought to have planted orchards and vineyards , and to have eaten of the fruit thereof , whereby it came to pass , that ye loathed the manna from heaven , and the lord became wroth , and ceased to rain of it any more down upon you ; and ye did eat of the fruit of your own doings , and your vineyards which ye planted , brought ye forth abominable fruit , whereby your souls were distasted , and many of you became to be past feeling of god ; and the manna from heaven became such a mystery unto you , as it is at this day , that ye own such a thing delusion and blasphemy ; and the cloud by day , and the firy-piller by night , which the lord gave to your fathers to lead them , have you turned your backs upon , and shut your eyes , that ye might not see , and the lord was provoked to remove it from you , and it ceased to appear , and your foolish hearts were so darkened , that ye denyed altogether such a thing , and at this day ye call it a fancy , viz. the revelation of god's spirit . oh , oh , how are ye degenerated into a strange plant , who were a noble vine , a right seed ! how have ye turned from that which was the rock that followed your fathers , was their stay , was their manna , was their leader and guid , their moses ? but have ye not said with them , who typically d●d represent your estate , as for this moses , we know not what is become of him , let us take our jewels and ear-rings of gold , and make it into a god , that may go up before us into the land ; and now after your long and sore travel in the wilderness , wherein ye have abode many years , going backward and forwards , wandring up and down , having lost the sight of the cloud which pointed you the way , and forgotten that rock which followed and accompanied your fathers , out of which living waters flowed to their refreshment ( which rock was christ ) and after many of your carkasses have fallen , because of unbelief , and more are yet to fall . it hath pleased the lord to raise up to us , among your selves , that prophet whereof moses wrote , and his word we have heard sounded forth ( which is near even in our hearts ) saying to us by the powerful breath of his spirit , arise , arise , this is not your rest , it is polluted , it will destroy you with a sore destruction ; and the voice was so powerful , that it hath quickned us , who were dead with you while we were living , and the firy-piller hath appeared to us , glory to god for his gift , and shineth forth with beams of glory ; and the lord hath opened the windows of heaven , and rained down on us the manna from heaven , which is the food of angels , and not like the manna which the iews did eat and died , but that which feedeth us unto life everlasting ; and the rock , even the eternal rock and salvation of gods people is revealed unto us , out of which springeth pure living water from the fountain of life ; and ioshua , which is jesus , is given us for a head to lead us into the land of promise , an entrance into which many witness at this day , and others are in the way , and have got a fore-taste of the vine-grapes of the land , and hath sounded forth a good report concerning the same , and many hath believed the report , and tryed the truth thereof , and found it to be true , even some of your selves , who were as you , whose eyes the lord out of his infinite mercy hath opened , and they have found a place of repentance for all their hard speeches and enmity against the people of the lord ( in the time of their ignorance ) and his work and appearance , and have become ashamed and confounded therefore ▪ and i know assuredly it shall be so with others , who for the present ( through the ignorance that is in them ) may be persecuting the saints of god ; but alas , alas , how dangerous and deplorable is the condition of the most part of you , for the time , with whom our testimony can have no room , nor find place in you ; and the good land , whereof we report , has no more credit with you , then if it were a cunningly devised fable , even the kingdom of god and of his christ , in the revelation of his eternal light , life , power , and spirit in our hearts , which fills us with joy unspeakable , and full of glory , and satisfies the desires of our souls ; so that we have true content in the injoyment of our god , and have all and abound , possessing him in whose favour is life , and at whose right hand are pleasures for ever more ; the streams thereof , your thick walled prisons , and bolted gates , within which ye shut us up , cannot hinder from flowing into our souls , and for the pretiousness and excellency of his dear and sweet love , which he hath caused , and does cause us to feel shed abroad in our hearts , are we made willing patiently and contentedly to go thorow all the reproach and opposition we can meet with from you , if possibly we be made instrumental to reach some of you , that thereby ye may be saved with us , and induced to walk in the light of the lord with us , which has appeared and shined forth in its glory , and ( as solomon said ) truly it is a sweet and a pleasant thing to behold the light . o how sweet is it , how pleasing , how refreshing , how healing , how comforting , how sure a guide ; what assurance and satisfaction it gives to the soul , none knows but such as are come to perceive it in their own hearts : this , this was it discovered unto your fathers the many gross abominations and superstitions of popery , so that they came to loath and abhor them ; this led them forth out of egypt , this discovered unto them babylon the mother of fornications , and the cup wherewith she had bewitched them ; so that they had no rest till they vomited up so much of the same as they perceived to be poysonous . and oh , had you their posterity kept chast to the leadings of the lord by his light , which was near unto you , as well as unto them , even the light of christ , which enlightens every man that comes into the world , and shineth in darkness , though the darkness cannot comprehend it ; had you ( i say ) kept chast thereto , and given it the preheminence above all , how unspeakable had your happiness been at this day , and now is your misery the greater , that ye have adulterated there-from , and become so impudent and shameless as to deny it for a leader , or to give it the preheminence , for have ye not set the letter of the scriptures above it , and made them unto your selves a golden calf to be a guide , leader and rule unto you , whereas if ye had given them the proper place , setting them under the light and spirit of jesus christ , from which they came , and to which they point , it being their own testimony , that they are not that light , but were given and sent forth to bear witness of the light , that all in the light ( not in them ) might believe : i say , had you given to them their proper place , they had been as jewels and ear-rings of gold unto you , and useful in their room , whereas , through your abuse of them , and setting their testimony above the inward and immediate testimony of jesus , which is the spirit of prophecie ( rev. 19.10 ) they are become your snare , and a sealed book unto you , that ye cannot read nor understand their interpretation , because ye have gone from the key ( the light and spirit of christ ) which would have opened them unto you , and now they are parables unto you , and dark sayings , though you call them plain ; but plain indeed a●e they , and easie to be understood by the children and babes of light ; and because ye have so gone a whoring from that which would have proved a soveraign remedy and antidote against the wayes and wiles of the devil , and babilons cup of fornications , therefore the light being a holy , pure and chast thing , hath been provoked much to withdraw , and 〈◊〉 have cause to be afraid , lest it eternally depart from you , and you be shut up in blackness of darkness , who hath so forsaken and undervalued your own mercy , and misprized the gift of god unto you , given you to profit withal , and which only can open your eyes , and give you the knowledge of the glory of god , which is life eternal ; and you being wandred from the light , which is the first principle and key to open up the oracles and mysteries of god's kingdom ; you have come to read the scriptures with a false eye , and have understood them , ( yea and used them ) as weapons to fight against the appearance of christ in his people at this day , as the iews did against the same lord jesus christ in his appearance according to the flesh at ierusalem , they disputed against him from the scriptures , whereas they testified of him ; but the vail was upon their eyes , and they had lost the key ( which was the light and spirit of christ that gave them forth ) which their teachers had taken from them , as your teachers have done from you . oh , let this be a lamentation for ever , that of the rock that begot you , yee are become so unmindful and turn'd against that which was the very life , marrow and substance of your reformation , and you having lost the same , what remains but a dead carcass , or rather an image of a reformed church , 〈…〉 with a wrong spirit , which is the life of the w●●re , beast , and false prophet , who are all for the pit. and o● how have yee betrayed your own cause , and given it a way into the hand , of your enemies , as appears by your arguments yee make use of against us , the very self same the papists took against your fathers , did they not upbraid them with innovations , and the novelty of their religion , being but of a few years and dayes standing ; did not they upbraid them with the fewness of their number ? did they not upbraid them with their ignorance , calling them idiots and unlearned , as indeed they were to humane learning many of them ; but they were taught of god , which was far better ; did they not nick-name them , calling them after such base and contemptible names , whereby to render them odious unto the people ? did they not raise up many false slanders and reports against them ? did they not persecute them with fire and faggot , imprisonment and spoyling of their goods , which they took joyfully ; and did they not question them as the iewes did christ and his disciples , and as yee do us concerning the authority who gave them a command to preach and reform ; and had your fathers any recourse to make , but unto that which could well bear them thorough , as it does us to day , viz. the immediate call of gods spirit in their hearts ; and have yee not so used us , have yee not nick-named us , and raised many false reports concerning us , and greedily sucked in the fame of them from others who invented them : oh how strange have we been and are to you at this day , have yee not refused us , the name of christians , which yee will not scruple to give to drunkards , cursers , whoremongers , murderers , prophane and abominable persons among your selves , whom yee own as your church members , have yee not called us worse then the very vilest of men , even then turks or pagans ; saying , we are unworthy to live , and have yee not given it forth that our design is to overthrow and root out of the world the christ an religion , and that we strike at the very foundamentals thereof : oh that we should be so mistaken by you , if your predecessors were live in the body , many of them we could ▪ willingly appeal unto and next under god , set them to judge betwixt you and us , in this matter , and we are sure they would not have so mistaken us , as yee have done ; for ( although they had not come to see things as they are at this day seen , and were far short of the knowledge god hath now given to his people , being as it were the morning dawning , or twy-light unto them ) so that they had not discovered the bottom of all babilons treasures , nor got rid of the many inventions and traditions of men , yet a measure of truth many of them received from the lord , and were gathered in a measure to walk in the light , and life thereof , ( and had confidence in the lord to seal their testimony with their blood against the man of sin ) and they being in a measure of truth themselves could not but have known us , for all the children of light , and who are begot of the living word of truth , which gives a discerning to know one another in the truth , and in the light and spirit , which first begot them , and this is the true rule of knowing one another , and who come hither can dearly own and haue uni●n with others as brethren , though differing from them in some things , if they can feel them in the living word and spirit of truth in which their life stands , and their fellowship and communion with god , and one with another ; and it 's not the many opinions agreed upon that is the bond of peace , but the unity of the spirit ; now yee having wandred from the word of truth , and light and spirit of christ , which gives and preserves in the discerning and feeling one another , as members of one body , yet retaining somewhat of the form of truth and some of their opinions , yee could not but mistake and oppose us , as your greatest enemies , and your fathers enemies also , in whose succession ye so much boast , though we be much nearer them then your selves , both in principles and practices ( excepting some things they had not got rid of some of babylons wa●es and baggage , which they brought away with them , i mean some popish opinions , cust●ms , and traditions which in that day passed for the matters of god , but now they are seen in the light , which hath broke up in a greater measure to have antichrists superscription upon them , and babylon the whores superscription , which we coming to disce●n could not but give her what was hers ; now it hath been so alwaye ▪ that such who have got into the form of truth , and not into the power spirit and life thereof , hath most persecuted these who had come thereunto , witness the professors among the iews , with their priests , teachers , doctors and rabies , who were the greatest enemies to christ and his disciples . oh how shall i bemone and bewail you people of scotland , who have been and are in your own apprehensions exalted unto the heavens , and looked upon your selves , and were so reputed by others , as the choicest nation in the world for the purity of the gospel , and gospel worship , and ordinances : oh how are yee fallen , and become a hissing and reproach to all round about you , and the enemy hath gotten this advantage over you , saying , ah so would we have it , this is the day we looked for , and it is come , is this the royal and magnificent city which gave her self forth to be the praise of the whole earth , and a dread and terrour to her enemies round about , let our eye look upon her , for she is become defiled , she is become as one of us ; how is the stately city fallen ! how is her glory defaced ! how is her bulwarks and walls broken down , who boasted in the strength of them , as if the gates of hell could never have prevailed against her : oh how have yee given occasion to the enemy to revile and reproach you , and the living truth of the living god , by and through you hath suffered also , and the name of god hath been exceedingly dishonoured , and blasphem'd , and many hath been tempted in their hearts by your miscarriage to think all religion a mockery and delusion : and oh how have yee quite lost and fallen from that simplicity and honesty that was in your forefathers , and in some of your selves also in the time of your infancy and poverty , but now yee are grown up , and become wise and rich , lacking nothing but having all ; oh were not your thoughts of your reformation such as nothing could have been added thereto , but as if the topstone had been put thereupon , and the frame and building had become intire ; but alass , alass , what shall i compare you to , but even to laodicea , whose thoughts where such of her self , and yet she was poor and miserable , and naked , and wanted the eye salve , which is the light which yee also want , and you are become lukewarm , neither hot nor cold , and are near to be spewed out , as many of you are already ; oh how is your gold turned into brass , and your silver become dross , and your wine become water ; how are your nazarites that were white as snow , and pure as wool become black as charcoal ; how is your glory turn'd into shame , your strength into weakness , your zeal into a cold neutrality , concerning the cause and work of god , but in so far as ye are persecuting his witnesses , only because they are more righteous then your selves , and there is scarce one to be found among you all to day , bearing a sutable testimony for god , according to your own very principles , and ye have not the hearts to suffer for that which ye formerly caused others to suffer for by you , who would not go along with you in that which ye called the cause of god , and the interest and concernment of jesus christ. oh , how hath this day discovered you ! how are ye stripped , and your nakedness laid open ? how are ye become an hundred fold more vile then other nations , who never had such a profession of god and of his truth , as you have made . oh , oh , how are my bowels troubled for you ! 19 th . of the 10 th . moneth 1664. george keath . a demonstration of the apostacy and defection of the ( so called ) church of scotland , from what their fathers , the primitive protestants , and reformers were in principles , to the number of 14. or 16. and in many practices also , wherein their apostacy also and defection from what they have been themselves , but of late dayes in several particulars is hinted at , and there vile relapse into popery ( out of which they were never cleanly extricate ) is discovered , and their treachery laid open in the matter of their covenant which they cryed up as the glory of their nation , and the concernment and interest of iesus christ , which now they have trampled under feet as the myre in the street , and think shame of it as if it had been awhores brat . in love and compassion to your souls , if happily any of you may be convinced , and in the will and commandement of god , who hath laid it upon me , to shew unto you your abominations ; if thereby his witness in your consciences may be reached , and ye brought to some sense of the evil of your wayes , that you may repent and find mercy of him ; and not out of any evil will ( the searcher of hearts knows ) i bear to any of you , i shall proceed to demonstrate the apostacy of your church and nation ▪ priests and people , from what the primitive protestants and first reformers were , whose successors ye boast your selves to be , that ye may cease your glorying in the flesh , and may know the land of your nativity and descent , which is but from hagar ; and though ye call your selves the children of abraham , yet ye have not his faith , but your father is an hittit , and your mother an am●rit , which was the challenge of the lord even against them who descended from abraham , and were according to their profession the choicest people in world for religion , but they were gone from abraham's faith , and the spirit and principle which guided him , which was christ the light ; for abraham saw his day and rejoyced in it ; for before abraham was , he was ; and so are you generally gone from the spirit and life of your fathers , which was the kernel , and have kept the husk and shell as the iews did , who put christ to death , as you have done , and are doing ; and i can instance to you some of your fathers , who were honest and faithful servants to god in their day , who saw your apostacy and defection coming ; namely , iohn knox , george wishard and iohn welshe ( as appears by this mans epistle with several other that 's extant this day ) who by the spirit of prophecy foretold , that christ should be again crucified in scotland , as he hath been and is amongst you , as he was among & in us also , till it pleased the lord to raise us up together with him ; and the son of righteousness hath arisen upon us , with healing under his wings , and we witness the son of god come , and we have been made to look upon him , and mourn because of our piercing of him , and he hath comforted us after all our sorrows , and brought us to walk in the light of his countenance , and begotten us unto a living hope by his resurrection from the dead , and such need no verbal demonstration of your apostacy , seeing the same in the light , as it were engraven upon your foreheads in great letters , so that he who runneth may read , who have an eye or sense to perceive ; and that ye are so unsensible your selves , it argues a very great deadness , that hath overflown you : but because many cannot read in the spirit your defection and apostacy , as neither can ye your selves , therefore i shall make a visible demonstration of it unto you , which ye cannot shun , though ye would never so fain , ( for the witness shall arise in your consciences , which ye shall not be able to hold down , and justifie my declaration ) from drawing a parallel betwixt your fore-fathers principles and practices , and yours ; so will all who have the least measure of ingenuity and true understanding , see how ye have gone from them , and quite lost the true protestant cause , for which the lord first raised them up , and how ye have healed the wound of the beast , which your fathers gave it . let all who have any measure of simplicity among you , and desires to know the perfect way of god , seriously consider , that for which the lord raised up his witnesses in all ages against antichrist , and mysterie babylon , who still gave her self forth for the spouse of christ , but was indeed a harlot , and deceived the inhabitants of the earth by her mask , getting many of the outward forms and words of the saints , the sheeps cloathing , but inwardly adulterated from the life and spirit of jesus christ , the only foundation of the true church ; and was not the ground of the dragons , whores , beasts , false prophets quarrel against the martyrs and witnesses of christ principally this ? that they held the testimony of jesus which is the spirit of prophecie ( rev. 19.10 . ) and bear witness against the whore , who had the form retained without the power , yea denyed the power of godliness , denyed the teachings and leadings of the spirit of christ , and the revelation of him in the hearts of the children of men ? ( this is the antichrist who denies christ the son come thus in the revelation of himself in the heart ; for that coming of christ in his bodily appearance at ierusalem , antichrist will not , does not deny it , being he knows it will never harm his kingdom ; so to confess him come , providing christ his kingdom be not set up in the heart . ) now was there not such a dispensation in the earth , were there not a people in the apostles dayes , who witnessed christ come again in spirit , according to his promise ? who said , if any keep my commands , i and my father will come and dwell with him , and again , i go away , but i will not leave you comfortless , i will come again unto you ( iohn 17. ) and after the resurrection and ascension of christ , were they not indued with the spirit from on high , and filled with the holy ghost ? did they not live in the spirit , walk after the spirit ? did it not give the knowledge of the mysteries of god's kingdom unto them ? did not the spirit of wisdom and revelation open the eyes of their understanding , to know the love of christ , which passeth knowledge ? and while they kept here , did they not remain a pure chast church unto christ ? and while the eye was kept open and single by the revelation of the spirit of truth , could the dragon , or whore , or antichrist prevail over them ? could the many traditions or inventions get place , as the ordinances of christ , had they kept to the evidence and demonstration of the spirit of god ? now was not the principal defection and apostacy from this , even the pure chast light , life and spirit of christ revealing god , and the things of this kingdom unto them ? and when people wandred from this , there the inventions took place , and babylons cup was drunk , for the vail came over , whereby the true discerning was lost , and a wrong eye opened , which could not but judge amiss of the things of god , and of his people , and wrest and abuse the scriptures . now ye who say , that there was indeed such a dispensation , but now it hath ceased , and is never any more to take footing in the ea●th , do ye not hereby demonstrate your selves to be of the whorish church ? for hath not this been her plea all along this dark night of apostacy , that the revelation , teachings , and leadings of the spirit of chirst is ceased ? therefore another head was set up in the church then christ jesus , and the pope and his council was made judge to determine all controversies of religion , and no man was to look at an infallible judge , ( the spirit of truth within him ) and are ye not become as bad , who openly affirm , that ye are not led by the infallible spirit , and consequently not by the spirit of god ; and your church confession of faith saith , the former way of god's revealing himself by prophecy and immediate revelation , is ceased ; and god hath committed his counsel wholly into writing ( or to the scriptures ) and nothing is to be added thereto by any new revelation of the spirit . and oh , how fa● are ye in this point degenerated and apostatized from the primitive protestants and reformers , who not only affirmed , that there was immediate revelations from god , and that the spirit of prophecie was not ceased , but witnessed the same in themselves , and foretold many things of consequence by the spirit of prophecie , which came to pass : did not iohn knox , and george wishard prophecie exceeding clearly ? of whom it was said , that from the day he entred upon his ministry , t● his death , there never came a storm upon the church , but he foresaw the end of it ; as may be seen in the book of the reformation of the church of scotland ; and many others did prophecie , as ye may read in fox's book of martyrs : and was not this the main and only pillar of the protestant cause against the papists , who should be the judge of controversies , and the interpreter of scriptures ? the pope and his council , with the fathers , said , the papists ; no said the protestants , but the spirit of god. and i read in the fore-cited book of martyrs , how when some who were burnt for their testimony to the truth , in queen maries dayes , were called before the popish clergy , and bishops who disputed with them ; and when the controversie arose concerning such points or scriptures , the popish party alleadged the determination of the church ; but the martyrs pleaded for the determination of the spirit of god : and when it was queried , if such had the spirit of god , and it was answered , yea , ( and one brought that scripture for his assertion , who is antichrist , but he that denyeth that christ is come in the flesh ) the people partly flouted thereat , and laughed them to scorn , as yee do us at this day , because we affirm that we have the spirit of god , and that christ is come , and his life made manifest in our mortal flesh as saith the apostle paul : and that which sounds very harsh in your ears at this day , and is mocked at by you , yea , accounted delusion and blasphemy , viz. enthusiasm , or the inspiration of god , and the motion of his spirit ; was a thing usually known , professed , and possessed also by them , as may be read at large in the aforesaid books , and they said faith was the inspiration of gods spirit , ( and so it is , and i deny that there is any true faith , but that which comes as really and immediately from the inspiration of the spirit , as ever paul , or peter , or any of the apostles and prophets witnessed the same , whom yee your selves acknowledge to have been inspired , and were they now living yee would hiss at them as yee do at us ; calling them inthusiasts : and oh what a time are we fallen in , that the inspiration of the spirit of god which is the very breath of life into the souls of the lords people , should be scorned , and such as witness such a blessed and glorious dispensation , nick-named fanaticks and mad men , even by them who have pretended so highly to be the reformed church , and at such a time wherein the day of god is broke up in such clearness in the midst of them , yet they know it not . 2. your fore-fathers the primitive protestants and reformers , who saw a little further into mysterie babylon then others that went before them ; for the day brake up gradually , and there succeeded a people who saw over these , who compiled , or rather englished the service-book , and they disowned it , as they did also all other set forms of prayer , and cryed them down as dead lifeless things , and they were for a worship in spirit : thus is was , but even of very late dayes , in queen elizabeth and king iames the sixth , and such were nick-named by their enemies puritans ; and they affirmed that the spirit of the lord was only to teach them to pray and worship , and not any book or man whatsoever ; and were not set forms of prayer cryed down also in scotland , as lifeless barren things ( and the service-book denyed ) and now have ye not again licked up that vomit , and through your cities men set up ( mostly also scandalous in their conversations ) at such hours of the day or night to read a set form of prayer ? and is there any material difference betwixt this and the service-book ? and have not your brethren in england taken it up again ? and when it 's offered to you to read , will ye not also do the like ? there is no question of it , but most of you will , and worse also , when ye are put to the tryal ; and oh , what a mysterie is it to you , praying and singing in the spirit ! are ye not become so impudent , as to mock this also , as i have oft witnessed my self , when your church-members hath been so shameless as to cry in the very streets at us , when passing by , when came the spirit last upon you , give us a prayer from the spirit ? and do ye not flatly deny praying and worshipping in spirit , who deny enthusiasm , which is to say , being interpreted ( for it 's a greek word ) the inspiration of the spirit of god , which is the only flame that kindles up holy 〈◊〉 in the soul after god ? and you who can prate and talk unto god without a book in your pulpits , and chief places of the synagogues , and elsewhere ( in your own wills and times , and in the wills and times of others ) from a rhetorical strain , as if ye were complementing some great prince , your prayers are as life ' ess and spiritless , as those said of the mass-book ; and were ye come truly to the spirit of prayer , ye would know a bridle to your tongues ( without which your religion is but vain ) and that the spirit of god , which bloweth as well , when and where it listeth , is also as far from being limitted to set times as to set forms ; and we read not in the whole scripture , that the lord hath appointed any set times of prayer under the gospel , to his people at all , whose great and most important work , is to wait the movings of the spirit of life from god at all times , whether to pray or give thanks , or to any other spiritual exercise ; and blessed are they who come hither , for they shall know that it is not in vain to wait upon the lord ; for we have waited patiently upon him , and have witnessed , and do witness the pourings forth of the spirit of prayer and praise , supplications and thanksgivings ( filling our hearts and souls night and day ) to the god of our life ; and true prayer is the gift of god , which cometh not at all in mans will or time , and therefore the season is to be waited for , which god hath kept in his own hand , and hath the key of the heart to open it when he pleaseth , and the key into the house of prayer , where is the throne of grace , without access to which , in the drawings of the spirit-of life , man hath no acceptation with god , nor his service or worship ; all is but idolatry and abomination , only such who come to god , through the mediator and intercessor , christ the life , feeling the living drawings thereof in the particular , are accepted of him , and made joyful in the house of prayer ; and hath it not been the regret of some among you ( and may be yet when ye are in a sober mood ) that the spirit of prayer is much lost , and a dry complementing of god come in the room thereof ? 3. were not your fore-fathers , the primitive protestants and reformers , a separated people ? did not they disown the popish assemblies , and their preaching and worship as idolatry , and forsake it ? and did not those called puritans , both in england and scotland , separate themselves from the other party , who stuck to the service-book , and other superstitions ? and did not the sober people in scotland , in the former times of prelacy , separate from the prelatical assemblies and their conformists ? did they not meet apart , and talked together of the work of god on their own hearts , and worshipped god in spirit , and his blessing and presence was among them , while they kept cha●t to him , and mixed not with idolaters ? now , have ye not apostatized herein also , and mixed your selves in with the profane rabble of the world , as bad and worse then papists , turks , pagans , which hath provoked the lord to withdraw from among you , and ye can pray and sing , and communicate with such ? is not this babylon indeed , which is to say , confusion ? and is not our separation from you also , as justifiable as the separation of your fathers from papists , being we have found you to be of the same spirit , and mostly of the same principles and practices with them , and generally , as wicked , loose , scandalous , prophane and covetous , and abounding with all manner of iniquity as they ? and are not all such idolaters ( is not thee ) vetous man an idolater , whereas covetousness is idolatry , as saith the scripture ? ) and are not all idolaters to be denyed , as to any fellowship with them in worship ? and your fathers did not plead such dirty st●ff ( as you the professors ) have learned now to do ( to shun the cross ) for keeping the popish and prelatical party , their assemblies & service-book worship , alledging , that they sit in moses chair , and therefore are to be heard , and we may like their good , and leave their evil . such reasons prevailed not with your fathers ( nor ought they , for the christians come not at all to the scribes and pharisees , who sit in moses chair , but meet apart , unless to bear a testimony against them ; and bad men with all their good words , can never edifie a soul in faith or true knowledge , which is life eternal ; all they can do , is to edifie in the notion , and feed the wrong part and spirit , which delights in the notion of truth , and is satisfied in the notional knowledge , out of the life ; and the finest , truest words out of a bad mans mouth , can never reach the seed of god , either to the raising of it up , or refreshing it , but on the contrary , burdens and kills , as said the apostle of the false apostles , who had the letter , and were ministers of it , out of the spirit and power ; and the letter ( sayes he ) kills , and so we have found it in our experience ; but these above-mentioned arguments have prevailed with you ; so that ye are herein also apostatized from them . 4. your fore-fathers denyed the church of rome to be a true church , and her priests , and teachers , and bishops , and popes to be the true ministers of christ , but called them antichristian , and her the whore of babylon , and the pope antichrist ; from which testimony , you their posterity generally have shrunk , saying , that the popish roman church is a true church ( though corrupt ) which doctrine is generally maintained by you , and i have heard it asserted by those of no small profession , and it hath been preached in publick , and that their ministers are true ministers , though corrupt : and you say , if a popish priest should baptize a child , it holds good , and is a true baptism ; and this ye are driven to maintain by the hairs of the head ( so to speak ) when ye are arraigned , both by the papists on the one hand , and by us on the other , concerning the rise of your ministry , and the call of your first reformers to preach the gospel ; for ye are drawn to a pittiful dilemma , or alternative , which is to confess , that either your first protestant reformers and preachers were lawfully called by the popish priests and bishops , to their ministry , and consequently , that these popish men were true ministers of christ , or else to grant they were called immediately of god ; and ye find it most safe to uphold your kingdom , to yield to the former , though against the hair , rather then to confess the latter ; and a third shift cannot be invented , and ye should be constrained to give away the main pillar of your cause against us , and howgh your selves , & suffer the root upon which the national ministry grows , to be struck at by your own consent ; for your main plea against our ministry and ministers is , who sent you ? have ye the call of the church ? how can ye preach unless ye be called ? our answer is , we are called of god , immediately by his spirit , as was isaiah , amos , paul , and many other servants of the lord , who never had a call from man ; and all that men can do in this point , is to approve , consent to , have union with such as are called of god to the work of the ministry , which we dearly own , and refuse not to be tryed by such as have a spirit of discerning , and the approbation of such is accepted by us . now ye reply to us after this manner , immediate calls are now ceased . 5. and this is another weighty point , wherein ye have apostatized from your fathers the primitive protestants , whose answer was the self-same with ours to the papists ( who asked them concerning their call to the ministry ) that they were called and moved thereto by god ; and it was one of the points of dittay against that faithful martyr of jesus christ , george wishard , one of your fathers , whom the papists burnt for his testimony ) that he had taken up the ministry in his own head , and at his own hand , and was not called to it ; which may be seen in the fore-cited book , called the history of the reformation in scotland , which book ye generally own , and it shall be a witness against you ; and your fore-fathers were far from that poor shift you their posterity run your selves upon , that they were called of the popish priests and bishops ; for neither were the most part of them called by such , nor any other creature , and such as were called by them , disown'd their call , and denyed them to be the true ministers , or their church ( though corrupt ) a true church , as ye now generally maintain : and in the by i would ask you one question ; if the popish church be a true church ( though corrupt ) as ye affirm , why have ye separated from it ? and how can ye justifie your separation there-from ? for it 's another principle of yours , that a church holding the fundamentals ( which make it ( say ye ) a true church ) though there be many corruptions therein , is not to be separated from . and this principle ye have taken up to justifie your compliance with prelacy , and this late church-model and frame , which ye formerly vomited up , and not only quit it ( and the poor bishops could not be permitted to live among you , for after you pulled them out of their places , ye banisht them ) but vowed to god against the same . and now it stood somewhat against your stomacks to receive it among you again , and honour such men , as ye accounted unworthy of a foot of ground in the nation , and excommunicated then , till ye fell upon this pill , whereby ye got it digested , viz. the episcopal party is a true church , and therefore we ought not to separate from them because of their corruptions ; and shuning one inconvenience , have ye not fallen upon another far greater , and quite given away your cause into the hands of the papists ? for what can you answer them who query you , why ye separated from them , being a true church , though corrupt , as ye call it ? and i believe , if popery were urged upon you , even the blackest of it all ( and ye have too much of it else ) this pill of yours would help the most part of you to digest it also . 6. and your fathers , the primitive protestants , denyed that a wicked man could be a true minister of the gospel ; as may be read at large in fox's book of martyrs ; no man living in mortal sin could be a minister of the gospel , was their common assertion ; and it was one of the points of dittay against iohn husse , for which he was burned , because he affirmed a wicked man no minister ; and have ye not shamefully shrunk from them herein , who maintain it , that grace is not absolutely necessary for the being of a minister , and that wicked men may be ministers , and ye would prove it from iudas being an apostle : now iudas fell from his ministry ( as saith the scripture ) in selling his master christ , which generally your ministers have done ; and have they not thereby fallen from their ministry , supposing , but not granting , they had once been true ministers ? and is it not exceeding ignorance , and stupidity to affirm , that a wicked man , who knows not christ , nor the things of his kingdom ( as saith the apostle , the natural man understands not the things of god ) can be a preacher of christ and his kingdom ? is it not as great a riddle , as who would say , a blind man can give a true description of light , or colours , or pilot a ship , shew the right way to a passenger ? yea , and much more ; how can they preach unless they believe ? we believe , therefore have we spoken , saith paul. 7. your fathers , the primitive protestants and reformers , affirmed , that any good man might be , yea , was a priest and minister ; which also was the assertion particularly of george wishard , and it was one point of his dittay , and i read it in the history of the reformation of the church of scotland , a petition put up to the queen by the first reformers ; that when in the ( so called ) parish kirk ; obscure places of scripture were read , any qualified man might have liberty to speak and open the scripture for the edification of the people ; and it was appointed so to be afterwards , as is evident by the books of policy and discipline , framed and presented to the council , anno 1560. which thing by you is called disorder and confusion ; and it was an usual practice among them , without distinction of clergy-man or layely , when they met together , to speak of the things of god , and of his work on their hearts , every one according to his gift ; and these who spake were not distinguished from these who heard , by the name of master , and stepping up into a pulpit , and by getting the hands of so many laid upon them , or by a black gown , or canonical coat : and iohn husse , an eminent instrument of the reformation , and preacher in germany , did wear a gray coat , which he gave to his friend some dayes before his death , as fox's book of martyrs relates . and ye that are so much against women-preachers , some of you may remember upon a day when ye met together apart , men and women , and spoke of the operation of god on your hearts , without the distinction of sex , and women allowed dearly , to exhort , pray or speak , of god's dealings with their souls ; and now ye would bring paul's words against womens speaking in the church , or rather against christ the man his speaking in them , being ignorant what women paul meant , when he wrote , that he permitted not the women to speak in the church : now are not two or three , or half a dozen of men and women fearing god , gathered in his name ? a true church ; or are not two or three godly women met together , a church , though a man be not among them ? and may they not exhort one another , and pray and give thanks together ? and is not that speaking in the church ? and the scripture speaks of a church in one family ; and if a woman ( or rather the man christ speaking in the woman ) may speak in the audience of six or twelve , why not in the audience of six or twelve hundred ? and the woman having experience of god's work on her heart , and who hath felt the love of god shed abroad in her soul , is she not fitter to speak of those things then a hundred men , who are ignorant thereof . so foolish are ye become in your reasonings ; and there are many living yet in the nation , who remember of women who have spoke so feelingly , so lively , and experimentally of the lord's work upon their hearts , that many eminent preachers and ministers , so accounted , have thought shame to open their mouth in their presence . 8. your fathers , the primitive protestants and reformers , made not latine , greek and hebrew , and aristotle's logick and philosophy , with other humane learning , and the passing of so many years course at the colledge , and that you call school-divinity , the qualifications of a minister of christ ; many , yea the most of them , never was at colledge , nor had the opportunity of any to go unto , unless to a popish ; nor had they any of these languages or curious arts , but were honest , plain , simple men , such as ye now call rusticks and tradesmen , many of them , and yet they passed among your fathers for ministers : but if these men were alive now , ye would cry , away with them non-sensical fellows ? what can they say , they are not learned ? should ignorant men preach ? should wives , shoo-makers , plow-men , herds-men , be ministers of christ ? should they incroach upon our sacred function ? should not they hold them with their callings ? so say ye against many of us , who are not book-learned , and are tradesmen ; and this same was the very plea of the papists against your fore-fathers , being ministers . see how ye have borrowed their weapons , whereby they fought against them , whose successors ye boast your selves to be ; but as these popish arguments were too weak against them , so are they against us : for our answer to you is , though we be not taught with humane learning , nor have the languages many of us , wherein the scriptures were writ , yet we are taught of god , and that is better ; we have been with jesus , and have been made eye-witnesses of his majesty ; and yee are worse then the iews who crucified christ ; for when they admired , that peter being an unlearned man did preach , yet this caused their admiration to cease , they took notice that he had been with jesus , as we have been ; and some of us can truly say ( whereof i am one ) we have learned more in one hours company with jesus , then we did in seven years from the gamaliels and rabbies among you , at whose feet we have so long sitten ; and we are come to the spirit of god , that gave forth the scriptures , and gives us their meaning and sence , though we have not the languages , and which all the languages of the world cannot afford to us ; and though many of us know not to preach in the excellency of mans wisdom ( and some of us who could , yet have renounced it ) and dare not use such a way , lest the cross of christ should be of none effect , yet we can speak , and have spoken , in the evidence and demonstration of the spirit , the words which the holy ghost teacheth us ; and he hath made us able ministers of the new testament , not of the letter which kills , but of the spirit , which gives life ; and god hath blessed our ministry , so that many unto whom we have ministred , have been quickned and brought into the fellowship of the gospel with us ; and such a ministry had paul , which he learned not of man , and yet had book-learning enough ; and such a ministry god hath raised up in this day , which is the free gift of god , to which i bear my testimony , and a part of which i have received ▪ and now is that promise fulfilled , and fulfilling in many hundreds , i will make a new covenant with them , and they shall be all taught of me , from the least to the greatest , and i will write my law in their hearts , ( in a language which is neither hebrew nor greek , but such as he that is born of the spirit can only understand ) and i will put my fear in their inward parts . and now our hearts are come to delight in the fear of god , which teacheth us the hidden mysterious wisdom , which none of the princes or rabbies of this world knows ; and by the word and law of god writ in our hearts , we are made wiser then our teachers ; and when this dispensation shall fill the earth , as it is doing , what shall then become of the scribe ? what shall become of the senator ? what shall become of the doctor , and rabby , and disputer of this world , who spoke to us in a language , that neither they themselves nor we could understand ? but now saith the lord , as isa. 33.19 . thou shalt not see a fierce people , a people of deep speech , that thou cannot perceive ; of a stammering tongue , that thou canst not understand . glory to god , the pure language is known , which was before babylon was , wherein the many languages came in , and the tongues of the sons of men were confounded , so that they could not know nor understand one another . and now ye who talk of the tryal of the ministry , have ye not lost the touch-stone of tryal , which was among the primitive christians , and was lost , but is found again among us , even the spirit of discerning , whereby we feel the true minister in the power , and discern him from the false ; so that his fairest , yea soundest words that he hath stoln from the saints , cannot deceive us ; and this was paul's rule to try them who boasted to be the true ministers , and were not ; i will know , said he , not the words of them that are puffed up , but the power ; here was a deeper search then into the best of words , into the power , what power they spoke from ; if from the dragons power , and the ravening wolves power within them ( which may stand with the finest words , which a●e the sheeps cloathing , wherewith that power decks it self to deceive , and so to devour the ignorant ) or if from the lamb's power , the power and spirit of christ , and from grace in the heart . oh , is not that a parable unto you ? we cannot judge the heart , say ye , nor know the spirit within man , which manifests you to be strangers unto the anointing whereby spirits can be tryed , and to the spiritual man which judgeth all things ; and though sometimes ye would give it forth to the people , that ye are not against the teachings of god's spirit ( to you the teachers i speak ) yet ye plainly deny it , both in word and practice ; and ye have no other means to uphold your selves , whereby to purchase your hires , and your dignities and honour , which comes from below , but to keep poor people in ignorance , from the teachings of god ; therefore ye cry out so much against the light , calling it delusion , and bididng people beware of it ; for if any people were come to the light in their particulars , they would turn their back upon you , and deny you your hires ▪ and then your kitchins would not smoak so as now , nor would ye be so gorgious and sumptuous in your gaudy apparel , nor your wives either , which is a shame for to see , and the grief of many sober people , to think upon your pride and vanity , the cry whereof hath come up before god to his throne , and ye may read your doom , isa. 3.24 , 25 , 26. and were it not that ye deny the teachings of god's spirit , why pass ye so many years course at schools to learn from men , what ye may say to the people ? and why buy ye so many books , and have your book-dayes ; and take no imployment but your books , except when some few hours in the first day of the week ye talk to people what ye have gathered and collected together out of old authors , or then what some of you , which are better artists , have moulded together by the forge of your own imaginations , and natural understandings , or when ye were ( and that very sparingly too ) some little time , in that you call your catechizing and visitations of families ; and the bad fruit of all this , shews its much lost labour ; and ye could be better imployed in holding a plow , or digging in a field , or any other honest occupation , then to be deluding poor people , whom ye are ever learning , and yet ye are never able to bring them to the knowledge of the truth ; and the gross palpable ignorance of your parishioners all abroad the nation , with their wicked lives , shews they are evil master-stead , and that ye are not taught of god your selves , else your teachings would have better effect ; and why will ye not suffer such who are not book-learned , nor passed their course at your colledges to learn the trade of it , to preach the gospel ? were ye for the teachings of god's spirit , would ye limit him to use only bookish clergy-men for the ministry , when the spirit of the lord instructs a man , though he could not read a letter ? is he not well learned ? is he not an able minister , who hath his ability given him of god , though man hath not taught him , and yet ye cannot ? away with this ; and why persecute ye such who are taught of god ? and ye dare not say , but their practice answers their profession , and that they are better taught then your disciples are , though they come not at you to learn ; and what means the form and manner of your sermons , when ye will take a sentence of scripture , or common head , as it is called , and branch it out , as aristotle's or ronius logick hath taught you ? and it is one main piece of tryal to young-men , coming forth to the ministry , to make a logical analysis ( as it is called ) upon such a piece of scripture as is allotted unto him ; and he is counted a brave preacher , who can handle his text in such a scholastick method , and an honest plain man who is not acquainted with your school-method , nor topical places ( such as aristotle an heathen hath taught you , out of which , as so many 〈◊〉 ye gather together your points of doctrine , observations , reasons , motives , means , uses , applications , amplifications ) i say an honest , simple , plain man , who is not acquainted with such trifles , but can speak feelingly of the work of god on his heart , should he come and speak among people , ye will laugh him to scorn , and say of him , he hath neither rhime nor reason , he speaks confusedly and non-sense , he hath no method , he is not worth the hearing ; and yet by such foolishness of preaching , many hundreds at this day are converted unto god ; for the power of god hath accompanied such poor foolish mens ministry ; and the lord hath made them true pastors , to feed the people with knowledge and understanding , and they have been instrumental to bring people to jesus christ , the great bishop and shepherd of their souls , whereas ye have nothing to feed the people with but wind and airy notions , and at best , words of truth ye have stoln out of the scripture , which spoke out of a mans mouth , not declaring in , nor the power of god accompanying the words , are but a killing letter ; and let any sober spiritual minded man , in the least measure , judge if such things above-mentioned , which are made the qualifications of a minister , and usually practised by them , smells of mans wisdom , or of the evidence and demonstration of the spirit , or if any of the apostles or prophets used such things , who were taught of god. 9. your fathers , the primitive protestants were against tythes , and that ministers should have temporal possessions ( as an hire for their preaching ) so said iohn wicklife ; and they had not their hundreds and thousands allorted to maintain them , far less would they force people against their wills to give them maintenance , and poynd them , or put them to horn , and imprison them , as ye will do . and your fathers did bear a notable testimony against the greediness and covetousness of the then priests , as we do against you , for which ye so hate us , and stir up the magistrate against us , as the priests did against your fathers , and they could not suffer any man to reprove them for their covetousness : and i read of a poor man , in the history of the reformation in scotland , who but through his sleep , said , the devil take the priests , for they are a greedy pack , and the poor man was pursued for his life , and made to burn his bill ; and though we were silent , would not the stones rise up and witness against your covetuousness ? and do not the poorest idiots in the land see it ? and is it not a proverb among the people , the kirk is greedy ? oh , what a dishonour have ye brought upon the name and truth of christ ! and were it not for a livelihood , and worldly honour and respect , would so many betake them to such a work ? and does not your gain from your quarter , which you so punctually exact , ( and they that will not put into your mouths , ye prepare war against them ) and your removing from one parish to another , where ye can have a fatter stipend , manifestly prove , ye are moved thereto , rather from a principle of covetousness , then from any desire of doing good to the souls of the people ? and how came many of you to be teachers ? was it not the design of your fathers and relations , who saw it a ready way for them to put you in a livelihood , and sent you to schools to learn the calling ; as ever the shoo-maker , or other tradesmen past his apprentiship , and then becomes free to use the trade ? the thing is well known , and i speak it with regret ; and have not many of your selves sometime a day intreated the lord , that he would send a purge , and put away out of his house such buyers and sellers ? and now the lord is come to make the purge , and who of you can abide the day of his coming ? the purge goes so deep , its like to scourge you all out at doors , and e're yee be put out , yee will rather hold in who are in , and seek to uphold one another , but yee shall all fall together . and whereas yee plead , that he who preaches the gospel , should live of the gospel ; so say i , but i certainly know , if the magistrate would but take away his force whereby he compells the people to put into your mouths , and if your selves would forbear your cursing , & excommunicating them , ( all which is rigid law and far from gospel ) your gospel could never maintaine you , and many of you would be let starve . 10. your fathers the primitive protestants professed themselves against traditions , and all whatsoever that had not a warrant in the word of god , in the matter of his worship ; iohn knox said that every thing though not contrary , yet if besides the word of god in his worship , was to be denyed , and yet this day has discovered several things , which they kept , to have been but the traditions and inventions of men , but they knew not so much , and professed themselves against all traditions whatsoever , and what was not warranted of god ; and now have yee not shrunk from them herein , and taken up many things , they did cast from them as traditions ; and you say , the light of nature or humane reason and prudence , may supply what is wanting in scripture , to teach men at least some circumstances in the worship of god , for order and decency , which is the doctrine of your church confession of faith : oh have yee not thus shouldered christ off his throne , if he by his spirit is to direct men as to the substance of worship , will he be wanting in the lesser to teach the circumstances also , and the order and decency ; does not all true order and decency , come from the lords spirit , who is the god of order ? and is this to do in faith , to follow the direction of the light of nature , which is stark blind in the things of god , and humane reason and prudence cannot step one right step herein ? and have not hundreds of the popish supperstitions crept in , under this mask of order and decency ? and is not this the prelates plea at this day , for his service book and organs , and surplice , and altars , and sign of the cross ; lo , how have yee given away your cause in this also . 11. and your fathers the primitive protestants , were against all observations of dayes , and called them supperstitious who observed them ; and your ministers preaches up the observation of such days ( namely that called christs birth-day ) which within these three or four years they preached down , which breeds no small admiration to poor people , as if they had changed their god ; but i know well generally they have kept to their god all along very constantly , among all their changes , being such ( the apostle mentions ) generally , whose god is their belly , and this master they have served , and do serve very faithfully , making every change answer its design . and though yee lay such stress upon the observation of the first day of the week for a sabbath , yet one of your fathers ( calvin ) denyed the observation of that or any other day , since the coming of christ , to be commanded of god , ( and so many hundreds of protestants ) and is it not a great abomination , which may make the very sun to blush , whose day yee call it , to profess to keep a day holy unto god , wherein yee ought not to think your own thoughts , nor speak your own words , nor take your own pleasures , and yet spend it so as yee do in gluttony and drunkenness , sporting , & gaming , buying and selling , worldly communication , quarreling and fighting , and will not the minister , who in the pulpit hath been telling you , yee should not speak your own words in that day ; but so soon as he comes forth falls as fresh to the worldly discourse , as any other ; which i have oft observed to the grief of my heart as many others have done . 12. and your fathers the primitive protestants , were against prelates , and lording bishops : it 's true in queen maries dayes in england , there were some bishops , who did bear a measure of testimony against popery , according to the knowledge of that day , and sealed it with their blood , and the lord had regard unto them according to their faithfulness , to what they saw ; but such who came after saw further into mystery babylon , and it was discovered unto them by the light , and they discerned prelacy to be a limb of antichrist , and so called it , and but of late dayes , it was covenanted to god against ; again , and again , and did yee not your selves vow to god against the same : so that herein ye have not only apostatized from your fathers , but from what yee were of late your selves . oh what is become of all your zeal now , for that covenant , which yee accounted the glory of your nation ; have not many of you trampled it under foot , as a dunghill , ( which once was a crown unto you ) and yee think shame of it , as it had been a whores brat ; and you who were very forward in causing others , to suffer for their not concurring with you , have not the confidence to suffer for it your selves . oh were there a willingness in you to bear your testimony by sufferings , ( which hath been as weighty and useful a testimony as any ) as yee have formerly done by actings , yee would not want a fair opportunity for the same , did yee keep but faithful to the same very principles yee own'd , in disowning the worship and constitution of the ( so called ) church now set up , which yee vowed against ; and did yee stick to your liberty , yee ought to have met together to worship god , according to your knowledge , ye would not want i say a fair opportunity to give a notable testimony by suffering for your cause ( in disowning such men ye covenanted against ) it's little worth if it be not worth the suffering for , were it not the loss not only of means and liberty outward , but of life it self if put to it ; and who would have believed it within these few years , that such an occasion coming , as now hath come , it being enacted by law , that all who should be found meeting together to worship god any where else , but in the prelatical assemblies and their conformists , and such who joyne issue with them , should be put in prisons throughout the whole land ; i say who would have believed that the prisons should have been so empty , would it not rather have been concluded , that such a time coming , the prisons would not have contained the thousand part of them , and yet they are all empty for them , and i know not amongst all the thousands of you ( ministers or people ) that vowed to god against that filthy thing set up in the land , any of you all bearing a suitable testimony by sufferings according to your own very principles , or have yee not all fled , before pursued , or if some began to set their faces to the battle , yet they could not stand the brunt of it , but shamefully yielded and shrunk from their testimony by sufferings , and now the lord hath raised up a people ( even whom yee call in derision quakers ) who fear the living god , and tremble at his word , but fear not what man can do unto them , among your selves , but not of your selves , who hath received courage from the lord , to bear their testimony by sufferings , and yet though they had power , could not find in their hearts , nor durst they to cause their persecutors to suffer , or lift up sword or spear , or any carnal weapon in their own defence , against them ; but we can pray for them that persecute us , and bless them who despitefully use us ? and what is the occasion that the people called quakers suffer imprisonment , and the spoyling of their goods , but the very self same ; yee have to undergo the like sufferings , were yee faithful but to your own principles ; the cause i say is common to you with us ▪ viz. our testimony against that which is now set up in the land , and both yee and many of us also vowed to the most high god , while we were among you , we should never own such a thing , and we have kept to our vow , and yee have shrunk therefrom . now say yee generally , we have not seen a clear call to sufferings as yet , and we should not run upon them without a clear warrant and call , we are not put to it to take any contrary oath to the former , and there is not any promise or oath required of us , to the owning of that we covenanted against , only it s laid on us to hear them , and pay their stipends , and we may do all this without owning them , and they shall never have the approbation of our hearts , and when an opportunity serves , that we may shake off this yoak , we shall be found ready to give them a heel-chop , and say some of the ( so called ) ministers , why may we not preach under the bishops , and sit in synods with them , and concur in the ordering church affairs with them , and give obedience to their lawful commands ; and yet this cannot be called an owning of them , and we conceive it 's no breach of our covenant , and the things required of us , are not so weighty as that they should make us quit our calling , the preaching of the gospel , what would become of our poor flocks , if we should not give some kind of submission , or condescendency unto them , we could not be permitted to preach , and some of us have got the favour , that no oath or ingagement is required of us ; they who have given ( as the most have done ) let them see to it , we are free . ans. as for your alledging that yee see not a clear and manifest call to sufferings , it is no wonder so long as your minds are abroad , wandered from the just and righteous principle of god , his witness in your consciences , which can only let you see the call , but now yee not consulting herewith , but misregarding it , and looking out to see your warrant or call in the scriptures , yee may look long enough upon them , e're yee can see your call ; therefore , the light of christ , in your consciences being gone from , the deceitful heart will draw , the letter of the scriptures to its own inclinations , and promp you to put such a gloss upon it , as may keep you from the cross ; and while ye abide in this state , should ye be tryed further , & put to these things , yee think for the time , yee could not condescend to , and yee should have a clear call then to suffer , yet the deceitful heart would furnish you with a second shift , and a third , till yee should never see a call to any thing at all ; and is it not with many of you so ? is not your call grown dark & unclear to you in many things , which before the cross came , was clear enough to you . now whereas yee say ye are not put to it , to make any contrary oath or promise , and so yee think yee have not broken your covenant . i ask , is not a real practical breach of it , aswell , a breach ( if not more ) as a verbal ? yee have broken it in your practice , forasmuch as yee have in the least bowed , or yielded to them , which as yee mind gods witness in all your consciences , it will shew you : now , admiting , or giving , but not granting , that your hearing them , and paying them their stipends , were not an owning them , yet i query you , is it a disowning them ? can yee be said to disown them ? while yee so uphold them , and come at them , i am sure , if yee be not exceedingly blinded yee cannot call , your hearing them , and paying them their stipends and revenues , a disowning them ? well then , yee neither own them , nor disown them ; and is not this the detestable neutrality yee in express termes covenanted to god against , i appeal to the witness of god in all your consciences ; if it be not so , in the like manner i answer to you called ministers , is your preaching under them , and sitting in synods with them , and coming in the ordering of church affairs together , and your obeying their commands a disowning them ? nay , yee cannot say it , except yee bewray your exceeding folly ; well then , ye neither own them nor disown them , and is not this the detestable neutrality yee vowed against ? and if perhaps some of you have not given any oath or promise to these men ( and it is rare if it be so ) yet your practice is as real a breach as an hundred oaths and promises ; and whereas yee say , obedience may be given to their lawf●l commands , i answer , such as are not lawfully constitute rulers , but usurpers , ( as many of you affirm ) no command proceeding from them is lawful as such , though never so lawful upon the matter ; for there are a great many circumstances required ( more then the matter of the thing commanded to make it lawful ) one maine is , that the imposer of the command , have a just and lawful authority , and power from god thereto , for there is no power but from him , the powers that be are ordained of god , romans 13. and as for your alledging these things , are not so weighty , required of you , as that yee should be put from your preaching ; i answer , admitting yee were true preachers , or ministers ( for i argue according to your own principles ) yet e're the least circumstance yee should yield unto 〈◊〉 , which is sinful and forbidden of god , yee were to give up the service of your ministry were it never so useful , for that yee are not to ballance your ministry with the smalness of the things upon the matter , on the one hand , and the service yee can do on the other , but to look alwayes to the command of god , and the honour of his name , and truth which is weighty enough to down-weigh all other considerations , though never so weighty . 13. and your fathers the primitive protestants affirmed , that when any thing contrary to sound doctrine was set up , and brought in , the ministers who stand upon the watch tower , should not keep silence , but testifie against such a thing , and forewarn the people to be aware thereof ! and they judged silence to be a sinful connivence witness the protestations made several times against such things , and but of late dayes , the protestation made at the cross of edenburgh on the 22. day of the month called september in the year 1638. wherein they largely shew , backing what they spoke , with pertinent scriptures to that purpose , that they ought not to be silent : likewise it was a principle among them , ( the first reformers ) that they should not forbear to preach , though all the powers on earth should forbid them , whatever punishment could be inflicted upon them therefore , and it was their practice also , for they put their lives in hazard , and many of them lost their lives , bearing their testimony , and they accounted the winning of souls of people , of more worth then the saving their bodily lives ; and as yee may read in the history of the reformation in scotland , to such who queried , why was not obedience given to the magistrates command ? it was answered its better to obey god then man , as peter answered the rulers of the iews . now such of you of the national ministry who stuck to take the canonical oath or to make an active complyance , with the bishops , as the rest of you have done , yet have yee not shamefully shrunk he ein , yee who could open your mouths wide , against these things , now set up , before they were brought in among you , when there was no hazard of speaking , and talk boldly against the bishops and their corruptions , and spend a good part of the hour glass on such a purpose ; but now are yee not shrunk dumb with a panick fear , that hath overtaken you , and yee have quit ▪ your ministry at the command of man , far unlike the good shepherd that flees not when the wolf comes , but stands up to defend the flock from the wolf , and laies down his life for the sheep , but the hireling flies , because he is an hireling , as yee have done ; and have yee not rather obeyed man then god ? if ever the lord called you to your ministry , had man power to have taken it from you ? is it not too man●fest a proof that your call and power to preach was but of men , who as they gave it you , can take it from you , as they have done ; and yet poor men ye think ye are suffering for a testimony of a good conscience ; but alass , it 's a thred-bare testimony , so to speak , and as it stands the lord will not take it off your hands ; for have yee not chosen a lesser suffering to shun a greater ? your stipends are taken from you , but is that enough to make you leave off feeding the flock ? ( i speak according to your own principles ) regard yee no more their souls , nor your bodily maintenance ? or is there any other put in your pulpits , is that enough either ? can yee not preach elsewhere then in a pulpit ? may yee not preach in a field , or from house to house , as did paul and many others , yea , your fathers did so ; or do the people refuse to hear you , then yee have but badly learned them , & they are not taught so much love as to stick to their pastor when the wolf comes ; but should yee not preach to them whither they will hear or forbear as ezekiel did , and was commanded of the lord so to do ; or have they commanded some of you to go over seas ? should yee have obeyed that unjust command ? or if they had taken you away by violence , what hinders but yee may return to the flock , were not the fear of man over you ? i know nothing ( in the will of god ) but prisonment or death , or some such outward violence , could hinder a true pastor from the flock ; or hath the ( so called ) church commanded you silence , but if their sentence be unjust , as yee think it is , should yee have obeyed it ? and yee have but a poor plea when yee say , it 's for peace sake yee so do ; for the peace which is in hazard for the testimony of the truth is but false , and so not worth the keeping , but that it was not the peace sake of your church , or any reverence to their authority ( though this be your main defence ) but the fear of man , that hath prevailed with you to quit your charge , manifestly appears by your practice but a very few years ago , when you called church men ; could either 〈◊〉 the magistrate , or when he winked at you , then yee were busie with your protestations , and yee became divided into two parties or factions called protestators , and publick resolutione●s ; and your brethren charged you , who either protested , or adhered to the protestation , with breaking the peace of the church , and disobedience to its authority ; and in that day yee could roundly answer them , that yee were to be more careful for the preservation of the truth , then of a peace that could not stand therewith , and their authority yee were not to regard , they abusing it ; and when oliver cromwel wincked at you both , i well remember your carriage , and was an eye-witness of much of it , with many hundreds , how many protestations were made in your synods , south and north , and when the one party or faction would depose , such a man or men from the ( so called ) ministerial function , the other party would bid him or them preach , and maintain , uphold and defend him ; and now the churches authority not being backed with the magistrates sword ye could break through it as cobweb , and some of you , whom your parishes would not receive , yet yee urged your selves upon them , whither they would hear or forbear . all this and much more is fresh in the memory of thousands , and this day hath abundantly discovered you : and oh that yee could take shame and confusion of face to your selves , and read the language of the lords work in this day , which would be answered with his witness in your consciences ; saying with these , ( ier. 8.14 . ) let us be silent , for the lord hath put us to silence , for a more excellent ministry ; the lord hath brought forth in this day , even that of his own spirit , whereto yee have been and are great strangers , and yee have need to learn the first principle of the oracles of god , which is the light of christ shining in the dark heart , although yee have been so long teachers of others , and the christ whom yee have preached so many years , yee have him yet to learn , and if ever yee receive a part of the true ministry , yee must come to know him revealed within you , which for the time is a parable to you , and yee call it delusion . and now oh yee people of scotland know that the lord in his great mercy to your souls hath brought this day over your teachers , to let you see they were but broken ●●sterns ; and their fair profession and many good words , whereby they made merchandize of you , hath much opposed and withstood the appearance of jesus christ , and that which letted is much removed out of the way now , and the lord is come to teach his people himself , and to gather them into his unchangable truth , which is not subject to the windings and turnings of your teachers , and the pure fountain of the water of life , hath been opened unto us , and we drunk thereof to our unspeakable refreshment and satisfaction , and we cannot any more come at your pudled waters . 14. and your fathers , the primitive protestants , acknowledge no head in the church but christ jesus ; and they maintained the power and authority of the church to be altogether independent from , and not subordinate to the magistrates power ; and iohn welshe and others of his brethren bore a testimony to this in his day ; for which , together with their testimony against prelacy , they were imprisoned at blaknes , as appears by a letter of his , with several that 's extant at this day ; and now how far have ye shrunk from this testimony of your predecessor , judge ye your selves , who call him in your church-prayers , supream judge in all cases , and over all causes , civil and ecclesiastical . there is also two other weighty particulars , which is well known to have been maintained by many primitive protestants , both denyed by you , viz. that christians ought neither to swear , nor fight with any carnal weapon ; both which were asserted by those called the lollards of kyle , as ye may read in the book of the reformation of the church in scotland ; but the setter forth of the aforesaid book , hath added to their words , to the first article , which is ( according to their assertion , as it was found in the records of glasgow ) that in no case it is lawful to swear , he hath added , to wit , idely , rashly , or in vain ; and to the other , that christians should not fight for the faith , is added , if not driven thereto by necessity ; which two additions manifestly appears to be put to , by the publisher of the book , and that they are not these mens words , for that they are printed in another character ; and he alleadges their enemies to have depraved them , for he sayes , these articles , together with several others , were found in their records ; but his alleadgance is not so fair , being he had no sufficient ground therefore ▪ and the articles are true and sound without his additions ; and it 's a perfect contradiction , which neither the lollards of kyle , or any rational man could affirm , to say , we must not swear at all , or in no case it is lawful to swear , which is universal and exclusive , and then to put a limitation thereto , but in such cases , viz. idely , rashly , and in vain ; i say , these two propositions , it is lawful in no case to swear , it is lawful in some case to swear , are a perfect contradiction , and no rational man can affirm both , for either the one or the other must be false ; and so the lollards saying in no case it is lawful to swear , it is clear that they were not only against swearing , idely , rashly , or in vain ( which neither their adversaries denyed , so that it needed not be a point of dittay against them ) but against swearing in any case , or at all . so by these 14. or 16. articles , let all in whom there is any measure of ingenuity , or simplicity , try your present church constitution , and with the light wherewith christ hath enlightned you , examine , and ye will find , that though ye call your selves the reformed church , ye are far from the first reformers ; and that the whole protestant church in europe , hath much degenerated from the primitive christians and protestants , both in principles and practices , and is become quite another thing , retaining the name like an old rotten ship , that hath been so often clamped and clouted , that all the former timbers are worn out , and others put in their place , yet keeping the name , and somewhat of the form and shape ; and ye have sailed long up and down in this old rotten ship , which is just upon the splitting , and suffering shipwrack ; and it were happy for you , if ye would swim forth out of her for your lives ; and the greatest loss of all , is of the spirit and life of your first reformers , as appears by your fruits and conversations at this day . is not that fidelity , honesty and simplicity , much lost , and quite decayed , that some yet living remember was in the land , and treachery , falshood , guile , and deceit come in the room thereof ; and one brother cannot trust another , and love is waxen cold , and much selfishness crept in , and the profession or religion made a meer cloak of maliciousness , and that temperance and sobriety in words , diet and apparel , that was among many is quite gone , and wantonness , gluttony , and drunkenness , whoredom , cursing , and swearing , and prophaning of the name of god , and fearful oaths come in stead thereof , and tyranny and oppression , more then among savages , and yet people given to such wickedness , are accounted your church-members , and partake of all the church-priviledges with you ; and when any such die , the cry goes through your streets , there is a faithful brother departed , &c. or when any of them hath a child to be sprinkled , the priest will cause him to rehearse the articles of his faith ( and he hath no more faith , nor so much as the devil , for the true faith purifies the heart , and lodges in a good conscience . ) oh horrid abomination ! and is not the zeal among professors quite withered , and deadness , laziness , stupidity , security , neutrality , carelessness and sottishness , generally overgrown them , and all manner of iniquity abounds ? postscript . and now ye who accuse us ( in derision called quakers by you ) as apostates , and that we have denyed our fore-fathers faith , try your selves , and parallel your fathers principles and practices with your own , and also with ours , and ye shall find ye are degenerated from them exceedingly , as we were while with you ; but through the grace of god are we recovered , and brought to witness the spirit and life of the primitive protestants and christians , and in all 16. above-mentioned articles we agree with them , and ye disagree with them ; and ye cannot instance to us one particular , wherein we dissent from them , warranted from the very letter of scripture ; for these things wherein we have forsaken them , we have discovered by the light , which hath opened the scriptures to us , to have been but the inventions of men , and babylons more subtile cup of fornications , which because that the day was not so broken up among them , as among us now , they did not discern ; but now the light hath shined forth in such clearness , that we have seen to the bottom of all babylons treasures ; and were they living in this day , they would concur with us , in disowning these things , and i am satisfied in it , they have been accepted of the lord , according to their faithfulness ; but supposing ye were not shrunk from any of their principles , it 's in vain for you to think , that god will take that off your hands , he received from them , winking at their weaknesses in the day of ignorance ; for that which makes a people acceptable with god , is their faithfulness to the dispensation of knowledge in their day , and their answering his requirings therein , and following him whithersoever he leads , of which ye are very short , and this is your condemnation . written in the 10th . month , from the tolbouth of aberdeen . g. k. true and righteous iudgement from the god of judgement , separating the precious from the vile , concerning the late proceedings of the people of scotland in the matter of their reformation from , and their covenanting against prelacy , with the corruptions and popish superstitions accompanying it ; as also concerning their church constitution , ministry , worship and government , set up by them , after the pulling down of the former , and discrying it , as antichristian , wherein likewise the lords controversie with them in laying them by , and suffering this day to come over them , is shewed in which their building is also laid in the dust , and its the will of the lord , that it never be again rebuilt . give ear unto me , o ye people of scotland , of what quality or degree whatsoever , and i will shew you the true and righteous judgement of god ( from whom i have received it , and by whom i am moved to declare it unto you , for your good ) concerning your late proceedings in the matter of your reformation from , and your covenanting against prelacy , and the corruptions and popish superstitions accompanying it , and other particulars above-mentioned . a zeal there was in many of you ( rulers , teachers , and people ) in that day for the lord , and his name and truth , which he did tenderly regard , and it was marked before him , though the most of you all along minded more your selves , and how to compass your selfish , covetous , and ambitious designs then his honour ; and ye made the name of truth and religion a meer clock to cover and mask your hypocrisie with , yet a true simplicity and uprightness of heart was among others of you , and ye did well in disowning and departing from such men , who gave themselves forth to be the lord's ministers and servants , but they ran , and he sent them not , and their covetousness and ambition , and seeking how to please men for their own ends , and not his honour , nor any true zeal for him , set them on such a work , to lord it over the people , which he had forbidden , and it is abomination to him , together with the many things accompanying them , which they gave forth for his ordinances , good order , decency and comliness in the church , but were the meer inventions of men , and babylons golden cup of fornications ; and that ye vomitted up , and refused any more to drink of this cup , or to admit of such things as his ordinances , or belonging to his worship , or as if he allowed it ( whereby your iniquity is exceedingly agravated before god , and his indignation and jealosie burns as fire against you for your returning thereto ) and because of the iniquity of such men , their pride , pomp , covetousness , tirany and ambition his wrath kindled against them , and he poured contempt , and desolation upon them , for the cry of their wickedness , together with the prayers and ●upplications which came from many in that day ( because of them ) ascended up into his throne in the time of their great affliction of spirit to see his truth , and name so much dishonoured , and the lord heard and regarded , and delivered them from that , which was their trouble and grief of heart , and he removed that out of the way , which was a great let unto his work , and glorious appearance in the land , and after the removal thereof , the lord put a fair oppertunity in your hands to have been blessed instruments in his work , whereby had ye improved it , ye should have been at this day a glory in the earth , a praise , a renowne , and a blessing , and your memory should have endured ; as a sweet savor unto all succeeding generations . but he had many things against you , whereby he was provoked to lay you by also , so that ye should not be honoured ( nor ever shall be in the state ye are in , and way of your proceedings ) as instruments in his glorious work , which he hath purposed to bring ( and is bringing ) forth in the earth even a work of wonders and admiration , whereby he will make to himself a name everlasting therein , and give matter to all the simple-hearted of thanksgiving , and praise for ever and ever ; and this work he is bringing forth this day in the midst of you , and yee are so far from joyning issue with him therein , that ye are all opposing it , but it shall go on , and prosper , over the heads and bellyes of all gainsayers on the face of the whole earth , and if yee repent not and give way unto his determination , he will bring this word to passe against you ; behold ye dispisers , wonder and perish . and now hear the righteous judgment of god concerning these things he hath to charge you with , and have been snares unto you , and matter of provocation unto him against you , for , although a true and tender zeal ( in a measure ) there was in many of your hearts in that day for the lord , and his name and truth ; yet much of a fiery , headstrong , furious false zeal , not according to knowledge , and which was not begot of the lords spirit , nor kindled at his alter , did company the same , and much prevailled over that which was pure , and tender , and of his begetting , and yet he regarded this , and because of it he loved and pittyed you , and suffered you long , till he could bear no longer , for ye were become as those , yea , and worse , whom he spued out before you , against whom his controversie was : and you went forwards in the counsels of of your own hearts , and advised with flesh and blood , and not with the lords spirit , what yee should do , and yee relyed upon the arme of flesh , and thought to have reformed the land with your carnal weapons , and power , and force , and might , not considering his determination which he spoke by the word of his mouth , to his prophet of old , not by might nor by power , but by my spirit saith the lord. and yee dealt cruelly and roughly with such as had not freedom , nor clearness to go on with you , in the manner and way of your proceedings , and so yee became guilty of the same iniquity , yee cryed unto him against in those men , who dealt cruelly and tyranically with your selves , and yee constrained many hundreds of poor people in the land to vow unto god and make a covenant with you , who knew not what they were doing , no , nor knew him at all ; and because yee mixed your selves in , with a company of ignorant , vile , prophane and abominable persons , without all fear of god , and drew them along to concur with you , thereby thinking to make your selves stronge and mighty by reason of number and unformity , therefore was the lord provoked against you , for he regarded none of these things ; the vows of the wicked are an abomination to him with all their services , and he accepteth no uniformity , but that which is of his spirit , which knits the members of the body together , and admits nothing unto union with the body , but that which is of his begeting , and but two or three fearing the lord joyning together in a perpetual covenant , to stand up witnesses for his name and truth , are dearly regarded by him , but many thousands associating together out of his fear he regards not at all . and forasmuch as by your vowing and covenanting , yee proceeded to put a stop and limit to the lords spirit in any further discovery of his name and truth , his wrath waxed exceeding hot against you , and he loathed both you and your covenant , and suffered it , as it is at this day , to be trampled under foot , and permitted your enemies , which were buried in the very dust , and their memory almost perished , to rise up against you , ( to wit the prelats ) and bring you in greater slavery and subjection then ever , ( and now they are doing their work , and when it is done they most return to the place whence they came , and the time is near ) and many other circumstances in your proceedings , the lord never own'd , nor shall own , in which as yee mind his witness in all your consciences , it shall instruct you , and also show unto you the hypocritical , treacherous , deceitful , ambitious , forward spirit , that moved in you , and set you on work many times , whereby his spirit was grieved , and that of his begetting over topped , and oppressed . and above all the great controversie of the lord with and against you , was and is , that yee got up above the cross of christ and turned from it ( the cross which is the power of god ) which would have kept your feet in a straight , even , stedy course , so that yee should not have declined out of the right path , either to the right or left hand , and it would have proved a righteous ballance unto you , whereby ye might have weighed every motion that arose in your hearts , and thereby known what was of the lords spirit , and what was of your selves , and of the suggesti●● of the devil , which laid his snares before you , and catched you in them ; and for that ye kept not chast to his light in your consciences , nor to the leadings of his spirit , this was it that which discovered to you the popish and prelatical abominations , and begat a loathing in you against them so that yee could have no rest till yee came to forsake them ; and had yee kept chast to this , it would have carried you on all along in his work , and steered your course from first to last in the streight , even righteous path of judgment : oh ye did run well who did hinder you ? but yeare become so foolish , who began in the spirit to end in the flesh ; and now when yee got up upon the walls and bulwarks of your enemies building , and leveled it to the ground , when yee had rooted out prelacy , and the many corruptions and superstitions accompanying the same , and digged down a good part of babylons upsetting , then yee betook your selves to build , and yee thought it should have been a a house for god , and it was but another babylon , for yee had gone from the true foundation , the light , life , power and spirit of christ in your particulars , and yee gathered hay and stuble , and cast upon it , and suffered the earth in you to come over , and ye hid the talent the lord had given you , therein , even the noble and precious and blessed gift of his light , and the manifestation of his spirit ( given to every man to profit withal as saith the apostle ) which would have been a sure foundation unto you , and would have taught you in the infallible wisdom , how to have reared up the building and frame , even to the setting of the least stone or pining thereof , and it would have cemented and knit every part together , and given it a comely proportion , and all its due and proper dimensions , in height , bredth and length , and made every stone living , and it should have been a glorious building indeed , a spiritual house to offer up a spiritual service , and sacrifice to god continually ; and though the winds had blown , and the rains descended , and the floods had come , and assaulted it , yet it should have stood , which it hath not , but hath fallen , and the fall of it is great , and it hath filled you with amazement , confusion and astonishment , and darkness hath so overtaken you , and the vail is grown so thick over your hearts , that you see not as yet , cannot see your own folly , and that your building was but on the sand , and the work of your own imagination , out of the wisdom of god , and this i am moved of the lord to declare unto you that it hath been so , and though your frame was somewhat more spacious and taking , to the eye of man , ( being somewhat in appearance , nearer the letter of the scriptures ) then that other cast down by you , yet it was as far from being the temple or house of god , being not of his spirit ; for this ye had gone from in your own particulars , and at length became so impudent as to deny such a thing could be expected , to wit , the leadings of the infallible spirit of christ , to teach you , and guide you infallibly in your proceedings ; and ye set the letter of the scriptures above it , and in it's room , together with your own imaginations , for ye being gone from the spirit of truth , the eye which read the scriptures aright , came to be put out , and the false eye opened , which read them backward ; and the scriptures were perverted by you to a wrong sence or meaning , and ye drew them to the square and rule of your opinions , which the erring mind , through satans suggestion had begot in you ; and now ye fathered your opinions upon the scripture , and they were but the brats of your own imagination . and oh , what were the materials of your building ? were they living stones polished and smoothed by the power of god ? or rather , were they not the most rude , profane rabble and multitude of the world , the same whereof the prelatical and popish frame was composed of ? and who were the builders ? were they men taught of god standing in his wisdom ? was your ministry a spiritual ministry ? were they able ministers of the new testament , not of the letter , but of the spirit ( such as the scriptures speak of ? ) were they called from heaven by the revelation of christ ? or rather , was not your ministry even such as the former , of mens making , which stood in man's wisdom , and taught of men , as among the very papists ? yea , it was even so . oh , how little hath the teaching of god's spirit been regarded ! were they not accounted able ministers who could talk upon the letter , and give many good and fine words to the people , and speak the saints experiences recorded in scripture , which generally they never knew themselves , or if any knew somewhat of that nature ( as some did ) it was not principally regarded ; and men were let pass for ministers who were gifted with humane learning , and gifts under which the best induments of knowledge or utterance , which come not immediately from the revelation of the infallible spirit of truth , may be comprehended ; and after ye had quit the service-book , and that way of worship in set forms , and denyed them as dead life-less things , your humane learning and abilities ( together with the customary way ye had inured your selves to ) prompted you to talk and utter many words before god , which yet was as far from spiritual worship as the other ; and if at any time somewhat of the lord's spirit moved and breathed among you , as it did , for the lord much pittied for his seeds sake , yet it was much suffocated and choaked , by your running forth after the imaginations of your own hearts , ye not knowing the cross which stayes the mind , and gives a check to the forward proposterous spirit , which is rejected of the lord with all its services ; and because your minding more the words and form , and visible things , then the living power , whereby the lord was provoked more and more to withdraw from among you , and leave your house desolate , as at this day it is . and your presbyterian form of church-discipline , order and government , it was nothing upon the matter better then the episcopal , there being no material difference ( in the sight of god , to render it more acceptable to him ) be●wixt the one and the other , neither of you knowing christ the head in you , teaching you by the revelation of his spirit , to determine of things coming before you , ( so that ye could not say with that synod , act. 15.28 . it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us ) but ye went on in the same manner with them of determining of particulars in mans wisdom ; and by plurality of voices or consents , which is but a very fallible way , and hath done more evil then ever it did good , and it is all one before the lord , whether one or a few should determine particulars , as it is among the bishops ; or whether many by an equality should do it , as among the presbyterians , you being both out of god's wisdom , and asking counsel and not out of his mouth ; and ye called presbyterian ministers did step into many things ye 〈…〉 the bishops out of , or things much what alike , and of the same nature : ye denyed their lordships , and took to your selves selves masterships , ( both being equally forbidden by christ ) ye would not suffer them to lord it over you , but ye would lord it over the people ; yea , and did , as tyrannically as ever the bishops had done ; and ye were offended at the surplices , and the canonical coats and belts of their clergy , and yet ye were equally superstitious and vain in your black cloaths and gowns , with pasments and ribbons upon them , and other superfluity of naughtiness ; and ye were angry at their revenues being so great , and yet ye stept in also to many of them ( and some of you had as much by the year as some of them ) and into their pride , covetousness , lightness , vanity , ambition , carelessness , concerning the work of jesus christ , and the salvation of poor people , whereof ye took up the charge , and many other iniquities they were found in , for which the lord was provoked against them , ye have taken as it were a succession of , and ye thought the lord should have winked at you , and indeed he bo●e much with you , and had respect unto that poor , honest , tender , simple , zealous thing that was once among you in a day , but he could no longer forbear , for the cry of your sins was great , and his oppressed seed in your hearts , as a cart pressed with sheaves under your wickedness , cryed likewise against you and he heard and brought desolation upon you also , and laid all your stately building in the dust ; and now great is the lamentation and sorrow of your hearts , because of the fall of your building , and ye are crying in the anguish of your souls for a day again , wherein ye may have an opportunity to repair the breaches , and build up the old ruinous heaps ; and ye are saying in your hearts , the tyles are fallen , but we will build with hewn stones ; the sycomers are cut down , but we will build with cedars , and make the frame more able and firm then before to stand out the storm . but i say unto you , in the name and authority of the living god ( should ye attempt such a thing till ye come to his light , and the leadings of the infallible spirit of truth in your particulars ) it shall not prosper , it shall be as with them who attempted the rebuilding the walls of ierico , and have no better success , and ye shall but labour as in the very fire , and weary your selves for very vanity : i have determined , saith the lord god almighty , to race all to the foundation which is not of my building , to pluck up root and branch ; and all which is not of my planting , i have said to my messengers and servants , go ye up upon her walls , break down her battlements & bull-works , for they are not mine , & level all to the ground , and let them not be built for ever and ever , amen , saith my soul. and it is god's rich mercy , love , and compassion , that he hath brought this day over you ( could ye but open your eyes to see it , and some shall see ) that ye may suffer loss in these things which have been and are a loss and snare unto you . the 10 th . month 1664. from the tolbouth of aberdein . george keith . the word of commandement from the lord ( which filled me with heavenly joy and comfort ) came unto me the 30. day of the 10 th . month ( called december ) saying , shew unto the people of scotland my true and righteous judgement , concerning the particulars above-mentioned : and now , however these be received by you , i have peace in my god. the blessed long looked for day of god , broke up amongst us the lords people called quakers , with a declaration of the lords loving kindness to us , and what he hath done for our souls in causing the light of his countenance to shine on us . and a brief description of our church , ministry , word , worship , order and government . and a proclamation of the foresaid day of the lord to the people of scotland in judgment and mercy . with a loving exhortation unto them , and dear and tender counsel concerning what the lord requires of them in order to a perfect , and thorow reformation which they have often assayed , but never as yet come at . also a few words to such who expect the breaking up of the day of god , and yet deny it , broke up among us . written in the fear and will of the lord , and in bowels of love and compassion to the people of my native country . the day of god is the revelation of his living and eternal arm in and among the children of men , to put an end to transgression , and recover lost man , to the blessed , holy , pure , innocent state , wherein he was created by god , who breathed in him the breath of life , and he became a living soul ; it 's the setting up the kingdom of jesus christ , the eternal king of righteousness , in the hearts of the sons and daughters of adam , and the pulling down the kingdom of satan , who hath ruled over the sons of men , as god , and swayed his scepter as an absolute monarch in the earth . it 's the arising of the son of righteousness with healing under his wings , in the shinings forth of his pure light , for the dispelling the the thick egiptian darkness that hath long covered the earth , and brought upon the inhabitants a sad , sore , and dismal night , wherein the blessed , sweet , and amiable countenance of god hath been eclipsed , and vailed from men , whereby they could not live to god , for that life is in the light , which by the power and prevalency of darkness hath been much shut up ; so that it hath not shined forth in its glorious brightness upon mankind : it 's the pouring forth of the spirit of the lord upon all flesh , and the breathing of life upon the dead bones , that they may stand up and live , with flesh and sinews , in strength , beauty , and comeliness of proportion . it 's the manifestation and discovery of that great and glorious mystery , hid from ages and generations , christ within , the hope of glory ; jesus christ in his powerful , spiritual , glorious , heavenly appearance in his saints , triumphing victoriously over death and hell , and all the powers of darkness , giving to his saints to sit down with him upon his throne , and making them partakers of that glory he had with the father before the world began . it 's the bringing of many from the east , and from the west , and from the north , and from the south , to sit down with abraham , isaac , and iacob , in the kingdom of god ; and the gathering of his elect seed from the four winds of the earth , which hath been long scattered , and pended up in the holes and caves thereof , lying in death , bondage , and captivity . the day of god is the redemption of his beloved seed , and raising it up out of the grave , to live in the blessed and glorious presence of its god : it 's the marriage day of the spouse with the lamb , and the bringing of her into the chamber of presence , and the banquetting-house , where she is entertained with the sweet fellowship and communion of the noble plant of renown , the beloved of her souls and under his shadow she sitteth down with great delight , and his fruit is pleasant to her taste , where she gets access to him in the bed of love , and sees his sweet , comely , soul-ravishing countenance , and hears the sweet melodious voice , which pierceth the heart with darts of love , so that she is constrained to cry , stay me with apples , comfort me with flagons , for i am sick of love ; turn away thy face from me , for it hath ravished me , being filled with the glory of his majesty , that the sight of it is scarce tollerable in the house of clay , which often trembles at the revelation of the weight of glory . the day of the lord is the tabernacling and habitation of himself with men ( the immanuel , god in us ) bringing them up out of all visible and corruptible perishing things , into fellowship with him and his son , through the eternal spirit . it 's the dispensation of the new covenant taking place in the earth , the tenour whereof is , i will put my law in their inward parts , and write it in their hearts , and will be their god , and they shall be my people , and they shall teach no more every man his neighbour , saying , know the lord , for they shall all know me , from the least of them unto che greatest , saith the lord , for i will forgive their iniquity , and remember their sin no more , jer. 31. and again i will sprinkle clean water upon you , and yee shall be clean from all your filthiness , and from all your idols will i cleanse you , a new heart also will i give you , and a new spirit will i put within you , and i will take away the stony heart out of your flesh , and i will give you an heart of flesh , and i will put my spirit within you , and cause you to walk in my statutes , and yee shall keep my iudgements , and do them ; and yee shall dwell in the land , that i gave to your fathers , and yee shall be my people , and i will be your god , ezek. 36. it 's the coming down of the new ierusalem from above , out of heaven upon the earth , cloathed with the garments of salvation , the lambs glory ( which is her light , so that she needeth not sun , nor moon , nor candle ) and the pure white linnen , which is the righteousness of the saints ; it 's the causing the old heavens and the old earth to pass away , and the elements to melt with fervent heat , and the drying up of the sea , and the making all old things to vanish , and the creating the new heavens , and the new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness , and the making all things new . it 's the relieving the creation of god which hath long travelled under the bondage of corruption : it 's the coming forth of the woman cloathed with the sun , and a crown of twelve starrs upon her head , and the moon under her feet , out of the wilderness ; and her getting victory and dominion with her seed ( which hold the testimony of jesus the spirit of prophecy , rev. 19.10 . the great quarel of the adversary against her , rev. 12. ) over the dragon , beast and false prophet . it 's the discovery , fall , and utter overthrow of mystery babylon , the mother of fornications , who hath bewitched the whole earth with the golden cup , her merchants hath handed forth into them who dwell thereupon ; whereby they have adulterated , and gone a whoring from god , and the pure holy life of jesus christ , and the chast leadings of his spirit , and the true spiritual glory hath been lost from among them , who drunk of the cup of her sorceries , and a false imaginary glory set up in its room , which is the image of the beast , over which the saints get victory ; which false glory stands in some of the words and formes of truth patched together , with the inventions of men , by the cunning and art of the whorish spirit , which is very taking and specious to the eye of man , whereby it comes to pass that this whorish woman hath been taken for the spouse of christ , and her merchants for his ministers . the day of god is the pulling up by the roots every plant which is not of the lords planting , and the fire of the fierce wrath and indignation of god passing thorough the bryars and thorns for the consuming of them , and the plowing up the fallow ground , and preparing and digging , and dunging of it , whereby it may become good and fruitful , that the pure and tender plant and seed of truth sown therein may grow up , and become a tree filled with the fruits of righteousness and holiness : this seed hath long lyen ( as it were ) barren in the earth , which hath been as a wilderness , and brought forth the vines of sodom , and grapes of gomorah , but now the lord hath looked upon the earth , and pittied it ( for the seeds sake ) and hath sent forth and is sending his servants to till and dress it , that it may be for the lord and master of it , a garden of pleasure , and now the truth which hath been long holden down , in and under unrighteousness is arising , and shall arise throughout the whole earth , in victory and dominion over all . and we the lords people called in derision quakers , and mocked and persecuted by the world ( as all the children of god before us have been ) because we are not of them , and they know us not , do witness this day of god come and broke up among us in pure perfect brightness , to the fulfilling all these things aforesaid ( every one in their measure ) and yet more abundantly to be fulfilled , and his kingdom revealed with power and great glory in our hearts , and the lord hath brought back our captivity , as the streams of the south , whereat we are as those that dream for joy ; and we who sat by the rivers of babylon hanging our harps upon the willow trees are now returned to zion , having our hearts and our mouths filled with the songs thereof , and our harps harping the sweet praises of our god , in the land of our nativity . and the lord hath redeemed us out of kindreds , nations , tongues , and people , to be a peculiar people unto himself , a choice generation , a royal priesthood , and holy nation zealous of good works , to shew forth the praises of him who hath called us out of darkness into his marvelous light , which hath shined forth in beams of glory , through the darkness in us , to the dispelling and swallowing up thereof , by its brightness , and the light is very dear , and precious unto us , and we cannot deny it ; notwithstanding , all the opposition we meet with , from a wicked perverse world , shut up in darkness ; and because they in the state they are in , cannot comprehend it , therefore they mock , persecute , and blasphem both it , and the vessels thereof , and they would have us to disown the light , and cease to bear our testimony unto it , because they hate the light themselves , being it reproves their evil deeds , and makes manifest the hidden things of dishonesty , which they are loath should be known ; therefore they would have the light quenched , stopt and buried , least their wickedness be seen , hence it is that people of all professions , ranks , orders , qualities , and degrees , rulers , teachers , priests , and people , scribes , lawyers , doctors , and disputers of this world , have and do oppose the light , and such who testifie of it , least their pride , pomp , ambition , lust , tyranny , deceit , covetousness , and other evil deeds , which are rife among them , should be made manifest , and men of all callings hate the light ; for deceit , treachery , unrighteousness , hath seated and spread it self over all and taken a dominion in the earth , and is loath to quit it ; and therefore , it puts into the hearts of all its subjects , to oppose the light , which if it get footing in the earth , will put a period to its raign , and finish transgression , and bring in everlasting righteousness : and the devil sets men upon the opposing the light , least it bind him , and cast him out of his place , and spoile his house , and break his kingdom , dashing it as a potters vessel into pieces ; and the whore mystery babylon , the mother of fornications hates the light , and puts into the hearts of the kings and powers of the earth , to make war with the lamb , the light and the children of it ; for that is it which discovers the cup of her fornications and sorceries unto men , and makes manifest her whorish mire whereby she may be discerned , and when she is known the same kings and princes and great ones on the earth , who upheld her , shall come to loath and hate her , and burn her flesh with fire ; and now glory to the lord who hath shewed us light , and placed it in our hearts , and hath raised and is raising it up , over all opposition whatsoever in us , and by this light we have discovered the whore , the antichrist , the beast , the dragon the subtle serpent , the false prophet , with all their subtle workings , and deceivableness of unrighteousness ; we have seen the land of graven images , and the wilderness where there is no way ; we have so long walked in ; hungry , and thirsty , and our souls fainting in us , and our tongue failing with thirst ; and the light hath given us an out-gate , & shewed us an entrance into the way of life , and path of righteousness & holiness , which the vultures eye can never reach ; & this path at the beginning appeared to us very strait , & narrow & difficult for passage , so that many times sore doubtings and fears arise in us , lest we should never get thereinto , and many temptations have we indured from the suggestions of the great enemy of our salvation ; saying to us , it is in vain to attempt an entrance , but now blessed be the god of our salvation , an entrance , yea , an abundant entrance is ministred to us thereinto , and the path is becoming more and more easie and spacious , and delectable , the way of pleasantness , and the path of peace is opened , and opening , wherein the wayfaring man ( though a fool ) cannot erre or stray ; and the light hath brought us to iacob's well , where we have found an eternal never fading spring of living water streaming forth into our souls and hearts , to our unspeakable joy , comfort , and satisfaction ; and it hath brought us into bethel , the house of god , the house of prayer ; and we have been made joyful therein , according to the lord's promise ; and in this house and temple of god , we have seen the glory of the lord , and had isaiah's vision , beholding him sitting upon a throne , high and lifted up , and his train filling the temple ; and we have heard the voice , holy , holy , holy , lord god of hosts , the whole earth is full of his glory ; and we have been made to cry , woe is us , for we are undone , because of uncleanness , and fear and trembling hath taken hold of us , so that the posts of the door lyes moved and shaken , at the voice of him that cryed ; and the angel hath flown unto us , having a live coal in his hand , taken in the tongs from off the altar , and therewith hath touched our lips , saying unto us , your iniquity is taken away , and your sin purged ; and in his temple we have talked of the glory of the lord , and of his loving kindness one unto another ; and we have blessed and praised the name of the lord , for his mercy and goodness to the children of men ; and we have eat and drunk in the house of our god , in the mountain of his holiness have we been entertained with the feast of fat things , full of marrow , of wines on the lees well refined ; and we have seen the king in his beauty , and bread hath been given to us , and our water made sure , and it faileth not , which we drink every one out of our own cestern ; and the glorious lord hath become unto us a place of broad rivers ; and we have been brought to the shepherds tents , and seen where he feedeth the flock , and causeth it to rest at noon ; and we have loved the pasture dearly , and intreated the shepherd that he would make us partake with the flock , and lead us to the green field and paradice of his pleasure , and to the streams of that river which is full of water , and floweth richly forth , to the continual gladning of the city of god ; and we have desired it of him with the earnest of our souls , that we might see the good of his chosen , and be remembred with the favour he bears to his people , and gladned with the joy of his nation , that we might have whereby to glory with his inheritance ; and the lord hath heard and granted the breathings of our souls ; we asked life of him , and he hath given it us , and put a crown of pure gold upon our heads , even a crown of righteousness , and eternal life ; and he hath put a new song of praise to him who lives for ever and ever , in our mouths , which none can sing , no nor understand , but such as are redeemed from off the earth ; and palms of victory in our hands are given to us , and harps wherewith to harp , and make melody to the god of our life , who hath created us anew in jesus christ , unto good works ; and censers full of incense , which are the prayers of the saints ; and the lord hath not suffered , does not suffer us , to want any good thing , he openeth his hands plentifully , and filleth us with his blessing , and giveth us to drink of the river of his pleasure , and the wine which groweth in our fathers kingdom ; and how great is his goodness ! how great is his beauty ! for corn hath made the young-men glad , and new wine the maids , as it is written , and the mountains have dropped down the wine , and the fatts and wine-presses have overflowed , and the heavens have opened , and poured down everlasting righteousness , and rained the showers of blessing upon the tender herbs of the lords planting in the earth ; and loe the winter is past , the rain is over and gone , and the spring is come , wherein the birds do sweetly sing , and the voice of the turtle is heard in our land ; and the fig-tree putteth forth its blossoms , and green figs and others are come , and coming to perfection and maturity ; and the vines with the grapes , give a good and pleasant smell ; and at our gates are all manner of pleasant fruits , new and old , laid up for our beloved . and the fruit of the tree of life , which beareth twelve manner of fruits , and yieldeth it every month , hath been manifested unto us , the leaves whereof are for the healing of the nations . and we have seen the bride , the lamb's wife adorned , and trimmed for the approach of her husband , and the new ierusalem descending from above , the holy city coming down from god out of heaven , having the glory of her god , and her light is like unto a stone most precious , like a jasper , clear as cristal ; and we have seen the frame and proportion of this city , with the walls and gates of it ( within which our feet have stood ) whose builder and maker is god , and there is nothing of mans work in it , but all purely of him , and we have seen to its foundation , the light , the life , the power , the wisdom of god , revealed in the hearts of the sons and daughters of men , the chief corner , the foundation stone , which the builders among all the sects and professions of the whole earth have rejected , in this night of darkness , whereby instead of building a house or city for god , they have reared up a babylon , which must fall , and is a falling , and shall sink as a mill-stone into the bottom of the sea , and never rise again , amen , hallelujah , glory to the lamb , whose work it is . and now the lord hath made us citizens of this city , and stones of this building , even living stones , polished by the power of god , and glewed and knit together by the same power and spirit of life , where is the pure perfect unity , and in the unity , the fellowship and communion with god , and his dear son jesus christ , and one with another is witnessed ; and the builders are wise builders , standing in the wisdom and power of god , whereby they are taught to lay every stone , and how to polish and square it , and they are but tools and instruments in the hand of god , for the work is his alone , and the ministry is spiritual , and so are the ministers ; men taught by god , having experience of the saving work of his right hand on their hearts , who speak because they believe , and are indued with power from on high , and filled with the holy ghost , whereby they are made able ministers of the new testament , having received gifts by the ascending of christ on high , ( even for the rebellious , that he may dwell among them ) for the work of the ministry , to the perfecting of the saints , and edifying of the body ; and such minister from the light and from the life , and from the power and spirit , and word of god , whereby those to whom they minister , may come into the fellowship of the mystery with themselves , and be made partakers with them of the unction , or anointing from the holy one , which may be with them for ever , and a teacher unto them of all things , good , necessary , and expedient for them to know , even to bring them unto the spirit of truth , which may lead them into all truth , and instruct them , in the will , councel , and commandement of god , at all times whatever it be , and to espouse them unto jesus christ the great king and lawgiver in and to his people , the great high priest , from whose mouth the law is to be received , the great prophet by whom god speaketh now to his people , wherof moses writes , who is the head in all things , and who so will not hear that prophet , shall be put to death ; and this prophet jesus christ is nigh unto us , yea , more nigh then all the men or books upon the face of the earth ; he is both our maker and our husband , ( the anointed of the lord the breath of our nostrils ) so that our fellowship and communion with him is most intimate , and immediate , and nothing else does satisfie our souls but the immediate imbraces of his dear and sweet love , the seeing of his countenance which is comely , and the hearing of his voice , which is pleasant , and powerful , and glorious , and full of majesty ; and the bride rejoyceth greatly because of the voice of the bridegroom himself , and now we need not say who will go down into the grave , and bring up christ to us , or who will ascend to heaven to bring him down to us , or who will go over the seas , and bring us tidings of him from ierusalem , where he suffered in the flesh , him ( whose name is the word of god , rev. 19. ) we of a truth witness nigh us even in our hearts ; so that we need not either ascend or descend , or go forth , the word of life , the word of power , the word of faith which paul preached , and moses before him , and all the true ministers , and pointed people to this , which was able to save them , as they turned their minds thereto , and gave up to be taught and led thereby . and this the ministers and servants of the lord among the people called quakers do preach ( without money or price being the free gift of god ) and many have believed , and received it , not as the word of men , but as it is indeed the word of god , and found it ( after diligent attendance , turning their minds inward thereto ) to spring up in themselves , and to be living and powerful , and sharp as a two edged sword , to the dividing of soul and spirit , and discerning every thought and intention of the heart , and though one evil , and unbelieving generation , will not give credit thereto , no nor yet those of the national ministry , who give themselves forth for the ministers of christ ( but are found lyars ) they call it a fancy , and delusion , and turn people from it , ( which is the only rock that can save them ) yet we know it to be the word of god , and we have tasted the heavenly sweetness of it , yea and our very hands have handled that word of life , and we have hid it in our hearts as an only treasure , and we do daily , and hourly , witness the pretiousness and worth thereof , for it is the food of our souls , the food of angels , the living bread , which came down from heaven , to give life unto the world , the manna incorruptible , which feedeth us unto life everlasting ; and when we are an hungred , it refresheth us , and satisfieth our souls with good things , it 's milk to the babes , and flesh to the strong , it 's health to our navil , and marrow to our bones , it 's the bread which strengthneth mans heart , and the wine which maketh it glad , and oyle which maketh his face to shine , and when we thirst , living water springeth forth from this word of life in our hearts , and ministreth drink unto us , out of the living fountain , and we witness the promise fulfilled , he that believeth in me ( christ the word ) out of his belly shall flow a well spring of liveing water ; and when we are weak , and our hands hang down , and our knees wax feeble , the word maketh us strong , and lifteth us up as an eagles wings , so that we run and are not weary , and walk and are not faint , and when we are heavy through sorrow , the word springeth forth in streams of pure joy and consolation , from the presence of the lord , which causeth us to forget all our former troubles , and we are comforted in our god , in all our straits and difficulties , and when temptations from the devil and his instruments assault us , and the powers of darkness environe and surround us , as if they would swallow us up , the word sendeth forth sweet and comfortable beams of light , and openeth the eye-lids of the morning upon us , and breaketh through the thick egiptian darkness , as a fiery flaming sword , and divideth asunder , and giveth us victory and deliverance : and when we are hated of the world , the word saith , peace in us , and causeth it to flow into our souls , like the waves of the sea , and when sathan transformes himself ( with his messengers ) into an angel of light , that he may deceive us , coming up out of the deep with samuels mantle , the word of truth , which searcheth into all the depths of satan , and to the bottom of the mystery of iniquity discovereth to us the foulers snare , and the voice of the inchanter , so that our souls escape as a bird out of the net ; and the word defends us by night and by day , so that we need not fear the terror by night , nor the arrow that flyeth by day , nor the pestilence that walketh in darkness , being girded with the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god ; and the word is a light to our feet , and a lanthorn to our pathes , the v●im and the thummim by which the lord answers us , and giveth us counsel in all things pertaining either to the temporal or eternal life , and herein we meditate day and night , and by it are we made wiser then our teachers , and it 's sweeter to us then the honey and the honey comb , and more precious then thousands of gold or silver ; and in the word our fellowship stands with god , and one to another , whereby we know , and enjoy , and have communion one with another in the invisible , heavenly life , and though at a distance as to the bodily appearance , yet nigh to , and present one with another in spirit , and partakers together , as members of one body in sufferings and afflictions , in joy and consolations , which as sufferings abound , do abound also . and now , though the scriptures declare of this word , yet they are not that word , more then a map or description of rome or london , is rome or london ; or the image of cesar is cesar ( or bread and wine is the body and blood of christ ) which rude draught , shadow , description , and representation of such things , and the like , may and do borrow the names of the things by them signified or represented ; and thus the scriptures may borrow the name of the word of god , and may sometimes be so called , as the words or prophecy of isaiah is called by himself his vision , and the words of iohn is called his revelation , whereas they but signified these things ; and it 's my testimony , with thousands , we have found another word then the scriptures ( which is not repugnant to them , but teacheth the same things , and bears a like testimony with them , in a more excellent way , so that they have a sweet harmony and concord together , yet differing as much from them as bread , wine , corn , oyle , water , light , fire , differing from a verbal description or likeness of those things : and this is no dishonour to the scriptures , but a putting them in their proper place , as a declaration of the eternal life , which though pointed at by them , yet is not to be found in them , as the jewish people foolishly thought , ( and as professors think at this day ) for which christ checked them , because they would not come to him to get life , of whom the scriptures testified , that it was in him , not in them , ioh. 5. and thus much concerning our ministery , and the object thereof , or thing which is ministred and preached , to wit , christ the living and eternal word , nigh , and in the hear : and our worship and sacrifice we offer up unto god in this building , house , temple , city or church of god ; is spiritual prayer , and praise spiritual , even from the pourings forth of the spirit of life from god , praying and singing , ( and making melody in our hearts , and with our mouths and lips also , as the lord opens them ) with the spirit and understanding in all things , making our requests known unto god , and giving thanks alwayes for all things , through jesus christ our life , at whose name our knees are bowed down , and our head uncovered , and the glory is over all , and the lord hath turned to us the pure language , and the pure lip , and given us to the throne of glory an abundant access , and hath accepted our prayers , and savoured a good savour in them , and hath largely answered the desires of our souls , blessed be his name ; and we witness him a god who heareth prayer , even to the least desire or breathing of the upright heart , and he is worthy to be waited for , who hath come to us in an acceptable time , and prepared our hearts to seek , and his ear to hear , and given us strength and ability to wrestle and prevail with him to the break of day , and we have not let him go till he hath blessed us , and called our name israel . and as the ministry and worship of the church or house of god among us is spiritual , so is the order , discipline and government among us ; and we witness the lord present with us in our assemblies , and the head christ in us , ( whether few or many ) passing sound , righteous , and infallible judgement concerning the particulars that come before us ; and we take not that blind , fallible way of the many sects and professions in the world , to determine controversies by , viz. plurality of votes , but we look up to the lord , and call upon him to decide the matter , and pass righteous judgement , and he doth it , and each in the measure of the word of truth , which they have received , doth perceive the mind of the lord therein , and believeth it , their faith standing in the wisdom and power of god , revealing the thing in and to each particular , and we are manifest in one anothers consciences , and as epistles written and read in one anothers hearts ; and we are of one mind , and one spirit and life ; and here is sweet unity , concord , harmony , and agreement , not like babylon ; and where the lord goeth not before us , and openeth not the particular , or particulars unto us , we stand still and forbear , till we receive his mind , who never is nor will be wanting to us , in whatsoever exigence . and now the power we have is from god alone , and his son jesus christ , and he bears the government on his shoulders , and takes us up into the throne with himself , according to his promise and maketh us a free people , kings and priests to our god , and our power is free and unlimited , as to any mans determination upon the face of the whole earth ; and we own no head in our church , but christ jesus ; nor can we submit our consciences to any man , or yield to the precepts and commandements of men ( out of the will and power of god ) in a jot , though to the loss of our very lives ; and especially , no man or men is to impose on us the least circumstance , in the matter of the worship of the living god , and the exercise of our consciences therein ; but what man or men set up in place of authority , calls us to what is equitable and righteous betwixt us and our neighbour , we are free , and holds our selves bound to give all due obedience for conscience sake thereto ; and the magistrate , who hath his power and authority from god , we dearly own and honour , and the obedience he requires of us , will be answered with the witness and word of god in our consciences , which if we should disobey , condemnation from the lord should fall upon us . and when that which is sinful and unrighteous is urged upon us , then god's witness does arise in our conscience , and forbids us to yield thereto , but to suffer patiently what may be inflicted upon us , for our not bowing under the same , and not at all to resist with any carnal weapon , or outward violence , but to commit our cause to him , who judgeth righteously , and hath said , vengeance is mine , and i will repay it ; and so we have sweet peace and content in our sufferings , for our consciences are kept free , and we are redeemed to god , and bought with a price , therefore we cannot be the servants of men , and we seek not any worldly power or force to maintain our church , it needeth it not ( for the gates of hell cannot prevail against the same ) nor to propagate our religion , for it will never do it , and we are to force no mans conscience , nor to lay any punishment upon them , or put any to sufferings , because of their not concurring with us , for we matter no uniformity , but that which is of the lord's spirit , perswading the hearts of people to be one with us in principle and practice , and to stand up with us , living witnesses for the name and truth of the living god , which he is revealing ; and we assuredly know all the weapons that are formed either against the truth or the witnesses of it , shall not prosper , and the lord shall make to himself a glorious name in the earth ; and we the people of the lord , whom he hath formed for himself , shall shew forth his praise , and the lord will make it manifest , that we are his , and that he hath raised us up , and put his spirit in us , and that he dwells in and among us , to all the kindreds and nations of the earth , and they who will not see , shall see , and be ashamed , and confounded for their envy at the people whom god hath blessed , and will bless for ever and ever , and no deceit nor violence shall prevail against them . and therefore now o ye people of scotland know ye that the day of god is broke up among us , the people of the lord called by you in derision quakers , but who indeed tremble at the word of his power , when it is sounded forth from the throne of majesty ; yea , and the mighty , dreadful , terrible god of strength , power , and majesty , victory , and dominion hath determined to shake the heavens , and the earth , and all the powers thereof , to the utter confusion and fall of whatsoever standeth up in opposition against the seting up of his eternal kingdom of righteousness in the hearts of the children of men , and the little stone cut out of the mountain without hands , shall grow and fill the earth , and become a mountain ; and it shall dash to pieces the image of clay and iron , brass , silver , and gold , and the land of graven images shall be smitten , and all the gods of the heathen famished , and all the idols shall be broken , and cast into the holes of the rock , and dagon shall not be able to stand before the ark ; nor babylon , before the spouse of christ which is coming forth to face all their enemies , fair as the sun , and terrible as an army with banners ; yea , cloathed with the sun , and the moon under her feet . and the lord is making a work in this day , which shall make all ears to tingle , and every heart to faint and fail that will not bow at the arm of his power stretched forth : the day of the lord is come , and he is preparing himself to battle as a strong man , as one awakned of out sleep , ( who hath long suffered the reign and kingdom of darkness ) and as one that cryeth out in the dread of his strength by reason of wine ; and he is making bare his arme , and covering himself with zeal as with a cloak , now will i arise , now will i lift up my self , saith the lord , and who is able to stand up , and make war with him ? whereof prepare to meet thy god o scotland in the way of his judgments , and repent , repent , repent of your iniquities , from the highest to the lowest , for the controversie of the dreadful god of power , the zealous angry god who will not acquit the guilty , is against the one and the other of you , without respect of persons , because of your abominations , whereby his pure holy spirit hath been grieved , and provoked against you , oh scotland , scotland , the cry of thine iniquities , hath come up before god into his throne , and he is weary with forbearing , to execute the fierceness of his wrath upon you , though ye be not weary with sining , but are drawing iniquity , as with cart-ropes , and filling up the measure even to the brime ; wherefore a cup of trembling , trembling , saith the lord god , shall be put into thy hands , if thou speedily repent not , & thou shall drink & shall not escape , and it shall be more tollerable for sodom and gomorab in the day of judgment , then for you ; forasmuch as you have sinned against more light , and have had more warnings from the lord , one way , and another , and he hath borne with you long , and strived much with you by his spirit to reclaim you , and would have healed you , but ye will not be healed , and oh how have your hearts turned back as a deceitful bow , and shrunk from that measure of simplicity , tenderness and zeal for the lord , that was once among you , and because yee took up a profession of god above all the nations of the earth , and have so treacherously backslidden therefrom in the day of tryal , therefore is your sin exceedingly aggravated before the lord , and he will punish you above all the nations of the earth , if ye break not off from your sins by speedy and unfeigned repentance . and now ye who mock at the quakings and tremblings of the people of god , who feel the load of wrath ready to break out upon you , and sink you down to the bottome of hell , and would faine stand in the gapes , and hold off the wrath , and are in great travel , because of the dreadful day they see coming upon you , and many times are crying unto god for mercy unto you , when ye are adding drunkness to thirst , and persecuting them , and saying , tush , tush , no evil shall befall us , where is the promise of his coming ? ye shall be made to tremble , and your loyns to shake , and the joynts of your knees with belshazar ( reading the hand writing against you ) to smite one against another , and paleness shall come up upon your faces , and pangs as of a woman in travel take hold of you , and the lord will roar out of zion , against you , and tear in pieces as a lyon , and who will then be able to deliver you out of his hand ? and that comfort and peace will be far from you , which we the lords people do witness , after all our fears and tremblings ; for the cup we have drunk at his hands is sweetly tempered with mercy and judgment , and in measure he debateth with us , and stayeth his rough wind in the day of his east ; and our hearts , which once trembled for fear , and dread , and sorrow , are now made to rejoyce with trembling , at the powerful and glorious appearance of him in our souls , so that we have been made to sing unto him that song , we will praise thee o lord ; for though thou wast angry with us , thy anger is turned away , and we are comforted . and yet now , o scotland , the lord hath bowels of tender pitty and compassion towards thee , which many times i have felt , and do feel , with many others , and he is much put to it ( so to speak ) concerning thee , what to do with thee , and his mercy and judgement are at a kind of holy contest and wrestling about thee ; how shall i give thee up ? how shall i deliver thee , o people of scotland ? how shall i make thee as admah , and set thee as zeboim , my heart is turned within me , my repentings are kindled together ; which word hath often sounded through me , towards thy inhabitants , o scotland , from the lord , who yet remembers the kindness of thy youth , and the love of thy espousals in former dayes , and the tenderness , and simplicity , and uprightness of heart that was among many of you then , with a pure zeal for his name : and oh , what meltings and breathings of soul was after the living god! and nothing could satisfie but his living presence , which also no doubt hath been in a measure by some enjoyed ; but oh , how have ye forsaken your first love , and turned down-right enemies against that which was once your very life , and is the life of those ye are persecuting at this day , and blaspheming , to wit , the revelation of the light , life , power , love , and spirit of god in our souls , which filleth us with heavenly comfort , joy unspeakable and full of glory . oh , how have ye forsaken the fountain of living waters , and digged to your selves broken cesterns , that can hold no water ! return , o back-sliding scotland , for this i do declare unto thee , in the name of the lord ; he hath yet thoughts of loving kindness unto thee , and a seed there is in thee , which is very dear and precious unto him , and he cannot forget it , more then the tender-hearted mother the fruit of her womb ; and though she should forget , yet the lord will not forget thee ; for thou art set as a seal upon his heart , and writ upon the palms of his hands , o thou beloved seed , and he will give redemption unto thee , and raise thee up out of the holes and caves of the earth , where thou hast lain so long buried as in the grave , and the lord hath raised , and is raising up his seed in some already , who are a kind of first fruits unto him ; and he hath brought us to walk in the light of his countenance , and rent the vails , and given us to behold his lovely amiable face with joy , and made us an entrance into the blessed land of promise ; and we have eat abundantly of the good of the land , and the finest of the wheat , and honey out of the rock hath been given unto us , and we have drunk of the wine , and tasted the vine-grapes thereof , and the land is a good land ; and though there be giants , and the sons of amaleck in the way , yet it is conquerable , and we cannot but report well of it ; and god hath blessed our testimony , and shall bless it to hundreds and thousands , who yet are not able to hear us , nor will they , because of the anguish of soul , under the hard yoak of pharoah in the land of egypt , and house of bondage ; but god will break , and is breaking , the yoak of oppression from off the neck of his seed , and will give it victory and dominion over all . and now blessed are they , who know and hearken unto the joyfull sound of the everlasting gospel , which publisheth peace , and bringeth good tydings of salvation , and proclaimeth the acceptable year of the lord , and the day of vengeance of our god , to comfort all that mourn to appoint unto them that mourn in sion , to give them beauty for ashes , the oyle of joy for mourning , the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness , that they might be called trees of righteousness , the planting of the lord , that he might be glorified . and now , o scotland , prize the day of thy visitation , and know the things that belong to thy peace , before they be hid from thine eyes , and the day of grace sett upon thee , and put away thy abominations out of the fight of the holy pure god , which are matter of provocation unto him against thee . and whereas thou hast often assayed a reformation unto the lord , but it hath never come to be perfect and thorow ; and ye have been so far from going forward , that ye have shrunk back , and turned again with the dog to the vomit , wherefore now at last return to the lord , with whom there is yet mercy , and plenteous redemption , and reform thoroughly unto him , who will not receive halfes off your hands . and now i will shew you councel from the lord ( which i do declare in bowels of dear , and tender love unto you ) what ye shall do in order to a cleanly , perfect , and through reformation : above all mind the light of christ in your consciences , and heed it diligently in its motion and shinings forth thorough the darkness , and as ye give obedience to it , in what it reveals unto you for duty , and shun what it discovers to be evil , it will more and more arise and shine forth in pure transparent brightness , from one degree of glory to another , and lay hold upon the darkness to the dispelling of it , and swallowing it up wholly , in the womb of its brightness ; and the light will shew you the foundation on which ye shall build , jesus christ , the wisdom and power of god , and the word of eternal life , the chief corner stone , from which the light comes , and it leads to him , and will bring you into acquaintance with him , and the leadings , and teachings of his holy spirit , to which yee shall do well to keep chast , else the serpent by his subtlety will again ensnare you , and mystery babylon will bewitch you with the cup of her fornications : and oh your not keeping chast to the lord hath often marred the work in your hands , and if ye come not in the future to keep closely and chastly to him , ye shall never prosper in any of your attempts , and all shall be but lost labour . and take up the cross to every thought , desire , imagination , motion , and affection , of your own hearts , and this will steer your course aright , and guide your feet in every step , and stay , and ballance your minds , and hold down every thing which would arise out of the wrong ground , and the pure light will shine forth in your minds , ( thus stayed under the cross ) with glorious beams of brightness , and sweetly manifest unto you , all whatsoever the lord requires of you , and as ye must not be forward in running on without the leadings of christ the head in you , so be not backward nor slow in following after him , nor sit down by the way , saying in your selves , thus far will we go and no further ; oh this hath also been a snare unto you : and mind the pure , holy , living power , more then the form , and wherever the power and spirit of life doth not move , or appear in the forme , disown it , and stand against it , and whatever form or appearance the living power leads into , or moves in , be for it , and own it , and as ye come , to live and walk in gods fear , it will beget more and more a discerning in you , to know and feel the power , and distinguish manifestly the dead , dry , and life-less form and appearance from the living ; and be willing to be searched as with candles , thoroughly , and hide nothing which the lord requires to be given up , nor keep up any thing whatsoever , that his controversie and indignation is against , and rid you of all your idols of silver , and gold , all the wares and pleasant things of babylon , and the jewels and ear-rings , ye have of the egiptians , to wit the many inventions , that hath crept in , in the night of apostacy , to the ensnaring and bewitching of your people , and father nothing upon the scriptures , nor upon god , but that which is purely of him , and revealed unto you from the spirit of truth opening and interpreting the scriptures unto you , which holy men of god did write from the inspiration of his spirit , and can only be understood in and from a measure of the same , and put not the name of the ordinances of jesus christ upon babylons brats , which whoso taketh them and dasheth to pieces against the stones , blessed shall they be : and away with all the wisdom of this world , which god is a confounding , and all consultings and reasonings with flesh and blood , and judging or determining of things , but in the wisdom and councel of god , in the revelation of the spirit of truth in each particular , let that be your rule in all things , and ye shall walk surely , and put away this dead , life-less , ignorant , prophane , scandalous ministry , own no ministery , but such who is taught of god , & speaks because he believes and ministers from the power and spirit of life , and away with makeing any humane gifts or indowments of learning ( which is but flesh , and must die and wither ) the qualifications of a minister , and do not limit the spirit of the lord , in chusing or refusing any for the work of the ministry , they are well fitted whom he enables , though foolish and contemptible to the carnal eye ; and by these foolish , weak and despicable things , the lord hath brought , and is bringing great things to pass ; and away with your dead life-less worship , praying and singing , which comes not from the breathings and movings of the spirit of life from god ; and away with your mungrel church , patch'd up of the prophance rable of the world , let such who fear god , separate and come out from among them , and disown them for fellow members of the body whereof christ is the head , and have no communion with them in their worship which is idolatry , and away with your sprinklings of infants , it s but of babylon ; with many other things , the light of christ ( as ye heed it ) will discover unto you , which in the night of darkness hath passed for gods ordinance , but the day hath discovered them to have the beasts mark , and superscription ; and away with setting bread and wine before a prophane wicked multiude ( who hath nothing but the bare name of a christian ) telling them its the communion of the body and blood of christ , it 's abomination to god , and away with the carnal , false licentious , unbounded liberty ye take to your selves in words , diet , apparel , and worldly conversation ; mind the cross diligently , and it will teach you the golden path of mediocrity ( or moderation ) in all things , and away with all respecting of persons , and the honour which comes not from god , whose service is only to feed the lust of the eye , the lust of the flesh , and the pride of life , and be willing and desirous to see the glory of the pride of all flesh stained , and the lord alone exalted , honoured , and glorified in and among the children of men : and away with all uniformity , which is not of the lords spirit ; and away with all force , and constraint in the matter of conscience and religion ; and away with all carnal weapons , either to defend or propagate the truth ; away with your lording and mastering , and monopolizing ministry , who would limit the spirit of the lord , and make a monopoly of the gifts of god , away with your distinctions of clergy and laicks , and superstitious habits and attires , for discriminating them , and away with your set and alloted hires , and maintenance for a ministry , and forcing of people to pay them , which hath been a great snare unto many ( and hath lyen nigh all ) who from a principle of covetousness ( seeing thereby means of a livelihood ) hath intruded themselves into the ministerial function , and given poor people to believe they were called of god thereto , whereas generally ( it is a thing well known ) they get into parishes by worldly means , they setting their friends and relations on work , to sollicite and move the patrons of the parishes , or such most concerned therein , to give them entrance ; and when the thing is granted , then he called the minister , steps up into a pulpit , and sayes thus to the people , beloved , by the providence of god i am called to be your pastor , and a watch-man over you , as one who must give an account for your souls in the day of judgement ; and the lord knows , it 's not any other principle , but a vehement desire ( thorough love to your souls ) to teach and instruct you in the knowledge of god , and to edifie you in the faith , that hath moved me to come among you . and i have received a talent , and i must improve it , and the ability god hath given me to instruct you , together with the great desire i have to use it for your edification , i take for a sufficient call from god ; and i have also the patrons , and the most considerable in the parish their call . whereas they make it manifestly appear , that covetousness hath set them thereon , for how soon any of their brethren dies , so that another parish becomes vacant , which hath a greater stipend or maintenance , they fall upon their first trade , of solliciting for an entrance thereto , and they stick not to quit the charge of their first flock , and to give their wife ( to wit , the kirk , which they say they are married to ) a bill of divorce , though oft-times there be no occasion on her part ; and it 's not the patrons or people who hath called them , but they first called them ; and when the people refuses to pay them their allotted hire , they pursue them with horning and poinding , which shews them to be far from the affection of husbands to their wives or parents to their children , or pastors to the flock , all which they pretend to be ; and were they good pastors , their flock would afford them milk and wool , not of constraint , but willingly , so that they needed not , either squeeze the pap to the causing it bleed , or tear the fleece off before the time of casting it , to the pulling the skin in pieces many times ; and the ability they talk of , is not of god , but of men , and it 's not god's free gift , for it hath cost them both much money and time at schools to purchase it ; and were it the talent of the lord , it would prove more effectual to the bettering of the people , which it does not ; for at ten , twenty , thirty , forty years end and upwards , they are as bad as at the first coming among them , and in many places much worse ; and the vehement desire to do the people good , they tell of , is but a suggestion of their deceitful hearts , for they are not come to the light and word of truth , whereby to discern the true , upright , genuine desire , from the false and hypocritical : and this thing hath proved also a great share unto the people , who hath heaped up to themselves teachers after their own hearts lusts , who might speak false peace unto them ; and that whereon there is so much stress laid , to wit , the calling of the people , or patrons , is not of god , but of babylon ; for in the state they are in , they will be loth ever to call a good man unto them ( supposing he could be found ) but such who will wink at their faults , and run with them thereinto ; and when at any time they let a reproof fall , it stinks out of their mouths , being guilty of the same things themselves ; and away with the education of youth at universities and colledges of philosophy , so called ; i may say of them , which luther stuck not to call them in his day , that they are the stews of antichrist ; for out of them comes this ignorant , profane , scandalous ministry , wherein they learn to talk of things they understand not , and to prate in mans wisdom , which is carnal , earthly , and devillish : and the philosophy , so called , which is taught them , is but meer deceit and pedantry , which even i came to see , when among them ; and many of themselves see it , and confess it to be but vanity ; and none can teach either the knowledge of god , or of the creation , but such who come to be indued with a measure of the wisdom of god , which made the creation in number , weight , and measure , according to it 's pure holy law , and neither god nor the work of his hands can be truly known , but in the light , which makes all manifest , which the doctors and disputers of this world , are strangers unto , and it's follishness to them ; and many among themselves have attempted the reformation of their so called philosophy , and squeezed their brains to find out a new one , but all in vain , it shall never be found out , till they come to the cross of christ , and under his cross , denying their own wisdom ) become the disciples of christ , and learn of him ( in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom & knowledge ) the true science of the creation ( as well as the of the creator ) for the world was made by him , and he can best teach it , and in him manifest in man , the invisible things of god , from the creation of the world , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , which carry upon them indeed the characters of infinite wisdom , goodness , and power , but are a sealed book , no less then the scriptures , to such who are not come to the teachings of him , who made them , and can only give an eye to read them with a true understanding , and to advantage . and this i testifie , who have had a tryal and experience , both of the one and the other , the wisdom of man ( wherein i laboured much and long , and profited above many of my nighbours ) and the wisdom of god in which now i see , and for which i truly account that other loss and dung , even for the excellency of the knowledge of christ , the wisdom which was vvith the father before the world began , and i certainly know the humane wisdom or learning is one of the main bulwarks of antichrist against the revelation , and setting up the kingdom of christ in the earth , and because this is arising , and shall rise , down must the other go , and all who seek to uphold it shall fall therewith . and away with the many doctrins and opinions yee have drunken from your teachers , who have abused the scriptures , and you both , giving you to believe they were grounded on scripture , and are nothing but their own imaginations , which the erring mind through sathans suggestions , hath begot both in them and you , and rid your selves of all whatsoever , yee have taken upon trust , and what yee have not seen and learned , in the openings and manifestation of the word and spirit of truth in each particular , and make the revelation of the spirit of truth in all things the rule and analogy of your faith , believing nothing less or more , then what is revealed to you therefrom ; and where that opens not , keep wholy back from passing any determination for or against : and away with that manner of interpreting scripture and searching truth by drawing and knitting consequences , by the fallible erring mind , and natural understanding , keep close in all things to the judgment , and determination of the spirit of god , and where that leads you ( as it did lead christ to infer upon the saduces the resurrection from the dead , from that scripture , i am the god of abraham , and god is not the god of the dead but of the living , ) to draw a consequence or frame an argument , do it , else forbear : and away with determining of things ( as yee have hitherto done ) by plurality of votes , it 's not the way of god , and will never further the lords work or truth , their votes or consents not being in the unity of the spirit of truth : and away with thinking general assemblies , counsils or parliaments , in the state they stand in , will do you any good , in order to a perfect , and through reformation , they will certainly marre it , but never help it forward , being out of gods wisdom , and its foolishness unto them . and your looking too much to these things in former times hath been a great snare unto you . and thus now i have showed you good advice and councel concerning your becoming a perfect , and thoroughly reformed people , and the witness of god in all your consciences ( as yee heed it ) will not fail to answer me to the truth , and expedience of these things i have laid before you : and principally every one mind the through reformation and change of your own hearts and lifes , by turning in your minds , to the light of christ in all your consciences , which must do the work , else it never will be done ; and as the reformati● of particulars grows , so will the same do in the general . and now what i have declared unto you ( and the manifestation of the spirit of truth will shew you much more , even the perfect patern of the house of god in the mount ) concerning these things which are necessary and expedient , in order to a thorough , cleanly and perfect reformation , we the people of the lord called quakers , have fallen upon them , being taught and directed thereto , by the wisdom of god , ( which buildeth the house , else the building is in vain ) and we have found and do find the blessed usefulness of them , as ye shall also find , if ye be followers of us , as we are of christ : and now ye who say , or shall say , tush , all this is but vanity , and folly , we will not daine to take councel from you , we are wiser then your selves , we will not learn at you , and yee but boast of things yee know not , and we expect a glorious comfortable breaking up of the day of god , in order to a more perfect and thorough reformation , then as yet hath been among us , but it shall never come to us through your airth , we can never expect good of you , for yee are but a pack of poor silly deluded brainsick fools , therefore get yee from us , we will none of your councel , the day shall never dawn upon us , if it rise not in another airth then yee tell us of . to such i say , oh yee foolish , and unwise , how like are yee to the former generations , ( who ever were enemies to the wisdom of god , through their carnal , earthly , and devilish wisdom ) and to the iewes of old , who despised the son of god , and crucified him the lord of glory , whom at that very time they were expecting to come , the promised messiah , and when he came , they mistook him , and received him not , because of his weak , lowly , contemptible appearance to the carnal eye , but such who had the eye of faith , saw the glory of the only begotten of god upon him , thorough the vaile which covered him from the sight of others , and he disappointed them in all their carnal expectations , and they are yet looking for him , and have looked these sixteen hundred years , but have never seen him , nor shall see him in the way they look for him ; as neither shall yee , and your judgment shall be one with theirs ; you being shut forth into utter darkness , and plagued with hardness of heart , if yee do not speedily repent . and now whether ye will hear or forbear , this i do declare unto you , in the name and power , and authority of the living god , the day of the lord is of a truth broken up among us , and ye shall look till your eyes fail you , and rote within your eye-holes , e're ever yee see another day or appearance of jesus christ to your comfort , then what we the people of the lord called quakers , do witness come , and yet more abundantly coming , and if yee will not hear , my soul shall mourn for you in secret places , and weep before the lord on your behalf . and yee who in the perverseness , and obstinacy of your hearts gain-stand , and oppose with all your might and power , the appearance of jesus christ in this day , and yet are calling for the day of the lord ; to what purpose do yee call for it ? ( that i may use the prophets words in the like case ) wo unto you that desire the day of the lord , to what end is it for you ? the day of the lord is darkness , and not light , as if a man did flee from a lyon , and a bear met him , or went unto the house and leaned his hand on the wall , and a serpent bit him ; shall not the day of lord be darkness , and not light ? even very dark and no brightness in it . writ about the beginning of the 11 month in the year 1664. the end . errata . in page 5. line 38. for and read an . p. 16. l. 39. f. live r. alive . p. 17. l. 39. f. these r. those . p. 20. l. 30. r. in the world . p. 22. l. 37. f. this r. his . p. 30. l. 4. f. la●ely r. layety . p. 44. l. 35. f. ease r. case . p. 60. l. 8. r. did arise . p. 63. l. 38. f. one r. an . p. 64. l. 21. f. an r. one . p. 66. l. 4. f. hear r. heart . p. 68. l. 29. f. their r. her . a just and modest reproof of a pamphlet called the scotch presbyterian eloquence rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1693 approx. 129 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57858 wing r2222 estc r25107 08762043 ocm 08762043 41752 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57858) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41752) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1268:10) a just and modest reproof of a pamphlet called the scotch presbyterian eloquence rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. 40 p. printed by george mosman, edinburgh : 1693. attributed to gilbert rule--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng crokatt, gilbert. -scotch presbyterian eloquence. church of scotland -apologetic works. presbyterianism -apologetic works. 2004-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-07 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a just and modest reproof of a pamphlet , called , the scotch presbyterian eloquence . edinbvrgh , printed by george mosman , and are to be sold at his shop in the parliament closs . anno dom. m , dc . xciii to the reader . reader , after i had finished these sheets , i mett with a paper in answer to the same pamphlet that here i deal with , which at first made me lay aside thoughts of publishing this piece : yet i after considered , that few things are coincident in that and this paper : and that tho' the pamphlet it self deserveth no such notice : yet some may either through prejudice , and a byass to the one side , or through unacquaintedness with our affairs , receive undue impressions of presbyterians and their way from the confident affirmations of that author . for , calumniare audacter , aliquid adhaerebit . therefore i was willing to suffer it to go abroad after it , and the appendix to it , had been ready for the press , now more than 13 or 14 months : several things concurred to occasion this procrastination , which i shall not trouble the reader with . a just and modest reproof of a pamphlet called , the scottish presbyterian eloquence . it is to be lamented , that men who call themselves ministers of the gospel ( being laid aside from their work ) imploy their time so ill , as to hatch false and railing accusations against their brethren , to render them odious and useless in the church . and if the author of this pamphlet were of another character , yet it is unsutable to christianity to use such artifices : but it is no new thing , but hath alwayes been one of satans methods for hindering the progress of the gospel : the pamphlet under consideration is an evidence , that ill men and seducers use to wax worse and worse . for this man hath out-done all that went before him in this hellish way of managing his cause , and himself too ; ( if he was one of the former scriblers of this strain , as is supposed ) in malicious railing ; in the characters that he giveth to presbyterians , ( and that without exception of any among them ) and in the most groundless fictions , in the historical part of his book , that ever the press groaned under . i cannot imagine how such stories have been framed : for few of them were ever commonly talked of , even among the mockers of this age , till this worthy book saw the light , which hath furnished profane wits , with better helps to ridicule all that is serious , or sacred , than the world hath hitherto been acquainted with , and no doubt the author shall have his reward , for such a singular work , from the lord , as he deserveth it from man : if this collection of historical passages , had been this , authors alone , his invention must have been singularly fertile , when imployed about this subject ; exposing preaching and prayer : but i find , by page 116 , it was the product of many drunken meetings , where each man hath given in his symbole , out of which our author hath made up this bundle of lyes , as the creed of these lone-companions . he hath in this latter age engaged in this same work against presbyterians , ( and through their side , against them who regard the truth , in opposition to popery , and the practice of religion , as contrary to atheism and prophaness ) which their common master of old imployed porphyry and others in against christianity , and afterward not a few of the popish writers , against our reformers , and reformation , who endeavoured to make luther , and calvin , and other worthy servants of god , as black , and as ridiculous as this man doth the presbyterian ministers : neither hath his own party escaped the lash of such pens as his ; and that from such as disliked it , not as episcopal , but as protestant , as is to be seen in a piece called causes of the contempt of the clergy , whose ape this author seemeth to be : tho' i doe not know , that so many untruths in matters of fact , are in that book , as i am sure there are in this . they who read this book , and are strangers in scotland ( for none else is capable to believe one of many of his stories ) will think him an unnatural wretch , so to expose his native countrey : for can any rational man be perswaded , ( that scotland , being divided into presbyterians , and episcopalians , and whatever may be said of the lat●er , the former are so considerable a party of all ran●s , and owned as the legal church , by king and parliament ) that i say all the latter should be such learned and polite men , and the former such silly noddies , and illiterate fools : or will they not rather think , that scots men are a contemptiable crew , or that this man is a foul mouthed reviler of his nation , and a degenerat son , that so bespattereth his mother . no wise man will be at pains , to consider every passage in this pamphlet , nor could once reading it over be excusable ; but that it was needful to know what he saith : his general assertions concerning the presbyterians , need not another refutation than denying them , and appealing to all that know us , and are capable to judge impartially . neither his particular histories ; but by denying the matter of fact , and leaving it to him to prove them : together with the improbability of the thing , to all that know the persons whom he so belyeth ; that thousands who had causam sc●entiae of these passages do disown that they knew them , or heard such words as he alledgeth : if these topicks may have place , we can make it appear that seldom hath a book appeared in print , stuffed with more falsehoods and calumnies , and these manifestly and notourly such : which i hope will reflect that shame on himself , and his partners in these inventions , which he thinketh to throw on others . i come now to take some more particular notice of his book . what first occureth is , his mock dedication to the e. of c. where he treateth that noble and truly honourable person with that petulant contempt , which none but a man of this author's temper and breeding could be capable of . and he racketh his wit to say all the ill of his lordship , that is imputable to any person , not considering either truth or probability of what he writeth ; nor sparing to mock at the exercise of religion in that family , which hath been for many generations , and continueth to be , honoured for their zeal for , and practice of religion . his whole dedication deserveth no other refutation , but to be marked with a nigrum theta , as purely lies and railing . his first section pretendeth , to give us a character of the presbyteria● pastors and people in scotland : which he performeth most unjustly , and without either truth or candor . pag. 1. he asserteth that presbyterian preachers labour not to make good christians , but rigid presbyterians . this is so remote from truth , that no evidence of it can be given : and it is known to all their hearers , that in their sermons , catechising , and other instructions , and converse with their people , they insist constantly on such subjects as tend to awaken and humble sinners , and to let them see their need of christ ; and in directing and perswading them to come to god by him ; and on the duties that men owe to god and their neighbours : and that it is but rarely , that they insist on the differences that are among us , about church government . and their consciences bear them witness , that though they desire that all the people may be presbyterians , yet that desire beareth small , or no proportion , with the desire they have that christ may be formed in the hearts of their hearers . next pag. 2. he giveth us the character of the presbyterian people ( whom he most falsly affirmeth to be the guides of the church and that the ministers must follow them ) and that we assert the power of calling and constituting ministers is in the mob that they are void of sense and reason , and are led by fancy and ●regular passions . if this had been said of some , this author might have saved his credit : for what party of men have not among them some unintelligent persons ? but when it is said of the presbyterians in general , and no exception made , it is sufficient to derogate from the truth of all that he affirmeth , and to expose him as a person who hath no regard to truth . i appeal to all who converse in scotland , if the nobility , gentry , lawyers , physicians , merchants , and even the meaner sort of the people who are presbyterians , may not vye in all commendable accomplishments with them of the same ranks and stations , who are of the other perswasion . he giveth an instance of their want of common sense , that they will tell you , that ye ought to fight the battels of the lord , because it is said in epistle to the hebrews , without sheading of blood there is no remission . that ever any man talked at this rate , is more than i know or heard before ; nor am i obliged to believe it , because this author's veracity is pledged for it : but that he imputeth it as the sentiment of the party in general , and as a part of their character , is a piece of effrontery peculiar to this scribler . he next calleth them covetous and deceitful , with the same truth that hitherto he had used . it is to be lamented that these vices are so common every where , but the world knoweth that his own party has a full share of them ; and that as much of the contrary vertues are found among the presbyterians in scotland , as among any party of men on earth that they are not taught morality in the sermons that they hear , is so false as nothing can be more . 't is true , we preach not morality alone , as some do ; but instruct people in the mystery of christ , that they may look after righteousness in him , and attain gospel obedience to the law of god by dependance on him for strength to obey : but we preach the necessity of good works , and that moral vertues are not only the great ornament of practical religion , but a necessary part of it , without which all pretences to it , or appearances of it , are but hypocrisie . the debate he saith he had with one of them ( who must not be named lest the truth of the matter of fact be enquired into ) proveth no more ( if what he saith be true , ) but that there was once an ignorant presbyterian in the world : and if we cannot find one as ignorant among his party , we shall confess that , so far , be hath the better of us . he had very little to say , when he blotted paper with the story of george flint , and the names he gave to his dogs : are we to answer for every indiscretion any plebe●an is guilty of . his next charge of perjury , cheating , lying , murther , &c. is of the same stamp with the former , that is , calumnious falshoods . the ignorance that he alledgeth to be found among them is not ( generally speaking ▪ to be compared with that found among his own party . neither is it asserted with any truth or modesty , that our people are not taught the lord's prayer , the creed , and the ten commandements . his instance of a shee-saint ( which with his mention of the sighing fraternity , are some of the flowers of his profane mocking rhetorick ) is either his own invention , or a single instance of an ignorant girle among the presbyterians , to prove that all the party is such : which is a frequent way of reasoning with this learned author . what follows p 5. of their conventicles producing many bastards , and the blasphemous abusing of scripture , whereby he saith , they defended it , is a parcel of the most horrid and wicked lies that ever were invented on earth , or in hell. our souls abhorr such principles : and for these practices , though we do not deny that such scandals have fallen out among presbyterians , yet through the mercy of god , it is rare , and is severly censured when it happeneth : whereas among his own party , it is common to a degree far beyond what has been seen among us : and when they were in power , such scandals were but slackly censured ; so that one thing that maketh the looser sort of people dislike the presbyterians , is , that such immoralities are more strictly observed and censured than before . the odious story that he ( in his usual jeering strain ) telleth of mr. williamson , hath been indeed talked of among many men of this author's kidney ; but we challenge him , or any other ▪ to bring any rational evidence of the truth of it , as may easily be done , if the thing be as he saith : but this was never yet attempted by any of them ; which is a sufficient exculpation of him , even by his adversaries . if they will attempt it and get not a fair hearing , or if they will prove it , and do not see justice done on the offender , then let them reflect on presbyterians : but without this they are to be held as malicious calumniatours : this very story was answered in another paper , which this author pretendeth to answer : but he taketh no notice of what was there said ; but is resolved it shall be believed , with , or against reason . what impudence is it to say , that mr. williamson was admired for this fact , or that he used scripture to defend , or excuse it . we are not ashamed of the gloss on rom. 7. which he pretendeth to ridicule ( though never any of us used it to defend sin ) that the apostle there speaketh in the person of an unregenerat man , is the gloss of arminians , contrary to the sentiments of all other reformed divines , as well as presbyterians . i wish this author had given us a specimen of his learning , to confirm what he alledgeth : but he is shie of that , for some reasons ; thinking it enough to disparage the learning of others , without shewing his own , in refuting of what they hold . but his consequence that he draweth from the opinion that the apostle speaketh of himself in that place , sheweth no small degree of ignorance , that this place is a good defence for for●●cation : doth it follow in the regenerate there are inclinations to sin , ergo , they may sin , and are to be excused in it . it is as ignorant and wide a consequence , that he inferreth , that the hieght of carnality ●s consistent with the greatest grace : for grace . especially the greatest grace , is imployed in resisting , and mortifying these inclinations : whereas the hieght of carnality lyeth in giving way to and fulfilling them . the two instances that follow of two women guilty of uncleanness , and odious hypocrisy joined with it , look like his own invention : he is sure they cannot be disproved , because no person is named , if he will prove the fact against any persons , he shall see presbyterians vindicated from this imputation , by the censures of the church duely executed on so vile persons . what he telleth us of peoples being moved with a loud and a whineing , tone and being affected with what they understand not , is another of his calumnies . none preach more intelligibly then presbyterians ordinarly do : and no people judge of preaching by the truth and usefulness of the matter , more then the more intelligent presbyterians : and if any are commoved by what they understand not , ( as sometimes is observed among some of the ignorant vulgar ) this is far more frequently found among them who cleaved to the episcopalians when they had the churches , than among them who owned the presbyterians . what he saith of s●uffing and twang of the nose ( a notion borrowed out of cleavland , another such profane mocker as himself ) and being more affected with a sermon of railing and nonsense than with christs sermon on the mount ; is like the rest of his affirmations , pure railing and falsehoods : the confirmation of this from what he alledgeth mr. d. d. to have said , is not concludent , for we have but his word for the truth of the story ( and his reader by this time know of what value that is ) and that good man once an eminent preacher , hath been for many years under hypochondriack melancholy , and often speaketh at random . nothing can be more false then what is said p. 8. that they take it for a sure evidence on their death-beds that it is well with them , because they never heard a curate in their lifetime if any have said , or thought so , we judge them deluded as he doth but we meet with no such person , nor do we own any such opinion . his citation out of review of history of indulgence , is a full proof against him , that these are not the sentiments of presbyterians ; but reproved by them , when found among some who had gone out from among the presbyterians . the stories about two persons executed for b●stiality ; i am not obliged to believe , unless i hear them from better hands , which i never did , but supposing the truth of them , they prove no more but that some of the v●lest of men might , on design , personate presbyterians : or that there were some strangely deluded persons that went out from among that party ; as they were who were called the sweet singers , some of whom ( as hath been reported ) tore outsome places of the bible where words were found that displeased them . but it is the height of malice , to impute these things to presbyterians , who did always testify their dislike of such principles and practices , more than other men did : and do reckon the whole bible and all the other parts of it sacred . he bringeth the rising in arms at bothwelb●●dge as a proof of their delusion : but this is not to be imputed to presbyterians in general , seing it was the deed of a few : and was no formed design ; but was the effect of horrid and unsupportable persecution from the episcopal party : the doctrines preached at that season , which he mentioneth , may rationally be look't on as his own invention , of what he thought probable : as better historians than he , do often make speeches and attribute them to generals of armies , as spoken by them to animate the souldiers . that any of the presbyterians ever thought that all bishops were cloven footed : that they had no shadow : is what i never heard before : but i am sure if this book should obtain belief in the world ( as i hope it shall not , while men are rational ) strangers will look on scotch presbyterians as more monstrous than ever any ignorant persons among vs could imagine bishops to be : and it will be little credit to his party , that the learned writters among them , have as absurd imaginations of men , and things , as he can impute ( though falsely ) to the most ignorant among us . the long story that filleth up page 11 and 12 : of a preacher who came to the merse , and there discoursed most absurdly , on ezek. 1. and reasoned as ridiculously with a minister ; this tale i say , i never heard before . and though our author telleth us , it was proved before very many famous witnesses in edinburgh ; yet is he neither pleased to name the preacher , nor what place of the merse ( which is a large country ) this happened in , nor the minister with whom he reasoned , nor these famous witnesses in edinburgh : so that we are wholly out of capacity to enquire into the truth of this fact. if such a person were known , the presbyterian church would soon stop his mouth from preaching , for they abhorre such ridiculous nonsense . his next essay in which he laboureth from page 12. to 14. is to give a true character of the presbyterian preachers ; where he spueth out all the gall against them that he is capable to vent : about which i observe 1. that he feigneth a strange uniformity among them , as if not only the practice and natural temper of them all ; but their very looks were the same , as page 12. which is a plain evidence that the man hath as little judgement to contrive a fiction well , as he hath veracity to oblidge him to speak nothing but truth . 2. most of his instances whereby he proveth his strange assertions , are but one or two to prove one part of their character : and if ye will not believe , sic de ceateris , he will be puzled to convince any one of the truth of what he affirmeth : if we should do so by his party , how black could we make them all : but we abhore such injustice to the reputations of men. 3. most of his instances are taken from some of the hill preachers , who then were in a perfect separation from all the rest of the presbyterians , and spake as much against them , as against those whom they called curats . 4. his whole discourse is stuffed with the most notorious falsehoods that can be devised , as will appear as we go along . the author seemeth to have but one design , to disparage the presbyterians : and his impetus this way maketh him not only forget veracity , which may be expected from a christian ; but that decorum which becometh a wise man : and the civility that a man of breeding would shew to the worst of men. it seemeth he careth not what he say , if he can but say ill of the presbyterians : and an impartial reader will think that the author hath sufficiently characterized himself ; while he pretendeth to give a character of the presbyterian ministers . 5. when he hath a mind to expose any of our ministers as absurd , or ridiculous ; he is then pleased ( most disingenuously ) to advance him to be one of the most eminent among us , that so he may make the world believe ( if their credulity be as large as his boldness in asserting ) that we are all such : but this silly artifice will fail of its design among them who are acquainted with us . he first accuseth them ( and that without exception ) as proud , soure , unconversible . here is not one true word : where one is such among us ( and never a party consisted of all its individuals so well tempered as they should be ) many are such among his own party , and yet we are far from being so unmanly as to make this the character of the party . i leave it to the reader to judge what humility or sweetness of mind our author hath shewed in what he hath said , or in what followeth : that they have faces like their horrid decree of reprobation . where he venteth his spite against the truth of god , as well as against the men against whom he hath indignation . do not all the reformed divines , except arminians , own a decree of reprobation ? yea doth not the apostle so too ? rom. 9. i wonder what a face he thinketh the apostle paul had . he , and presbyterians need not be ashamed to have their pictures drawn , and shewed with that of this momus . if a presbyterian had spoken so ignorantly , and indistinctly of such a head of divinity , how would he have accused them of ignorance ? for who can own election , but they must at the same time acknowledge a preterition , or non-election , and that as a positive act of the divine will : see rom. 9. 13. and who can say that some are damned in time , and yet this damnation was not foreknown and foreappointed , or decreed by him who worketh all things according to the counsel of his own will. if this author will shew his argumentative talent , as well as he hath that of railing , on this head , it would be more easy to answer him . their want of humanity and common civility and catholick charity , are as many calumnies as words : he asserteth : i deny it , and appeal to all that converse commonly among them : but it is evident that what he asserteth of them he abundantly proveth of himself : such assertions being remote from all these vertues and good qualities . that they dare not converse with them who differ from them , lest the people take it ill , is false . they not only converse with them ( such of them as are sober ) but have received some of them into a share of the government of the church : and do not shun to converse with others of them as occasion requireth . and if any people be displeased at this ( as i am sure the more intelligent are not ) they instruct them of the reasonableness of this practice . his certainty that we have as little learning as good nature , which is next to none , is a proof this authors good nature ; as many other passages of this book are of his learning : about the measure i shall not determine ; seing it is easy for any unbyassed reader to judge . presbyterians differing from all other churches , he boldly asserteth . i deny not but there are some circumstantial things in which all the churches in the world do differ one from another ; and our church ( may be ) hath , in some of the inferiour things , her peculiar customs : but in her confession of faith , in her government of the church , and in the worship of god , it is evident that we are , ( for the substance of these ) exactly one with the generality of the reformed churches . and for the circumstances , we are far nearer to the reformed churches than the church of e. is , which he gloryeth so much in , and which indeed hath a government , discipline , and worship , widely different from the whole reformed world , yea on the matter they unchurch all other churches , by denying the validity of their ordination ; and re-ordaining all who have not a bishops hand laid on them . we are far from carrying so toward her , or any other church . that which goeth for a proof of this absurd assertion , i shall now consider . it is that we have banished the lords prayer , the creed , and the ten commandments , the doxology , and the publick reading of the scripture . for the first of these , it is false : for we endeavour to make the people understand it : and tell them the true use of it ; which is to direct them what to pray for , and also in most other things that concern prayer . it s true we do not commonly repeat the words of it , but we neither condemn them who do it , nor forbid to do it , our reason is , there is no command for using these words , nor do we find that the apostles or the church in their time did repeat the words . our reason for the other is , these words are as fit to be used as any other . it is false that the author of the answer to the ten questions , ( which he is pleased to ascribe to dr. rule , on what grounds he best knoweth ; for it beareth no name ) used this as a reason against repeating the lords prayer , that it is inconvenient : it is only said quest : 4 , p. 20. that we are not tyed to what had been injoined , if afterward it be found inconvenient while the discourse was of the use of the doxology , the creed at baptism , and the lord's prayer ; now if any of these be inconvenient , that assertion is pertinent , tho' the rest were not , but were forborn on other grounds . yea , if none of them were inconvenient , what is said there is enough to free us from nonconformity to the presbyterian churches on this head ; with which that antagonist chargeth us ; the words are plainly hypothetick , and therefore assert nothing categorically . them who use the words of the lord's prayer we do not judge , either as acting against what is lawful , or what is expedient . if mr. k. said , that he forbore repeating the lord's prayer , because it is a badge of the episcopal worship ; and did mean , it was pressed in scotland as such distinguishing mark , perhaps it were not so absurd as our author pretends , though i had rather say , we forbear it because it hath not now of a long time been the practice of the presbyterian church in scotland ; and we know no command or other principle that maketh it necessary . what followeth , imputed to mr. james urquhart , we reckon horrid blasphemy : and if any will make it appear that mr. u. said such words , he ought to be desposed , or to make very solemn profession of his repentance for this scandal : but mr. u. denyeth it , and biddeth defiance to any who will attempt to prove it against him ▪ the other blasphemies to the same purpose which follow , we abhore as much as he or any other can do . and i affirm that it is the grossest of falsehoods that it is ordinary to hear our people speak so , for my part i have never heard such words from any , nor have i heard by report that any did speak them , and i assure the world that if any among us were heard to utter such words they could not escape a severe censure . he saith the creed is not mentioned at baptism . this we deny not , but was it ever forbidden by our church , or were any ever censured for using it . we take parents bound to educate their children in the knowledge of the chief truths contained in the scriptures : and do often mention the confession of faith of this church , as containing a more full and plain system of scripture doctrine than the creed doth ; though not differing in any point from it . for our national engagements they are rarely mentioned at baptism , and but by few : but if they were , i know no hurt in it , except it be , offending some tender ears , who love not to hear of the ties which they have so little regarded , after they had taken them on . what he imputeth to mr. rule in denying this , we regard not . i am guilty of the same dishonesty , in saying what he ( or who ever that writer is ) saith in the place cited by our author : for these other honester presbyterians , whatever be their honesty we are not of their opinion . nor are the sentiments of presbyterians to be judged of by what they say , who had lest the presbyterians , and stood in opposition to them , when the papers he mentioneth were written . his imputation on mr. dickson ( that he called the lords prayer , creed , and ten commandments , rotten wheel-barrows to carry souls to hell ) i am not foreward to believe it , having nothing for it but this author's word : but if he said so , it was ill worded at best : and if he meant any more than to express the danger of peoples resting on having these by heart , as if that were to be religious : he deserveth to be censured : none of us disswade people from learning them ; but do seriously press it , and labour to make them understand them . that we have abolished publick reading of scripture , is a calumny : it is true in stead of reading by a private person ▪ we have the scripture read and expounded by the minister ; and that a chapter or psalm at once : and if any read but two or three verses , it is an abuse not allowed by us . that the precenter readeth a sermon in stead of reading scripture , is two falsehoods in one breath , one is that this is done : i have heard indeed that one hath read a written sermon while the people were conveening : but that this is either commonly , or alwayes done , i never heard : also that this is in stead of reading the scriptures , is false : for as hath been said the minister readeth and expoundeth scripture , in stead of what had wont to be read without exposition by a private person , who hath no authority to teach publickly . the doxology we use not , because we think scripture songs fittest to be sung as the publick worship of god : and this is not such ; though the matter of it be consonant to scripture . the idle story that he telleth of maggy twitting a minister with this , is probable enough to be one of his inventions : but if it were true , we think the minister was undiscreet , in calling it a malignant song . we confess the matter of it is sung in heaven : if he will prove that the words are so too , we shall use it : they talk much of the antiquity of this hymn which i am not now at leasure to enquire into : one of their divinity professors mr. william douglas at aberdeen ( a diligent searcher into antiquity ) psalm●d . eccles. vindicata . q. 13. p. 69. bringeth testimonies for it out of tertul : basil. &c. who speak not of that formula ; but glorifying the father , son , and holy ghost . and he citeth baronius , asserting it to have been used from the apostles time : but his authority in such things hath little weight with protestants : pope damasus in the 4 century , enjoined it : and it is probable that it was invented as a testimony against arianism : but so was the trina immersio ; which the episcopal church doth not think fit to retain . i assent to the author now cited : who after an heap of authorities that he had collected , saith , it is no defect of worship where it is left out : and that none should be offended with these churches that use it . we constantly do the same thing materially , naming the father , son , and holy ghost in the conclusion of our prayers . another quarrel he hath with presbyterian ministers is , they have no distinguishing garb from the lay men , i hope this is no singularity : what churches except these of rome and england , do distinguish their clergy by their garb : our ministers wear a grave and decent habit , and are mainly distinguished from the people , by the gravity and edifyingness of their conversation , which is a better characteristick , than a close sleeved gown on a drunken and swearing priest ▪ that they reproved the king's commissioner for appearing among them in a scarle● cloak , is a notorious falsehoood ; to call it no worse . his saying they did it , seemeth to make it a publick rebuke in the assembly ; or that it was done by the consent of all . we do not know that ever any did so much as reprove his grace privatly for this ; and if any did , they were impertinent in so doing : i never heard that any so much as whispered against it among themselves ; nor do i know a reason why the kings commissioner is obliged to use another garb than other persons of his rank . the long story that he bringeth in about mr. lesks call , for the sake of a quible used by my lord r. to the presbytry , is a silly piece of impertinency : only i take notice , that he alledgeth , that mr. lesk , had for him the elders ; which is false ; for none , in the sense of the law of scotland , are elders ; but such as are received by the presbyterians ; so as these men were not and for the episcopal church , they own no ruling elders ; and the law that set up that party ( having abolished all presbyterian judicatures ) did only allow ministers to chuse such of the people as they thought fit to assist them : which can be no true notion of a ruling elder : nor did ever such elders sit ; or vote , in their syn●ds . his denying us to be ministers , is an impudent assertion , which he doth not attempt to prove : and how it consisteth with the catholick charity , which he blameth us for the want of , i cannot apprehend . that we are called by the people we think it more sutable to the gospel way than to be imposed on the people by a patron : that we are sent by the people , or our fitness judged of and determined by them , is an impudent falsehood : our ministers are tryed and sent , or ordained , by the presbytry , who hath better warrant for so doing than a bishop hath : but if i should enlarge on every controverted point which this pamphletteer starteth in his rambling discourse , this paper should swell to a volume . he chargeth them p ▪ 16 with preaching still on the government , and the times : and that they call their kirk government christ , the crow● , the scepter , and government of christ. i deny not , but that there was a time when these controverted points were too much the subject of the sermons of some , and there may be need that they should be more insisted on at one time than at another : but that this is now so practised is most false . i am affraid we are rather defective that way , though i would not have these controversies made either the whole or the main part of sermons . in comparison , we should know nothing among the people but christ and him crucified . and i am sure that this is the strain of the presbytorian preachings that i have occasion to hear : that they call the government of the church , christ , and that is was not the design of their sermons , nor ever is like to be , to preach up christ and eternity ( which he asserteth , p. 17. ) is most false and calumnious : he pretendeth to trace them in their politicks morals , mysticks and metaphysicks ( a distinction of his own coyning ) and he saith , they are selfish , singular , full of nonsensick rapsod●es , which is a false and wicked calumnie . he beginneth with their politicks , he saith no government could tolerat them . whereas we know that the government and governours of scotland have tolerated and owned them many ages : and there is now as happy a government as ever scotland saw , which doth not only tolerat them but hath setled them by law. to prove his assertion he bringeth an instance of mr. donald cargill , a hill preacher whom yet he confesseth to have been disowned by the sober presbyterians : which maketh this instance wholly impertinent : but somewhat he must have to fill up his paper . the sober presbyterians are foully by him misrepresented that they disowned the hill men on account of their refusing to thank k. j. for his tolleration : whereas it is known that they disowned them on account of their wild principles , inconsistent with the government both of the state and of the church ; and that this they did long before k. j. came to the crown , or gave indulgence . it is also false that none but cameronians suffered any thing : and that all the sober presbyterians were setled by the indulgence . for many of the soberest were put to hard sufferings both for preaching , and for not complying with the way then set up . and when the indulgence came , which freed some who had suffered before ; it was at first granted but to a few : and when it was enlarged by k. charles some were permitted to enjoy it but a short time . it is unfair dealing , that when the review of hist. of indulgence ( which he citeth ) doth condemn and refute these principles , he should yet charge us with them . if mr. d. did so condemn ( as this author alledgeth ) paying cess to the k. ( the truth of which i know not ) his brethren with whom he now joineth , did never approve of such doctrine . he telleth us of acts of assemblies and covenants , which prove our unpeaceableness such of them as have been cited in other places by his party , have been answered : we cannot answer such general alledgances , but by denying that either the acts of the assemblies , or the covenants , contain any thing that prove what he asserteth . the book he mentioneth ( which i have not seen ) it is like may have an answer , if it deserve it . if it assert that presbyterians renounce monarchy , and all power save that of the kirk : so absurd a position is to be despised , being abundantly refuted by our due subjection to our present rulers , which sober presbyterians payed also to them under whose heavy hand they groaned . for farther proof of this imputation he mentioneth murthers committed in 3 rebellions : but he must know that his own party gave the rise to all these , by their horrid cruelty , and injustice which forced people beyond the bounds of that patience that was fit . he blameth their flying to arms in the time of the late revolution ; but doth not tell his reader , that it was by publick authority , and for defence of the states of the nation , against them who were ready to destroy them , or hinder their meeting . all this hath been alledged and answered in other papers . the men who he alledgeth did last year endeavour to have the solemn league and covenant by force renewed and imposed , were none of the presbyterians : though they call themselves such ; nor can this be charged on us , more than all the practices of the anabaptists in germany can be rationally imputed to the protestants , which yet his friends the papists do , and that from the same spirit by which this man is acted . he considereth p. 19 the learning of the presbyterians : which he is pleased to confine to two heads , antiarminian metaphisick , and practical divinity , which they pretend to draw from the heads of election and reprobation ; whereby they preach men out of their wits , and very often into despair , and self murther . nothing can be more falsely , more disingenuously , nor more maliciously uttered . the former he barely asserteth . we acknowledge that scotch presbyterians are generally antiarminians ; but that they bring no arguments against that way but from the metaphysicks ( which may be useful in the controversies about predetermination . free will , and scientia media ) is false , altho' it is a wonder that he will allow so much learning to be among us . we can , and do , disprove all the arminian doctrines from the scripture , and sound reason , as augustine , bradwardine , and others before us had refuted the pelagians , their ancestors . on the other calumny he insisteth at length , but with weak and ridiculous proofs . the design of his discourse seemeth to be to ridicule all soul-trouble , and fears and doubts about ones souls case , and about salvation , as melancboly and distraction . what service some men of his atheistical temper have done to the kingdom of satan , by thus skarring people from serious considering the state and danger of their souls , is too well known : our opinion and practice in this matter i shall briefly declare , and then consider what he bringeth against either . we believe that the lord hath , of his own soveraign pleasure , chosen some from eternity to obtain salvation by jesus christ in the way of repentance and believing in christ , and perseverance in holy walking ; and we believe also that he hath passed by others and from eternity decreed not to give them grace , and decreed to damn them , because of the sins that he foresaw would follow on this preterition , or on their not getting grace from him . these deep mysteries of the divine providence we do not often , nor without necessity insist on in sermons ; though we think we ought not to be wholly silent where the lord hath spoken in his word : far less is it our practice to draw consequences from these decrees , to frighten people , or to lead them to despair : but on the contrary ( whereas troubled souls do often abuse these truths , and satan assists them in it , to move them to cast of thoughts of believing in christ , as a hopeless and bootless thing ) we use to tell them , that though the election of a particular person may be known by the fruits of holiness , yet that such a person , in particular , is a reprobate , cannot be known before their death by themselves nor by others ( except they be guilty of the sin against the holy ghost , which is rarely known ) and therefore none can rationally say , i am a reprobate , and therefore need not come to christ ; we inform them from the gospel that whoever will come to christ shall be accepted of him and shall find that they are no reprobates : we tell them of christs being able to save to the uttermost , of the free , gracious , cordial , universal offer of christ made in the gospel : of his undertaking in the covenant of grace to draw the soul to him , to give it strength to come , as well as to accept of them who come : and it is evident to all that know us , that none do more encourage sinners , even the worst of them , to close with the offers of christ by faith on the terms of the gospel , then presbyterians do . it is true , it is no small part of our work to awaken the consciences of secure sinners : and this is that which this man , and such as he , carp at : but this we do , not by telling them of reprobation , but by laying before them the sinfulness of their nature , and of their way , their lyableness to the wrath of god because of sin : and the holy justice of god that pursueth sinners while they live without christ : and the impossibility of escaping wrath without believing , and of believing without conviction of sin and repentance , and turning from sin unto god : and if this doctrine were considered it would make awakening of conscience to be more frequent than it is ; but not that doctrine , but peoples own obstinacy and unbelief , will drive them into desperation : which we deny not may be the effect , though per accidens , of the preaching of the gospel , as sometimes hardning is . these things being considered it is easy to blow away all the obloquy that he casteth on us from this topick . if mr. brody called a man , on the brink of desperation , a good man : if mr. kir●oun called soul-trouble for sin a wholesome disease . i hope they did not mean that desperation is such ; but that it is a more hopeful thing to see a man to have his conscience frightned with the sense of sin and soul danger ; than that he should be lying in stupid presumption and delusion , or unconcerned about salvation ; as a fever coming upon a palsy is no desireable disease of it self , nor without danger ; yet it giveth more hope than if the palsy should continue and resist all remedies : and as no wise physician will designedly procure a feaver to a paralytick person , but endeavour the cure by more safe and gentle means , so we do not endeavour to beget desperation ; but to prevent it , by preaching the gospel with the law , yet the conscience must be awakened , or the soul is undone for ever . that any of us represent god in this mans blasphemous notion , as a sour , severe , and vnmerciful being ; is a false ▪ and wicked imputation : we proclaim his mercy through christ , and offer it in his name , to all that hear us , good and bad , on the terms of the gospel , indeed we tell people that there is no mercy in god for them while they live impenitently in sin , and live without christ , and if this make men despair , we lament it . that mr. vetch said of 2000 who were hearing them , 80 would not be saved , i do not believe ; it is unwarrantable boldness so to determine ; neither is it our way to go farther in this head , than to say , there are few that shall be saved , which is our lords own doctrine . what he imputeth to mr. selkrig is none of our doctrine we know that god seeth sin in the elect before conversion , and imputeth it to them too , though after conversion he knoweth that they sin ▪ and is angry with them because of it , yet their sin is pardoned on their repentance and flying to christ ▪ their iniquity sha●l not be their ruine , ezek. 18. 30. we mantain that no sin shall hinder the conversion of the elect , nor damn them who are converted : yet there is no encouragement to sin : because they who go on in sin to the end , can be none of gods elect : nor can they be in the state of grace who live in sin , or allow any sin in themselves . mr. rutherfurd's expression which he quarrelleth , is parallel with that of ezekiel . last cited . for the story of two self-murderers in the parish of leswade : we know nothing of it , if true , what doth it make against us : have not many of his own way come to that woful end ; and must that he made an argument against episcopacy ? that the presbyterian preacher in that parish discoursed at the rate that this author mentioneth , we have no ground to belive , nor do we approve such discourse . that presbyterians decry solid learning , and particularly antiquity , is said with a brow of brass . that we condemn morality , is a horrid calumny : we preach it up : and i wish that he or such as he who talk so much of it , did commend it to the people by their own example . for the book called , the whole duty of man , we commend it as useful ; and so are seneca's writtings : but we desiderate in it the doctrine of the righteousness of christ , and his vertues and grace , by which these excellent duties which that book layeth on us , must be performed and accepted , and without which the highest morality , as it is distinguished from supernatural grace , is not regarded by god. his characters of our sermons as nonsensick raptures , canting , impertinent and base similies , that we value no works , but what tendeth to propagate presbytry : that we make christ and the gospel to be our kirk government : are a parcel of such absurd lies as deserve no answer , no men do more mistake these things than we . if any do use sometimes some modes of expressing things , which are too course and low ; yet these are but few , and they are not approved in that way by others : and there are as many of his own party who are the same way culpable . that we are for the most part on believe , and mistake faith for a meer recumbency : it is no sign of understanding in this author to tax us with it , seing it was the apostles work to know nothing but christ and him crucified : and seing faith is called the work of god and his commandment , above other things that are enjoined : the ●dd way that some have of acting in the pulpit is barely asserted : certainly among no party all ministers are uniform in this . if there be any thing in this among us that amounteth to undecency , we reprove it ; which we rarely have occasion to do , and no doubt we might recriminate if we were so disposed : but we think this author's way not very imitable . that mr. thomas hog said to one that he could not be happy till he saw the devil , and had a personal converse and combat with him : is a pure invention , and not to be believed of that wise and good man , who is now in heaven : and i give assurance that it is no presbyterian principle . he cometh now pag 25 to discourse of the civility of presbyterians , and setteth them out as denying the common civilities due to mankind , to persons of the best rank who differ from them : the contrary of this is known to all them who converse in scotland : may be he meaneth of such as scruple to call a bishop my lord : which yet many presbyterians have freedom to do ; but do presbyterians carry so to the nobility and gentrie , that they flee from the company where a curat is , as a pest , and that this is a common sign of grace , is an assertion beyond the ordinary size of impudence : that we applaud and approve the murtherers of the arch-bishop of st. andr●ws ; is of the same stamp . now he will give some instances for proof of these assertions . the first is , the commissioners of the general assembly refused to appoint one to preach a sermon for the anniversary day of the martyrdom of k. charles the first , when the privy council enjoyned it , and that according to an act of parliament : ( which act is a ●eer invention of his own ▪ ) here is an instance of this author 's learned way of reasoning , rather than of the ru●ticity of the ministers : had they given the council any harsh or unbecoming words in this their refusal ▪ ●is instance had been pertinent : if a presbyterian had so reasoned , he would have called it nonsense : were the three children rude or uncivil when they refused to fall down before an image at the kings command ? i suppose he will not say it , though their answer was not half so smoothly worded as that of the ministers to the council : ( i do not compare the things ●njoyned , but only the carriage in both cases , of them who could not obey ) it is matter of conscience to us , to observe anniversary holy days without divine warrand : if any spake indiscreetly in their sermons on that day , themselves are to answer for it : the answer that he maketh the ministers to give to the council , is purely of his own coyning : if civility ly in subjecting the conscience to whatever men shall please to enjoyn ▪ we willingly yeild to this man and his party , in that good quality . his second instance , of what mr. areskine said , the day after the adjournment of the assembly , is as little to the purpose : for what ever it may prove of mr. a — 's dissatisfaction with what had past , it proveth nothing of ru●ticity , on of our denying to them we converse with , the common civilities due to mankind beside i deny that mr. areskine's words are here fairly represented ; and he is not no●● to answer for himself : but they who heard him deny that he spoke such words his 3d. instance is a gross untruth , the moderator said no such words as he alledgeth , that the terms of communion proposed by the king , for taking in the conformists , was insolently rejected by all the assembly , except mr. orrock ; is another falsehood : for 1. the consideration of this matter never came before the assembly : it was referred to a committee ; and the committees determination was never suffered by his grace my lord commissioner ▪ to come before the assembly . 2. the committee did not reject these terms of communion , but agreed to them , provided they who should be taken in would explain some dubious expressions in them , which they refused to do . another thing he falsly asserteth is , that the common discourse and preaching of presbyterians was , that king william designed to dethrone king jesvs : that any formula but the covenant , was of the devil 's making . i wish he could tell us who said so ; for we know them not . he saith also , that the who●● assembly protested against the king's power to dissolve the assembly , wher● as many in the assembly said nothing ; but were grieved for what others said , i● the manner in which it was spoken : and what was said , did no way amoun● to a protestation ; but was an assertion of the churches intrinsick power to mee● in her assemblies . that they went to the cross of edinburgh , and took a formal protestation against the king ; is so notoriously false , that all edinburgh knoweth the contrary . it was indeed reported ( whether true or false , i know not ) that a certain obscure person ( who he was , of what principle , or whence he came , we know not ; or whether he were not set on by this author , or some of his gang ) on the street , near the cross , did protest against the dissolution of the assembly ; but i hope the presbyterians are not to answer for every thing that is done at the cross of edinburgh . the several stories p. 28. and 29. that he hath either coyned , or pickt up from men of the same talent of invention with himself , we are little concerned in . i am sure presbyterians generally do love , honour , and pray cordially for king william , and do hope that as the the lord hath made him an instrument of good for his church , that so he will do still . he hath another fling at them for not observing anniversary days , which he repeateth , it seems , for the sake of a new notion that had come into his head ; that we preach an anniversary sermon on mr. heriot , because the preacher getteth 5 lib. a new hat , and bible . i pass in silence his mistake about the reward for the sermon , as not material . the real difference lyeth in this ; that the days that we have refused to keep are holy days , or pretended to be such , and separated by mens authority from the other days of the year : this that he objecteth , is not so ; only a sermon is that day preached to put people in mind of the works of charity , in which the pious founder of that hospital had been examplary . the rest of the day is imployed as other days are . he chargeth us with disingenuity , hypocrisie and covetousness ( according to his catholick charity , which he elsewhere denieth to be in us ) his proof of this is , we are against pluralities ; and yet dr. rule , mr. john vetch , mr. william vetch , mr. david williamson , mr. john dickson , are sueing for 5 or 6 stipends at once : and mr. ki●ton in edinburgh went to marten where he had been preacher , and got the incumbent put out , and a right to his stipend , and to that in edinburgh too . answ. 1. i have heard indeed that one of these named did petition the lords of council for one or two vacand stipends for one year , to make up some great losses that he had sustained ; what he obtained i am not certain . but even the motion was disrelished by his brethren : but this is far from approving pluralities where one man taketh up yearly the revenue of diverse places , by which a minister in each of these places should be maintained . 2. some of these whom he nameth are most shamefully abused by him ( for it seemeth he throweth his darts at random not caring where they hit , if they light but on a presbyterian ) mr. david williamson had no accession to this practice ; nor did mr , rule ever seek a stipend , or receive any , except what fell yearly due , and when it was due , in the place where he laboured . 3. as for mr. kirton , the stipend that became due to him at marten , most of it he freely gave to the episcopal minister that was put out ; the rest to the poor ; which this author might have known by a book , which he in this pamphlet pretendeth to answer . another story he hath to the same purpose of mr. anthony murray , who is now at rest from his labour , and whom he grossly belieth ; mr. murray having lived ( during his being put from his charge , at coulter ) in dunsire , and preached there : when he was to return to his own charge , he got the half of 1689 , in dunsire , and the other half of it in coulter : here is no plurality ; most of which he bestowed on the poor of these parishes ; for he was neither needy nor a niggard . the episcopal incumbent in dunsire , though put out , yet got the half of the stipend of the year 1691. the story of mr. george johnston is too famous among us : he grew rich by the beneficence of good people , who valued him highly for his excellent gift of preaching , and his good conversation in all things else , only he overlooked in his wife many covetous practices , which were a grief of heart to presbyterians , when they came to be known . the passages at the dying man's bed-side , that our author imputeth to mr. johnston , is a most wicked invention : such horrid hypocrisy had been enough among presbyterians to render a man uncapable to exercise the ministry . the story of mr. balf●ur we deny not , but lament : he was for it deposed by the presbytry ; and for many lords days did publickly profess his repentance at the several churches where he had occasionally preached . as well as at eccles , where he was fixed in a meeting-house ; and yet this author hath the impudence to charge presbyterians with this blame , and to bring them in , excusing or extenuating it as a slip of the saints : i wish scandals were as duely censured among his own party . what he telleth us of injury done to mr. heriot in dalkeith , is abundantly vindicated in a paper printed last year on that subject ; to which i referr the reader : he was first deposed by the presbytry , not for dancing about a bonfire ( tho that was mentioned also in his lybel ) but for other immoralities : he appealed to the general assembly , who referred his case to the synod ; they examined it , and ratified the sentence . he made application to the privy counsel , who desired the following synod to review their own sentence : which they did and again confirmed it . he hath taken it on trust ( because he hateth us ) that we are of a malicious and crabbed nature : and he strains at assigning the cause of it ; viz. that we never suffered affliction : which he largely insisteth on in his mocking stile : that the godly sisters supplied them so that they lived better than before : this our party needeth not be ashamed of : this mocker would have ridiculed christ also , to whom women ( the godly sisters that he flouteth ) ministred of their substance . the charity of his party is not so commendable by far . the railing and mocking that on this occasion he farther venteth , is not to be answered but to be despised , as the the froth of a distempered mind . it is not to be overlookt that he saith p. 84. that we disown the practices of the wild men , and yet magnify that persecution that they underwent , as if we had shared in it , which we did not . here are several mistakes ( to use the softest words that such absurdities are capable of ) first that we counted them all wild men who had an hand in the insurrections and suffered : we know many of them were good and sober men otherwise , tho' in these practices we do not approve their conduct ; yet pity them , as being forced on these courses by the highest degree of hardship , that they were put to for their consciences . 2dly . that none but they who took arms suffered any thing , how many were fined in a fourth part of their yearly rent for hearing one sermon : how many intercommuned , imprisoned , forced to flee , for not hearing ? yea the spite of that party appeared more against the soberest than against others . 3dly . these whom the book that he ascribeth to mr. rule calleth wild-men , were a party which sprung out of them who took arms , and disowned the presbyterian church as well as the episcopal men , and state : of these indeed some suffered for disowning the kings authority ; but few in comparison of others . as for mr. wisharts sufferings , we do not approve the severity that was used against him ; but do commend his moderation and charity after he was advanced : but i am sure many presbyterians suffered as much , and shewed as much meekness to their persecutors . he compareth the meekness , and moderation of episcopal men when in power , with the ingratitude of presbyterians , who now are the instruments of persecuting them that saved them : and he bringeth two instances ; one of a nameless person who informed against mr. monro of stirling ; another , of one ronaldson against on mr. burnet , minister at cranston . i deny not but some few of the episcopal ministers had aversion from that horrid persecution that their brethren practised , and did some acts of kindness to some of the sufferers ; and i am sure when these persons had to do with presbyterian judicatories , they had respect to them for that their moderation ; but if one or two were not so thankful as was fit to their benefactors ( which yet is not sufficiently prov'd by this authors assertion ) the presbyterians blame such actions , and are not to be blamed for them . his citation out of mr. d. d. sermon , is answered , as another of the same persons above . he chargeth us that singly we condemn the proceedings of our party , but in meettings we approve them ; this is a gross calumny ; if he can charge any individual among us with such disingenuous dealing , and make it appear in any particular act , we shall blame such practices as much as he can ; but that he hath not attempted . in what remaineth of this section , tho' there is nothing of truth , yet the author is secure from a refutation of his lies ; because they are a bundle of calumnies in general terms , without either instances , or any thing that looketh like a proof . that the presbyterian ministers do either preach so fillily as he saith , or are deserted by their hearers , or even by persons of the best rank and understanding , is most false : and i am sure their people are generally of better morals than they are who leave them . that we condemn making use of books in composing sermons ; is false : we disprove repeating of other mens sermons , as it is known some of their most eminent men have done , and that ordinarily : but there is an other use of books then transcribing large parcells of them : if any of ours have done so , let them bear their blame ; i am sure it is not so common with us , as it is with his own party . after all these falsehoods , he hath the impudence to say that these things are too well known to be denied among us : i appeal to all the nation if ever they heard of most of his stories , till his book brought them to light ; yea it is known among us , that many of them are down right lies . our author in his second section ( having said so much against presbyterians without book in his first ) will now make surer work , and expose them out of their printed books , which every one may read , and judge whether he dealeth fairly with them or not . but even here his candor will be found short of that which becometh a christian ; for he chargeth some things on the presbyterians , on account of things written by men who were as opposite to the sober presbyterians as to episcopal men ; what is in others of their books he doth often misrepresent . but the thing will appear more clearly in particulars , to be observed as we go along . the first he dealeth with is a sermon of mr. william guthry ; who was an eminent servant of god ; he hath now been dead 20 or 30 years . the sermon be saith is fall of curse● , and he citeth one passage in it , which i am sure no presbyterian will approve . he saith that sermon is mightily applauded in the west . he is not ashamed to reproach the living and the dead . for all that knew mr. william guthry , will averr that such horrid and rude expressions are not like to have dropped from his mouth . i have indeed heard of a sermon that went under mr. guthries name ; which was pretended to have been written from his mouth , ( but by some ignorant and unskilful person ) and printed without his knowledge whether this may not be the sermon he speaketh of i know not ; that sermon i have never seen , and therefore cannot tell how faithfully the words are cited by our author . and surely if the people in the west were so taken with it , we should have heard more of it , i cannot meet with any person who knoweth any thing of it . his next citation we are little concerned in , mr. walwood was one of the hill preachers who did not much favour the soberer sort of presbyterians ; neither do i know the truth of what is alledged , having never seen that sermon . he cometh next to some of the sermons that were preached before the parliament ( where he unmannerly and calumniously reflecteth on a person of great worth , and honour his majesties high commissioner the earl of melvill : others of them , which were also printed , he taketh no notice of : he falsely ( as well as in a wickedly scoffing ( strain asserteth that these sermons were carefully kept from malignant hands : for they were exposed to publick sale , and called in the streets , as other prints use to be : so that every one who pleased might have them . that these sermons , extol presbyterian government with epithites due to the gospel , as christs bride , &c. is impudently asserted : he is challenged to shew where this is done : they commend christs bride , gods house &c. but do never give ground to think that they mean only of church-government , but evidence that they mean the reformation of the church , in doctrine worship , and discipline ; whereof presbyterian government is but a part , and not the chief part : these preachers spake to a parliament who had under consideration the christian reformed religion , contained in the confession of faith , and therefore had good ground to put them in mind of the great weight of what was before them , though presbytry had deserved no regard . what he citeth out of mr. spaldings sermon is very applicable to what i have mentioned : indeed if the reader will allow all this mans glosses on these sermons , and think that they mean whatever he fancieth , they may be lookt on as absurd enough : but let this be observed once for all , that tho' presbyterians never thought that the whole of the interest of religion , nor the chief part of it , lay in the setting up presbytry ; yet they look on it as christs ordinance and therefore the setting it up is one thing that belongeth to building of the house of god : and if he can disprove this notion of things , let him produce his strong reasons . he next dealeth with mr. rules sermon : where first he quarreleth with the text , and from it observeth that their ( the presbyterians ) texts are generally out of the obscurest places of the old testament , where an intelligent reader will laugh at his folly , unless he can make it appear , first that mr. r. is presbyterians in general , or either that he always hath such texts ; or presbyterians generally do as he did at this time , in chusing their texts . 2. that isai. 2. 2. is one of the obscurest places of the old testament . he next affirms that mr. r. taketh it for granted that the mountain of the lord , there spoken of , is expresly meant of scottish presbytry : how he can make this appear is hard to guess : for no such thing is said , or hinted or implyed , in any part or passage of that sermon : yea nor is presbytry so much as once mentioned , either expresly or by circumlocution in it , but what the parliament is there exhorted to , is , to settle the true religion among us , and to establish the church in purity : to which we deny not the setting up of presbytry doth belong . it is then a strange notion that he hath , that to us , the only true religion is scotch presbytry , but he thinketh his tongue is his own , who is lord over him . let any man read that sermon , and compare it , with this authors marginal , and other notes he hath on it , and he will find that the man can find no way to reach it , but by his own additions to it , not by any thing brought out of the discourse itself : and it may be observed that in that sermon the preacher did purposely shun mentioning our differences ; but pressed in general a reformation of the church by scripture , as may be gathered from the conclusion of his sermon in these words , i have not in this discourse been very particular , in bespeaking your care and zeal for the things controverted among us : partly because time doth not allow to insist on such debates : and partly , because i am confident they were men cordially for the advancement of the life and power of religion , they would readily fall in to accord about the things that have been the matter of our differences . these considered all his quibbles against this sermon will evanish like smoke . he useth this same quibbling way with mr. d. williamson's sermon : nothing that is in any degree to purpose he bringeth against it , save on passage . viz. that presbyterian government is no light matter it is an ordinance of god the royal diadem of christ ; he was a martyre on this head , for it was his ditty on the cross , john. 19. 19. jesus of nazereth the king of the jews . a. it is evident that mr. w. doth there ( p. 17. ) speak in the general of a government in the church : and that christ was a martyr for his kingly office , one part of the exercise of which , is to appoint a government in his house : and if we can make appear ( as hath been done by several ) that the government of the church by the parity of presbyters is that government which christ insituted ● . and that this parity is observed in scotland ; then it will follow that scotch presbytry ( which he is thus pleased to vilify ) belongeth to ( tho' it be not the whole of ) christs royal diadem ; and that they who would set up another way do usurp upon the prerogative of christ. the sermon that he next maketh his observations on , and that from p. 45. to 49 seems to be done ( if his citations out of it be just , for i have not seen this sermon ) by one of too hot a temper : and there are many things in it that the more intelligent and sober presbyterians do not own : wherefore there needs no more be said in answer to what he asserteth against us from that discourse ; only on his margine he taketh notice , that mr. rule ( for all along he is pleased to suppose him to be the author of the answer to the five pamphlets ) denieth that it hath been used to take parents engaged , when their children are baptized , to the covenant . mr. rule ( or who ever be the author of this book ) saith only , that this is not the common practice in the presbyterian church now settled : and i do joyn with him in that assertion . neither do i know the contrary , as this author impudently imputeth to mr. r. the next book he taketh to task , the hind let loose , we also disown , as done by one who then headed a party who separated from almost all the presbyterian ministers in scotland : so that i have no more to answer of his book till p. 71 where he blameth us , that the author of the vindication disowneth that book , and yet it was never condemned by any publick deed of the presbyterians , a. will this author disown no book written by an episcopal man , unless it hath been condemned by some publick deed of their church , i suppose he will not say so . no church is obliged to condemn every faculty book in particular : it is a sufficient general condemnation of every errour , that a church do approve the truth , and do not teach any errour . before i pass from his notes on this book , i observe one falsehood twice asserted ; viz. on the margine of p. 56. and of 58. that the late assembly refused , at king williams desire , to admit any of the episcopal clergy with them into the exercise of the ministry ; and that they refused to receive them into any terms of peace , and communion . this i say is false ; for 1. the assembly were not suffered to bring in the resolution of their committee about that affair , nor to determine any thing in it . 2. their committee had concerted terms of communion with these men , but they would come into no terms with the assembly : for they refused to explain any one word in that formula which they proposed to the assembly : but of this a little was said before , and more afterwards may be said . p. 71. he beginneth to deal with another book , which he was pleased to make mr. rule the author of ; though it hath no name prefixed to it ; with this book he is very angry , and doth what his witt and malice ( which are very disproportioned ) can reach , to disparage the author : that we do not much reckon upon ; for we defend not men , but principles . if mr. rule were the author of that book , and if he had leisure for such work ; it is like this pamphlet had received a more exact answer : the book spoken of is , the second vindication &c. in answer to 5 pamphlets . he giveth it a very slight refutation , passing over the most material parts of it : and using his critical skill about some few things which fall in on the by , or that he thought to have more advantage against . he begineth with p. 125 of that book : where the author had said , that none of the ministers were murdered by the camer●nians ( for his words are not faithfully here cited ) he affirmeth that the author knoweth that instances might be given of ministers murdered by them . this is false , for we all know the contrary and it is strange that this author should be so confident in this , when he knoweth ( if he read the book that he refuteth any farther than here and there one line of ten ) that the author doth in the very next line challenge his antagonist to bring any such instance . and this man saith instances might be brought , but attempteth not to do it . what seemeth to be the proof of this confident assertion is a notable instance of our authors skill in logick : it is confest ( postser : of 2d vindication ) that some men and women invaded the house of a minister , tore off his cloaths , and beat him on the head and legs , which looked but too like a design to murther him . the consequent must be , e. they murthered him : on this strong argument he calleth the authors answers to what was charged on the presbyterians , a ridiculous disguising of what he could not deny : whether it be so or not , i hope readers will judge , by comparing what is said pro & contra , and not take it on this mans word : that mr. p. refused to answer the pamphlets , because he found it impossible to speak any thing in their ( presbyterians ) vindication but what all scotland knew to be false : this i say , is a bold assertion : mr. p. expressed no such reason for his refusal : but this pretender can by guess , assign the most secret reasons of things . he undertaketh to shew that in every page that book aboundeth with scurrilous railings , untruths , contradictions , and nonsense : and will charge these on the whole party , because they enjoined the writting of this by him who did write it : this is like our authors way of reasoning . i am perswaded that one shall not find so much nonsense in all that book as he hath here presented us with : for what sense is it , the party bid such an one answer such ●amphlets e. all the faults in the manner of writting are the blame of the whole party : if our author would make it appear that the general assembly enjoined the answerer to rail , write lies , contradictions , and nonsense , then indeed he spoke to the purpose : if not , these faults , if they be , are only chargeable on the author ; as the halting of the horse is on his being lame , not on the rider : and it is nonsense to lay the blame on them who are so innocent . the first of these accusations ( which he insisteth on p. 73 , 74 , 75. is scurrtlous railing . this he endeavoureth to make out , because preface p. 1. he calleth prelatists the seed of the serpent &c. let any one read that passage , and see whether either prelatists be named , or the words can be drawn to signify either all prelaticts , or that party in general . it is plain that they who are spoken of are a party of men ( who it is like may be found among the prelatists ) who had alwayes disquieted the church of scotland , and do now bespatter her with all the calumnies they can invent : the pamphlets answered in that book , and this , now under consideration , are a sufficient proof that such men there are among them : tho' we are far from thinking that all prelatists are such : for some we know who differ from us soberly and maintain their principles , not with such a spirit as appeareth in this pamphlet , but abhor such wayes , and are ashamed that their cause should be so patronized : this considered , all that he collecteth out of the preface falleth to the ground : men of his kidney , we say , use the stratagems of heathens , papists , yea that they do the devils work ; and what followeth : if he can disprove this , let him do . what he saith of the authors of their late books being charged with some ill things p. 73 if they be not retracted by the author of that book , shall be disowned by us all , if they can be made appear to be either false or unnecessary truths , who could shun calling these things lies , misrepresentations , &c. which are manifestly such , and made appear to be such : let any impartial reader compare what is said of these pamphlets with the passages to which they are applyed , and we are not afraid to endure his censure . we know moses could be provocked : the apostle paul spake harsh words to one who endeavoured to pervert the right wayes of god : and our lord himself called some men a generation of vipers . what he observeth out of p. 21. that it is said , that the prelatical party is eminent for spite is a misrepresentation , like what hath gone before : it is said of his party , that it is a degenerate sort of furious men ▪ that are a reproach to either episcopal , or any other party they own : and truly though i had not been said , this book is a proof , that such men may be met with in scotland the same is answered to what he objecteth out of p. 25 where episcopalians are not so much as mentioned . what he citeth out of p. 51 i do not find , if i knew where else to seek after it , i should consider it : but if the author he dealeth with have spoke so reproachfully of any worthy man , whose words are not manifestly such as he calleth them , let him hear his own blame . i wonder where the contradiction lyeth between p. 146. that our differences are irreconcilable without the yeilding of one party ( these last words he leaveth out ) and p. 1. they own the same religion with us : may not lesser difference be irreconcilable as well , as greater ? are not many differences in philosophie irreconcilable , and yet the persons differing may agree well enough , tho' not about that thing . out of p. 168 he citeth these words prelatists spend their short glass : whereas the words are his party spend — if this be fair dealing , let the reader judge . what is said of a snarling cur , p. 191 , was but the expression of a just indignation against a most vile reproach cast on a person famous in his day in all the churches , now when he hath many years been in glory , what he ranteth with ( while he chargeth ranting on others ) throughout p. 75 is not worthy of an answer . p. 76 , he falleth on another head of the faults he findeth with that book : whether it be the falsehoods , or the contradictions of it , is not easy to discern , he doth so jumble things together , but i shall take things as they come to hand . we disown that principle on which he saith much of that book is founded , dods you have been done by he might see ( sed impedit ira animum ne possit cernere verum ) that that very book doth blame the rable who did to others ; but a small part of what they had suffered from them : and if it do at any time excuse them by their sufferings , so far as to say , that they were to be pitied , and that it was but suitable to humane infirmity : i hope this is far from establishing such a principle as he mentioneth , or from building on it ; neither is their any ( much less a shameful ) contradiction here , or at every turn . it is rather a shameful ignorance of the nature of a contradiction to assert this . if cameronians be sometimes called godly , and sometimes wild and ungovernable : a contradiction is easily shuned , unless both propositions were universal ; which neither is nor can be alledged : there are of both sorte among them : and we deny not but some degree of wildness may consist with a degree of godliness , though it is to be lamented that they should meet in one person : it is not easy to determine what degree of sinfulness ( especially that which consisteth in , or floweth from errour in the understanding ) may consist with the least degree of grace : hence we have charity to some episcopal men , who we think have made very foul steps . another contradiction he either findeth or maketh , is , treating the adversaries as brethren , and at the same time calling them the seed of the serpent , devils , drunkards , &c. what is more obvious to them who will understand , than that it is the episcopal party whom we own as brethren , and would gladly engage to an union with us , on good terms : and yet there is a party among them ( especially of their late writers ) who deserve all these epithites that are alledged to be given them ( only they were never called devils in that book ) save that his work of false accusing is ascribed to them ; and if he pleaseth to draw this consequence , they are false accusers , e. devils , we shall not reclaim . yea , it is no inconsistency to treat these adversaries civilly , and yet tell them what they say or do amiss , and that in plain and proper terms . another great contradiction he bringeth , p. 77. i build not on hear-say or common fame : and i take many of the matters of fact from others : and the veracity of my informers , not mine , is pledged for them . i wish this author would study logick before he would undertake to write books any more . where is the contradiction between not asserting any thing on common report , and building on a particular report or information : a judge will not pass sentence on a common report . i have heard ; and it is reported , and an unnamed person told me so ; which is the strain of the pamphlets answered by that book : and yet he giveth a decreet on the testimony of particular witnesses ; tho' he hath no personal knowledge of the matter of fact. and why may not one who vindicateth others from false imputations , disown the one way of procedure , and yet make use of the other ? it must likeways be a contradiction with this learned author , that we do not interpose in the affairs of the church of england , tho' some of them have medled with ours beyond their line ; and yet we call them superstitious , popish , &c. hath he so little witt , as that he cannot distinguish between telling our opinion of a way , and medling in the affairs of them of that way : the one is matter of opinion , the other of practice . we think the popish way is wrong , but we manage no intrigues to pull down the triple crown , we leave that to them who are called by god for that work : some of the church of england have consulted , and contrived with our enemies in scotland , how to disquiet and over-turn us : we have done no such thing toward them . his construction on our asserting , that the covenant only bindeth us to concurr with england when called by them , in the reformation of the church : is his own , none of ours : and will be despised by impartial readers . he maketh it also a contradiction , that king james abdicated the government , and that the nation took away his royal authority . it is just such a contradiction as to say , that a man deserteth his wife , and will not dwell with her ; and therefore she obtaineth a divorce by course of law ; but these high points i unwillingly medle with . that the book he refuteth sayeth any where , that we owe no allegiance to king william , but in so far as he supporteth presbytry , is denied : i wish he had cited the page where such words were to be found . this will no way follow from what is cited out of the acts of the convention of estates . for episcopacy may never he restored , and yet presbytry not supported . what he is angry with , as reflecting on heredetary monarchy , the estates of the nation must answer for it , not the ministers of the gospel . another contradiction he fancieth , p. 79. it is said in that book p. 36. parag. 11. most of the episcopal ministers ( the words are , most of them who went out . for very many episcopal ministers neither went out , nor were put out ) were put out by their own consciences ; for they deserted their charges without threatning , sentence or compulsion . and yet p. 26. it is owned the presbyterian rable did persecute and drive them away . a child could tell him that there is no incoherency : for some left their charges the one way , and some the other way . but what most angereth him is , that it is said , these things were in an interegnum . which he saith is impossible in an heredetary kingdom , where the king never dyeth . whether the author of the 2d vindication , spake properly in this , let lawyers determine : i will not judge in such mat●ers : but i am sure there was then no exercise of government ; either in the state , or in church , which could take course with what was amiss ; and if the king cannot die in law ; how another could be set up , let the estates of the nation inform this bold asserter , by defending their own deed in a way suitable to their place : if our foundations may be thus shaken , impune , at the pleasure of private persons ; and k. ●'s interest so plainly , and publickly pleaded for , under king w. the government is in no safe condition . it is said 2d vindication , p. 26 , the oppressed people having potentiam , tho' not potestatem , it was not to be wondred at , that they relieved themselves : whence our author very wisely observeth ; it is no new thing for presbyterians to think power a sufficient call to act illegally : as if these were equivalent terms ; it is not to be wondred at , if such a thing be done : and there is a sufficient call to do it : the one importeth no more , but that there was provocation ; which we affirm that the rable had , the other that they had warrant , and that they did well in what they did : which was never asserted in the book that he refuteth ; but often , and expresly disowned . he doth indeed make a real contradiction ( which it seems he behooved to do ; for he could find none ) whereas he alledgeth that p. ●61 . it is said , in galloway the incumbents were generally driven away : and yet elsewhere , they deserted without threatning , or compulsion . the strength of this contradiction lyeth in his leaving out half of the sentence that he citeth ( by the like means he might make the scripture speak blasphemy : and so the devil cited it when he tempted christ to cast himself headlong ) the authors words are in galloway the incumbents were generally driven away , or deserted . we have next p. 80 a horrible contradiction : it is said p. 34 that the rable went away from mr. skinners house after they had eaten . and p. 27. they took the poors box by force out of the house of mr. russel , and yet it is said p , 29 , that they are misrepresented , when it is said that they did eat and drink at the expence of them whom they rabled : and that all the reports of them , give account of their not laying their hands on the prey est. 2. 15. a. at mr. skinners house , they did eat at the invitation of the mr of the family : neither did they any violence to that family ; both which are expressed in the place that our author citeth : but it was not fit to take notice of these circumstances , for it would have spoiled the designed contradiction : if he can instance , where they took meat or drink by force , than may be glory in a contradiction , at lest a falsehood . for taking the poors box , it was not laying hand on the prey ; for they offered security , that the box , and money and other utensils of the church , should be safely kept , and restored to them who should be concerned in that church : but this also must be overlookt for the former reason : if he can make it appear , that they put any of these goods to any other than the proper use , or disposed of them to themselves , he should say somewhat to the purpose . yet another contradiction , p. 80 ▪ it is said 2 vind , p , 145. it is better that england and scotland be not united , than that the institutions of christ should be thwarted ; and yet it is said , may not two nations trade together , and be governed by the same laws : and yet bear with one another , as to church ways ? i confess my shallow wit cannot reach a contradiction in these two assertions . the author is there answering an argument brought why episcopacy should be the church government of scotland , because without it we can not have a national union with england ; and he bringeth these two answers ; either of which is sufficient . if he think that the author of the 2d vindication meant , that england , and scotland might be united in trade , and civil government ; and yet not so united : then certainly , either that author or this , must be a very dunse . on this occasion he asketh ; may not the west of scotland , and the other parts of that kingdom trade together , and be governed by the same laws , and yet the west not impose their kirk ways on the rest of the kingdom : and here he triumpheth , with a responde gilberte . — some will think this fine notion no great matter of triumph ; but rather it exposeth the meanness of the authors understanding . i hope he will accept of a rational answer , tho' it be from another hand then mr. rules , whom he there insulteth over . i say first ; there were no inconsistency , nor would imply both parts of a contradiction , if presbytry should be in the west , and episcopacy in other parts of the nation : tho' it might breed much breed much confusion ; and were an irrational setlement , scotland being one national church . 2. the reason why the same government should be setled all the nation over , is , because there is but one government instituted , or warranted in scripture . if our rulers had other grounds for this determination , these do not weaken , but strengthen this . 3. it is false that the west imposeth on the rest of the nation : the law hath setled the same church government through the whole nation ; and it is not in the west only that that government is desired by ministers and people . amidst his pretended contradictions he findeth p. 81. some other faults , with this book , that it saith p , 151 , presbyterian government was setled by christ : and this he doubteth whether it be an oath , or not : but saith ▪ that it is an oath is most natural to the words . an intelligent reader will wonder how such a construction could be put upon such words by one whose witt is not a wool-gathering : but his wonder shall be increased if he shall read the whole passage out of the book it self , which is , we desired to meet for other ends , than setling the presbyterian government , we know it was setled long before by christ as his institution but fain he would disprove the truth of this assertion which he endeavoureth by two topicks , well suited to the size of his learning : the former is , he setteth down a most ridiculous parcel of arguments against episcopacy ; which he saith , is our ordinary cant : can he produce any author among us that ever used such a way of a reasoning ? and this he is obliged to do , seing that which he professeth to be now on , is , to give some expressions out of their printed books , as the title of this his second section beareth : if the meannest of our party should talk at that rate , we would sharply rebuke them : if there be not on our side found stronger arguments against episcopacy , we shall yeild the cause . if he cannot tell us where these passages are to be found ( as he hath not done ) i leave to the world to pass a judgement on his conscience and honesty ; i take notice of two things that he observeth , before i come to his other mighty argument . one is , we never call the apostle st. paul ; because he never swore the solemn league and covenant : this is to talk ridiculously , i will give him better reasons for this our practice ( tho' we can bear with them that do otherwayes than we do ) one is we usually give that glorious instrument in the work of the gospel , a more peculiar title than that of saint ; the apostle paul. every good man is a saint ; and every one canonized is called saint : but every one is not called an apostle : again the title of saint before the name of any person doth ( in the popish church from whence we derive this custom ) absolutely depend on the popes canonizing that person , as that of sir prefixed to ones name , on the kings knighting of him . they do not call a man saint only because he lived a holy life on earth , and is now in heaven : for then moses , aaron , david , &c. should have this title prefixed to their name , which the men i now debate with will not allow , nor do they practise it . farther it may be made appear that the primitive church did not thus saint . men , but when she also worshiped them , and their relicts . as the learned mede comment in clav apocal●pt sheweth out of surios in t : 6. no : 28. that when from council : constant : under comstantin : iconomach : some were sent to convince stephen the monk , he accused them , that they had banished the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saint , and would have these holy men called only apostles and martyrs . and cedrenus telleth us , that the same constantine made an universal law ( which , saith mede , was no doubt according to the sentence of the council ) that none of the servants of the lord should be called saint , but that their relicts , if found , should be neglected . hence some will inferr , that the use of this praenomen began with st. worship , though afterwards it was confirmed by canonization , as st. worship also was by the pope ; and therefore they ought to be laid aside together . it is true mr. mede laboureth to appropriate this prohibition to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as signifying the honour of intercession : but i would gladly know what other epithete , which can betranslated st. they put in the stead of it . neither do i find ground from any good author that ever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified an intercessor , but enough of this digression , which is sufficient to excuse presbyterians , in this matter . another thing i note on this first argument of our author , that he saith , the author of the 2d vind. from these ( viz. the senseless discourse that he had framed for us ) and such like arguments : allows no church , but the presbyterian to be of divine institution ; and unchurcheth all the episcopal churches ; while yet he denyeth not papists to be lawful ministers . the absurdity of this allegation is manifest to any that have read the book he mentioneth ; for from the beginning to the end of it , neither any of these arguments , nor any such arguments are mentioned , if he can point to the place where they are to be found , i shall bear what blame he pleaseth to affix upon me , on this account . the conclusion also that he draweth from these , and such like arguments is falsely , and disingeniously ascribed to that author : for no such conclusion is to be found in his book , we ever acknowledged episcopal churches ▪ to be true churches , and their ministers to be true ministers . his other argument is , if he can but refure the learned dr. pearsons defence of ignatius epistles , or shew us any authentick record , or received antient history , that presbytry was ever the government of the church ; than we shall yeild the cause . if he will not be of our opinion without this condition , let him even enjoy his own : for all that can be demanded that way having been abundantly done by several of our perswasion : neither that author , nor i , think it with our while to essay any thing farther for the sake of such a pitiful pamphlets as this : but if he will please to answer what our men have written ; it is like what he bringeth may be considered . it had been asserted by some of the pamphleters answered in the ●d vind , that in stead of 14 bishops , 60 were set up to rule the church : and he is pleased to call the answer to this , quibbles , but thinketh not fit to give any return to what is said in disproving of that absurd assertion : and so the whole of it standeth in its intire strength : only he affirmeth that all there said dependeth on this supposition , that the parliament is the church , because that the parliament put the government into the hand of those 60. it is strange that this writter will needs have the presbyterian ministers , and elders in scotland , when the government was setled by parliament to be but 60. where in the book he pretendeth to answer , it was told him that their representative , the general assembly , consisted of 116 ministers , and 47 ruling elders ; and nothing said to disprove it : but some will keep to the conclusion , let the premisses be what they will ; we are far from making the parliament the church : the presbyterians had intrinsick power to govern the church , and what the parliament did was no more but allowing the exercise of this power , and adding their civil sanction to it . p. 82 p. 83. he is very angry with an assertion , that we are for moderation ; and on the contrary he bringeth a multitude of accusations against us , partly false , and all of them abundantly answered , as of old ▪ when things were recent , so lately in the 1st and 2d vind : to which answers he doth not pretend to reply any thing , but confidently repeateth the former imputations . it is in vain to debate with men of this strain , or to answer what they say : i have seen some scolds so insist , in spite of all reason that could be brought against them : but for men pretending to learning to use such a method , is not usual . he speaketh p. 83. of an answer given in 2d . vind : p. 157 about a protestation given by some presbyters against the king , and some acts of parliament . i have lookt over that page , and some before and after it , and can find no such passage : and therefore must leave it till he give us a more distinct information about it . he findeth ( as he fancieth ) a plain contradiction ; that it is said ibid : that the fatal division about protestation and remonstrance was not so much as mentioned among us : and yet it was moved that some of the sentences of the remonstrators should be taken off what was moved in the assembly was , that some brethren had been deposed in the time of our late differences , and these sentences were taken off by other judicatories , that this might be confirmed by the general assembly , which was done . is here any reviving of these differences : if he childishly lay the stress on the word [ mentioning these differences ] he may know that old debates are said not to be mentioned , when they are sopite , not contended about , nor do divide the church into factions ; though they be discoursed of , as things that once had a beeing . he quarrelleth p. 84 , with the constitution of the general assembly ; but will not be at the pains to answer what hath been answered to either himself , or some of his brethren , making the same objection , in their former pamphlets . it was a general assembly of the presbyterian church , which had the ruling power by law , as it always had a right to it by the gospel . ●f he had proved that fasting on the lord's day , is making bold with it , he had spoken somewhat to the next purpose he falleth on ; or that he could shew that feasting is necessary on the lord's day , otherwise what he bringeth is not ad rem , what followeth p. 84 , 85. about purging work , is a piece of booff●nry , and a taste of the mans spirit and skill in reasoning : for what he addeth about complyers with episcopacy , professing repentance ; we do not controvert : only it is seen since that time , that others have followed the mans footsteps , of whom , he speaketh . what remains of his observations on that book , is , partly about the witnesses that are brought on both sides , for the matters of fact in rabling . it was alledged in the 2●d vind. that the witnesses to attest the rablings were generally the persons rabled : we not only derogate from their testimony on this account ; but we disprove what they affirm : on the other side , they are mostly other persons and if he can disprove what they testify , we shall , so far yeild to him . for his gentry , or ministers who are not parties in that particular ; we never rejected their testimony ; except when he telleth us a gentle man , or credible person , said so and so ; but we must not know who he is , nor enquire whether he said it or not . he next hath a long harangue to ridicule mr. rule ; ( whom he will needs have to be the author of that book ) as commending himself , and that pretty odly . for his vindication i recommend it to any who in this would be satisfied , to read the book , as to these passages where he will find half sentences , or passages dismembered without the antecedentia & consequentia , to give the whole an odious aspect . next that what was said ( whether by himself or another ) was se defendendo : or in defence of a brother , who was ( in these things ) reproached , and through his side the cause that he owned was exposed the apostle paul is a precedent in that case si liceat magnis componere parva . if the wrong numbering of the pages be taken notice of , for the readers better direction , this cannot escape our authors critical eye ; but must be placed among the faults of the 2d vindication . when he begun his censures on this book he promised ( magno hiatu ) to find , in every page , scurrilous railing , vntruths , contradictions , and nonsense : for the ▪ 1st , and 3d , he hath tryed his skill ; but i hope without success : on the 2d head he hath said little ; but for the 4th , tho' that be the talent they confidently ascribe to all presbyterians , he hath not so much as attempted any thing . it were well if this would make them more modest in their censures of us . mr. meldrum is the next person he dealeth with ; whose letter ( annexed to the former book , containing a vindication of himself from the false aspersions cast on him in the pamphlets this author would fain say some thing against : but findeth little matter for his witt , and malice to work upon : the 1st thing he quarrelleth is , a complaint that the pamphlets which reproach him are spread in england and hardly to be found in scotland : which he excuses , because they have not the liberty of the press , nor importing such books : and that some of them were taken in berwick . a. these of their railing pamphlets which have been imported were never challenged ; none ever came to trouble for them , tho' we well know who brought them into the country . the books taken at berwick were some copies of a piece against the civil state ; and striking at the foundation of the present setlement . it was not presbyterians that arrested them ; but those in chief authority under the king , who are not all presbyterians . next he blameth mr. m. for calling the covenant a sacred oath : against which he raileth , but doth not argue . i hope the want of the kings authority could not make the matter of the oath to be bad , if it be otherwise good . neither did the covenant want the royal authority : the national covenant was signed by k. i. and by c. 2. and the league and covenant also by the latter . again it is said by mr. m. that the submitting of some to reordination is scandalous all that he hath in answer to this is , some of the reformed french did submit to it , e. it is not scandalous . if this be a good argument i could tell him some of the french protestant ministers , and those of the most eminent that came to england refused to submit to it , e. it is scandalous ; his account of subscribing a paper that was said to be the oath of canonical obedience , our author is pleased to call shufting and shifting : and this is all the refutation he thinketh needful to to that discourse ; and so it standeth in its intire strength . that he lamented and yet continued in his canonical obedience . is an invidious representation . he lamented his signing of that paper : he did nothing but what he thought himself obliged to though he had never signed such a paper , which was not formal canonical obedience ; but performing of these duties that his office obliged him to , tho' there had been no bishop in the world. he putteth off all the rest of this letter and the book in which it is , by telling us it needed no answer ; whether it be so or not , let the readers judge . he now undertaketh another antagonist , the famous learned and holy mr samuel rutherfo●rd , who hath now a long time been , i hope , in glory : and whose same shall remain in the learned world , when the name of such an one as this scribler shall rot. among the many excellent ●●rks of that author , he singleth out his letters ; which were written on several occasions , in a familiar ( but most heavenly and affecting stile ) to private persons , some of them but of ordinary capacity , tho' of eminent piety : and without any design of being made more publick then between the writer and receiver . these were many years after his death collected , and printed by a great honourer of mr. rutherfo●rd . in these letters there are many passages that are expressed in words not very common but very apt and significant , and many homely similitudes are used ; but these most plain and expressive of the thing designed . but i challenge this moinus , with all his critical skill , to shew any thing in them that is unsound , that is derogatory from the majesty of god , or the glorious excellency of our redeemer , or that tendeth to corrupt the soul ; and not to engage it to christ , and to the way of holiness . there are indeed many passages uninte ligible by two sorts of persons , viz. by english men , who are not throughly acquainted with our language : and by men who are unacquainted with the exercises of a believing soul , and its communion with god in christ : which i suppose gave the occasion of this writters laborious transcribing these passages . there are many who speak evil of the things they know not . let them who are acquainted with the mystery and power of religion , consider these letters , and i am perswaded that , so far as they understand the language they are written in , they will have other thoug●ts of them than this author hath ▪ in the end of these citations , our author hath one short observation , which if ye will believe it ( and ye have his word for it ) will make all these letters most absurd : that is p. 95 all that is meant here by christ ▪ is presbyterian government . if presbyterians know , nor mind no more of christ but that , let them be hissed at and abhorred by all the world ; can the man who uttered this word have any regard to conscience , or credit ? is he to be lookt on as one who understandeth what he re●deth , or careth what he saith ? and not rather as a prophane mocker whose bands shall one day be made strong ? he concludeth this section with our principles about civil government , which he proveth out of some passages in publick papers in time of the late war between king and parliament . these were the effect of the unhappy differences , that then were ; which were man●ged by statesmen , and these not all presbyteri●ns : and the church , that was drawn along with them , did not consist of presbyterians wholly ( tho' that was then the publick profession ) as did appear when episcopacy was after set up . what he citeth out of the hind let loose , and jus populi , we will not answer : for these books were never owned by all , nor the generality of the more judicious presbyterians . i now proceed to his third , and last section , in the former of which he hath made a collection of notes of sermons ; a●d in the latter of passages in prayer said to be uttered by presbyterian ministers . i joyn these sections together , because they contain things of the same nature , and the answer to them is the same . to examine all the particular stories here set down ( considering to what distant times and places they relate ) would take much time , much pains , and also no small expence , for intelligence : and when all this were bestowed , the result would not be operae pretium ; tho' we should find all to be lies ; for many of them carry their improbability and falsehood in their face , and will be believed by none who is acquainted with scotland nor by strangers who have not enslaved their credulity to a party , whose work it is to disparage their opposits , and to get esteem to themselves ▪ by lies and forgeries , nor can the impudence of this author , expressed p. 116. in his asserting the truth of what he hath writen , be able to impose upon judicious and unbyassed persons . i shall not say , that all that he hath here narrated is lies , and pure forgeries ; ( tho' i solemnly declare that i know not any one passage among them to be folly true , as he relateth them ; nor can i meet with any person who hath such knowledge of them ) for i know there are among us some who are not : so polished as they should be , who may be guilty of some expressions that are rude , unexact , or too course or bald , and unbesee●ing the gravity and greatness of gospel truths . but i gladly would know what party of men are , or ever were in the world consisting of so many individuals , among whom some such might not be found . i am sure the episcopalians cannot pretend to it : if we were disposed , so to imploy our selves ( but we abhore to ●ake in such a dunghill ▪ we could muster up as long a list of passages , unbecoming the gospel● and that without lying or forgery ; i do not say we could equalize him for vile , and absurd stories : for i do not believe that it is incident to men who bear the christian name , or that ever stept into a pulpit in scotland , to speak some of the things he here relateth : and therefore we will not vie with him in the talent of writing at this rate . but we could make it appear that his party hath no cause to glory over ours , in the matter of freedom from indecencies in preaching and prayer . wherefore it is evident that the tendency of this part of his book is to expose his nation to the contempt of strangers ; yea to make the work of preaching ridiculous to a profane , atheistical generation ▪ who already misregard it the stories that he ( with the help of a cabal of the same spirit with himself ) hath collected for p. 116. he mentioneth the collectors of these notes are not all alike absurd , some of them being horrid blasphemies ; others ridiculous nonsense ; some false doctrine : some scurrilously obscene ; and there are some which have no other evil in them , but that the manner of expression is undecent , and too mean. so what is here narrated is not equal , as to truth or ground and occasion given for such stories . sometimes he disguiseth what was truly said , and putteth it in another dress , to make it ridiculous or absurd : others he maketh up , by tacking 2 or 3 passages together , which might be spoken at diverse times , and diverse occasions , and little harm in them : but when blended into one , they appear odd and become unsavoury . others again are pure fiction , and no occasion given for such report ; but the witt of the caball is both father and mother to them , and this scribler is the midwife at least . if i give a few instances of this kind , and bid him ( or any else ) defiance to prove them by any credible testimony , i hope the reader will think his whole collections sufficiently discredited , and this part of his book refuted . i give for instances two stories of mr. kirton , p. 105. another of his p. 107. and of mr. kennedy , ibid. also these of mr. artkine , and mr. kirton p. 108. and one of him in the top of p : 110 , and the 1st two of him p. 111. that prayer of mr. blair p , 113 , and especially what the author affirmeth that several in the meeting-houses of late have made use of the same expression : that prayer ascribed to a head of a colledge , p. 114. and that which followeth , beginning , good lord what have ye been doing &c. that prayer about the election of parliament members at edinburgh , p , 115. and the 1st of mr. areskine , ibid , that of mr. rule ibid , that prayer of the minister at the dissolution of the assembly : i might mention abundance more of them , which are as false and groundless forgeries as ever were uttered by any tongue : but these may suffice for a taste of the honesty of this author , and his collectors . what followeth in the last page sheweth to what an height of boldness one may come in averring known falsehoods , when he is left of god , to invent and spread them . hence this author hath the brow to say these are but a few of many thousand instances and that these are dayly used in their preachings and prayers : also , that though strangers will hardly believe these , yet they who are unfortunatly bound to converse with them are sadly sensible that all is true . and that many of the worst expressions are purposely left out : and this forfooth , under pretence of tenderness to offend the ears and eyes of modest readers , ( o horrid hypocrisy ) and that thousands in scotland of the best rank and reputation are ready to attest these . also , that presbyterians will not deny what they so much glory in , viz. this extraordinary way of preaching and praying , which they think an excellency and perfection , and call it a holy familiarity with god ; and a peculiar priviledge of the most refined saints . not one word of truth is in all this : the presbyterians are so far from glorying in such praying and preaching , that they abhore it , and judge , that they against whom such things can be proved , ought to be severly rebuked for the least of these : and for others of them , cast out of the ministry and no more be suffered to profane so holy a work , as preaching is . appendix our adversaries are not satisfied to reproach us at home , and in england ; but it seems have made it their business to misrepresent us all the world over , as far as the publick intelligence can reach : therefore have they prevailed upon the simplicity and credulity ( if it may not be imputed to a worse quality ) of the publick news-man , who writeth the monthly mercury in his news for april 1692 ; first to belie , and then to rail upon , the presbyterian church of scotland with open mouth : the former in his historical part , the other in his reflections , p. 147. and 149. if the writer be ignorant of the unhappy division , and difference of parties , and sentiments that are now in scotland , such ignorance rendereth him unqualified for his undertaking : if he know these things , he must either be strangely byassed to the one side ( and that side they every one knoweth is not generally inclined to the interest of king william and of the vnited netherland , but rather to that of king james and of france ) or he is wonderfully receptive of whatever is told him : none of which are proper inducements for an historian ; especially such an one as maketh so bold with all affairs . sacred and civil , as to subject them to his criti●al and decisive conclusions , and who so magisterially passeth sentence about them . if what he writes about scotch affairs , in the places above mentioned , be duely considered , and if men will receive due and imparti●l ●nformation about them , it will be enough to discredit all that he hath written ; unless he make a publick recantation of the injury he hath done to a whole church ( and consequently to the authority of king and parliament , who have thought fit to own that church , and establish her by law ) which hath deservedly been famous among the churches of the reformation ; to receive all his informations from one side , and neither to consider the probability of the matter , nor to hear what the other party hath to say for themselves , is such a conduct as is intollerable in one who pretendeth to inform the world of the truth and certainty of all occurrences . i intended farther to expose this author , but hearing that by his death we are out of hazard of being injured by him a second time , i onely shall give a true account of what he hath misrepresented : and for some other reasons i shall forbear a more full narrative which once was intended . he saith p. 147. that a synod of the presbyterians in scotland , met ( i suppose he meaneth of the general assembly , which was indicted by royal authority , with consent of the former assembly , which begun at edinburgh january 15. 1690 ) that they came to some heats in that assembly ; so that the earl of lothian , finding their heats increase , dissolved the synod . here are two palpable falsehoods in one breath ; one is , that they came to heats in that assembly ; and that these heats increased . nothing could be affirmed with less semblance of truth . i believe seldom have so great a body of men met about so weighty and difficult affairs , among whom less did appear that could be called heat . they had no heat with the episcopal men , who made address to them ; but treated them with all respect and civility , ( which they themselves did publickly acknowledge ) tho' they could not yield to what they demanded , for good and weighty reasons , which they gave for their determination . neither was there any heat among themselves , but did brotherly debate matters in the committee , and concluded on what course should be taken : in the assembly it self , the matter was not so much as debated : the opinion of the committee not being brought in before they were dissolved . the other falsehood is . that the earl of lothian dissolved the assembly on account of their heats . this is so far from truth , that his grace never complained of any heats , nor mentioned any such cause of his dissolving them , but only that they had sat long , and had not brought their business to a period . there was indeed some confusion at the dissolution of the assembly , by a cry that was raised in the house : but that was the effect of the dissolution ( or rather of the manner of it ) not the moving cause . the mercury doth farther injure the church of scotland , in the remarks that he maketh on his own false history : calling the presbyterians a terrible sort of people , that for the most part we find nothing in their assemblies but disunion , discord , and a spirit of persecution . no answer is fit for such an indefinite charge against a whole church , but to deny the truth of it ; and bid defyance to her adversaries ( whose tool this man was ) to prove what they lybel against her : every one will see that this pitiful historian hath brought nothing that can bear such a conclusion . it is also too great impudence and petulancy for a stranger to talk at this rate , against a church so much honoured by all learned and good men , who have known her , or her principles and way ; and that on so slender ground , as the information of her sworn enemies : and when even what account he hath given ( which is wholly false ) if true , could not amount to what deserveth such a censure : what if they had unreasonably refused communion with a sort of men who had stept out of the way , and who generally had so heavily persecuted them ? is this the whole of their actings in their assemblies ? make they no good acts ? do they nothing for bearing down sin and advancing of holiness ? he next compareth them to the priests of spain , and saith , they would erect an inquisition tribunal if they were not restrained . if the tongue and ●en be let loose at this ra●e , the best of men shall be made as black as hell , by such scandalous libellers , can he tell us what is in our way that is like the inquisition tribunal ? whom have we imprisoned ? whom have we burnt , or fined , or banished ? what civil punishments have we inflicted ? or have we censured any person for truth ? or forced any to tell the secret thoughts of their heart , and then taken their lives for them ? but why do i take so much notice of his spite against us : it is also spued out against protestants in general ; and these in other places as well as scotland . what religion he was of for his principles . i know not ; but i am sure in this narrative , and censure , he hath not shewed a christian spirit . how odiously doth he compare the presbyterians in scotland , and them who adher●d to the synod of d●rt in the netherlands , with the bishops and clergy of france . did ever either of these endeavour the extirpation of them who differed from them ; and that by so bloody and barbarous means as was the french dragooning . the scots presbyterians and the reformed in holland● must also be like the jesuites , who keep up the war between the emperour and the pope . but wherein , i pray you , lyeth this similitnde , do any of us medle in the affairs of state , or in the making of peace or war ? do also the ministers of holland intermix in these affairs ? the design of all this clamour is evident to be that the church , as well as the state , should give a vast toleration , and that of all kind of opinions and church practices , that the presbyterians should allow them who are for the jus divinum of episcopacy to govern the presbyterian church ; and suffer arminians to teach , and spread their doctrine in the congregations which are intrusted to the care of the presbyterians , and of whose souls they must give an account : and the ministers of holland should allow arminians to be ministers and elders , to teach and rule their flocks . and that it is not enough that they do not trouble them while they seduce their own followers ; but they must incorporate with them , as one body , both for teaching and ruling ▪ and nothing will please this man but the magistrates persecuting the church , unless she will take vipers into her bosom . we plead not that ministers may be suffered to do what they please ; as he invidiously representeth the matter : if ministers transgress the laws , let them be punished : if they oppress their neighbours , let them be restrained . but it is no good service to the interest of religion , to stir up the magistrat to restrain the church from exercising that government and discipline that christ hath instituted , and the law doth allow . it may rather be said , that it will not be well with the reformed world , if one of this man's temper be suffered to write what he pleaseth ; and that as the publick intelligence . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57858-e7540 this was written long before his ●eath . an husbandmans harrow to pull down the ridges of the presbyteriall government and to smooth, a little, the independent ... containing divers new and unanswerable arguments ... / written by ellis bradshavv ... bradshaw, ellis. 1649 approx. 265 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29130 wing b4144 estc r1233 13067041 ocm 13067041 97084 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29130) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97084) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 409:11) an husbandmans harrow to pull down the ridges of the presbyteriall government and to smooth, a little, the independent ... containing divers new and unanswerable arguments ... / written by ellis bradshavv ... bradshaw, ellis. [17], 88 p. printed for the author ..., london : 1649. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism. congregationalism. church polity -early works to 1800. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-07 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an husbandmans harrow to pull down the ridges of the presbyteriall government and to smooth , a little , the independent . that they and others may walk together upon plain scripture grounds , without stumbling on the ridgedness of either , or both . containing divers new and unanswerable arguments , properly deduced from sacred scriptures to this purpose , that have never yet been proposed by any on either partee , which induceth the husbandman to make thus bold whether welcome or no. and having prooved also the said scripturall arguments , that like teeth of steel , they will pull down the ridges , before they break or bend ; having been forced to try them upon ridged lands : because he could not walk upon either of their grounds without stumbling on the ridges . written by ellis bradshavv of the parish of bolton , in the county of lancaster , husbandman . london , printed for the author , and are to be sold at the black spread eagle at the west end of pauls . 1649. to the reader . beloved brethren ; who ever you be that shall read or hear , and understand those things that are here exprest . i desire briefly in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ , to admonish and exhort , yea , to kindle , and incourage you in the ways of truth , of meekness , and of righteousnesse , as psal . 45. & hebr. 1. but to danke , and daunt , and discourage the adversaries in every respect , wherein they doe oppose , or exalt themselves against the lord jesus , or against his scepter ; yea , against his kingdom , against his truth , and meekness , and righteousnesse , as hebr. 1. 8 , 9 , &c. for the time is come , that he hath taken to himself ( even ) his great power , and hath in ( measure ) raigned , as revel . 11. 17. nay , there is heard ( already , even ) a loud voyce , saying in heaven ; ( to wit , in the church ) now is salvation , and strength , and the kingdome of our god , and the power of his christ ; for the accuser of our brethren , ( to wit , sathan ) is already cast down , which accused them before our god day and night , as revel . 12. 10 , 11 , 12. and they have ( in measure alredy ) overcom by the bloud of the lamb , and by the word of their testimony . and if you aske ( who ) that have thus overcome . they are plainly noted what stamp they are [ of ; ] for they are of such , as have not loved their lives unto the very death . this is their stamp , and let it be their motto , for there is none more proper , neither any more precious , or truly honourable amongst the sons of men . and therefore rejoyce ye heavens , ( to wit , yee churches ) and ye that dwel in them . but wo be to the inhabitants of the earth , and of the sea , for the devil himself is come down unto you , [ and that ] having great wrath , knowing that he hath but a short time , till he must be inclosed , and chained up , in the bottomless pit , for a thousand years , as chap. 20. 1 , 2 , 3. for he must be shut up , and a seale set upon him , that he shall deceive the nations no more , till the thousand years shall be fulfilled : though after that , he must be loosed , for a little season . and therefore to dank , and dant , and discourage the adversaries ; and for terror and amazement , even to the people of god ; yea , such as fear his name , whether they be small or great . lest they should be ingaged on the adversaries part ; against michael , and against his angels , as revel . 12. 7. even against him , i meane , that is the first and the last , that liveth , and was dead , but that is now alive for evermore , amen : who hath the keys of hell and of death , chap. 1. 17 , 18. yea , for terror unto such , as shall ingage against him ; i might write a book , not only within , but on the backside ; like that spoken of in ezekiel ; and all full , even of bitter lamentations , and mournings , and woes . though it is doubtful , it should but be in ( vain to the most part . ) for even the people of god , that are his elect and precious , are many of them grown , even secure and careless ; yea , dull and uncapable of any deep impressions , either of fears , or hopes : and they are too apt , either not to [ hear , ] or when they have heard , to let the wordsslip , as heb. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. and so incur to themselves so much greater judgements , unless they repent . and therefore , woe , woe , and alass for ever , to all that do but neglect ; much more , that despise so great salvation , hebr. 2. 3 , 4 , to 9. yea , woe , woe , and alass for ever , to the inhabitants of the earth that forget god. and above all , unto them , that in measure know god , and yet in no measure will glorifie him as god , neither are thankful ; but become vaine in their imaginations , &c. as rom. 1. 21. yea , who have changed the truth of god into a lye : and worshipped , and served the creature ( yea any creature ) more then the creator , who is god indeed , blessed for ever , amen . yea , woe , woe , and alass for ever , unto those , who not likeing to retaine god in their knowledge , nor in their minds and thoughts , he shall give them over to a reprobate minde , to doe those things which are not convenient , being filled with all unrighteousness , &c. as the particulars are enumerated , rom. 1. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32. yea , woe unto the world because of offences : and though it must needs be , that offences shall come , yet woe unto such , by whom they come : it were better for them that a mill stone were hanged about their necks ; and they were cast into the sea , then that they should offend but one of the least of those little ones , ' that beleeve in christ , as matth. 18. & 3. to 14. and what ever men thinke , yea , though they care not to despise or offend , and reproach , yea even murther and destroy , and seek to root out , even the very names and posterities of any such little ones , that beleeve in christ ; making no more account of the killing of such , then of so many fleas . yet , it is not the will of their heavenly father , that so much as one of these little ones should perish , as vers . 14. and therefore it is , that he doth admonish us , how to deale with such , if they trespass against us , vers . 15 , &c. for precious in the sight of the lord is the death of his saints . and he will doubtless preserve their souls , though cruel cains , shall destroy their bodies : yea , he will doubtless , preserve the faithful , and plenteously reward every proud doer . but let it admonish such who are faithful , and that obey his voyce , to take heed unto themselves ; and if their brethren sin against them , tell them of their faults ; and if they repent , forgive them , &c. yea , though seven times over in one day , as mat. 18. for we are not allowed to hate our brethren in our hearts ; but to tel them of their faults plainly . neither is it lawful to judg and censure them , as rom. 15. 4. 7 , 10 , 12 , 13 , 19 , 22. & chap. 15. 1 , 2 , 3 , 5 , 6 , 7. according to appearance , but righteous judgement ; we are not allowed to account them as enemies , but to admonish them as brethren ; yea though they so far disobey , even the apostles sayings , as that we are necessarily ingaged , to withdraw from them , as 2 thes . 3. 6. and therefore woe unto such , what ever they be , whether presbyterians , or independants , that shall resist the truth , of which they are convinced , and shal , through partial respects to their own parts , seek the destruction either of other , and remain implacable , and malign , and hate , and despise their brethren , because in every respect they cannot accord to be of their minds , nor walk with them just in their ways , when yet not withstanding if partiallity do not blind their eyes , they may both see faults in their own ways , in which they are engaged , which no engagement ought to bind them to maintain or abide in after they are discovered , but they ought freely to confess their faults each to others , as james 4. 11. 12. & chap. 5. 16. being convinced of them , and both of them ought to consent freely to the wholesom words of our lord and saviour even jesus christ , and to the doctrine which is according to godliness , & not to teach otherwise ; but if any do , the apostle telleth us plainly , ( and we are apt to beleeve it , ) that such are puft up , and know nothing , but dote about questions and strifes of words , whereof cometh envy , strife , railing , evil surmisings , perverse disputings , of men , of corrupt minds , and destitute of the truth , supposing that gain is godliness : and biddeth timothy , from such to withdraw himself , as 1 tim. 6. 3 , 4 , 5. and we are apt to do as he advised timothy , for if it was good for timothy , it is in all liklihood good for us also ; and how shall we think such men honest , that will not approve of the things that are honest , as the apostle injoyneth them in another place ? for it is not enough not to oppose , or resist , and speak against such things , but they ought to approve them , and testifie their assent and agreement thereunto , so far forth as they are apparently honest or true , &c. else they do implicitely oppose and resist them , or shew their unwillingness to embrace and obey them , and that they are stubborn and rebellious , and even at enmity with god in those respects , because he crosseth them even in their own devices and ways , &c. and doubtless many good men in these our days are deeply engaged in this very sin , and yet we are not allowed to judg and censure them as enemies and apostates , but should love , and pity , and pray for them , considering our selves as also subject to the same failings . beloved brethren , the scripture is clear concerning jonas , that he was a prophet of the lord , and was immediately called and sent of god , as a choyce and famous man , to prophesie against nineve , and yet because that he knew the goodness and mercy of god , and that upon repentance he would pardon ; he was unwilling even to preach the preaching which the lord commanded him , in all likelihood , lest his future prophecying should be the worse credited ; and how rebelliously he carryed and demeaned himself , till he was forced through extremity , by the power of god , to submit unto him , and humble himself , and out of the belly of hell even to cry unto him : and after all that , being but a little afflicted for want of the gourd , how passionately angry and teeny he was , and durst profess stubbornly , even in the presence of god , speaking it vocably unto him , that he did well to be angry , even to the very death ; like a man desperate , and as he had been at enmity even with god himself ; and yet he was , doubtless , a man inspired with the spirit of god , and very intimate and familiar with him : look for this jonas 4. and therefore strange is the temper , and natural frailties and dispositions ( by nature ) of some good men : nay , who can we read of almost in scripture , though never so holy and fully inspired , but we may read likewise of their failings and infirmities , and of some of their gross and notorious sins ; as david in the matter of uriah ; peter in his dissimulation , and building up that by his practise , which he destroyed by his doctrine : and paul had his infirmities and pricks in the flesh after his conversion and calling to the ministry . elias also was a man subject to like passions , as the apostles were , who confessed themselves subject to like passions as others , acts 14. 15. and yet they were men full of faith , and of the holy ghost ; so was barnabas , so was peter , so were all the apostles , and many others , in whom we might instance ; and it would be useful to determine from murder , or [ hating ] of their brethren , which is no better then [ man-slaughter , ] as 1 john 3. 5. which many are too apt to take liberty to do , ( because they see some faults and miscarriages in them , ) as if it were a ground fully sufficient to excuse their malice , because they have some spots , yea some flesh , as well as spirit : and they will not beleeve , that any such have the spirit of god , because they have also a spirit of flesh , a law in their members , by which they are led captive , against the law of their minds ; for they will not consider that they have but the spirit of god in measure : and that it is needful they be sometimes left to their own strength , that they might remember , and freely acknowledg , by whose strength they stand , and give the glory to god ; for who is there , but is apt to think , that their mountains are made strong , so that they shall never be moved , and to judg , and censure , and condemn their brethren , and say of themselves like the proud pharisee , [ we are not like other men ? ] if they should not sometimes have pricks in the flesh , and messengers of satan sent to buffet them , a little matter will puss us up ; and therefore it is that the apostle admonisheth , that he that thinketh he standeth , should take ( special ) heed lest he fall . for by how much the more confident any man is in his own strength , by so much the more likely he is to fall : and by how much the more severe , rigorous , censorious , or uncharitable , any man is in judging of others ; by so much the more likely and sure he is so to fall himself , as to be justly culpable of the same , or worse then those whom he judged , condemned and censured . and therefore it is , that christ himself hath admonished us , judg not , that you be not judged , mat. 7. 1 , 2 , &c. rom. 2. 1 , to the end . chap. 7. and chap. 14. and should not they that are strong bear the infirmities of the weak , but they must please themselves ? should not every one of us please his neighbor in that which is good to edification , as christ himself also did ? rom. 15. 1 , 2 , 3. and chap. 14. and 1 cor. 16. 14. is it not the advice even of the holy ghost ? is it not the will of our heavenly father , that we should study the things that make for peace , and that might provoke unto love ? not unto wrath , nor to enmity nor hatred , but that which is the end of the commandment , and the very life and strength of all community , and of the commonwealth ; yea , the happiness and felicity of all kingdoms , yea governments , whatsoever , civil or ecclesiastical , and the subjects thereof . and it is the onely , or at least the chief sign of the dwelling of god , either in or amongst us : if we love one another , god dwelleth in us , and his love is perfect in us ; for god is love , and he that dwelleth in love , dwelleth in god , and god in him , 1 joh. 4. 12 , 16 , 20 , 21. and not onely so , but it is a token of his blessing likewise , for there the lord commandeth the blessing , yea , even permanent blessing , and that the chief of all , to wit , [ life ] for evermore , that is to say , where there is unity of brethren , and that they dwell so together , psa . 133. and continue in their love . and though it be true that in some good measure the spirit of life from god is already entred into the two witnesses , and they are creeping up to stand upon their feet ; so that great fear is ( in measure ) faln upon them that saw ( and insulted over ) them , as rev. 11. 10 , 11. yet , let us never expect the approbation of god , and to be called up to heaven , nor to ascend in a cloud to such eminent respect in the [ church universal ] which is meant by [ heaven ] vers . 12. till faith and love , which are the two proper and essential [ witnesses ] that are here meant , be inspired into us by the spirit of life from god , and shall raise and advance us , who are but the subjects in whom they recide , and who are but the instruments in whom they act , as a visible express of their invisible power and nature , &c. for the glory of god , and the terror and amazement of all his adversaties : for it is by faith , if we prevail with god , or do any thing worthy of respect with him , or in the sight of men , as heb. 11. and faith worketh by love ; and he that beleeveth hath the witness in himself : see 1 john 4. 7 , 8. so that if these two witnesses be inspired into us , and we be acted by them , it will be indeed to the terror and amazement of all our enemies , that are enemies of god. and there shall be such an earthquake in the same hour as shall affright a remnant , who shall give glory to the god of heaven ; and we shall bear a part in that triumphant song , vers . 15. to 18. and therefore edifying one another in faith and love , which are in christ jesus , ought to be the end and chief endeavor of all our business in church affairs , as it is the end of the whole law , and as i hope in god it shall be mine , who am , your brother in the lord jesus , ellis bradshaw . the contents . containing by way of preambulation , the grounds and rules , according to which the following discourse is held forth , drawn from the end of the commandment , which is love out of a pure heart , and a good conscience , and of faith unfeigned . pag. 1. 2. 3. 1. first , shewing the end of the commandment to be better in value , and more to esteemed then the means to accomplish it , and therefore ought to be chiesly eyed in all the way that leadeth thereunto . 2. secondly , the illustration and application of the foresaid end of the commandment , prescribed as foure rules , to try all laws , arguments , doctrines , & motives by , ●hether they lead properly to the end of the commandment , yea or no , that so we might embrace , or avoid them as we ought to do . pag. 4. 5. 6. 7. 3. thirdly , four grounds and arguments drawn from scripture , as intending , and tending to a reconciliation of the churches of god , in respect of the government and discipline there of , pa. 7. 1. the first from the lawfulness of chastity or marriage . pag. 8. 9. 2. the second from the lawfulness of community of goods , amongst such who can so agree , or the claiming of propriety amongst such who cannot . pag. 9. 10. 3. the third from the lawfulness of fasting , and prayer ; or of eating and drinking . pag. 10. 11. 4. and the fourth from the lawfulness of such , who think they ought , of being of the strictest sect of the true religion , such as were the pharisecs , or one more remisse , such as was the scribes . pag. 12. intending chiefly hereby to clear , that no man ought to blame anoother , for being more strict and conscientious , then he himself 〈◊〉 , or it may be [ needs ] or ought to be ; his calling of god , not ingaging him to it , as it doth the other , being bound in spirit to the quite contrary , and in conscience both . pag. 12. and one the other part , that those that are stricter ought not to blame such as are more remiss in some respects ; because for ought they know , they are so ingaged , and called of god , and either bound in conscience , or bound in spirit , within their own sphere . pag 12. conseq . the consequence where of being to this purpose , that they ought not therefore to compel each other , unto conformity , either to the strictness of the one , or the remisness of the other : proving that the magistrate ought to tollerate , or suffer both , and not to ingage them one against the other . pag. 12. 4. fourthly , the application of the aforesaid grounds , and arguments to the matter in hand ; to wit , to the churches , and the government thereof . pag. 13. 14. 15. 5. fiftly , first the application of the aforesaid grounds and conclusions by way of just reproofe unto both parties , because they do not agree , and live , and love , and carry as brethren . pag. 15. for which end the rule of charity is proposed , and a little proscsecuted pag. 16. 17. 18. 2. the punctual application of the precedent conclusions are briefly asserted ; first to the one , and secondly to the other , and a general consequence concluded thence . pag. 19. 6. an objection proposed and answered at large ; to wit , that seeing presbyteries plead that independents rules and ways of discipline , are not more strict , but more remisse , and loose in many respects , giving way for liberty of all religious without controule by the civil state , as so they speak of them : pag. 19. it is answered at large , that the rules and principles , according to which they engage to act , are manifestly stricter , and lawfully too , in divers particulars , which are held forth in several assertions , wherein likewise they are engaged , in duty and conscience , so to do : though it is not denyed , but many presbyterians are engaged in conscience to do the contrary , and are fully perswaded that they ought so to do for the time present . p. 20. 1. it is asserted , that they are justly stricter with whom they do incorporate and joyn themselves in church policy , because that , so far forth as their joyning together hath respect to the policy and government of the church , no church can be too strict . pag. 20. though , in other respects , they ought to joyn according to the rule of charity , and not of certainty , as in administration of the word and sacraments , as 1 cor. 16. 14. chap. 13. & chap. 10. 32 , 33. 2. it is asserted , that ( for the same ends , and reasons , and respects , alledged in the former ) they are justly strict and conscientious , and teach it as a duty , that all that are found , and known to be men of approved fidelity , within convenient bounds , should thus incorporate and joyn themselves ; and to engage themselves in covenant unto god , for better security and deeper engagement unto all brotherly and christian duties , and to deal impartially in all such business , as concerns them all , for the glory of god , and the churches good ; and to be wise as serpents , though innocent as doves . p. 21 , 22. 3. it is asserted , and proved at large , that the principles of independents are stricter , and neerer to the scripture rules , for edifying of the church , in that they do not limit the holy one of israel to speak in publique by the learned onely . p. 22 to 47 for proving whereof , 1. it is asserted from 1 cor. 12. 7 , to 12. that naturally and manifestly flows from hence ; that to whomsoever the manifestation of the spirit is given , it is given to such to profit withall . pag. 23. 2. it is proved against an objection to the contrary , that such who have the spirit of god , and are spiritualiz'd thereby , may discern all things , yea , the deep things of god , as 1 cor. 2. 10. 15. yea , though they be unlearned in the tongues ; and that the manifestations of the spirit may be evident and demonstrable , even in these our days , to such who are spiritual , though not unto others , as vers . 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. pag. 23. 24. 3. the particular gifts , or notes , or qualifications , or operations , or administrations , are the chief of them produced from sacred scripture , whereby the manifestation of the spirit of god , and of power , &c. may be evident and demonstrable in such as are not of those that are learned in the tongues , nor graduates in the schools , even in these our days , yea , and that in such who do no miracles . pag. 24. 4. it is asserted and proved against an objection , that these particular gifts and administrations , which are reckoned up by the apostle paul , cannot be so counterfeited by the carnal , but they may easily be discerned by those that are spiritual p. 24 , 25. and to that purpose there is divers notes from sacred scripture , which ( being found in any ) do prove for certain , and do evidently demonstrate , that it is indeed even the spirit of god that speaketh in them , yea though they do no miracles . pag. 25. 1. the first from john 7. 18. ibid. 2. from john 10. 10. 28. pag. 26. 3. from james 1. 17 , 18. ibid. 4. from john 16. 8. ibid. 5. from 1 cor. 4. 5. & chap. 14. 24 , 25. ibid. 6. from john 3. 21. ibid. 7. from phil. 2. 15 , 16. & ephes . 5. 13 , 14. ibid. but that the chiefest of all these particulars , or any that can be exhibited , is a clear understanding and knowledg of god , and of the sacred scriptures , and the secrets thereof , and of the secrets and mysteries of his sacred kingdom : because without all controversie , great is the mysterie of godliness , as the apostle saith , col. 1. 26. 27 , 28. rom. 16. 25. ephes . 3. 9. 2 tim. 1. 10. titus 1. 2. pag. 27. to which a reason is rendred , drawn from the contrary , luke 8. 10. mark 4. 33 , 34. mat. 13. ibid. and a consequence gathered , backed with 1 cor. 4. 5. & matth. 10. 19. ibid. and an objection answered , to satisfie such who count it immodesty . pag. 28. 1. and another to satisfie such who object , that speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , is not properly to prophecy , because prophecying is foreshewing of things to come ; which is fully answered , and clearly vindicated , that it is properly prophecying , as the apostle asserteth it from heb. 11. 1. & john 10. 10. & 1 john 5. 11 , 12 , 13. 1 cor. 14. 1 , 3 , 4. and the chief of all for the perfecting of the saints , and for the work of the ministry , and for the edification of the body of christ , ephes . 4. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. pag. 29. 2. and secondly , that it is a more present evidence and demonstration of the spirit then shewing of things to come , as agabus did ; for till the things be come , they do not manifest the spirit of god. pag. 29 , 30. 3. and thirdly , the danger is shewed to those that despise , or resist , and disparage these things or ways , &c. or them that use them ; or to any authority that will not suffer it , and give liberty to all them , whose spirit god hath raised , to build up the churches in their most holy faith , lest wrath be upon them from the lord , as ezra 1. 5 , 6. & chap. 13. 16 , 23. & chap. 8. 22 , 23. & psal . 2. pag. 31. 32 , 33. yea , that it is matter of dangerous consequence , either to act , or comply with such ; shew'd by many reasons , and all objections answered fully , which are too many , and too large to abreviate . pag. 47. 4 assertion is , concerning their independency , in respect of other churches , whiles they do well , as rom. 13. 3 , 4. & 1 pet. 3. to the 23. & chap. 4. 1 , 2. & 12. with the reasons that necessarily engage them so to stand , which are unanswerable . pag. 47. to 53. 5 assertion is , concerning their maintaining the power , and kingdom , and supremacy of christ ; in which it is shewed , that they necessarily assume democracy to maintain his monarchy against antichristian tyranny and usurpation . pag. 53. to 56. 6 assertion is , that they are justly stricter in keeping themselves within their own sphere , in not judging those that are without in the apostles sense , 1 cor. 5. 12. in a spiritual way , as mat. 18. 15. to 21. pag. 56. 57 , 58. having done with the presbyterians for the time present , here is three grand particulars instanced in against the independents , and punctually argued from scripture grounds . 1. first , concerning ordination of ministers , and other officers . pag. 58. to 63. 2. secondly , concerning the authoritative acting of an assembly of churches in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ , wherein is proved , that withdrawing of communion is not sufficient , but they ought to proceed even to excommunication , yea even to execration , if their sin so deserve , as for toleration of idolatry , blasphemy , and such haynous sins in their church-members or officers . pag. 63. to 68. 3. thirdly , concerning their strictness in tryal of all whom they admit to partake of the sacraments , which is named pag. 68. but prosecuted and argued against them from pag. 72. to the end of the book . but betwixt pag. 68. and pag. 72. the authors apprehensions , partly abreviating what hath formerly been said , are proposed briefly by way of result ; and then objections answered concerning this main difference about admission to the sacraments , and other particulars before named , to the end of the book . forasmuch as the author doth in all things hold forth charity , which is the bond of perfectness , col. 3. 14. and that we are bound to prove all things , hold fast that which is good , 1 thes . 5. 21. therefore , i say unto the ensuing treatise , imprimatur theodore jennings . august 9. 1649. an husbandmans harrow to pull down the ridges of the presbyteriall government , and to smooth a little the independent ; that both they and others might walk together upon plaine scripture grounds without stumbling on the ridgeness of either or both . the end of a thing ( saith wise solomon ) is better then the beginning thereof . therefore it follows , that the end of a thing ought chiefly to be eyed as a mark to shoot at , yea , as the complement , and perfection of all endeavours , and means , and waies to attain such end . and so likewise the apostle paul , by the spirit of god , giveth us clearely to understand , that the end of the commandement is love , out of a pure heart , and a good conscience , and faith unfained , 1 tim. 1. 5. from which we may justly argue ; that if love , &c. be the end of the commandement : and if the end be better , then the means , to attain it . cons . then the means for the accomplishment , ( and that should lead unto , or acquire such an end , ) ought not to be pleaded , or set against ; nor valued and esteemed above the end . reas . for then it utterly frustrates , and makes the meanes void , if we rob or spoile it of its proper end ; and so both end and means are utterly vain . instan . as for instance he that pleadeth the law against justice or legality of proceedings in matter of state , against the good , and peace , and safety of the people . he pleadeth against both the law , and justice , and against the good and safety of the people : and not only so , but he disparageth the law , and legall proceedings . as if they intended not , or at least , were not able to attaine their end , but were made on purpose to obstruct such justice , as ought to be their end , for which they are made . and though it is true , that the law of god , being of absolute perfection , can never properly be so pleaded ; yet unjustly , and improperly , it both may , and is ; though it ought not so to be , but the quite contrary , as hath been said . but how much more ought the lawes of men , ( being not absolutely perfect , nor sufficently wise to attain their end ) never to be pleaded ; but with chief reference , and cleare respect to the end thereof . so that he that objects , or pleads them at all ; should hold forth with them , even the end it self ; and should make it manifest , how the law he pleadeth , tendeth as a means , to acquire unto , or bring about such end : lest he plead the law against justice , as some have done ; though deeply learned in the laws of the land ; endangering thereby , to establish arbitrary , tyrannicall power , greater then before : concerning which , there is enough already , and at large exprest to the whole kingdom . only this i add , that i cannot but wonder , how any rationall man can ever desire such enslaving power ; or delight to use it , if he had it granted , considering 1. first , they can never rationally , nor justly expect , nor be certainly assured , of the cordial affection of any such subjects , who are but subjected by arbitrary , cruel and tyrannical power . for all subjection , that is but meerly enforc'd , is evidently clear , to be defective in love . 2. secondly all meer force by power , &c. is so far short of provoking unto love , or any cordial affection , or honor indeed ; as that it dis-ingageth and repels the affection , and force of love , and of all proper uniting principles ; and quite diverteth them into enmity and hatred , and dis-esteem : especially , in case , when the honor and service which is forc'd unto , is not just and proper ; but undue , unsuitable , and more then just , and without desert . 3. thirdly , as the scripture speaks , for a man to seek his own glory , is not glory , no , it is his shame ; for when pride commeth , then cometh shame : and it is not only lawful but even the bounden duty of them that love the lord , to hate evil , as pride , and arrogancie , and the evill way . and even the mouth that speaketh proud things , they ought to hate . 4. fourthly , what honor is it , or what glory , or renown , for a man to rule and have the command ; yea , or to sway a scepter over a kingdom of slaves ? were it not his shame amongst kingdoms of men ? and what renown could he possibly get in time of wars , by leading forth his slaves to battel , to engage them in service against armies of men ? would they not cowardly desert him , and leave him naked , rather then lose their lives , which are alwaies deare unto slavish men ? they are alwaies so ignoble , and of such timorous spirits , in case of danger . and then also , in regard they are not ingaged , nor bound cordially unto him , through personall love , and of their voluntary accord , but enslav'd through force ; they will not care , if they find an opportunity for their owne safety , and release from him , if they sell him into the hands of their greatest enemies , or lay violent hands on his person themselves , as it often is ; yea , and for the most part , there is few tyrants that escape murther , or just execution , but it is their end . by the just judgement of the merciful god , who loveth mercy , but hateth cruelty , wrong , and tyranny , and will avenge it , though justice faile in the hands of men , one time or other , look isai . 14. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. look also vers . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. for the same measure , that men mete unto others ; the same shall be measured unto them again . but why should i wonder , to see us all prone to be ambitious , proud , haughty ; seeing we are not fully and throughly rational , but in a great measure lead with sensuality . but were we throughly rational , how could we be proud , that are dust and ashes , and know our selves such , and that we are but mortal ? seeing he alone , who is the only potentate , the king of kings , and lord of lords , hath immortality , and dwelleth in light which is inaccessible , which no man can approach unto , whom no man hath seen , nor can see ; to whom alone be ascribed , honour and power everlasting , amen , amen . but thus much briefly , by way of introduction , or preambulation , to what i chiefly intend to fall upon , as of all points most meet and necessary , to be insisted on in these contentious , quarrellous , and perillous times : i mean , in regard of that great dissention , that is now amongst us , about the churches government , and discipline , &c. concerning which , i shall endeavour , through the grace of god , to keep close to the principles that i have premised , and that as briefly as may be . and shall cast in also even this poor mite into the churches treasury , and that by way of proposal , as ayming chiefely at the proper end , which is the end of the commandement , as hath been said . for without all controversie , that which is the end of all the commandements , should be all our ends , in all our endeavours , and undertakings . but the undoubted end of all the commandements , is doubtless , [ love ] out of a pure heart , and good conscience , and faith unfeigned . this therefore being the proper end ; i shall hold it forth in all the means , that i shall propose , from the law of god ; and shall carry it along in my own intention ; and also make it manifest , as much as possible , how such meanes , properly tendeth to atchieve that end ; and how useful and necessary such means is , to attain there unto , the lord assisting : who is able to do it , and to make it clear . 1. and first then , because it do appeare to be against [ love ] to god above all , and our neighbours as our selves . it is worthy to be rejected ; for even the whole law is contained in this ; yea , what ever it be that is against love , is against god ; for god is love , and love cometh of god ; and is shed abroad in our hearts by the holy ghost ; and if we be partakers of this divine love which is shed in our hearts , by the holy ghost ; we are made partakers of the godly nature ; and it is of all others , the first and chiefest of those fruits of the spirit , and the most essentiall , 1 joh. 4. 7 , 8 , 12 , 13 , 16 , 17. and so is a clear evidence , that god dwelleth in us , and we in him ; for the love of god is essentially of god , such love , i meane as cometh of god. 2. and secondly , if it do appear to be against this love , out of a pure heart ; it is also worthy to be rejected ; for what ever law , doctrine , or argument shall be proposed , to oblige men to in purity , either in heart , or life , it is without all controversie against the law of god ; for blessed are the pure in heart , for they shall see god , and men ought to keep themselves pure , mat. 5. 8. 1 tim. 5. 22. especially in heart , for thereout cometh the issues of life . 3. thirdly , if it be propos'd against a good conscience , it is worthy to be rejected , as not included in the law of god. for all laws , doctrines , or arguments , whatsoever they are that would ingage us against a good conscience , manifestly grounded on the word of god , and of sound doctrine , that cannot be reproved ; we ought to reject them , and yeeld no obedience , nor approbation thereunto , either in obedience unto men , or to please them , &c. for we must not be men pleasers , nor servants of men , but obey god rather then men ; and ought to love , and therefore serve , and honor , and please him , rather then men . for all the men in the whole universe , cannot by any meanes give men liberty of conscience to commit sinne ; if their conscience tell them , and be convinced from the law of god , that they ought not to do it , as rom. 2. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. but their consciences , will accuse , and condemne them also ; and that in the day of judgement , when god shall judge the secrets of men , by jesus christ , according to the gospel . therefore , as they cannot properly give men liberty of conscince , no more then save , and exempt men from punishment due for their sinnes against conscience ; they ought not to binde , or engage men to obedience unto any law , against a good conscience , rightly grounded on the law of god , as hath been said ; but should give men libertie , to be as strict and severe , and as carefull , and watchful , and as inquisitive is they please , how to keep a good conscience , voyd of offence both to god and men . 4. fourthly , if any law , or argument , or motion whatsoever , shall be made against faith ; to wit , unfaigned faith , as that we should not beleeve or trust in god , but in something else ; or that we should beleeve , or put hope and confidence in any thing else ; or that we should not beleeve whatsoever he saith , or proposeth to us in his sacred word , or biddeth us beleeve , &c. we ought to reject it ; yea , though all the men and churches in the world , would ingage us to beleeve , what they assert and resolve upon , as being most able , because wise and learned ; and because a multitude of counsellors to determine and resolve , what ought to be beleeved in such a case . yet if we certainly know , that the word of god affirmeth the contrary ; we ought to beleeve it , and to reject their resolves , and counsels and assertions , be they what they will ; and must not conform , nor comply with them , nor approve the same . but if an angel from heaven , or the whole world being become an arrian , should decree , or teach us , the arrian heresie , we should let him be accursed ; and so also for any other doctrine , then may be made manifest , as it ought to be , from sacred scripture . there is a time spoken of zach. 13. when men shall be so zealous against false prophets , and false prophesying , that a mans father and his mother that begat him , shall say unto him , thou shalt not live ; for thou speakest lyes in the name of the lord ; and his father and his mother , that begat him , shall thrust him through , when he prophesie , zach. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. we must therefore resolve , to let god be true , and every man a lyar , and therefore rather to beleeve him , then all , and every , or any man in the whole world . and also we must and ought to draw neer unto god , in full assurance of faith , not casting away our confidence in god , which hath great recompence of reward ; for faith in god is of all other graces , love excepted , the most chief and principal , and the most essential ; for it is said of faith and love , that they are in christ jesus ; yea , though now in heaven . it is not said , that they were in christ ▪ to wit , when he was on earth , but that they are in christ jesus ; for when the apostle writ so of him , he was ascended already into heaven ; yea , and though he be in heaven , yet he is said to dwel in mens hearts by faith. and therefore such faith may well be called a precious faith , being so properly essential to the spirit of christ ; as that where faith dwelleth , christ also dwelleth properly and essentially , even by his holy spirit : for faith and love , which are in christ jesus , are not onely fruits , but they are essentiall witnesses of his holy spirit abiding in us : he that beleeveth ( saith the apostle ) hath the witnesse in himself : 1 joh. 5. 10. and so he that loveth , it is also a witness that he is born of god , and knoweth god , chap. 4. 7. and that he also dwelleth in us , vers . 12. and that he hath given us of his spirit , vers . 13. and so that we are made partakers of the godly nature , 2 pet. 1. 4. and have in some measure , even the mind of christ , and the spirit of christ , though yet but in measure , because of our finite capacities : whereas in christ , even the fulness of the godhead dwelleth bodily , or rather essentially . therefore it follows , that what ever arguments , or laws , or doctrines , make against faith , or that but tend to the weakning thereof , or that would hinder our edifying , and being built up in faith and love , which are in christ jesus ; should utterly be rejected , as ungodly , unjust , untrue , opposite , and contradictory to the law of god , and to his sacred word , which is one , and cannot be broken , nor alleged properly for such an end ; and therefore these foure rules may stand as cautions , that we admit not any thing , contrary hereunto ; though it should be urged , and presented to us , or proposed , or commanded , in the name of god ; or as being grounded on his sacred word : for it it crosse , or oppose , or would deprive us , or make void to us this end of the commandement , to wit , love out of a pure heart , and good conscience , and faith unfained ; it is false , and wicked , and that which will not stand with the law it self , and therefore ought to be rejected of all good men : and therefore with full purpose to keep to these rules , as the end also of what i do intend , i shall further propose these ensuing grounds and arguments , both as intending and tending to a reconciliation , and full agreement of the church of god , in respect of government , and the discipline thereof , as hereafter follows . 1 ground is , that it is lawful , yea , and the bounden duty of some men , and of some women , to be more abstenious from things lawful in themselves , and to bind themselves to a stricter discipline then others need to engage themselves , or be bound unto , or be absteni●us from . reas . for it is the duty of some men , and of some women , to make themselves chaste for the kingdom of heavens sake , mat. 19 ●● . & 1 cor. 7. for the kingdom of heavens sake , that is to say , that they might be more free , both from the cares of this life , and from all carnal engagements , or disturbances , or distractions , and inducements whatsoever ; that might either trouble , or molest them , or engage their mindes , or withdraw their affections , or hinder their devotions , both of bodies and spirits , in respect of god. but that they might fully consecrate , and devote themselves , both soules and bodies , to the sacred government of his grace and spirit ; that the kingdom of god , by his grace and spirit , might have full scope and dominion in them , both of their soules and bodies ; and that they might more freely attend , and waite on the lord , without separation , or without disturbance , or cumber , or distraction , by any meanes : but might glorifie god both in their bodies and spirits : and that with all their hearts , with all their souls , with all their minds , and with all their strength , as so the law of god requires they should . for this is the measure of our love to god , that the law requires , and that christ exemplified , and commanded likewise , that he that can receive this , should receive it . and it is also the apostle pauls advice , by the spirit of god , as better for such , who can abstain that they should not marry , if they had power over their own wills ; that is to say , had they gift of continency , as matth. 19. 10 , 11. 1 cor. 7. 37 , 38 , 39. 40. and this also the apostle exemplified , and wished that all men were even as he himself in that particular . and thus therefore , i hope that no man will deny , but that it were better for some , both men and women ; such especially , who have the gift of continencie , to abstain from marriage , and make themselves chaste , for the kingdom of heavens sake , but that they may thus doe , it is good for such not to touch a woman , as 1 cor. 7. 1. and yet for all this , marriage is honourable amongst all men , and is ordained of god , and some are called of god to that estate ; and do in that estate , live a holy and a blameless life . enoch walked with god , after he begat methuselah , three hundred years , and begat sons and daughters , gen. 22. 24. of whom it was witnessed , that he had pleased god , and that he was therefore translated , that he should not see death , hebr. 11. 5. and it was lawfull for peter to lead about a wife , a sister , and so for the brethren of the lord , and cephas . and zachary and elizabeth were both righteous before the god , walking in the commandements , and ordinances of the lord blameless , as luke 1. 5 , 6. and david was a man after gods own heart , save in the matter of vriah : and yet had many wives , and concubines : and adam in innocency , before he sinned , had his wife , and was commanded to be fruitfull , and multiply , and replenish the earth , &c. and how else should men be multiplied , and succeed , &c. but by means of procreation , as god hath ordained , and appointed , and called men ; as doubtless , he hath , some after this manner , and some after that : for it were a wicked antichristian doctrine , to forbid to marry , or to command to abstaine from meats , which god hath commanded , to be received with thanks-giving , 1 tim. 4. 3 , 4 , 5. but such who are so called , and inclin'd for marriage , are not very suitable for consociation with such-as make themselves chaste , nor they for them , in these respects . 2. and secondly , it is lawful for some , to give all their goods unto the poor , and to give their bodies to be burned , 1 cor. 13. 3. and in case , when called of god , and required so to do , it is their duty . for the young man in the gospel , ought to have done so , as christ advised him , that he might be perfect . and it had been good for him so to have done ; for in consideration thereof , he might have had treasure in heaven , and have followed christ , math. 19. 21. and also , whosoever will save his life , ( when christ calleth him to part with it ) shall lose it ; but whosoever shall lose it for his sake , shall finde it , math. 16. 24 , 25 , 26. and math. 10. 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39. and it is lawfull for such , who are of one heart , and of one soul , to have all things common , and not to title , or claime any thing , that any of such possesseth as his own , acts 4. 32. but such , amongst such , as are possessors of lands , may lawfully sell them , and bring the price thereof , and lay it down at the ministers feet ; that distribution may be made unto every man , ( amongst them ) according as he hath need ; as vers . 34. 35. 37. but this community is only proper amongst such as are of one heart . and yet for all this , he that provideth not for his own , especially them of his houshold , he is worse then an infidel . and riches are given to some , as great blessings ; as to abraham , and david , and salomon , and joab , &c. and it is a more blessed things to be a giver , then a receiver . and men have a true and just propertie in their own goods , or estates , as acts 5. 4. and it is in their own power , neither ought any to be compelled to such community of goods , and estates ; nor to distribute and communicate , but as they doe it freely , of their own voluntary minds without grudging , or any impulsion , as of necessity , either to the poor , or to the ministery , as gal. 6. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. and 2 cor. 9. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , &c. and the apostle moved them ; not as speaking by commandement , but by reason of the forwardness of others , and the example of christ , who being rich , for their sakes became poor ; that they through his poverty might be rich , as chap. 8. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. and that supplying each others , there might be equallity , as vers . 14. 15. as doubtless , to such who are mutually affected , it is no more , but equal , and therefore a duty , but otherwise not , but were a sin . 3. it is lawful for a man to beat down his body , and to bring it in subjection , by fasting , and by labour and travaile night and day , as 2 cor. 11. 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , &c. it is not unlawfull to fast often ; yea , twice in the week , like the scribes and pharisees . yea , it is lawful for man and wife to defrande one another , with consent , for a time ; that they may give themselves unto fasting and prayer , so they come together again ; that satan tempt them not , for their incontinency , as 1 cor. 7. 5. and they that do thus , doubtless may see cause for it , why they should fast ( sometimes ) when they give themselves unto prayer . as first , because when the stomack is empty , the whole strength of the soul , and spirit , is set at liberty ; ( it not being bent and imployed in digestion of meat . ) that with full bent of all the powers , and faculties , both of soul and body , they may strive and wrestle with god in prayer , and be the more faithfull and confident ; and the more capable and apprehensive of spiritual understanding : for when the stomach is burthened and cloyed with meat , the strength of the spirit is necessarily engaged , for digestion of the same ; and makes the minde drowsie , and dull , and the more uncapable , and unfit for communion and fellowship with god , and for the presence and power of his holy spirit , working therein , and acting , and exercising , and inlarging the same , according to his will ; making request for the saints , according to the will of god , even with sight , and groans , that canned be expressed . it is therefore meet , upon serious occasions , of seeking unto god , that we fast and pray , with fulness of devotion , and fervencie of spirit , if we would obtain . and secondly , in regard that some things are not attainable ; some kind of devils not cast out , but by fasting and prayer , mar. 9. 29. which cleerly implies , that fasting and prayer jointly , are more powerfull and prevalent with god , then when severed , as prayer only . and yet for all this , it was lawful for peter , and the rest of the apostles to eat and drink , &c. and who could eat , or who else could hasten unto outward things , more then wise salomon , who seriously concludes ; that there is nothing better for a man , then that he should eat and drink , and he should make his soul to enjoy the fruit of his labour ; and this he saw , that it was of the hand of god. for god giveth to a man that is good in his sight , wisdom , and knowledge , and joy ; but to the sinner , he giveth travaile ; to gather , and to heap up , that he may give to him , that is good before god , eccles . 2. 24 , 25 , 26. and the lord jesus , even christ himselfe , as his own words do plainly declare ; that contrary to the practice of john the baptist , he the son of man came eating , and drinking , eating bread , and drinking wine ; insomuch that they said of him , behold a gluttenous man , and a wine-bibber , a friend of publicans and sinners , luke 7. 34. and the disciples of john fasted often , but his disciples fasted not whiles he was with them . and therefore it follows ; that as there is diversities of gifts , and of administrations , and operations given out by the self same spirit , dividing to every man severally as he will. even so accordingly , men are called of god , one after this manner , and another after that ; and have so also their proper gifts of god , as 1 cor. 7. 7. and as god hath distributed to every man , as the lord hath called every one , so he ought to walk , for so the apostle ordained in all churches , as vers . 17. and therefore it follows , that it must not be expected , that every man should be alike absteneous from the things of this life ; not bind themselves to so strict a discipline , both over their bodies and minds , &c. as some others , both will , and can , and ought , to doe . 4. the apostle paul , after the most strict sect of the jewish religion , he lived a pharisee ; which clearly implies , that at least , there were three that were several sects of the jewish religion ; of which the pharisees were the strictest ; and yet they were all religious men , and of the true religion too : there were scribes , and pharisees , and saduces , and all religious and zealous also in their own wayes , and according to their own traditions , and doctrines ; though they something differed amongst themselves ; yet they were all tolerated by the civil state ; and the civil state was not reprehended either by john the baptist , or by christ himself , for such toleration : but their false doctrines , and covetousness , and hypocrisie , were reproved , and sharply too . 1. consequence , and therefore it follows , that all ought not to be compell'd to engage themselves , to so strict , and holy , and severe a discipline , as ought to be tolerated , and practised by others who can embrace , and freely engage to endure the same , considering these grounds before named . 2. and secondly it follows , that a stricter discipline ought to be tolerated by the civil magistrate ; that such who please , and can freely accord , to engage themselves to the exercise thereof , ( amongst themselves ) may have liberty to doe it : provided they offer not to inforce their way . then ought to be imposed , or made as a general , and binding rule , or way of government , to which all must necessarily be ingaged in or bound unto . reason . for it is the duty of some men , as hath been said , to bind themselves to a stricter discipline then others need , or ought to doe . the one being qualified , through the grace of god , and fitted for it ; and so manifestly ingaged and called of god , so to doe : but the other not qualified ; nor so disposed , through the grace of god , are manifestly , engaged , and called of god , to the quite contrary , as in these foure instances , above written . 1. concerning chastity or marriage . 2. concerning community of goods , or claiming of propriety . 3. concerning fasting , or eating and drinking . 4. concerning being of the strictest sect of the true religion , such as was the pharsees ; or of one more remiss , such as was the scribes . but it will be demanded , how these may be applicable to the matter in hand ? i answer , that as the case stands betwixt man and man in these particulars ; so it doth also betwixt church and church : for they are all governed by the same law , and by the same spirit , and the case is the same in every respect ▪ 1. for such who make themselves chaste for the kingdom of heavens sake , it is good for such not to touch a woman , as 1 cor. 7. 1. and therefore they ought to be carefull how they carry themselves in such respects . and it is not lawful for such to marry , if they so resolve , and know they have power over their own wills , as hath beer said before . even so a church being rightly constituted , and having divine power , and authority given her , through faith in god , and the lord jesus christ : and that desires to be presented , as a chaste virgin onely unto christ , and to be governed by him . it is not lawful , for such a church , or at least , not good for her , to binde her selfe , to be subject to the vote , or power and jurisdiction of other churches that are not constituted as a chaste virgin onely unto christ ; and to be ruled by him , and by his word and spirit . or if they be not resolved , to be as chast as she , and as fully subject to the rules , and laws , and waies of christ , but think they ought to consociate with such , who are more loose in their doctrine , and government , and ways , &c. which as yet she cannot resolve to do , upon any principles she hath yet received from christ her head . and there is a resemblance nto a little remarkable , held forth to us by the holy ghost , betwixt the husband and wife , and christ and his church , ephes . 5. 22. &c. both of them , being bound to be subject alike , though yet in the lord. and as it is so , that there is cause of jealousie , that some women will not continue chaste . so there is cause of jealousie , that some churches will not be espoused unto one husband : that they may be presented , as a chaste virgin to christ ; but their minds will be corrupted from the simplicity that is in christ , as 2 cor. 11. 2 , 3 , 4. secondly , as it is with a man , as hath been said , so it is with a church , in the second particular : for , if a particular church shall amongst themselves , being of one heart , and of one minde , have all things common , and none of them claime propriety of goods , as meerly his own ; but that they may be distributed , as every one hath need . as so it is lawful , if they can so agree , and do it freely without grudging , or repining : yet it were unlawful , and a folly , and madness , to joyne themselves so in community of goods , to such in whom they could not expect the like community , they being quit of a contrary minde , and heart , &c. like ananias and saphirah , covetous and hypocritical , and only ayming at carnal ends . thirdly , and so likewise , as it lawful for a particular man , to give themselves much unto fasting and prayer , as hath been said . even so it is likewise , for a particular church , if they so agree amongst themselves , to give themselves much unto fasting and payer , as in their apprehension , they shall think they have cause ; for the good of their soules , in general or particular . where it may be on the contrary , some other churches , in their apprehensions , have more cause of thankfulness ; finding for the present , that the bridegroom is with them . as so for this reason , the disciples of christ fasted not , whereas the disciples of john fasted often . and why then , should churches of different judgments , in these respects , be bound by authority , all to rejoyce , or all to mourn , and fast , and pray , at the same times , and no more frequently ; but as all can agree , so to humble themselves . and how should it chuse , but ingage men to hypocrisie , save only in case of some general judgment , of which we are certain , that all are sencible and affected with it . and fourthly , and lastly , as it is lawful for a particular man , to be of the strictest sect of the true religion , such as were the pharisees . so it is lawful for a particular church , to be of the strictest way , in respect of government , doctrine , and discipline , that can be devised , or made good from scripture , as lawful , &c. and the magistrate ought not to enforce her , to conform unto any churches , that are more remisse and loose , or careless , or not so strict , or careful , and conscientious , as they ought to be . though i will not deny , but the magistrate ought to tollerate , such who think they ought not to be so strict , as well as the other . for as all good men whose general bent , is the glory of god ; cannot attain such measures , or degrees of grace , and wisdom , as of faith and holiness , and of zeal , &c. one as another . even so all churches , though they be true churches , cannot possibly attain , to be so rightly constituted , and so severe , and strict , in discipline , and government , and doctrine , &c. as others can , though the stricter , the better , in some respect , as i shall hereafter shew ; though in some things to be over strict is a foule fault . the one conceiving , that they ought to proceed , according to the rule of charity , and the other of certainty . the one expecting , but faith historical , in their admissions ; but the other searching , for faith justifying , such as appeares by works , in all such whom they doe approve . as there is strong arguments , that might easily be produced on both patties , even from sacred scripture , that it is not easie to reconcile . i hope , they will not say , that either of them yet , have clearly demonstrated , from sacred scriptures , their owne resolves concerning baptisme : i shall therefore , it may be , propose betwixt them ; something of that . but from these precedent grounds , first , it is clear , that these conclusions , will justly reprove , and , i hope , convince , both the independents , and presbyterians ; in that they do not labour to accord , and love , and strive to live and carry as bretheren , and communicate together in all the ordinances , as bretheren ought , and as occasion serves . but the one striving to enforce conformity to their wayes , and rules , and principles , &c. to which ( in conscience ) they , it may be , are engaged . and the other , blaming , and condemning them , as too remisse , and not so upright and conscientious , nor walking by so just and strict a rule , in constitution , government , and discipline of the congregations , as they ought to do , and as they are resolved to engage themselves , and therefore seek for liberty so to do . by this means they fall at varience , and fall out by the way , and about the way , though they be bretheren , and so doe know , and acknowledge each other . and first then , let them both consider , this falling out by the way , is not ( like ) as they were bretheren , for by this saith christ , all men shall know that ye are my disciples ; if ye love one another . is this like love , which is the end of the commandement , as is before proposed , even thus to bite , and devoure , and destroy one another ? and all because that both parties , but seeing in part , and knowing in part , and understanding in part , are of different judgements . as so they are likely as yet to be in some thing or other , whiles it is so with them , as that they are not perfect , till that which is in part shall be done away . and what then , will they never agree , till they all be perfect ? will they never love , till in every particular , they be of one judgment ? but it will be objected , that men who think themselves in a right way , and others wrong ; and holding forth their arguments from cleare scripture grounds that are sufficient to convince themselves : they are apt to think that the other are obstinate , and that they see , and will not see , nor acknowledge the truth : so that they cannot chuse but be in a great measure out of charity with them : as accounting them perverted , and men that sin , being damned of their own consciences . answ . i answer , that if we can know for certain , after once or twice admonition , that men sinne , being damned of their own consciences , it is a foule thing , such ought to be rejected , tit. 3. 10 , 11. but such must be known to be hereticks , and obstinate , &c. and therefore observe the nature of love in this kind , that we be not censorious , and too too injurious , in judging our bretheren in this kind . for charity , ( saith the apostle ) suffereth long , and is kind : charity envieth not , nor vanteth not it self , nor 〈◊〉 it pufft up : doth not behave it self unseemly ; seeketh not her own , is not easily provoked , thinketh no evill : rejoyceth not in iniquity , but rejoyceth in the truth ; beareth all things , beleeveth all things , hopeth all things , endureth all things , &c. 1 cor. 13. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. and seeing that all these are natural properties of that love which is the end of the commandment : let us try our selves by all these properties , whether we have behaved , and carried our selves accordingly towards such , before we censure , and let our hearts loose , to reject and oppose , and deal with them as enemies of god. we ought not to hate , nor to deal with such as enemies at all ; but to love , and pitty , and pray for them ; and acknowledge them brethren , and admonish them as brethren , though they seem to walk disorderly , and obey not the word even of god himselfe in some things , 2 thess . 3. 14 , 15. and mat. 5. 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48. though i doe confesse , that if any man love not the lord jesus christ , he ought to be held even in execration , if it manifestly appear . and we ought to contend earnestly for the faith which was once delivered to the saints , jud. 3. and we should stand fast to our christian liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , and not be entangled again with yokes of bondage , nor suffer men to rule over us at their pleasure , according to their own fancies , or arbitrary wills , not submitted to the laws of god ; nor holding to the head , and to the foundation , &c. coloss . 1. 18. and chap. 2. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , &c. but still always , with due respect to their persons ; as pittying their ignorance , weakness , infirmities , failings , and imperfections that we discover in them . as considering our selves , lest we also be tempted , and that we also have been in like condition , in one particular respect or another ; having been erronious , and misapprehensive , and offensive unto others , in such respects : for who that lives , but if he will examine , he may remember that he hath erred from the truth , in some thing or other : and been reduced and convinced by others ; or by searching of the scriptures have seen our selves ( as of our selves ) subject to all , or to any error . and that we ought to acknowledge , that it is of grace , and the gift of god ; that we are sufficient , or able to know or understand any thing of the things of god. and why then should we be high minded , and not rather fear , least we also fall , or fail , &c. of the grace of god ? or why then should we be too confident , either that we do not , or that we cannot err ? and if we do not expect , that men should think so of us , why are we so angry , that all men are not just on our minds ? and that they will not follow us , nor conforme unto us , just in our wayes ? doth it not imply , that we think of our selves above that which is meet ? to wit , that we cannot erre , and expect that others should thinke so likewise . and what is this lesse then the pope , that antichrist , and the church of rome challenge to themselves ; and by reason thereof exalt themselves above the magistrates , above all that is called god , or that is worshipped ▪ &c. whereas on the contrary part , it is manifest , that the generality of the whole christian world , hath erred iexceedingly : was it not once said , that the whole world was become an arrian ? nay , were not all the opposers of the arrian heresie , in an error likewise , both one and another ? to wit , those that maintained , that the trinity of persons was one substance . for though the trinity of persons be one and the same in essence , yet they are not one substance , for the blessed deity is all essence , as the scripture is clear , exod. 3. 14. i am that i am : to wit , that he [ is , ] is all essence . but no proof can be made from scripture ground ; that the invisible god is any substance at all , but an infinite essence , and not locally circumscriptible , as all substance is : but unlimitably existent ; filling both all place , and every substance , both in heaven and earth , and infinitely beyond them on every side : circumventing all things , and filling all things , even from the very top of the highest heavens , to the middle , and bowels or center of the earth : and yet he himself is not cirumvented , with any thing at all ; no , not with [ place ] it self : in which , as phylosophers speak , all things stand : but is infinite and unlimitable , without circumference , and without center ; the heavens of heavens are not able to containe him , but he filleth all things : as the scripture is clear , and as might evidently and convincingly also be made to appeare to any rational man , by reasons and arguments , drawn from the motion and government of all things , and constant course , and subsistence of the heavens , and of the earth , and waters , and all visible creatures : for who else is the efficient cause of their being , and subsistence , and of their motion , &c. look rom. 1. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. and psalm . 19. 1 , &c. but if all may erre , and every one hath erred ; and it may be doth erre in some thing or other : then all and every particular man , ought to fear himself , lest he also do erre , and that in such particulars , wherein he thinketh , that he justly opposeth , and condemneth others : and ought to search the scriptures , and to search the meaning of the spirit , even in the scripture it self : and to be sure of that , before he be too confident , and surious in opposition , or judging of others , as hereticks , &c. he that thinketh he standeth , take heed lest he fall . he that thinketh he knoweth any thing , knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know , saith the spirit of god. then we ought therefore to put on charity , which is the bond of perfectness : and not to break off love , but upon sure grounds , that they are enemies of god , whom we so judge , and censure , &c. but for more punctuall applycation of these precedent conclusions unto both parties , to wit , to the independents and presbyterians , i shall briefly assert these cleare consequences from the aforesaid grounds : first to the one , and then to the other . and first then , to the presbyterians i assert as followeth , in behalf of the independents . 1. that it is lawful yea and the bounden duty of some men , to binde themselves to a stricter discipline , then others need or ought to do : the one being quallified , through the grace of god , and fitted for it , and so manifestly ingaged , and called of god so to do , for the time present , whiles they think they ought . 2. to the independents , that the presbyterians not being so qualified , or disposed , or called , through the grace of god ; but manifestly ingaged , to the quite contrary ; and as is it were bound in spirit , within their own sphere , or place , or calling , or way , &c. ought so to continue , whiles they think they ought , till they be convinced from scripture grounds that it is their duty ; and that they are called of god , to a stricter rule , and way of discipline , then they yet do practise ; or can freely embrace , or engage to indure , as witness the foure precedent examples . consiqu . and therefore it followes , that a stricter discipline ought to be tollerated , by the civil state ; that such who please , and can freely accord , to engage themselves to the exercise thereof amongst themselves , may have liberty to do it : provided alwaies , that they do not offer to inforce others unto their way : but only the freedom , and liberty of themselves , and of their own , &c. then ought to be imposed , and made as a general , and binding rule , and way of government ; to which all must necessarily be ingaged in , or bound unto : as hath been said before . object . but it will be objected , seeing i propose this assertion to the presbyterians , in behalf of independents ; that it will be necessary , that i shew wherein the independents rules , and ways of discipline , are stricter then theirs ; for they are generally accounted , by the presbyterians , more remiss and loose in many respects ; giving way for libertie of all religions , without controule by the civil state , as so they speak of them . answ . i answer that their rules and principles , according to which they engage to act , are manfestly stricter , and lawfully too , in divers particulars , wherein i shall briefly instance : and wherein i thinke they are likewise ingaged , in duty and conscience so to do , though i will not deny , but many presbyterians are ingaged in conscience , to do the contrary , and are fully perswaded , that they ought so to do for the time present . 1. and first , they are stricter with whom they incorporate , and joyn themselves in church policy : and so far forth , as any particular church is politically joyned , for the government thereof , and for the good of the body in every respect . a church can never be too strict , but the stricter the better : and the more likely it is , to be well ordered and governed , and built both in faith and love , and all other graces and vertues whatsoever ; that may tend for the benefit and good of the whole . and therefore , their principles are to admit none to be incorporated with them , but men of approved fidelity : because according to their princples , they having liberty , and power in all church affairs , that are of joynt concernment , and that respect them all , as in elections , or ejections , admissions , or deprivations , receptions , or rejections ; receiving in , or casting out , from amongst themselves , they all having interest , as members of the body , have liberty , and power , for vote , or sufferage , as they are bound in conscience , and can see just cause , and render a reason of their faith , hope , or desires therein ; grounded upon scripture evidence , as so they ought to have . they , i say , according to their principles , having this power and liberty , &c. are bound to be strict , with whom they incorporate and joyn themselves : lest by sway of vote ; things should be carryed antichristian-wise , to the dishonour of god , and of the church , &c. by male administration of all the ordinances that concern them all , to be carefull of in the sight of god. for if men be admitted to have vote in election of ministers , and elders , and deacons , &c. that are not approved , for ficelity and fitness , to discern , in some good measure , whether they be men of good and honest report , and full of the holy ghost , and of wisdom , suitable for such a place ; they may cause the election and approbation of such as will defile the church with corrupt doctrine , and unsound principles , and ways , and manners , to their own destruction . and therefore all that are accounted to be truly religious , are not fit to be incorporated , as members of the body , to have liberty and power in such respects , till they come to ripeness and maturity of judgment in spiritual respects : in like case , as the levites , though they all were given as a gift unto aaron and to his sons , to do the service of the tabernacle of the congregation , yet they were not to administer and wait on the service of the tabernacle , but from twenty and five years old , and up wards : and from the age of fifty years they were to cease waiting on the service thereof , and should serve no more , as numb . 8. 24 , 25 , 26. clearly implying , that onely in case of ripeness of judgment , and ableness , and fitness , for such a business , they ought to be used , and admitted , &c. but not otherwise , least they spoyl the government , of discipline , and service , that belongs unto them : however , notwithstanding , all that are accounted to be truly religious , ought to be admitted unto all the ordinaces , yea , even to the sacrament of the lords supper , though never so weak in understanding and knowledg , as all the levites , even during their minority ; yet aaron was appointed to bring them with him , for they might be present , though they did no service : and through they might not administer , and do the service of the tabernacle , yet they might be admitted to come neer with the rest , and to offer for themselves , though not for others , as the rest of the priests , as numb . 18. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , & chap. 16. 45. so that whatsoever concerned but themselves onely , they might come neer , and approach to do it , ( whereas no stranger might intermeddle ) though they might do no service that concerned the tabernacle , till they came to years : but of this more fully in another place . 2. and secondly , as they are stricter with whom they do incorporate , and joyn themselves , for these respects : even so , for the same ends and respects , they are very strict and conscientious , and ought so to be , that all that are found , and known to be men of approved fidelity , should thus incorporate and joyn themselves ; i say , their principles are , that all ought so to do , that live not too remote , but within convenient bounds , and in convenient numbers , for frequent assembling of themselves together : and to engage themselves in covenant unto god , in these respects , and unto all brotherly and christian duties , for better security , and deeper engagement , both to god and men , not to deal unfaithfully in all such business , as concerns them all , but without partiality , or respect of persons , as before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels . and all the account will be little enough , in things that concern the good of their souls , and the souls of posterities , that may yet succeed , to the end of the world ; for whom they ought to provide , and be careful for , that the gospel of peace , and of glad tydings , and all the ordinances , might be preached and administred , when they are gone in power and purity , as well as to themselves : and to beware of dogs , and evil workers , and wolves , &c. and as much as possible , to keep them out , least ungodly men , being crept in , should turn the grace of god into wantonness &c. and this gospel of peace , being a pearl so invaluable , as it were easie to shew , in every respect , can never be guarded with too great security , or deep engagement , nor too strictly kept from being soyled or defiled with the hands of men and though it be true , that the men of this world are wiser in their generations , ( and for conservation of their own liberties , priviledges , pearls and estates , and to confirm and secure them , even to their posterities after them , if possible for ever , ) then the children of light , as luk. 16. 8. mat. 7. 24 , 25. and may justly also rise up in judgment , and condemn our folly and carelessness herein : yet no man will say but that the children of light ought to be as wise in their generations , and in their precious things , and in the things of god , and that concern their souls , for so we ought , even to be wise as servants , though innocent as doves . and therefore to incorporate such as stand approved , and are men of fidelity , within convenient bounds , is doubtless the duty of all , and every such , in times of liberty , for publique administration of the ordinances of god , and for government and discipline : and in times of persecution , at the least privately , they ought so to do , without being restrained by the civil state , and limited , and kept within parochial bonds , against their christian liberties , and duties also , both to god , and men . 3. and thirdly , the principles of independents are stricter and neerer to the scripture rules for edifying of the church ; they do not limit the holy one of israel to speak in publike by the learned onely : for first , as the apostle saith , the manisestation of the spirit is given to every man to profit withal . 1 cor. 11. 7. assertion . from whence it naturally and manifestly flows , that to whomsoever the manifestation of the spirit is given , it is given to such to profit withal . it is objected . that the manifestation of the spirit are not so evident and perspicuous in these days , as in the primitive times ; and the witnessing thereunto by miracles is ceased , and therefore we may easily be deceived ; especially such who are unlearned and unstable , are easily deceived . ans . 1. i answer first , whether any now adays hath the manifestations of the spirit , yea , or no ; yet this assertion is true , for it doth not assert either . ans . 2. secondly , i answer , that if the manifestations of the spirit be not evident and demonstrable in these days , how can even the learned ministers preach as they ought , and as the apostles did , in the clear evidence and demonstration of the spirit , and of power , that so mens faith might not need to stand in the wisdom of men , but in the power of god , 1 cor. 2. 4. 5. ans . 3. thirdly , though for want of the witnessing thereunto by miracles , those who are carnal and do not beleeve , cannot discern the manifestations of the spirit , and the power of god , whereby men speak , as vers . 8 , 14. yet for all that , they may speak wisdom among them that are perfect ; yea , even the wisdom of god in a mystery , even the hidden wisdom , which god hath ordained before the world unto their glory ; and those secret mysteries , which eye hath not seen , neither ear heard , &c. which god hath prepared for them that love him , he doth reveal unto such by his spirit , vers . 6 , 7 , 8 , to 16. consequence . such therefore , though they be unlearned in the tongues , ( i mean ) who having received the spirit of god , are thereby spiritualiz'd , may discern all things , as vers . 10 , 15. yea , even the deep things of god. therefore it follows , that the manifestations of the spirit may be evident and demonstrable , even now in these days , to such who are spiritualiz'd through faith in god , though not to the carnal or worldly &c. who do account these spiritual things foolishness , as vers . 14. and wanting an eye of faith , cannot discern them ; because they are invisible : for as the light of the body is the eye , matth. 6. 22 , 23. so the light of the soul , whereby , and where-through it understandeth , or discerneth spiritual and invisible things , is the eye of faith. for as god himself being invisible , is only seen , or comprehended , and known through fatih : so are also the things of god , undiscernable without faith , heb. 11. quest . 1. but in what particular gifts , or qualifications , or administrations , or operations , are the manifestations of the spirit of god , and of power , evident and demonstrable in any that are not learned in the tongues , now in these days ? answ . i answer , that many of those , yea , and the chief of all those , that are reckoned up by the apostle , and are by him asserted , as manifestations of the spirit , 1 cor. 12. 8 , 9 , 10. and chap. 13. 3. are doubtless evident , and demonstrable in some unlearned in the tongues , even in these days . as 1. the word of wisdom . 2. the word of knowledg . 3. faith. 4. prophesying ; to wit , in speaking unto men , to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , which is the chief of all . 5. discerning of spirits . 6. interpretation of scriptures , that are dark and mysterious , and generally not understood . quest . 2. but may not some men , by means of good education , attain to a great measure of wisdom and knowledge , even in spiritual things : and so to the word of wisdom , and of knowledge , and to speak unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort ; and yet not have the spirit of god , nor his power evidently demonstrable , as is asserted ? answ . i answer , no : for the natural man perceiveth not the things of god , neither [ can ] he know them , saith the apostle , because they are spiritually discerned . and therefore he neither can know them , nor speak of them feelingly , and apprehensively : but only theoretically ; according to the largeness and capacity of his memory : as he hath learned , and is grounded in the principles of religion , and of faith , and doctrine ; as it were in a catachetical child-like manner ; who can keep to the words , but know not the sence ; and doe by art of memory , speak in the same words , and phrases , and manner , and form of doctrine with others . but as for feeling apprehension , and spiritual understanding , and knowledge [ indeed , ] of what they speak ; they are utterly uncapable , whiles they want faith . and this is easie to discern , by their coldness on the one hand , or their zeal on the other , in delivery thereof : and by their emphatical , or loose and light expressions , and arguments , and motives , and meanes &c. it is easie to discern , whether a man speak in spirit , that is to say , whether it come from the heart , and affection ; or but from the brain only . neither is it easie to counterfeit hearty affection , but it may easily be discern'd , that it is but forc'd . a very ideot may , by strength of memory , speak the bare words of a sermon , and rabble them over ; but he cannot keep to the distinct sense of every period , according to the proper intended emphasis , or meaning thereof ; but may by improper periods and interceptions , make the sence seem quite contrary to what it is indeed : but a man that understands it , and is apprehensively affected , according to it , can expresse it suitable to the true intent and meaning thereof . even just so it is , betwixt men that are spiritual , through faith in god ; and such as are carnal in all their expressions , concerning spiritual things . obj. but though it be difficult , and hard to counterfeit , yet it may be done ; so as few , or none , can discern , but they are as spiritual and as sound as others . qu. what notes therefore is there to prove , for certain , and that will evidence , and demonstrate indeed , that it is the spirit of god , that speaks in such , miracles excepted ? ans . there is many notes , by which men may be known , to speak in the spirit , and by the spirit of god. but some are more certain and infallible then others . i shall therefore instance , in some of the most certain : and those that on purpose are given out , by the spirit of god , as evident demonstrations , of the same spirit , and of power , &c. 1. and first , that note given out by the lord jesus christ himself , is an evident demonstration , that men are sent of god , and come not of themselves ; to wit , seeking his glory , ( if that do appeare ) for saith christ , he that commeth of himself , seeketh his owne glory ; but he that seeketh his glory that sent him , the same is true , and no unrighteousnesse is in him , joh. 7. 18. their zeal therefore for the glory of god , and self-denial , is a manifestation of the spirit of god. 2. that , joh. 10. 10. the thief commeth not , but for to steale , and to kill , and to destroy . but the good shepherd 〈◊〉 that they might have life , and have it more abundantly , to wit , spiritual life ; so that a desire will appear in the good shepherds ; that the sheep of christ might have a spiritual life , through faith , and that they might be edified and built up further in the same faith , even from strength to strength . and rather then saile of this their ends , they will not stick to lay down , even their lives for the good of their sheep , as vers . 11. but will continue to build them up further in faith , and love , which are in christ jesus : as vers . 28. 3. the wisdom which is from above , is first , pure ; not dark , and confused , darkning the councell with words without knowledge , but pure words , psalm . 12. 6. 2. it is peaceable ; not wrangling , and froward , angry , and contentious . 3. it is gentle and meeke ; not sowre , and proud , and harsh , and furious . 4. it is easie to be intreated ; not self-willed , and obstinate , obdurate and implacable , but ingenious , and tractable . 5. it is full of mercy , and good fruits , both in word and deed : and not cruel , and unmerciful , pittiless , and careless of doing good ; neither to the just , nor unjust . look jam. 17. 18. 4. it is the property of the holy ghost , when he cometh , or by whomsoever he speaketh , to convince the world of sin , of righteousness , and of judgement , joh. 16. 8. 5. and to lighten things that are hid in darknesse : and make the councels of the hearts manifest ; as 1 cor. 4. 5. and chap. 14. 24 , 25. the first , by a clear unfolding , and interpreting of sacred scriptures , that are dark , unto others , and not formerly opened : and this of all others , is the most manifest evidence of the spirit of god. and secondly , a speaking to the heart , and to the souls and consciences of men ; discovring their very thoughts , and councels : and approving themselves , to every mans conscience in the sight of god. 6. their comming to the light that their deeds might be made manifest , that they are wrought in god , is a cleare evidence , that they do truth , as john. 3. 21. their end appearing to be such , that they meane no falshood . 7. their shining forth as lights in the world ; and holding forth the word of life , phil. 2. 15. 16. yea , even the faithful word , that cannot be reproved : and making it manifest ; as they ought to do : for therefore they are called , the light of the world : marth . 5. 14. for all things that are reproved , are made manifest by the light : for whatsoever doth make manifest , is light , ephes . 5. 13 , 14. but the chief of all these particulars , is a cleare understanding , and knowledge of god , and of the sacred scriptures , and of the secrets and miseries of the kingdom of god ; for without all controversie , great is the mystery of godlinesse , as the apostle saith , coloss . 1. 26. 27 , 28. rom. 16. 25. ephes . 3. 9. 2 tim. 1. 10. tit. 1. 2. 1. pet. 1. 20. reas . for to them that are without , and unbeleeving , all things ( saith christ ) are done in parables , luke 8. 10. and mar. 4. 33 , 34. matth. 13. 11 , 12 , to 18. how much more then are the secret mysteries of god , and of christ , and of our spirituall union , and communion with him ( which is onely spiritual , through faith and love ) parables and misteries unto all such , who have no knowledge of god at all ; but only as they have heard of him , by the hearing of the eare ; or barely theorettical , without an eye of faith. consiq . therefore it follows ; that he that speaketh understandingly , and apprehensively of these secret mysteries ; doth evidently demonstrate , that he speaketh by the spirit , through the power and grace of the spirit of god ; who onely revealeth , and giveth understanding of the things of god ; as hath been said : so that it is manifest , that it is not they that speak , but the spirit of their father that speaketh in them . and by how much more they shall lighten things , that are hid in darkness ; and make the councels of the hearts manifest , as 1 cor. 4. 5. by the cleare unfolding , or interpretation of sacred scripture , and of the secrets thereof ; especially such as are dark and mystical , and hid from others ; or that have not formerly been explained , and opened ; or not convincingly , as a cleer result , producing an infallible assent . by so much the more evident , and demonstrable it is ; that it is not they that speak ; but the spirit of their father that speaketh in them , matth. 10. 19. 20. yea , that they are sent to speak , or to declare those things , being thrust forth , even by the spirit of christ who dwelleth in them ; and being lord of the harvest thrusteth forth labourers into his hanvest . for how is it is possible , that things that are hid from the wise and learned , should be revealed even unto babes , and to the foolish , &c. ( in respect with this world , ) if they were not inspired , and revealed unto them by the spirit of god , seeing they have not learned them by humane documents , but from god onely . object . but it will be objected , that it were immodesty , yea presumption , and a tok●n of spiritual pride in men , if they should so much as acknowledg , much less affirm , that they are taught of god , and that immediatly , by the inspiration of his blessed spirit ; and that it is not they that speak , but the spirit of their father that speaketh in them : but especially for unlearned men , that are but as babes , compared with the wise and learned , it were a shameful thing in them to do it , above all compare . answ . i answer , if they understand and know such things as have been said , even the secrets and mysteries of the kingdom of god , which they have not learned , not bin taught of men . to whom then should they ascribe the glory ? ought they to ascribe it to their own wisdom ? dare the learned ascribe their spiritual understanding , and knowledge of god , and of the things of god , either to their own wisdom , or their learnedness in the tongues , which a carnal man may attain unto , that can know nothing of the things of god , as hath been said ? were this to give god the glory , and to do it as of the ability that god administreth , that in all things god might be glorified ? were this to speak as the oracle of god , and in his name ? 1 pet. 4. 11. might not such justly expect the judgment of herod , to be struck with an angel of the lord , and to be eaten up of worms , because they give not the glory unto god of what they do or speak , in his sacred name , that is good , or excellent , and true &c. and it is doubtful , at least , that such who utterly exclude all that are not learned in the tongues , i mean , from speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , or from any ministration in the name of god in publique , especially that they thereby intimate , that their abilities for spiritual ministration are onely attained through learnedness in the tongues ; for how else durst they be so bold , as to limit the holy one of israel , that he shall not speak but by the learned onely ? object . but it will be objected , that speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , is not properly to prophecy ; for prophecying is properly foreshewing of things to come , though such who prophecy , do ordinarily also speak unto men to edification , &c. as well as prophecy of things to come . ans . 1. i answer , first , that they that edifie the church , build them up in faith ; and faith is of things invisible , and chiefly of things to come ; for faith is the ground of things hoped for , and the evidence of things not seen , heb. 11. 1. and therfore edifying , or building men up further in the true faith , and giving them better evidences and grounds of things hoped for from sacred testimonies , is , of all other , the chiefest prophecying , and most useful , powerful , and comfortable , for giving life to the souls of men , both in this life , and in the life to come , spiritual life i mean , even joy and comfort unspeakable and full of glory , see joh. 10. 10. 28. and 1 joh. 5. 11 , 12 , 13. yea , for perfecting of the saints , as eph. 4. 11. to 16. 2. and as for the other , as of foreshewing new things to come , as agabus prophecyed of the dearth and famine over all the world . though it be a part of prophecying not so ordinarily attainable , and more difficult in these days , yet it is not so needful nor useful as the other : and though it be a more certain and evident demonstration of the sacred spirit inspired into such , when the thing is accomplished and come to pass ; yet that part of prophecying which the apostle commends as the chief of all , to wit , speaking unto men to edification , &c. is both far more profitable , and a clearer evidence ( for the time present ) of the spirit of god , then the other is . and therefore i say , first , it is the most present evidence , and most immediate demonstration of the spirit , and of power , because foreshewing of things to come is no present and immediate evidence of it self , till the things be come to pass that are in truth foreshewed ; though it is true , that foreshewing of things to come , is the very complement and perfection of prophecying , and the most visible demonstration of the spirit of god , as deut. 18. 22. and joh. 16. 13. when the things are accomplished . 2. but , secondly , yet this prophecying intended by the apostle , is the most useful , and the most profitable of all other gifts , for the edifying of the church : and therefore saith the apostle , follow after charity , and desire spiritual gifts , but chiefly that ye may prophecy . 1 cor 14. 1. and the reason is rendered vers . 3. because he that prophecyeth , speaketh unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort : which is the chief end of all gifts ▪ for all that are zealous of spiritual gifts , should seek that they might excel to the edifying of the church , as vers . 12. although the gift of tongues , and so also foreshewing of things to come , is a more evident demonstration to convince them that beleeve not , as vers . 22. yet look the end of all gifts , as 1 cor. 14. 12. ephes . 4. 12. 1 pet. 4. 10 , 11. rom. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. for [ that ] should be our end . but prophecying , saith the apostle , serveth not for them that beleeve not , but for them that beleeve , vers . 22. and therefore is of greater and more profitable use for the edifying of the church . but wherefore , or wherein is it more useful ? the apostle answers , and brings it in as a reason , to wit , for he that prophecyeth , speaketh unto men to edification , exhortation , and comfort . consequ . and therefore it follows , that speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , is of all other gifts the most useful , and most to be desired and sought after , and to be most esteemed , and accounted of by the church of god : and so are all such who have that gift , and do not hide it in a napkin , but use it accordingly for the same end for which it is given , whiles they keep unto sound doctrine that cannot be reproved ; and speak but according to the law and testimony , and seek but onely and chiefly hi glory that sent them ; and that they might excel to the edifying of the church , and to convince the world of sin , of righteousness , and of judgment : and if they contend earnestly , if it be but for the faith that was once delivered to the saints ; or do but stand and fast to the christian liberty where with christ hath made us free , and that they might not be entangled with yokes of bondage , not be as men pleasers or servants of men , after they are bought with a price , provided they preach nor seek any liberty at all to do any evil , either in word or deed ; nor to be contentious and disobedient to the truth of god ; i say of such , they are sent of god : and whosoever resuseth , resisteth , disparageth , disgraceth , or despiseth such , doth even the same to him that sent them : and such , of all others , ought to be hon●red , even with double honor , that both rule well , and also labor in the word and doctrine by speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , as hath been said . and therefore all that are in authority ought to give liberty to all them whose spirit god hath raised to build up the churches in their most holy faith , lest wrath be upon them from the lord , as ezra 1. 5 , 6. and chap. 7. 13 , 16 , 13. and chap. 8. 22 , 23. and psa . 2. it is therefore a matter of dangerous consequence , either to act , or so much as seem to act , or comply with such , who doc exclude all from any spiritual ministration , in the name of god , and of the lord jesus christ , yea even in publique , ( i mean ) that are not learned in the tongues ; for they exclude , it may be , such as peter and john and all the church which was at jerusalem , who were all scattered abroad , and went every where preathing the word , see acts 8. 1 , 4. psa . 2. throughout . and the apostle speaking to the hebrews , tells them , that when for the time they ought to have been [ teachers , ] yet they had need to learn , &c. heb. 5. 12. 1 reas . for what is it else , but to limit the holy one of israel , that he shall not speak , but by the learned onely , either in private or publique ? who hath told us plainly , that he hideth things from the wise and learned , that he revealeth unto babes , luk. 10. 2. reas . and what is it else , but clearly to oppose the apostles rules , given out for direction in such cases , to wit , 1. as every man hath received the gift , so let him administer the same , as good disposers of the manifold grace of god. and 2. let every man administer according to the measure or proportion of his faith. 3. and how dangerous is it to advise , much less to compel any man to hide his talent in a napkin , and not to suffer him to occupy with it for his masters advantage , least it be taken from him ? yea , though it be that [ man ] that hath but one poor talent , who doubtless ought to put it forth in his place and calling , as well as those that have five or more , see heb. 10 , 22 , to 26 , &c. heb. 5. 12 , to 15. &c. 4. and how shall those things be made known to the church that are on purpose hid from the wise and learned , and onely revealed unto babes , &c. if we cannot be content to learn them at babes , as good old eli both did , and was glad to do , at the child samuel ? and hath not god on purpose done it ; and chosen the base and foolish things of this world , to confound the wise and the mighty , &c. as 1 cor. 1. 2 , 27 , 28. 29. and chap. 2. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 on purpose i say . yea , that no flesh should rejoyce in his presence , but that he that glorieth , might glory in the lord. was not the word of the lord , revealed unto the childe samuel , rather then to good old eli : and did not eldad and midad prophesie in the camp , as well as the rest , and as lawfully too ; the spirit of the lord coming upon them : did moses forbid them till he had blessed them ; or till their callings of god should be evidenced by miracles ; as moses was , and as some do expect ; or they will not heare an unlearned man ; see john 11. 9 , 10 , 11. john did no miracle , though all men held john as a prophet . or shall we charge them with immodestie , for offering to preach , without ordination ? was no prophet accounted a prophet , but that wrought miracles , or was ordained by men : and learned in the tongues ? look joh. 10. 41. was not amos an herdman , and a gatherer of sacamore fruit ; when the lord took him , and sent him to prophesie ? and do not his words good , to them that walk uprightly , by whomsoever he sendeth them ? is it not lawful for the lord jesus christ , to thrust forth labourers into his harvest ; without licence from the learned in the tongues ? or doe not they that refuse , whomsoever he sendeth , refuse him ? or is it lawful to forbid any , whom he sendeth ; to preach unto men , that they might be saved ? like the wicked jewes , the salvation of souls being their chief end , as the drift of their doctrine will easily shew . is it not lawfull , for them that know the terror of the lord , to perswade men ? and should not every man administer according to the measure of his faith ; and be as good stewards of the manifold grace of god ; as hath been said , without licence , from the learned in the tongues ? and must they but only be suffered , to administer according to the measure , and degrees of their learnedness , and knowledge in the tongues meerely ? have none the manifestation of the spirit , but the learned in the tongues ? or dare we cross the apostle , and say , that the manifestation of the spirit , is not given to every man , to profit withal ? or that the chief grace and gift of the spirit , and that which is most profitable , and usefull to the church for edification ; and therefore most chiefly to be desired , is [ not ] that men might prophesie ? or what is this prophesying , that is so much to be desired , above all other gifts ; yea , above the gift of tongues ? is it not speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort ? 1 cor. 14. 1 , 3. is is not preferred before the gift of tongues ? how much more then is it to be prefer'd before [ learnedness ] in the tongues ; which is onely taught by humane document ; and is not given as a manifestation of the spirit : but is that which a carnal man , that knoweth nothing , neither can know any thing , concerning spiritual things , may attain unto , 1 cor. 2. 14. therefore learnedness in the tongues , being no manifestation of the spirit at all ; is therefore no signe , that men are called of god , and sent to preach . but he that hath prophesie , let him prophesie according to the proportion of faith . but who is this [ he ] that hath prophesie , in the apostles sence in this place ? but he that speaketh unto men ; to edification , and exhortation , and comfort . and yet further by way of directory , he giveth forth a most exact rule , to wit : quest . but how , and what order must be used ? answ . let the prophets speak , two or three , and let the rest judge : and if any thing be revealed to another that sitteth by , let the first hold his peace . quest . but why so ? answ . for ye may all speake one by one , that all may learn , and all may be comforted , vers . 29 , 30 , 31. quest . but where , and when , and in what company must this be , that the prophets may all speak one by one ? answ . when the whole church of the corinthians was come together , as vers . 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. and therefore also , when any whole church , rightly constituted ; as the corinthians was , are come together , they may do the like , quest . but were not this immodesty , in these dayes , when the whole church is come together in some place ; and every one hath a psalme , hath doctrine , hath a tongue , hath revelation , hath an interpretation ; that all these one by one , should be communicated for the good of the whole , as vers . 26 , 27 , 31 , 32. all that are prophets i meane , for so is the directory ? vers . 29. 24. answ . was this the practise of the churches in the primitive times , by the apostles direction ? might all that were zealous of spiritual gifts , seek that they might excell , to the edifying of the church ? as vers . 12. and must it therefore now , be accounted immodesty , because it is not the custome in our churches , before these times ? yea , must it be accounted immodesty , to use the same liberty in those churches ; which are of purpose so constituted ; that the gifts of al that are so qualified , may be most useful and profitable unto all : that all might learne , and all might be comforted , and all might be edified ; as vers . 30. 31. and might grow in grace , from faith to faith , and from strength to strength , till they come to be tall men and women , in jesus christ : as psal . 84. 7. yea , that holding the head , from which all the body by joynts and bands , having nourishment , ministred and knit together , might the more increase , with the increase of god ? as coloss . 2. 19. and chap. 3. 12 , 13. to 18. and why should any member of the mystical body of jesus christ , be therefore despised as uselesse , and unprofitable , because unlearned in the tongues ? hath not god himself , on purpose , so provided and tempered the body together , and given more honour to that part which lacked : that there might be no schisme in the body : but that the members might learn , to have the same care one of another : seeing the heat cannot say to the feet , i have no need of you : as chap. 12. 13. &c. to the end . proposing the usefulnesse , and propriety and necessity of every member of our natural bodies ; to be as patterns unto bodies spiritual : that all the members , in their several places , might be accounted of , incouraged , honoured , comforted , edified , and esteemed of , as they ought to be , necessary and useful for the good of the whole ; shewing that the most feeble members ought not to be despised , but , as much as in us lieth , honored and clothed with more abundant comeliness : and every one called forth , employed , desired , and deputed ( by such who can discern their proper gifts , or fitness and abilities , for the necessary use and good of the whole , or of any other parts or members of the body ) to such employments as they are fittest for : and this calling and deputation would take away all appearance or suspition of immodesty in any such members , to what ever employment they are called unto . but while it is otherwise , and that the very constitution of our presbyterian churches require , that none be admitted , but that is so and so learned ( and that enters in by the learned's door ) it were immodesty to observe the apostles rules in such presbyterian churches . and it is no marvel if such who do it ( yea though in other churches ) be accounted silly fellows , and tubpreachers by the rude people , who it may be account them , as they did paul and others , no better then mad , as vers . 23. for they are so accounted , and spoken of too , and that by our grave divines , so reverendly they esteem of the gifts of god , and of the graces of his spirit , which are the more perspicuous , by how much more they are unlearned in the tongues . and therefore it is no marvel if it be so unto them all , as is spoken in these scriptures , isa . 29. from the 9 , to the end , micab 3. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. hosea 8. 12. let them look to it that despise prophecying , that resist and spirit ; yea , that like jannes and jambres resist the truth , and that despise but the least of those little ones that beleeve in christ ; for they do despise , and resist him and his sacred truth . and it is to be feared , that many are guilty even of speaking [ words ] against the holy ghost ; a dangerous sin ( as it needs must be ) that shall never be forgiven either in this life , or in the life to come , as mat. 12 , 30 , 31 , 32. it is no marvel , if such ministers , yea though the chiefest of all on the face of the earth , have no manifest vision , as once it was in the days of eli , when they caused the people to despise the offering of the lord ; even so i mean , they cause the people to despise such service , and offerings , and sacrifice , as god now requires , as rom , 12. 1● . rev. 1. 6. 1 pet. 2. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. for they that despise these things , despise not men , but god. it is no marvel , if they must be content either to learn it at babes , or to be without , and dye without knowledg , as 1 sam. 3. 1 , 17 , 18. hos . 4 5 , 6. object . but it will be objected , that the like ways for edifying of the church in these days , that were practised in the apostles times , are not suitable now , because that those extraordinary gifts are ceased . ans . 1. i answer , that the chief and most profitable of all those gifts , for edifying of the church , is still on foot , to wit , prophecying , speaking unto men to edification , and exhortation , and comfort , as hath been said , 1 cor. 14 , 1 , 2 , 3. secondly , i answer , that the same spirit worketh also now , in them that beleeve , and is as full of power , and as willing also to edifie the church ; for it is not changeable : and what know we , but some now adays are full of matter ? the spirit within them constraining them to speak , job 32 , 18 , to 22. so it was with elihu , who had not another , but even the self-same spirit ; who divideth to every man severally as he will : and so it was with david , and paul , and jeremiah , and others , as a fire within them . but it is to be feared , as least , if not a thing obvious and manifest , that there is some , even now adays , as in the days of old , that shut the doors of the kingdom of god , and neither enter in themselves , nor suffer them that would , as christ himself told them . yea , light is wanting , and vision faileth them , and they walk in darkness , and yet despise the help of any new lights , though many old lights ( that are publique and clear , and manifest unto others , and that of old likewise , ) would be new lights unto them , if they could discover them , 1 joh. 2. 10 , 11. but they are in darkness , and walk in darkness , and know not whither they go ; nor what they speak , nor whereof they affirm , but even speak evil of the things they know not , 2 pet. 2. 12. and yet , for all that , would be accounted , and expect to be followed , and obeyed of all , as if they were omniscient , like god himself , and could not possibly err , vers . 10. but all have not the knowledg of god ; this may be spoken to all our shame : else they would know , that he that thinketh he knoweth any thing , knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know . object . but there is ordinarily scriptural examples alledged against this which hath been said , concerning preaching of unlearned men that are not learned in the tongues , nor graduates in the schools , to deter men from presumption in such respects , to wit , the examples of vzza , and vzziah , and of korah and his company . but they are mis-applyed for the most part , as i shall make it manifest from sacred scripture . 1. for first , whereas they are applyed against all unlearned men that take upon them the priests office ; they apply them also against peter and john , as acts 4. 13. & 8 , 1 , 4. 2. and secondly , it is manifest in scripture , that in some sence , all the elect are truly and properly called priests , and both do , and ought to offer sacrifice , and to take upon them so far forth , even a priest-like office . reas . for the apostle peter , writing to the strangers , scattered through pontus , galatia , cappadocia , asia , and bithynia , that were elect , &c. 1 pet. 1. 1 , 2. calleth them a chosen generation , a royal priesthood , &c. chap. 2. 9. and a holy priesthood , vers . 5. and that also to offer up spiritual sacrifice , acceptable to god by jesus christ . and that they might shew forth the praises of him who hath called them out of darkness into his marvellous light . and rev. 1. 6. it is said of christ , that he hath made us kings and priests unto god and his father . i hope therefore , that none will deny but all the elect may offer these sacrifices , to wit , these spiritual sacrifices of prayers , praises , and virtuous living , to shew forth the virtues , and praises of him that hath called us , &c. and that also , without danger of being struck with leprosie , or death , or being swallowed up of the earth , like korah and his company , or being destroyed with fire , or any such judgment , if they do it in sincerity , and offer not strange fire , like nadab and abihu ; and if they charge not others with taking too much upon them , that are called of god and precious , &c. like korab and his company . object . but it will be objected , but what , is there no difference then , but all that are elect may take upon them to preach ? i answer , yes , there is diversities of gifts , and diversities of operations , &c. and there is degrees and measures given out of the same spirit : it is onely true of the lord jesus christ , that to him was not given the spirit by measure : and as all members of the body are not fit for , neither have the same office ; so it is also in the body spiritual , that one and the self-same spirit giveth out to every one severally and variously as it pleaseth him : there is and ought to be feet and hands , as well as eyes and mouth , which are most properly placed in the head . and though it be true . that if any man have not the spirit of christ , the same is none of his . yet it therefore follows not , that all that are his have the manifestations of the spirit . it is one thing to have the spirit , and another thing to have the manifestations of the spirit . but where ever the manifestation of the spirit is given to any man , it is given ( saith the apostle ) to prosit withal , in their several places and degrees , according to the measure , or nature , or property of their gifts , and calling ; and qualifications : for , to one is given by the spirit , the word of wisdom ; to another the word of knowledg , by the same spirit : and to another faith , by the same spirit : to another the gifts of healing , by the same spirit : to another the working of miracles , to another prophecy , to another discerning of spirits to another divers kindes of tongues , to another the interpretation of tongues . as 1 cor. 12. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , &c. i shall therefore compare such , who ( in any of these particulars mentioned by the apostle ) have the manifestation of the spirit , to the sons of aaron ; to whom belonged the priesthood in a peculiar manner , above the rest of the sons of levi : for such , who have ( in any of these particulars ) the manifestations of the spirit , they have , as it were , a visible unction from the holy one , 1 joh . 2. 20 , 27 according as aaron was anointed , and his sons also with him , and sprinkled with holy oyl , levit. 8. 30 , 31. and so were consecrated , and appointed to their charge at the lords appointment , as vers . 33 , 34 , &c. and as aaron was above his sons , and wore the brest-plate , and other ornaments that were peculiar unto him , as vers . 7 , 8 , 9. and to him onely as the chief priest ; so the ministers of the word are chief , and ought to be so accounted and esteemed in the church ; and all other officers , as elders and deacons , who are resembleable to the sons of aaron , ( if such as they ought , ) ought to be chosen and consecrated likewise , as well as the ministers : and they should be known approved , as men full of the holy ghost , and wisdom , and of honest report likewise , or else they are not suitable to be joyned with the ministers , nor consecrated by them , unto any office in the church of god , as appeares , act. 6. 3. but all that are such , having the manifestation of the spirit , both lawfully may , and ought to desire the office of bishop , as a worthy work ; or any such office , or liberty in the church : whereby they might be useful or profitable to the same any kind of way . for as the manifestation of the spirit is given to every man to profit withall ; so , to profit the church ought likewise to be their end , and the desire , and endeavour of all that have such gifts : and they may and ought , even to seek occasions , that they might doe good , and desire of god that they might be sent : as the good prophet isaia , when his lips had been touched with a coal from the altar , and that his iniquity was taken away , and his sin purged : he readily answered the lord , even before he had his message ; here am i , send me , isai . 6. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. and they that are zealous of spiritual gifts , ought to seek , that they might excel , to the edifying of the church . and such , whose end is only the edifying of the church , ought not to be restrained , but rather put on and encouraged , and called forth ( by such who can , and do discerne their proper gifts and abilities for the same ) to such employments and ministrations , as they are fittest for ; and might be most useful in : for the good of all , or any part thereof . 1. i say therefore , we may justly compare all such who have the manifestations of the spirit , to aaron , and his sons ; and they are all fitted and qualified on purpose for spiritual ministration , or profit to the church in one kinde or other , as their gifts and abilities are fittest for ; and ought to be called and consecrated thereunto , and suffered to administer , as occasion serves , and as need requires . he that hath prophesie , ought to prophesie according to the proportion of faith ; or ministry , should wait on his ministry ; or he that teacheth , on teaching ; or he that exhorteth , on exhortation ; he that giveth , should do it with simplicity ; he that ruleth , with diligence ; and he that sheweth mercy , with cheerfulnesse , rom. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. one way or other , such who have the gifts , though differing one from another , ought to use them , for the edifying , and good , and benefit of the church : and ought not to hide their talents in napkins ; but to occupy with them for their masters profit . and he whomsoever , that despiseth these things , despiseth not man but god , who hath given unto some , that are unlearned in the tongues , even his holy spirit , 1 thess . 4. 8. 2. and secondly , we may justly compare all the rest of beleevers ( that as yet , for the present , have no such gifts , or manifestations of the spirit ) to all the rest of the tribe of levie , who thought they did not beare the iniquity of the sanctuary , and the iniquity of their priesthood , nor minister before the tabernacle of witness , nor might not come nigh the vessels of the sanctuary , and the altar , lest they should die : yet aaron was appointed to bring them with him , that they might be joyned unto him , and minister unto him ; and keep his charge , and the charge of all the tabernacle of the congregation , for all the service of the tabernacle . whereas a stranger might not come neer unto them . but aaron and his sons must keep the charge of the sanctuarie , and the charge of the altar , that there might be no wrath any more upon the children of israel : as there had formerly been occasioned by the rebellion of corah , and in part of all the congregation , numb . 18. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , and chap. 16. 45. for as the lord told aaron , that behold he had taken their brethren , the levites , from among the children of israel ; to them they were given as a gift for the lord , to doe the service of the congregation . but he , and his sons with him , should keep the priests office , for every thing of the altar , and within the vaile ; and that they should serve ; for he had given their priests office unto them , as a service , or gift ; and the stranger that came nigh should be put to death : as chap. 18. 6 , 7. even so we may justly say , behold , the lord hath taken all true beleevers , from amongst their neighbours , and give them as a gift of the lord , to be joyned with the ministers , and other officers in the church of god , to do the services of the congregation , and to keep all the charge of the church , in all outward respects , as for receiving in or shutting out from the publike assembly , joyntly with them . but the ministers , and officers are to keep the charge of all within the vaile ; as of the word , and sacraments , which they are to administer , in the name of god , and of the lord jesus christ ; and to take care , that none be admitted , but such who are outwardly , or at least , professedly clean ; having their hearts purified through faith , and repentance , &c. though yet , this always provided , that as the levites , levit. 8. 14 , 15 , 16 , 18 , 19. thought they all were given as a gift unto aaron , and his sons , to do the service of the tabernacle of the congregation : ( yet ) they were not admitted , to administer and wait on the service of the tabernacle of the congregation , but from 25 years old , and upwards ; and from the age of 50 years they should cease waiting on the service thereof , and should serve no more , but should minister with their brethren in the tabernacle of the congregation , to keep the charge , as numb . 8. 24 , 25 , 26. even so also , though all beleevers are given as a gift to the ministers , and officers of the church , to be joyned with them , in opening , and shutting ; in binding and loosing ; in all such respects as concern the whole church , for the good of all , as when all must receive , or all reject ; all approve , or dis-allow ; all elect , or eject , &c. because that all are accessary , or joyntly ingaged in such generall business , as members of the body , 1 cor. 3. 16 , 17. yet they are not admittable , in this respect , neither , till they come to ripeness , and maturity of judgement in christianity ; and be established in the faith , and in the trade and practise of christianity , in all duties belonging thereunto : for there is a childhood and minority , as well in grace , as nature , 1 cor. 3. 1 , 2. and therefore saith the apostle , receive the weak , but not unto doubtful [ disputations : ] rom. 14. even so say i , the weake ought to be received , but not to intermeddle in doubtful [ elections ; ] or ejections , &c. in which they have no skill , nor judgement , and experience in . for so the wisdom of god accounted fit , to appoint the levites , in such like service , and respects , that belonged to their charge : lest by any means , their service and office should be despised , through male-administration , or childish ignorance or defection , and therefore they must not administer , till they came to the age of 25. years , &c. and therefore to conclude , an abrevate , from all these comparisons ; it is thus much in effect . abrev. to wit , all the elect , that are built upon christ by a lively faith , are lively stones , built up a spiritual house , yea , an holy priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifice , acceptable to god by jesus christ , 1 pet. 2. 5. and chap. 1. 2. so that all beleevers are accounted as priests , even from their first ingrafting into christ by faith , ( in some respects ) as is before specified . but as there was priests of divers orders ; so also ought the true beleevers to be distinguished . i compare therefore the newly converted to the levites in their minority , till they came to years : and all the grown christians , that are approved and experienced in the trade and practise of christianity , to the levites when they came to years of discretion . and all the elders and officers elected by the church , or that are full of the holy ghost and of wisdom , i compare to the priests , the sons of aaron , yea , though they be of such as are not learned in tongues , if they have such gifts , and qualifications , as are manifestations of the spirit of god. and so the ministers of god , i compare to aaron , who in many things was above his sons , as hath been said . and who knoweth , but the lord jesus christ , upon whose shoulder the government lieth , will govern his church after these examples , seeing the apostle peter doth thus compare them , as resembling the priesthood , and not as resembling the jewish nation , both priests and people ? for that he doth not , see also , mal. 4. 4. and then the danger lieth not against men unlearned , that have the manifestation of the spirit , and of power , least they should perish in the gainsaying of korah , because they take upon them , being called by the church , to preach and administer in the name of god. but the danger lies against such who are sensual , having not the spirit , and yet will take upon them ministerial functions in the name of god , because they are learned in the tongues , and graduates in the schools , jude 11 , 18 , 19 , 20. see zech. 12 , 13. chap. these are strangers that may not come nigh , &c. as numb . 18. 4 , 22. but it will be objected , that if unlearned men be suffered to preach , they that are unlearned , and unstable , may wrest the scriptures to their own destruction , as 2 pet. 3. 16 , 17. and may lead others into errors and schisms , and cannot be hindered , nor supprest ; neither can it otherwise be avoyded ; but men that know not the originall , should ordinarily mis-understand dark places of scripture , and so like blinde guides lead men into the ditch . answ . i answer that it is true , that men that are both unle arned and unstable , do , and will wrest some places of scripture ; and it cannot be avoyded , but there will be false teachers , even amongst us in these days , as well as there was false prophets in the days of old , as 2 pet. 2. 1. and such also , it may be as shall privily bring in damnable heresies , even denying the lord that bought them , and shall bring upon themselves swift destruction : and there is no security given out in scripture , that none that is learned in the tongues should be of the number of these false teachers : for men that are learned in the tongues , may be unstable , and wrest the scriptures : and by how much the more they , that are unstable , are learned in the tongues , they are even so much the more dangerous , if they should be suffered . and therefore unstableness is a greater fault , and more dangerous then unlearnedness in the tongues : and men may he learned in the scriptures , or unlearned either , and yet learned in the tongues . men ought not therefore to be inhibited to preach , ( lest they should be unstable , and wrest the scriptures ) for then the learned , as well as the unlearned , should both be inhibited . but such , who ( being proved ) are found unstable , and that they do wrest the scriptures , no man will deny , but such may , and ought to be inhibited , when they are found out , and convicted of error , or of schism , &c. yea , though they be of the learned . but to inhibit men before , were to censure and condemn men before they be heard . and see ezek , 18. 20. the righteousness of the righteous ought to be upon him , as a badg of honor ; but the wickedness of the wicked should but be upon himself . but the best and surest way to prevent the sowing and spreading of errors , or schisms , is to give liberty , that any whomsoever , that preacheth in publique , may in publique also be reprehended ( be they learned or unlearned ) if they preach erroneously in any congregation ; that so the same auditory , that hears them preach any error , or schism , or false doctrine , may , by just reprehension from clear scripture-evidence , be satisfied to the contrary ; and have such evil seed purged out quickly , before it grow up , or be spread any further ; for so it ought to be : and those churches are not rightly constituted , where this liberty is either wanting , or not in use , when the truth of god is wronged , and wrested , and turned into a lye ; and when his sacred word is handled deceitfully , and mis-applyed , as it often is , even by the learned in the tongues , that are unstable &c. and yet no man allowed to reprehend them for it , nor convince them of it , at least not in publique : and how then shall the same auditory be purged from it , if their reprehension be not as publique , as the doctrine is preached ? for who knows that all the congregation shall every one of them be assembled again ? and the doctrine may be such , as may lead them to perdition and destruction , both of their souls and bodies . and this liberty being in use , will doubtless make both the learned and unlearned a great deal more careful , to keep unto sound doctrine that cannot be reproved . and they that plead so much against liberty of preaching of men unlearned in the tongues , for fear of the spreading of errors and schisms , and yet will not allow this publique liberty of reprehension ( as hath been said ) to prevent , and avoyd , and purge the same . i can hardly beleeve that the spreading of errors and schisms is the chief cause that makes them zealous therein , but some other by , or self-respects , which they will not own . for no man , that is zealous against such spreading gangrenes , but he will allow , and justifie , and approve all possibe means to avoyd or stay them , else he is not cordial in that respect : and what means possibly can be more awful , and more suitable , and even necessary , then publique reprehension of publique errors ? the apostle paul reprehended peter before them all , gal. 2. 14. and them that sin ( saith the apostle ) rebuke before all , that others also may fear , 1 tim. 5. 20. but it will be objected , that it were an immodest part for any man to implead his minister in the publique congregation ; and might disgrace , and disparage , and dishonor him for ever . ans . i answer , that it is far greater immodesty in such ministers to need to it , and to give just occasion by dealing immodestly with the truth of god , to the disgrace , and disparagement , and dishonor of god ; in respect of whom , and for maintenance of whose truth , we must not know either father or mother , son or daughter , minister or master , brother or friend ; but to undervalue , disgrace , dishonor , disparage , yea , and even hate them , in comparison thereof ; and rather then baulk the truth , that concerns the good of immortal souls , especially in case , when it may endanger the loss of souls , so precious is the redemption of souls , and their continuance for ever : and of so high esteem ought the glory of god to be valued of us . he that valueth himself , or his own honor , or grace and glory , yea , or his own life , better then the truth and the glory of god , deserveth no better , but shame and dishonor for his self-ish ends and pride , &c. and he that doth truth , and cometh to the light , that his deeds may be made manifest that they are wrought in god , he will be desirous to be tryed by the touchstone , even the truth it self ; and will love him better that lets him see his error ( in such a case ) then him that flattereth with his lips , or holdeth his tongue , and lets him run on in erroneous paths , either in life or doctrine . and it is a sign , that such men do [ evil ] that hate the light , and that will not abide the tryal by the touchstone , in as open and publique a place , as they have held forth doctrine , provided always that it be done with meekness , in a loving way , as it ought to be ; for so saith the apostle , let all your things be done in love . and that there be also a free acknowledgment , by them that do it , of their own weaknesses , and subjection of themselves to all or any error , and to be likewise tempted and drawn aside ; and that they onely stand , and are upheld by the grace of god , of his free accord ; and with a clear manifestation of such material and weighty causes , and considerations , moving them thereunto , as are of greater value and consequence , then the credit , and reputation , and honor due unto such a minister ; for it ought not to be done upon slight occasion , but matters of weight , and such as will over-ballance all the shame and disgrace that may possibly fall upon such a minister . and it is a signe , that men come of themselves , ( and are not sent of god ) if they seek their own glory : or if their own glory be so near and dear unto them , that they cannot be content to undervalue it , to the glory of god , or to his sacred truth ; if they cannot be content to let god be [ true ] and every man a lyar ; but will rather oppose the truth of god , then acknowledg themselves to have erred from the truth , jam. 5. 19 , 20. it is a shrewd sign , that there is in such men , a spice of that pride , that exalteth the pope , above all that is called god , or that is worshipped : who arrogateth power , and dominion to himself , as if he could not erre ; for all men must beleeve , what he asserteth ; and punctually obey his commands , and decrees , though never so untrue , or unjust &c. yea , though quite contrary to the word of god , and to the light of reason : or else they must be excommucate , out of their churches : oh horrible pride ! and yet a spice thereof , is doubtlesse to be found in all men by nature : and in the natures of many , that yet notwithstanding have the grace of god ; for they are partly flesh , and partly spirit ; and it is rare to finde out such a man , as can deny himself , and take up his crosse , and follow christ [ fully : ] that can endure the cross , and despise the shame ; for men can very hardly endure to be [ crost ; ] yea , though they cross and oppose , even the truth of god ; how much lesse then , would they endure the cross , and the shame , and spitting ? and they cannot endure to be despised , and dishonoured , when they doe despise , and dishonour god. how much less then , can they despise the shame , in respect of the honour and glory of god ? but it will be objected , that if this were suffered , any man ( that would ) might implead the minister , if he think he erre , even when he hath preached the truth of god. and so many raise controversies of disputation , when ever they please , to disturbe and trouble the congregations ; amongst which , there are some that are weake , that ought to be received , but not unto controversies of disputation . i answer , as before , that it ought not to be done , but in matters of weight , that may be clearly evinced from the word of god. and if any oppose , or contradict the truth , either through malice , or ignorance ; it may minister occasion to such a minister , to convince gain-sayers ; and then the shame , and dishonour , will light on them , and the truth of god be the more splendorous , in that respect ; and if it be done of malice , his malice that doth it will be discovered ; and if it be through ignorance , he may be convinced , and better informed ; and will have cause of thankfulness , both to god , and the minister , that hath converted him , and resolved his doubts . but if it were the custom , that judicious men might not ( onely in case of erronious doctrine , but of things dark and mysterious , that are not fully cleared in their ministration ) put them on by way of question ; or desire them to illustrate , or clear such a point ; or inlarge themselves in profitable points , and confirm them better ; it might be very profitable to the church of god : for the people will more regard and consider better , of such particular points , as have been the subject of such discourse , and are , as it were , vindicated , and concluded upon ( and so confirmed against all objections , or obscurities whatsoever , even in the publike congregation , and by the most judicious in reputation amongst them ) then of other particulars . and this also would be a meanes , to debar all such from usurping the ministry , that are not able for it : and to convince gainsayers , and stop their mouths ; and to maintain also , and vindicate the truth . yea , it would be a means to seclude all such , as are not men of self-denying spirits , such as the lord jesus requires ; that such should be ( if they would attaine to be his disciples ) especially , his ministers . 4. the independent principles are likewise stricter , in standing fast to such christian liberties ( in other respects ) wherewith jesus christ hath made us free ; then the ways and principles , or at least , the practises of presbyterians will suffer . 1. as first , concerning their independency , in respect of other churches whiles they do well , as rom. 13. 3 , 4. & 1 pet. 3. to 23. & chap. 4. 1 , 2. & 12 , &c. for as it is granted by [ all : ] that in case of necessitie , as when a church liveth where it cannot govern in a presbyterial way , in a classical , and synodical manner ; because there is no churches to combine with , within convenient bonds : or at least , none that are willing . they allow them power within themselves , both for constitution , and dissolution of such a church , as they see occasion , for the benefit of the same ; and the glory of god , and their souls health . and therefore seeing all power both for government , and discipline , is necessarily allowed them in such a case . though they are not against the consociation of true christian churches , for the mutuall advice , and edification , and help , and comfort of one another ; or in case of admonition , &c. yet they utterly deny , to submit themselves , as under the jurisdictive authority of any such churches , save only in case of advice or councel , or admonition ; or at most , as sister churches in every respect , and as they shall convince them from scripture grounds ; that their decrees , or results , are according to god , and to his laws and testimonies , concerning them , either in doctrine , or government . and therefore will not submit , to binde themselves to be ordered or governed , by the votes of such , in any respect , till they first know , what their votes are that they submit unto ; lest they should be enslaved to the wills of men , against their consciences ; which are , or ought to be onely bound by scriptural decrees , or loosed either : and therefore ought not to be submitted to the decrees of men , not infallibly guided , though never so numerous , or wise and learned ; who all may erre , and often do : and therefore ought not to challenge any binding authority , or power whatsoever , or loosing either , but onely in case , and so far forth as they can and doe , even convince the conscience , from scripture evidence , in the name of god , and of the lord jesus christ ; that their decrees are just , and ought to be obeyed , and submitted to : and it is lawfull as well for a church , as a particular man , to goe to the law and to the testimony , as they are injoyn'd . and to search the scriptures dayly , whether those things be so , that are decreed , or taught us ; or that are preached unto us , yea , though by an angel from heaven : and if we finde they teach us another gospel then what we have received , we must let them be accursed . and it is evident , that the apostles , and elders , and the whole church being assembled with one accord ; resolved of nothing , till it was cleared from scripture ; that all assented , and agreed to it , even the whole church , as acts 15. 22 , 25. and it is certaine , that either a particular man , or particualar church , having scriptural grounds , may say as [ they , ] it seemed good to the holy ghost , &c. for what the scripture decrees , the holy ghost decrees . and therefore all assemblies , congregational , presbyterial , classical , synodical , national , or oecumenical , should onely be as this in the acts , to consider of such matters , as vers . 6. and to resolve them from scripture ; that all being assured from scripture ground , may with one accord , passe sentence with them , being fully assured , that it seemeth good to the holy ghost , as well as unto them , what ever is resolved , or decreed , or done in his sacred name . else they are presumptuous and self-willed , and do usurp authority over the church of god ; if they take upon them to binde and loose , and do not make it manifest , as they ought to do , from scripture evidence ; that it seemeth good to the holy ghost , as well as them , coloss . 4. 4. and though it is true , that we ought to obey them that have the oversight of us , and that have the rule over us , and to follow their faith , as hebr. 13. 7 , 17. yet it must be in case , when we know them to be such , as watch for our souls , as they that must give account ; that they may do it with joy , and not with grief . and it must be upon consideration of the end of their conversation : that it is jesus christ yesterday , and to day , and the same for ever . for they that preach unto us the word of god , should not be changeable ; least they carry us about with divers and strange doctrines , as vers . 8. 9. which we must not be , to follow their faith ; nor in obedience unto them , that turne away their ears from the truth , and are turned unto fables , as 2 tim 4. 3 , 4. 1 tim. 6. 3. 4. 5. & 2 tim 3. 2 3 , 4. 2 thes . 3. 6. 7 , 8. and if any come unto us , and bring not the true doctrine , we must not receive him to house , neither bid him god speed , as 2 joh. 10. how much lesse , may such be received as ministers of god ; and maintan'd either by tythes , or other maintenance . and how unlawful is it ( therefore ) either for magistrates , or others , to force maintenance , of any such ; or to limit men by parochiall bounds ; that in case a parish , shall heap to themselves teachers after their owne hearts , having itching ears , that turn from the truth : yet men must be inforced , to maintain such teachers , and to heare them likewise ; and must not withdraw themselves , as the apostle injoynes us ; nor go elsewhere , unless we can remove our habitations also ; which cannot chuse but be sometimes inconvenient ; and to our utter overthrow in wordly respects . all which bondage , is a great infringement to our christian liberty , in them that do it , and ought not to be approved nor assented to , by any that desires to keep a good conscience voyd of offence , both to god and man. reas . for how many thousand parishes , both have been , and are , not onely here , but in other kingdoms , by this means , kept utterly destitute of any spiritual food , for the good of their souls : and that sometimes , even for a whole age together , during the parsons or vicars life , who once enstall'd , can never be removed , if he be conformable , to the government on foot , and can please the greater , or most of the parish ; yea , and though he be never so carnal ; if he have but learning , and an outward form of doctrine and profession , in respect of religion , like the generality of the congregation : though he utterly deny the power of godlinesse ; yet all his parishoners , ( though never so godly and conscientious ) must hold them contented , during such a mans life , for they must allow him his tythes , or maintenance ; and they must not obey the apostles direction , to wit , from such turn away . but they must keep to their own church , and be bound to submit to their own minister , unless they can remove out of such a parish . and so in all likelihood , famish the souls of their whole families ; if god be not mercifull , in stretching forth his immediate hand in an extraordinary unexpected way : [ for the ordinary way ] is by the foolishness of preaching , ( as so the world accounts i● ) to save them that beleeve . and therefore let men say what they will , but there is no other way , to keep such men out , for intruding themselves , and being intruded upon them ; but to let all that are godly , and consciencious , have free liberty , to approve , and receive , or admic , and in stall , whom they generally allow off ; or to dis-approve , reject , turn from , dis-install , or eject , whom they dissavow . for how else can they , in such respects , obey the apostles direction ; and keep a good conscience , void of offence both towards god and man , heb. 13. 8 , 9. 2 tim. 3. 4 , 5. 1 tim. 4. 3 , 4. 2 thess . 3. 6 , 7 , 8. 2 joh. 10. & joh. 10. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , to 16. let any man tell me but [ how ] and i shall silence for ever in that respect . how , i mean , they shall answer these scriptures as they ought to do . if it be promised that the presbyterial govenment will so provide , that none shall be admitted , and approved off , but such as are truly spiritual , and of the most able , and fit for the ministry , that can be found ; and then it need not to trouble the conscience of any man in that respect . i answer , that i cannot beleeve it , till i see it done , or by what means it should be effected ; whiles [ all ] have vote , and power in election , and may , either chuse whom they think good , or be without , all ( i meane ) that have taken the covenant , many of whom , have so little understanding in spiritual things , that they are not thought worthy to receive the sacrament . and how then can such discern , whether men be spiritural and able for the ministy ; or they be but carnal , and such as can know nothing of spiritual things , to wit , of the things of god. as a corinthians , 2. 14. the natural man perceiveth not the things of god , neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discern'd ; to wit , through an eye of faith . but the spiritual man , to wit , a man throughly spiritualized , through faith in god ; discerneth all things , yea , even the deep things of god object . it will be objected , that all that are godly , and truely conscientious , are not able to discern of the fitness of men , for spirituall imployment . and therefore it is more wisdom , to commit the apporveal of all spiritual men , to the wise and learned , and to the elderships , &c. answ . i answer , that he that entreth in by the door , ( which is christ himself , our archbishop , is the shepherd of the sheep ; ) as joh. 10. 2. 9. and to him the porter openeth , and the sheep hear his voice , and he calleth his own sheep by name , and leadeth them out : and when he putteth forth his own sheep , he goeth before them ; and the sheep follow him , for they know his voice . and a stranger will they not follow , but will fly from him ; for they know not the voice of strangers , as vers . 3. 4 , 5. this is the promise , and the plain assertion of christ himself ; that his sheep know his voice , by whomsoever he sendeth it ; for the porter , to wit his ( holy spirit ) openeth their hearts , as he did the heart of lydia , even to hear , and obey , and to follow , and doe ; to imbrace , and to receive , yea , to love , and honour ; even such , who bring them such glad tydings , of life , and peace , and of truth , &c. and therefore , though they be not able to discern , and discover , and judge who is fittest , and the most able ; for such , and such imployment ; yet they can discern , who are sent of god , and bring his message ; so far , at least , as not to follow a stranger : for the voyce of strangers , is strange unto them ; and such as they will not follow : so that the general approbation , of the sheep of christ ; such especially , who are known to be his , is the note of a shepherd that is called of god , and sent to preach ; or that is called to officiate in any place about spiritual things . and though they cannot discern who is fit for office ; yet if the wise , and learned , should appoint them a stranger , or an hireling , and that careth not for them ; or such whose voice they know not , or to whom the porter openeth not : they ought not to follow , but to fly from them , as from thieves and robbers : yea , as sheep from wolves , that would murder , and destroy , and devoure their souls : as vers . 5. 8. 10. 12 , 13. but if this be their duty , as doubtless it is ; if they once discern who are such or such : then it necessarly follows , that they ought not by authority to be otherwise impelled ; but that in such respects , ( as do so highly concern the good of their souls , and the souls of their housholds , and their posterities after them , till the world determine , ) they might have liberty of conscience , as they dare answer it , at the great tribunal ; to deale impartially in all such cases , of such concernment , to approve , or reject , as they think they ought . and as considering themselves , even now already in whatever they doe ; to be before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels : as 1 tim. 5. 21. and this is a liberty , wherewith jesus christ hath made us free ; to which it is our duty to stand fast . and to beware of such as shall come unto us , in sheeps cloathing , that yet inwardly are ravening wolves . and he hath promised , that we shall know them by their fruits , mat 12. 30 , to 35. and they that would spoil us of any such liberties , are in that respect , to be accounted no better then theeves and robbers : yea , spirituall theeves , that would spoile our soules . and such therefore we ought not to receive , nor to bid them god speed , where they teach such doctrine ; unless in hope that they do it ignorantly : and that we onely receive them , in hope to reduce them , from such dangerous error . if it be objected , that men will not allow any maintenance to such whom they may not have vote in election of ; unless it be compelled or forced from them , which is not warrantable , as hath been said , and proved by some . i answer briefly , that whatever others that are malignant , and enemies to the church of god , will do or refuse , give or with-hold in such a case , that doth not exempt thosewho are godly and conscientious form doing their duties , and from being impartial in such weighty business that concerns the good of their immortal souls ; in which cases all things should be done without partiality or respect of persons . and they ought rather so to joyn themselves , as to maintain a ministry upon their own charges , then to give their sufferage or vote for such to be installed in a place , as ought not to preach . and if it were so , that the truly religious would joyn themselves , and engage in covenant each to others , for this end , that all of them might speak even the same thing , without partiality or respect of persons . there would scarce any accept of a place , but that were either called or approved by them ; nor would they continue against their wills , nor act contrary to their general results from scripture grounds . but whiles they sit loose , and are partially engaged , and do not assemble themselves ( even their own selves ) for these and such like business that concerns them all ; how is it possible that they should know the mindes each of others , or the grounds or reasons upon which they act ? or how to resolve fully , so as all may assent , and be satisfied in conscience from sacred scripture , that so they ought to resolve in such and such cases . and therefore they ought thus to joyn and assemble themselves , and be engaged deeply each unto others , that things of this nature might be justly carried , without partiality or respect of persons , yea , at least in private , if authority will not suffer them to engage in publique ; if there be so many within convenient bounds , as may in any possibility do good this way . 5. they are stricter in maintaining the power , and kingdom , and supremacy of christ , then the presbyterian government ( as in now stands ) will allow or suffer . reas . for though they do allow , that the body of the church should be obedient and subject to the ministers and elders of the same , so far forth as they hold forth the word and voyce of christ , as joh. 10. 4. and do make it manifest ( as they ought to do ) from the law and testimony , that their ways and words , or judgments , and censures , or proceedings , are right , as in the way of the churches of new england , appers pag. 100. chap. 5. yet in case , when the officers of a church shall err , and commit an offence , or miscarry the business that concerns them all , or that in any respect concerns the glory of god. they make bold to over rule them , and to maintain the truth , and rescue the innocent , or condemn the guilty , and to elect , or eject , receive , or refuse ; yea , to remit or retain , as they finde cause and ground form scripture ; yea , though quite contradictory to the judgments , and decrees , and results of their elders ; and in case of obstinacy , even to proceed to censure and to cast them out , as unsavory salt , if their sin so deserve . and this democracy is necessarily assumed and exercised by the church , in choosing their officers , and joyntly with them in admitting members ; and in censuring , or acquitting , and remitting offenders : and that to preserve the monarchy of christ from antichristian usurpation , lest they should be in forced to let men at their pleasure bear rule over them , and become as men pleasers , and servants of men , as many have done ; and that without all remedy , or hope of remedy , whiles their officers live , as hath been said before , in the like case : and all , because that they had not power within themselves to censure and remove them ; but having their power to seek ( form other churches , or from without their own , ) could never finde it to remove them by , as in conscience they ought . but were forced to yeeld even blinde obedience , and to submit themselves to what ever decrees were imposed on them , whether right or wrong , truth or falshood , good or evil . and what else can be justly expected form the presbyterial government , if they require obedience to what ever they decree or determine by vote , in classis or synod , or congregational presbytery , when they make it not manifest as they ought to do ; from sacred scripture , that such decrees are just , and ought to be executed and obeyed , &c. by all or any whom they do concern , that are under the government , and of the kingdom of christ ? for what is this but to give them liberty for the absolute exercise of arbitary power , after men are chosen to such anoffice ? for what is it but arbitrary power ( in spiritual respect : ) that is not submitted to the word of god , to the lord jesus christ , and to his law and testimony , as well as such is accounted arbitrary power ( in civil respects ) that is not submitted to the laws of the land ? and this cannot chuse but at least sometimes engage or enforce us unto blinde obedience ( if we submit thereto , ) and that unto men , as if we were necessitated to account of them , as if they could not err . and therefore doubtless such ( whoever they are ) that either claim ( as due ) or expect such obedience , do extol themselves even above the apostles , and expect more obedience , and honor , and service , then they ever required , who were ( notwithstanding ) more infallibly guided . for they rather commend , then blamed the bereans , for searching of the scriptures , whether those things were so , that were preached by them . and what may this prove , but not onely the infringement of the churches liberties , but even the just rights and liberties of the subjects , yea , and the priviledg of parliament : for if the parliament were bound , as in duty to god , to establish and confirm what ever a synod , or an assembly of divines , should conclude , or decree amongst themselves , to be just and right in the sight of god , and that without evidence form sacred scripture , what a gross slavery might even their very consciences be subjected to ? for was not this the means of introduction of popery and all superstition that ever was establisht in the christian world ; to wit , obedience unto synods , as if they could not err ? and is it not as dangerous now , lest men should yet err , and mislead the parliament , and the whole kingdom , yea , and all the churches ? are we sure that they are more infallible , then in former ages ? doubtlesse , i say , they ought not to challenge , nor expect or plead for any such obedience , nor that they either do or can do any thing authoritatively indeed , but what they make good and manifest from scripture ; for then onely , and onely so far forth , they may authoritatively say , it seemed good unto the holy ghost and us ; as hath been said before : for even the apostles were but drawn together to consult and consider of those things , neither did they decree , till james stood up and resolved the matter from sacred scripture , by concluding such a result , as to which they all assented : it was not carryed by multiplicity and majority of votes , what should be decreed ; but by the best scripture evidence . neither are any such either fit or worthy to be members of an assembly , synod , or classis , or congregational presbytery , that can be content to let things pass upon slender debate , and without result from scripture grounds upon bare votes , it may be inconsiderately gathered , to be made as decrees , for the churches government , and that about matters in controversie , concerning faith and doctrine , or ways and manners , or any such like . considering that the eyes of the chief seers , in a whole kingdom or nation , yea in the whole universe , may be covered : and the sacred scriptures may be unto them all as a sealed book ; yea , they may account even the great things of gods own law as a strange thing ; as isai . 29. vers . 9. to the end . micah 3. 5 , 6. 7 , 8. hosea 8. 12. and yet may think it strange , that such men as they should either be , or be accounted blinde ; as those that said unto christ , are we blinde also ? and therefore it behoves the magistrates , and all in authority , to restrain and limit them in these respects that so highly concern even the life and death of their immortal souls , and of posterities after them , unto all ages : i say , to restrain and limit them to the law and testimony in what ever decrees they decree to establish : else they are guilty even of the blood of souls , which they lay open to be bought and sold at the will and pleasure of presumptuous men , that are self-willed , and lovers of their own selves , covetous , boasters , proud , &c , of which sort there is many in these last days . 6. they are stricter , and justly too , in keeping themselves within their own sphere , in that they require not obedience from all the inhabitants within parochial , no nor local bonds ; to the decrees of synods , classis , and presbyteries , as jure divino ; for that can never be proved from scripture grounds , to be either duty or lawful , but onely so far forth as their decrees are just , and held forth also from scripture grounds , in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ : to be obeyed , or disobeyed ; not as they tender the displeasure of men , in what ever authority , place , or power , ecclesiasticall , or civil ; but as they [ tender ] the breach of the law of god , or their obedience unto him , or as they fear his wrath , or expect his love , and blessing , &c. neither do they resolve , to deal with all indefinitely , in a spiritual way ; as they are admonished to deal with brethren , matth. 18. to 21. by way of private reproof and admonition ; and after that , to tell it to the church ; before they be unto us as heathens , and publicans ; for many are so to us , even as heathens and publicans ; even in the judgement of charity , and certainty both : being yet without in the apostles sense , 1 cor. 5. 12. and what have we to do with them that are without ; to whom all things ( as yet ) are done in parables , what have we , therefore , to do to judge them , the apostle knew not , that we had any occasion , nor proper interest or power so to do , save only in general in the publike ministry . neither are we injoyned , ( for altogether ) not to company with such ; nor not to eate with such ; if they be but ( fornicators , or covetous , or extortioners , or idolaters of this world , ) as 1 cor. 5. 10 , 11. & chap. 10. 27. for we are not bound to rebuke scorners , and deale with them as brethren , in spiritual respects ; we are only bound to deale with breathren , such who are so called , and accounted of , through their visible profession of christianity : ( not of atheisme , and grosse prophanness ; ) such , who never yet thought themselves fit to receive the sacrament of the lords supper : for how are they within , or in fellowship with us , or in company together , who abhor and hate , and had rather almost be in company with devils , then with such , whose waies are a rebuke unto theirs . and how then shall we in any respect , withdraw from such , who never yet were in company with us , but against their wills ; 1 thes . 3. 6. and how is it proper , to judge , or censure ; or to remit , and pardon , ( as 2 cor. 2. 7 , 8. 1 cor. 5. 12 , 13. joh. 20. 23. ) such who are utterly uncapable of any proper impression , or sence , or dinte of a divine rod ; a spiritual censure , or admonition , or rebuke , &c. yea , or of being remitted , though they outwardly reform , till they inwardly repent , and be at peace with god , not only for open , but for all their sins , open , and secret ; unless men purposely intended to delude their souls : for though for trespass against man , he that is injur'd , upon repentance may forgive it ; as mat. 18. but sins against god , he only can pardon , who sees the heart , and whether they repent indeed . and men can only do it , declaratively and effectually , in his sacred name ; according to the appearance or visibility of their cordiall repentance ( in their apprehension ; ) not for one onely , but for for all their sins , jam. 2. 10 , 11. & 1 sam. 2. 25. and thus much briefly against the presbyterians , for the time present , though i have more particulars to have instanced in ; yet if in these particulars , a reconcilement were made , the rest would follow with more ease . but these things being true , as i am confident that any rational man ( that will but seriously consider of these particulars , with the grounds and reasons , that are here alledged , with an impartial eye ) will freely confess , that the independents are justly stricter , and ought so to be , in these particulars ; and that their grounds and reasons are sound and substantiall for so doing , and that the magistrate ought not to restrain or limit them , in the prosecution of these just , and lawful , and godly ends : but to tollerate , and protect them , and incourage them hereunto , by all possible means : yea , though in these respects , they be manifestly stricter then the presbyterial government , as it now stands , will permit and suffer . and now having done with the presbyterians , for the time present , in behalf of the independents : i shall turn my hand to the independents , in behalf of presbyterians ; for though i cannot charitably conceit them , in respect of their ends ; to wit , that they are not good ; yet , i have something against them , in respect of their ways , and dare not be partial in the things of god ; but must speak out , according to my apprehension , as well against them , as the presbyterians ; for it is dangerous to be partial in the law , or respect persons . job . 32. 22. 1. and first then , though it is not denyed , but that in case of necessity such a congregation so incorporated , ( being men of fidelity ; faithful men ) may ordain themselves pastors , elders , and deacons , as they stand in need , and exercise all spiritual jurisdictive power amongst themselves , as they see cause , for the glory of god , and the churches good . for in case , when no other pastors of other churches can conveniently be obtained to assist them therein , to whom it more fitly and properly appertains , being called by the church so to do ; it is confessed they may doe it themselves . reas . but in ordinary propriety , as the apostle saith , the lesse is blessed of the greater ; for he so concludes , hebr. 6. 7. that it is so without contradiction , proving that melchisedec was greater then abraham , because he blessed him , vers . 4. 7. argu. but ordination by imposition of hands , is an act of blessing ; and is effectual to confer a blessing in the name of god , if administred in faith , matth. 18. 19. though otherwise not , as jam. 1. 6 , 7 , 8. conseq . 1. and therefore by consequence , the more faithful that men are , and the more likely , such their blessing is to be effectual , and to be conferred indeed ; as many instances mght easily be produced . conseq . 2. and therefore it follows , that the most faithful that can be obtained , is the most fit for such an act ; because it is most likely , that such their blessing will be effectuall , the more and rather . reas . and therefore it was , that john the baptist did , according to modesty , object against christ , when he came to his baptisme , i have need ( saith he ) to be baptized of thee , and commest thou to me ? but our saviour answered , that he should let be now , because that thus it became them , to fulfil all righteousnesse . and the reason was , because in common reputation ( at that time ) iohn was greater then he : for all men held that iohn was a prophet : but christ as yet had not shewed forth his glory , in so eminent a manner , as to be so esteemed . object . but it is objected , that a [ church of beleevers ] or a company of the [ presbytery ] are , in comon reputation , greater then [ one , ] to wit , any [ one ] man whom they may ordain , and so in that respect , the lesse is blessed of the greater , as hebr. 6. 7. for two , ( saith solomon ) are better then one . and the promise is made unto two or three . mat. 18. therefore it follows , if two or three be preferred to one , that a whole church of faithful men are better then two or three , and greater in esteem , and their prayers , or blessings , are the more likely to be valide and effectual . and therefore it is not unfit in that respect , but proper and comely , and so much the more hopeful , that such their blessing , through faith in god , will be effectual , though they want the assistance of some more eminent men ( then such yet are ) whom they do ordain : the prayer of a righteous man availeth much , saith james , if it be fervent , jam. 5. 16. and how much more available may we expect the prayers of a whole church will be with god , as it was when peter was in prison ? act. 12. 5. ans . i answer briefly , that it is not unlawful , but may be done , and not improperly , in case of necessity , as hath been said . but , first , observe , that the addition of some more eminent men to be , as it were , the mouth and hands of such a whole church , doth not deminish , but encrease their number of faithful men , if such can be obtain'd to assist them therein , and so by their own argument so much greater blessings are likely to be conferred at their request . and it may he sometimes that the prayers of some one man being more earnest then the rest , may obtain the blessing , or some particular request , rather then all the rest ; as it is said of elias , james 5. 17. 18. and 2 kings 2. 12. the charrets and horsemen of israel . reas . for it is not because of the number of intercessors , nor because of the righteousness [ only ] of such , or so many as shall pray unto him , that he grants their request ; but it is rather because of their faithfulness and fervency in such very particular for which they pray , as jam. 1. 6 , 7 , 8. & chap. 5. 16. for it sometimes falls out , that men that are the most faithful ordinarily , yet may in some particulars be more diffident then the weakest , so that their faith failing them , they begin to sink ; as peter on the water , though he had walked already , through the power of god , yet the sight of a storm struck him into doubts ; and you know the place where it is said of christ himself , that he [ could ] do no great works there , because of their unbelief . and therefore it is not the bare form of ordination , though administred by never so many , or never so eminent men , that can prevail for a blessing on such or such a man ; but it is the fervency and faithfulness of such who do ordain them that obtains the blessing ; for by how much stronger men are in faith in that very particular , so much the more powerful they are with god to obtain his blessing , and the presence and power of the holy ghost to be in greater measure conferred upon him to enlarge and enable him for such a work , and for service to his name in such an office . and therefore such men , who in the general apprehension of such a church , are the most faithful and fervent in spirit that can be obtain'd , and the most inward and familiar with god , ought to be requested , and sought unto by such a church to assist them in ordination of any such officer , and to be their mouth and hands unto god , even the mouth and hands of the whole church , who ( as it is granted ) ought to be present , and to joyn in prayer together with them . and thus to do , is not to [ aliene ] their own liberties in that respect , for they may do it themselves in case of necessity , as hath been said , when there is not to be had more eminent and faithful men then is amongst themselves , or if they cannot obtain them : for it doth not take such liberties from them , nor power to use them , in case of necessity , because that others assist them at their request , no more then another minister , praying or preaching together with them at their request , takes away from them their proper liberty of praying themselves . and therefore i shall much wonder if any godly consciencious man shall oppose this doctrine , though the custom hath been ( as they were instructed by some of their ministers ) to practise otherwise : yea , and though i also speak it in behalf of those of the presbyterial way , for i do not speak it in behalf of men ; but in behalf of the truth , which i ought to esteem before all the men on the face of the earth ; i therefore speak it , because i beleeve , that thus it becometh them , to fulfil all righteousness : for greatness in reputation ought to be preferred in such publike ministrations above greatness in deed , for christ was greater [ in deed ] then john the baptist , though not in [ reputation ] at the time of his baptism , and therefore so it became them ; to fulfill all righteousness , mat. 3. 24 , 15. for without all contradiction the less is blessed of the greater in ordinary ways , at least of the greater in reputation : john had need to be baptized of christ , the less of the greater , to this christ assents ; but john was greater in reputation at that present time , therefore it became them rather to follow the general reputation , then the inherent power for baptization , wherein subsisted the greatness in deed in respect of power . for the original of power is only in god , 1 cor. 3. 5. not not in him that planteth , nor in him that watereth : and is but apprehended , or fetched out by faith , as by an immediate hand , and accordingly administred , according to the strength or measure of faith , in such an instrument , by whom such blessing or benefit whatsoever is mediately administred . it was not properly the spirit of moses that was put upon the elders , numb . 11. though it was so called , vers . 17. even the spirit that was on him ; but it was more properly even the spirit of the lord , as vers . 29. that rested on the elders , and on moses both ; and in that respect only it is properly said , that the lord took off the spirit that was on him , and put it upon them , as vers . 25. 26 , 17. for it was no other but the self-same spirit , even the spirit of god , though measured out as it pleased him , as 1 cor. 12. we must not therefore expect the blessing , because administred in such a way , or in such a manner , no , nor by faithful men , ( though we may the rather , ) but because administred through faith indeed , in the name of god , whom we ought to acknowledg as the onely fountain and original spring from whence it is derived , and variously disperst , as it pleaseth him , as jam. 1. 16 , 17 , 18. and is not in the power or custody of men to give the encrease , or blessing indeed , as 1 cor. 3. 7. and therefore all the ordinances ( though never so purely and properly administred , in respect of order , and forms of government or administrations ) will be utterly vain , invalid , empty , fruitless , and unprofitable , unless ministred in faith , yea , through faith in god , and the lord jesus christ , and that in every particular : for it is not sufficient that such administrators have faith in god for the saving of their souls , but they must have faith to apprehend his promises , concerning such particulars , whatever they administer , or desire of god to be done for them upon such occasions ; or else they may not expect to receive such things , as jam. 1. 6 , 7. and therefore the most faithful is weak enough for the meanest administration in the church of god. and therefore the end of ordination being the blessing , the means to attain it should be so ordered , as is most likely to attain unto , or acquire this end : we should so run , that we might obtain : for , in such publique cases , men often take gods name in vain for want of ayming chiefly at the proper end of any service , duty , or ordinance that men take in hand . but thus much briefly for this particular , because i hope no man will contradict what is here asserted . 2. a second thing that i have against the independent government , is briefly this , to wit , that though they do allow of consociation of churches for advice and counsel , and for the help and encouragement , resolving , comforting , &c. or for the discouragement , forsaking , and conviction , or withdrawing from , as need requires : yet they do not allow of any authoritative acting , by an assembly of such churches , either for , or against any particular church , though need require so to do ; but do account it sufficient to withdraw communion , if they so deserve , according to mat. 18. as the direction is , to deal with a brother in case of trespass , not considering that this directory is onely given out , how we ought to deal , in case of trespass , against man , one brother against another , and that in such trespasses as deserve not excommunication out of such a church , but a private withdrawing of brotherly fellowship by that particular man against whom the trespass is committed , to wit , let him be unto thee as an heathen man , and as a publican , vers . 17. it is not said , that either such a man , or any other , for trespass properly against man , should be excommunicated from the publique ordinances ; but they are first admonished to note such by a letter , and have no company with them , that they might be ashamed , to see how that will work to bring them to repentance ; but they must not for such faults account them as enemies , but admonish them as brethren , as 2 thess . 3. 14 , 15. and bear them patiently , yea , though we think of them , that they are evil men , 2 tim. 2. 24 , 25 , 26. for we may easily be deceived , especially in our own cause , and be apt to judg and censure without moderation : and excommunication ought onely to be administred in case of sin against god , when we can scarce , in the judgment of charity , think any better of them , but that they are wicked men , cast out from amongst your selves : that [ wicked man ] saith the apostle , 1 cor. 5. 13. and of this sort also were hymeneus and alexander , who had made shipwrack of faith , and fell to blasphemy ; besides which , or for such like gross and notorious sins , and that against god , we read not of any that were delivered unto satan like those , 1 tim. 1. 19 , 20. argu. but this directory of our blessed saviour , going no further but to private withdrawing , in case of trespass , brother against brother , is not sufficient to direct the church how she ought to deal , in case of sins deserving that dreadful sentence of excommunication : but we must likewise take in , for further direction , that 1 cor. 5. and many other scriptures , as you shall hear anon . consequ . therefore it follows , that as a particular church is bound as well to deal with offendors ( if they so deserve ) by that heavy sentence of excommunication , as withdraw their communion and fellowship from them in case of lesser sins : even so in like case , churches consociated ought to deal with offending churches ( if they so deserve ) by that heavy sentence of excommunication , as well as withdraw their communion from them in case of lesser sins : and the churches censures of excommunication ought not to be bounded within the verge of particular churches against particular persons ; but ought to be executed against whole churches by the sister churches ( consociated and assembled for that very end ) if their sin so deserve ; as in case of toleration of blaspemy , or idolatry , or sabbath-breaking , or adultery , and such like gross prophaness in the members of the church , as 1 cor. 5. 10 , 11 , 12. and do not censure them for it . and take notice by the way , that i therefore say [ in the members of the church ] because such who are profane , and never professed repentance , nor faith in god , and the lord jesus christ , though they come to the church , yet they are not capable of excommunication , because that even in the judgment of charity they are as yet without , in the apostles sence , and are not of such as are called brethren ; but being already without , and in the power , and slavery , and captivity of satan , need no more casting out , nor delivering unto him : but it were gross foolery to spend the churches censures upon such wicked men , neither could it be expected to be effectual against them , nor take impression on them ; and therefore the apostle doth not for altogether inhibit our companying together with such , as vers . 10. but with such ( amongst such ) as are called brethren ; with such a one , that they should not eat : whereas in another place , if any man that beleeved not invited them to a feast , if they were disposed to go , they might go ; for he giveth them no inhibition in that case , but onely a directory how to carry themselves , as 1 cor. 10. 27. and it is but a foolish thing to bring men to the stool of repentance for some one particular notorious sin , till they can also profess and seriously too , as before god , that they repent for all , both secret and open , and do hope for pardon . and it is but a deluding of mens consciences , to put them in hope of pardon for one , till they repent for all , and do resolve to forsake them , jam. 2. 10. 11. and thus much by the way ; i do now come to the point , and do briefly assert : assert . that it is the duty of true christian chuches , joyntly consociate , or assembled together , not only to admonish , and withdraw communion , as hath been said ; and as it is granted by mr. cotton , in the way of the churches of n. e. pag. 109. sect. 6. to wit , that they look at it , as their duty , to be faithfull one church to another ; in like sort , as the brethren of one church are called to be faithful one towards another ; in regard that churches enjoy , and professe communion one with another , as well as brethren of a particular church ; alledging cant. 8. 8. & 2 cor. 11. 28. look also sect. 7. but that therefore , it likewise follows , even from their own argument ; that an assembly of churches , is also bound to deliver unto satan , in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ , and by his power &c. any such church , as shall so deserve ; or the officers , or ministers of any such church , who shall so deserve , if their own church shall neglect to do it ; else , they deal not faithfully with such ministers , or brethren , not with such a church , as in duty they are bound , 1 cor. 5. after the apostles doctrine and example , 1 tim. 5. 19. 20. as hath been said : nay , if they but call themselves brethren , or ministers of christ , rev. 2. 2 , 20. 21. or churches of christ , as chap. 3. 9. yea , jews and are not . they ought , i say , to be dealt with , by divine authority , in the name of christ , as synagogues of satan , as false apostles , as wicked iezebels , as lying brethren ; and so proclaimed ( joyntly ) by the churches , with one consent , and delivered to satan , that they might learn , not to blaspheme , or not to seduce , and deceive the servants , and people of god ; nor call themselves apostles and ministers of christ , when they are not ; or his ministers and embassadors , in such things and messages , wherein they are not ; as revel . 2. 2 , 20. or call themselves jews , or of the people of god , and are nothing so , as chap. 3. 9. but do lye notoriously , and that in the name of christ . i say , the censures of the church ought to pass upon them , in as publike and declarative a way and manner , acco●ding to their sin , as their sin shall deserve ; and that in the name of god , and the lord iesus christ ; whose judgement it is , that ought to be administred , and publikely held forth in his sacred name , with the grounds thereof , from the law and testimony , if men so deserve , even to execration . reas . for the like care , and the like meanes in every respect , is to be used , held forth , and exercised over such sister churches ; whether false or true , if they be so deemed , through their own profession , as is , and ought to be used over particular brethren , by a particular church ; whether such brethren be false or true , that through their own profession , are deemed brethren , or called brethren , as 1 cor. 5. 11. and if admonition , and in some cases excommunication , be ordinances of god , sanctified for the healing of the soules of gods people gone astray ; it were a sacrilegious injury , either to the ministers , or elders , or to whole churches , when they goe astray , to deprive them of the benefit of such wholesome medicines , when the estate of their souls stand in need thereof : as so their own arguments doth plainly resolve , in the way of the churches of n. eng. pag. 101. chap. 5. sect. 6. but it cannot be denyed , but even whole churches may so far apostatize , and go astray , either in life , or doctrine , or government , &c. as well as particular members of a congregation . reas . for suppose all the congregation do not act so wickedly , as to be fornicators , idolaters , or adulterers , &c. yet they may be induced to connive , and indulge , and be accessary with such in a great measure , as the corinthians were , with the incestious person , and therefore were sharply reprehended by the apostle paul. and if after admonition in such cases , as are proper for such gradual proceedings , there follow not repentance , and reformation ; or if any church shall tollerate idolatry , blasphemy , or prophaness , all sister churches ought in such cases , to proceed roundly against them . look in the way of the church of new eng : pag. 93. but for more certain testimony , examine and compare these scriptures following , to wit , 1 cor. 5. 11. 2 cor. 2. 6. deu. 13. 5 , 6 , &c. to the end . exod. 33. 7. acts 13. 45 , 46. iudg. 20. iosh . 7. 13 , 24 , 25 , 26. deut. 27. 15 , &c. ioshua 22. 16 , &c. iere. 48. 10 , mal. 1. 14. and such like many prophetical , popular , and national curses , which are exemplary for us to use in like cases : and they are no other , but the express mind and will of god ; which being unchangeable , ought to be published , and declaratively held forth , as occasion requires ; and the more publike , and the more visible and general that it is , and the more faithfully , and emphatically that it is exprest , and the better it is , and the more likely that it should be effectual for the end thereof ; yea , the more voyces that proclaim it , or assent unto it , with affection of minde , and faith in god , sutable thereunto ; and it is the more available , and acceptable with god , and efficacious and operative on the hearts of men , to deter , and restrain them from any such wickedness . and what need we any more , or more plaine injunction , then the apostle hath given us : to wit , if any man love not the lord jesus christ , let him be had in execration , yea maranatha : 1 cor. 16. 22. 1 tim. 1. 19 , 20. they had once occasion to have used these curses in the name of god , against some members of famous churches in new england ; and some it may be , might finde occasion to use them here , against such spies as bring an evill report upon the land of canaan ; the [ spiritual ] i mean. and doubtless , if used in faith , as they ought , they would be effectual ; for many such spies are culpable of judgement from the hand of god , as wel as these , who dyed of the plague before the lord ; as numb . 14. 36 , 37. yea , good men , whose souls shall be saved , may yet deserve to be made exemplary by the hand of god , in such a case , for the terror of others ; as so ( no doubt ) were nadab , and abihu , and vzza , and others , as we may well hope ; for even aaron himself , was admonished by moses , how to carry himself , lest he also should dye before the lord , if he were provoked , numb . 18 3. and this kinde of divine authority is far more awful , and fit to be used in all such cases ; then carnal , worldly , and humane authority ; as the effects would prove , if ministred in faith , as james 1. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. and by the power of our lord jesus christ , as 1 cor , 5. 4. to wit , through faith in his name ; confidently beleeving , that according to his promise , he will make it effectual ; and ratifie in heaven , what ever they agree on , or binde on earth or denounce , &c. as matth. 18. for if a man have faith in god , yea though never so little , if it be but as a graine of mustard-seed , provided it be concerning such very particulars , is he prayeth for , or desireth to be done ; yea , though it were for removing trees , and planting them in the middest of the sea , it should doubtlesse be effectual , matth. 21. 25. yea , what ever yee aske of god in prayer , beleeve that ye shall receive it , and it shall be given you , saith our savior christ , mar. 11. 22 , 23 , 24. mat. 17. 20. luk. 17. 6. and this divine authority , this power through faith , being ministred in his name , as it ought to be , is a far greater , and more awful authority , then any humane power , or carnal authority , that can be given by men , in what place soever ; for it is indeed the power of our lord and saviour jesus christ , spoken of , 1 cor. 5. 5. it is the power god. mat. 18. 18 , 19 , 20. fetched down from heaven , by the hand of faith . 3. a third thing that i have against the independent government , is their strictness in trial of all , whom they admit to partake of the sacraments . but lest i should be over-tedious , and there being many arguments , which have long been opposed each against other , concerning this maine difference , which if once reconciled , all other differences , would easily be agreed . i shall therefore propose my own apprehensions , partly abreviating what hath formerly been said in some particulars , by way of result , and then shall answer some objections concerning this main difference , and shall so conclude , lest my book should swell to a tedious volumn . after that a particular church is constituted and organiz'd , for administration of all the ordinances they ought to observe ; these ensuing rules , as most consonant with the practice of the apostles , and of all the churches in the primitive times , and most sutable to the word of god , and the rule of charity therein contained ; and to his own ways , held forth to us for our imitation , who profess oour selves to be followers of god as his dear children , and to walke in love , as christ hath loved us ; and do account the end of the commandment to be love , out of a pure heart , and a good conscience , and of faith unfeigned . 1. first , it ought to be their chief care and endeavour , that the preaching of the word ( which is the chief means that god hath appointed for the saving of souls ) be with all diligence , publickly administred , both to beleevers and infidels , even to all comers , with this end , and respect chiefly , that such who are already beleevers , might be edified in faith and love , which are in christ jesus , and that others might be convinced , and converted , and turned to the faith , yea , and that even all such whom god hath ordained to eternal life through jesus christ : for care should be taken , that non should be lost , nor go astray , nor be offened in any respect , that neither bruisedreeds should be broken off , nor smoking flax extinct , or quenched ; nor that which is halting be turned out of the way , but rather healed , and restored , yea blown and kindled , and bound up , and mollified , and helped , and strengthned , by all possible means that god hath appointed in his holy word . 2. secondly , as saving of soul , and edifying of the church , is the chief business to be cared for , and indeavoured by the church , and as the ministry of the word is the chief means tending thereunto : so it necessarily follows , that not only for the present , but for future likewise , provision be made , that none be elected , nor admitted into office , as minister of the word , to labour in the word and doctrine , nor to rule and govern , or minister to the poor , as deacons , &c. but such who are so qualified , as the word of god requires they should ; that so they might not be lead , either by blind guides , or idol shepherds , dumb dogs , devouring wolves , soul-murtherers , false prophets , that sew pillows under all armholes ; and flatter men into a fools paradise , being partial in the law , or profane and scandalous in any respect : as the scripture is large for direction herein , how they ought to be qualified , through faith , and love , which are in christ jesus , act. 6. 3. not any officer , no not the deacons , but care should be taken , that they should be men of honest report , full of the holy ghost and wisdom . 3. thirdly , that in any possibility , this might be secured , and provided for , not only for the present , but for future generations ( as much as possible ) it ought to be the care of every member of that body corporate , that visible church so joyned , and constituted ; that none be admitted , and joyned , or incorporated together with them , either first , or last , either for the time present , or for future generations : but such only , in whom all the members of the said body ( in the judgment of charity ) may justly confide , that they will not , to their knowledge ( either in elections , or ejections , approbations , or results , in any church-busness , either for receiving in , or casting out , or any matter wherein their voice or sufferage is justly requisite , as a member of the body ) deal unjustly or impartially , perfidiously or unfaithfully , but as before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels ; lest in after times , by means of ungodly men , which might be crept in , if care be not taken , and provision made , to keep such out , they that are ungodly might heap to themselves teachers after their own hearts , such as have been mentioned : and therefore so far forth as such body corporate is in any respect politically joyned , for the good of the whole , every member being part of the whole , and therefore having interest in the whole it self , and that not onely for the good of the rest , but for it self likewise ; and therefore ought in conscience to have vote and sufferage amongst the rest , in all such cases as concern the whole , for the good of all . so every member ought to be careful , that none be admitted as joynt members , and incorporated with them , as a body politique , but such in whom they do and can confide ; that they will not , to their knowledg , in any such case , either deal unfaithfully concerning the whole , or any particular member , in any such respect ; but , as hath been said , for the glory of god , and the good of the body . and not onely so , but tryal should be had concerning their knowledg and spiritual understanding , both in the things of god , and that concern the church , in respect of government and discipline thereof , that they be both sound , and able to discern even of things that differ , in some good measure ; and be likewise conscientious , suitable thereunto . for , as they that are weak ought to be received , though not unto doubtful disputations : so , they that are weak ought to be received , but not unto doubtful elections , and such like business , as necessarily require , that men should understand and know , what they do , when they act therein . and therefore it was , that though all the levites were accepted of god , and taken for all the first born of the children of israel : and given as a gift to aaron and to his sons , from among the children of israel , to do the service of the children of israel in the tabernacle of the congregation : and to make an attonement for the children of israel , that there be no plague among the children of israel : when the children of israel came nigh unto the sanctuary , &c. yet they were not required , as called of god , to go in , and wait on the service of the tabernacle of the congregation , but from twenty five years old and upwards ; and so but to continue till they came to fifty years old , and were then to cease waiting on the service thereof , and should serve no more , as levit. 8. 18 , 19 , 24 , 25. so that it evidently appears , that till they came to ripeness of years , and to a suitable discretion and gravity , for such holy service , it did not appertain unto them to administer in such a service . and so no more it doth to men that are true beleevers , and truly faithful , till they come to maturity and ripeness in knowledg , and have their wits exercised , as the apostle saith , to discern both good and evil . for it is all one , to be led by others that are blinde guides , as to act of our selves ignorantly and blindly ; not knowing what we do , or speak , or whereof we affirm ; for we may speak evil or good , and that injuriously , of the things we know not : and so , through blinde guidance , perish in the ditch . 4. and fourthly , this being so , and that such church affairs are of such weighty consequence and concernment to every member , and for the good of all , and for the saving of souls ; that it is not possible men should be too provident and circumspect in these respects . it is therefore requisite , and that which is the duty of every member of such a body , to take care , that none be admitted to be incorporated , and joyned with them , to have power and vote in the general business , but such onely as are known and approved for faithfulness and sincerity in true christianity , in the practise of piety and of religious service and worship of god in all such duties both private and in publique , as god requires . and though they be thus known and approved by some that are officers and members of such body politique , yet for fuller satisfaction unto all the rest , it will be needful that they should openly and publiquely , before all the church , not onely profess their faith in god , and the lord jesus christ , and their repentance and resolution through the grace of god , to forsake all their sins , and to carry themselves suitable unto such profession both before god and men . but , for further security and satisfaction to all the church , they ought to be engaged , by entering into covenant both with god and the church , to continue faithful and just , and to deal impartially in all such respects , according to their knowledg , as god shall assist and strengthen them so to do ; and thus far , and in these respects , such particular body can never be too careful , nor take too strict tryal of such who are admitted to be members of the same . but if they be not careful and strict herein , the men of this world shall rise up in judgment against them , and condemn them herein ; who in civil corporations are careful and strict , that none be admitted to have vote amongst them , in election of officers , for the government thereof , but such only as ( having served an apprenticeship some certain time ) are experienced amongst them , and practised in their trades , and are so made free ; and that saying of christ is justly verified against all such , that the men of this world are wiser in their generation , then the children of light , and will be applyed in displeasure against them , if they know these things , and will not obey and do accordingly ; yea , even the blood of souls will one day be required even at their hands , if they will not be careful and faithful , and provident in the use of means , which properly tend to the saving or damning of immortal souls . 5. and fifthly , on the other part , for the administration of the sacrament of baptism , and of the lords supper , such particular church ought not to be strict , nor ridged and severe , but with all charity , meekness and patience , bear the infirmities and burdens of others , and may not please themselves ; as these scriptures hold forth unto us , 1 cor. 16. 14. & chap. 13. & chap. 10. 32 , 33. & acts 2. 41. 42. chap. 16. 15. chap. 8. 37. 1 cor. 1. 16. mat. 3. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. and therefore , first , the sacrament of baptism ought to be administred unto all such children , one or both of whose legitimate parents are true beleevers , i mean , beleevers of the true christian faith , though yet for the present their faith is not justifying , in respect of themselves , but meerly historical , as acts 8. 37. if they be not dogs or swine , scorners of , or barkers against the ways of god , and his church and people . and this also is but only to be expected to be held forth or manifested to the church in the serious and publike profession and acknowledgment thereof in the publike congregation . for it was no more that philip required of the eunuch , and peter of the jaylor , whose whole houshold was baptized of him upon such profession : yea , though they be such men who are not admittable to the blessed sacrament of the lords supper , by reason of scandal , which may lie upon them , yet if they earnestly desiring the salvation of their children , and being such who , in their minority , were baptized likewise , and professing a purpose to amend their ways , and turn unto god , they ought not to be put back , but to be baptized , and their parents admonished how they ought to instruct them and bring them up , and that they themselves also should bring forth fruits meet for repentance , as the covenant of god made with them in baptism in their minority requireth of them , if they will not be accounted coveant-breakers both with god and man ; and so their charge lyeth even at their own doors , and the minister is clear , and the church satisfied , if it be serious and in publike , &c , for all outward ordinances ought to be administred according to the judgment of charity , and ought not to be restrained to the judgment of certainty , but according to love or charity , the properties whereof are not to think evil , but to beleeve all things , hope all things , and to take all things in the better part , and not to judg or censure according to the appearance , but righteous judgment , and as we can make it manifest that we ought so to judg . 2. and secondly , in like manner for administration of the blessed sacrament of the lords supper , it is only needful that such who would be admitted to partake of it , should in the publike congregation make open profession of the true christian faith , and confession of , and repentance for their sins , with a resolution to abandon and forsake them , and to walk worthy of that vocation whereunto they are called of god , and of such communion and fellowship with the church of god whereto they are admitted . provided always , that they be admonished beforehand of the danger and judgment that they are liable unto ( if they either for the present shal deal hypocritically with the church of god in such publike profession , & do but lye and dissemble before god & men ) as did but justly befall ananias and sapphirah : and likewise of the judgment and censure that the church is bound publikly to denounce & pronounce against them in suspending them again from such communion ; if they turn again with the dog to his vomit , and with the sow that was washed to her wallowing in the mire , and will not be reclaimed by gentle means to forsake their sins , and so the fault shall lie at their own doors , if they do dissemble , or turn again ; and both the minister and the church is guiltless herein before god and men , for they cannot justly deny them the ordinance , though they have sinned notoriously , if they freely confess such their notorious sins , and profess repentance , and a full purpose of amendment of life , and that they are perswaded that god hath pardoned , and doth and will accept them in jesus christ , and save their souls . for what know the ministers , or the whole church , but that they are converted , and truned unto god with all their hearts , if they so profess ? and upon what grounds can they lawfully deny to administer the same unto any such , though their sins aforetime have been as scarlet or crimson dye in the sight of men ? and who knoweth but such publike engagement may oblige them in conscience for future time , and for fear of the judgment of god against them , to keep their covenant , & amend their lives , and turn unto god , and cleave unto him even with all their hearts , and find mercy with him ; whereas on the contrary , if they should be rejected , or deferred and rebuked , and not accepted and beleeved , when they so profess , they should do as much as in them lyeth , even to destroy their weak faith , and to quench the sparkles of their smoaking flax , and break in peeces such broken reeds , whom , for ought we know , god hath freely accepted and received unto mercy , and for whom christ hath dyed , and ordained such ordinances to encrease and strengthen their feeble faith , as well as for the strong and most faithful members of the church of god : for who would have thought that christ should have called zachous , the publican , and dined with him , rather then any of the faithful and godly people of the jews at jerusalem , who doubtless beleeved as well as he , and to have eaten and drunken with publicans and sinners ? but he gives the reason , for he came not to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance , &c. but it will be objected , 1. that these are novel distinctions and divisions , that some should be admitted to have their children baptized , and neither of the parents admitted as yet to the sacrament of the lords supper . 2. and again secondly , that some should be admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper , and yet not be admitted to be incorporated members of that particular church , nor have votes in elections , and admissions or ejections , and censures , &c. as the members have ; this is novel and strange . i answer , that it is no more novel , then the sacred scripture and primitive examples , as i nothing doubt , but to make it manifest ; and that these distinctions and divisions are of absolute necessity in a church rightly constituted , and governed , and disciplined ; and the ordinances of god rightly administred , both to the weak and strong , as they ought to be . 1. and first then , i shall endeavor to make it good , that the children of such have been baptized by the apostles themselves , upon bare profession of historical faith , without either confession of their sins , or profession of their repentance , and a resolution of amendment of life , that we read of in scripture . and in my apprehension , this is either clear form the baptism of the iaylors houshold , and from the ordinary tender of baptism to the whole housholds of all that professed bare historical faith , to wit , that jesus christ is the son of god ; or else our grounds are to seek for the baptism of infants , acts 16. 15 , 31 , to 34. and acts 8 37. and if they be such parents , who have been baptized in their minority , their childrens case is no other , but in equal respect with the grand children of such parents whose grand-fathers are holy , but their own parents profane , who yet ordinarily are accounted admitable . 2. and secondly , concerning admittance of all to the sacrament of the lord supper , that do desire admittance , and will in the publique congregation profess a true justifying , and lively faith in jesus christ ; and if their sins have been notorious , do freely confess them , and profess repentance , and a resolution of amendment of life : i cannot see how any church can deny to admit them , whatever they have been in former times ; but that they ought to administer the outward ordinance upon that ground , without any further tryal or examination ; and ought not to defer the acceptance of them , with all brotherly love , and kinde respects , as dear brethren ; for so in the judgment of charity ( seeing they cannot know the contrary of certainty ) they ought to judg , as hath been said before : and there was never more required of any in the primitive times , as 1 cor. 16. 14. & chap. 13. & chap. 10. 32 , 33. & acts 2. 41 , 42. i shall therefore engage any that oppose this doctrine , to shew a scriptural example on the one hand , as there is many on the other . 3. but thirdly , that all these should , at their first admission to the outward ordinances , being but babes in christ , be likewise admitted as visible saints , and members of a visible church , and should so be approved of by such a church and every member thereof , and incorporated with them politically to have power and vote in elections , &c. ( in my apprehension ) were very absurd . 1. for , first , till their sanctification be visible indeed unto such a church , how can they approve them as visible saints ? this were deeply to engage the members of the church to dissemble their judgments , which is not lawful , for they must lay aside all guile and dissimulation , as well as all uncharitableness , in judging of one another , as 1 pet. 2. 1. 2. and secondly , they ought not to make any judgment at all , but leave it to god , whether they stand or fall to their own masters ; but in cases of certainty , in which they have good ground for a full perswasion this way or that way , lest by any means , they should wrong their brethren , or the church of god ; for they should sometimes quench the smoking flax , and break also the bruised reed ; and sometime again disparage and disgrace the judgment of the church by approving such as do but deal hypocritically . 3. and thirdly , this were as much as if the levites should all have been admited to attend on the service of the tabernacle of the congregation from their very childhood , as well as after that they were come to years of discretion : for the case is justly paralel , as these scriptures will prove , levit. 8. 18 , 19. 24 , 25. and 1 pet. 2. 5 , 9. rev. 1. 6. reas . for thus i compare them , all the elect that are built upon christ by a lively faith , are lively stones built up a spiritual house , an holy priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifice , acceptable to god by jesus christ , 1 pet. 2. 5. & chap. 1. 2. so that all beleevers are accounted as priests , even form their first ingrafting into christ by faith. but as there was priests of divers orders ; so also ought the true beleevers to be distinguished ; i compare therefore the newly converted to the levites in their minority , till they came to years ; and all the grown christians , that are experienced in the trade and practise of christianity , to the levites , when they came to years of discretion : and all the elders and officers , elected by the church , i compare to the priests , the sons of aaron ; and so the ministers to aaron himself ; and who knoweth but that the lord jesus christ will govern his church after these examples paralel hereto , seeing the apostle peter doth thus compare them as resembling the priesthood ? 1 pet. 2. 5 , 9. & chap. 1. 2. as hath been said before . 4. and fourthly , this double reception is clear also , in my apprehension , from the apostles own words ; them that are weak ( saith he ) receive , but not unto doubtful disputations ; and therefore by consequence not to act , or vote , or exercise power in doubtful elections , and intricate business , which , for want of understanding , they are not able for , till their wits be exercised in spiritual things to discern both good and evil . it is not proper to admit them , or approve them as joynt members of such body politick , till all the rest of the members be in some good measure satisfied , both of their abilities sutable , and of the sincerity of their hearts and intentions for the good of the same . but for further satisfaction , that these are no novel distinctions or divisions of the church , but of ancient use in the policy of the churches in the primitive times : consider the words of origen , alledged against the remonstrant , who recites the words of origen to be these , to wit , that it was the custom of the christian teachers first to examine such as desired to hear them , of whom there were two orders . the first were catechumeni , or beginners . the other was of such as were more perfect . among whom there were some or dained to enquire into the life and manners of such as are admitted into the church . that they may banish such from the publike assembly , that perpetrate scandalous acts . i say , let it be considered , whether the policy of the church in those times was not justly paralel to that which hath been said , and whether it be not also sutable to the policy of some civil corporations , who ought to be followed in all wise policies , that may tend for good of a body spiritual , as hath been said . consider therefore whether those 〈◊〉 or [ beginners ] of which origen spake , were not like [ appren●io●● ] that had not served out their time in a city or corporation , and therefore had no voyce in election of officers as majors and aldermen , and those of the common counce : and secondly , whether those whom he speaketh of , that were more perfect , were not like free-men of a city , who have a vote in election of officers for the government of the whole , and of a common-councel , &c. and thirdly , whether those that were chosen and ordained out of that order , which they accounted more perfect , whose office , to which they were ordained , was to enquire into the life and manners of the people , and to banish , &c. were not like the aldermen and common-councel of a city , to whom all is committed ? and fourthly , whether the christian teachers of those times were not over all , as majors of cities , who are chosen by vote of all the freemen , and of none but freemen ; for apprentices have no vote , till their freedom be examined , and approved likewise ? and the children of light ought to be as wise in their generation as the men of this world ; and the church is compared to a city or corporation : so that the paralels in every particular do hold correspondency both with the levitical priesthood , to whom the apostle compares the church , and to the practise of the churches in the primitive times , is origen relates them , and to the civil government of bodies corporated , and to the reason and end of all policy civil and ecclesiastick , to wit , the good , and benefit , and safety of the whole . 1. as first , those that upon profession of the true christian faith , and repentance for their sins , and or a resolution to amend their lives , are admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper ; are justly paralel to all the levites , that , during their minority , were not admitted to attend upon the service of the tubernacte : and they are justly paralel to those that , in the primitive times , were called cateemement or beginners : and they are justly paralel to apprentices in a city that have not served out their time : and they hold correspondency with the reason and end of all government and policy , which is the good of the whole : for as the heir , so long as he is a child , differeth nothing from a servant , though he be lord of all , but is under tusors and governors , till the time appointed of the fat , her , as the apostle saith in a case not unsutable ; so for the veny same reason , there being a childhood and minority in [ grace ] as well as [ nature , ] reason tells us , that it is not fit , nor good , nor safe , nor likely to tend for the good of the body ; that power of government , or vote in elections should be committed unto such , who are not yet capable of such a business , or are doubted of , whether they do intend the good of the whole , no more then women are to have vote amongst them , nor any specified in these parallels instanced in . 2. and secondly , those who are admitted , not only to the sacrament , but to be incorporated as joynt members , of a particular church , upon such trial and approbation , as hath heerv said , and justly parallel to all the levites , that being come to yeare of discretion , and gravity , were admitted to attend on the service of the tabernacle , if without blemish . and they are justly parrallel , to those in the primitive times , that were more perfect then the beginners . and they are justly parallel , to the freemen of a citie , who have votes in elections , and out of whom the common councel is chosen , as their representatives ; and to act for them as neeed requires . 3. and thirdly , the elders chosen , by all the joynt members of such a particular church , and ordained ; &c. are justly parallel to the sons of aaron , to whom belonged the priesthood , in a peculiar manner , above the rest of the sons of levi , for they were anointed with the holy oyle , as well as aaron , levit. 8. 30 , 31. and were ordained , and consecrated to the priests office . and they are justly parallel , to those that were chosen and ordained in the primitive times , to look into the lives , and manners of such as were admitted into the church , and to banish , &c. and they are justly parallel , to the aldermen of a citie or corporation . 4. and fourthly , the ministers of the churches , that are chosen by the eldens , and all the rest of the body , numb . 4. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 27. are justly parallel , to aaron the chief priest , who figuratively represented the lord jesus christ , and governed , and ministred in his sacred name , and was above his sons . and they are iustly parallel , to the teachers in the primitive times , who were chief in government , as well as in all other ministrations , in the name of god , and the lord jesus christ ; and therefore are called angels . revel . 2. and they are also parallel , the to majors of cities ; who though they are chief in power and command , yet it is by consent , and according to the agreement ; both of the aldermen , and of the common councel , who are chosen by the freemen as well as the major , for the agitation and transaction of all their businesse , for the good of all . but it will be objected on the other part , that this publique profession of faith , and repentance , and of a resolution to amend our lives , and to walke worthy of such vocation , will be thought too much , considering that many both men and women , are bashfull , and timorous , and unfit to speak , and declare themselves in the open congregation . answ . i answer briefly , that they may come before hand to the ministers and elders , and signifie their minds and desires unto them , and desire them to express so much in publike on their behalf , to satifie the congregation of their desires and resolutions , and of their repentance , and hope in these respects , and it will be sufficient , that they testifie their assent to what they express for them , and in their names and behalf . and how can the whole congregation be more easily satified in these respects , that men are cordial and sincere in such desires , then by doing it publikely in the open congregation , who may all beare witness of such profession ? and if they turn back , and live not sutable in some good measure , they may all joyne in their publike censure , in like manner , as in their admittance . and it cannot be denyed , but that which is the duty of every man and woman to beleeve , and do , before he approach to receive the sacrament ; that he ought not to deny , to profess in publike before all the congregation , that are of that profession , with whom he desires communion . and no man will deny , but that these ensuing duties are requisite , and necessary to be beleeved and done , before we approach to this ordinance . 1. first , repentance for all our sins , with confession of them , such as have been notorious and publike , if they be objected against us , even in the publike congregation ; with a resoltuion to forsake them , and amend our lives , &c. 2. faith is a necessary duty , before we approach to receive the sacrament of the lords supper ; for without faith we cannot receive the things signified ; we cannot eate the flesh , and drinke the blood of the lord jesus christ , but by a lively faith. for the outward bread and wine , being but the sacrament or signe thereof , is not the thing it self , that is thereby signified ; for the one may be eaten by dogs and swine , but the other cannot , but by him onely that hath true justifying and saving faith. and therefore this faith must at least be [ professed , ] else the most charitable judgement cannot think them prepared for this ordinance , if they deny to profess it before the whole church . 3. thirdly , love is also a necessary duty ; love unto god , and the lord jesus christ . and love to our brethren , and neighbours , and the whole church of god. for a true faith worketh by love ; and he that loveth not , knoweth not god ; for god is love , and he that loveth not his brother , abideth in death , &c. and therefore no man is fit to receive the sacrament , that is not reconciled , both to god and men , and in charity with all , as these scriptures shew . but it will be objected , that if all children of such beleeving parents , who outwardly profess , that jesus christ is the son of god , must be admitted to the christian baptism ; then , all must be admitted without distinction : for all will profess , that they so beleeve , though they be never so wicked and malicious enemies to the church of god , and even unto christ himself ; but our holy things must not be given unto dogs and swine , mat. 7. 6. i answer . true , if they be dogs or swine ; that is to say , if they be such , as bark against , and speake evill of the waies of god , and of his name and truth , or of his ministers , or disciples , and children , &c. for righteousness sake : they may , and ought to be excluded from all such priviledges , and their children likewise . or if they be despisers and scorners of such holy things ; turning with the dog to his vomit , and with the saw that was washed to her wallowing in the mire ; they may be excluded , and ought so to be , if they can be proved apparently to be such . but as the lord inhibited the condemning of any man , or putting him to death under two or three witnesses : yea , though one witness , might never so fully assert and assure it to the judgements of men , yet it must not stand . even so also , it must either be apparent , and clearly witnessed . or it is not sufficient to exclude their children from their outward ordinance ; they themselves being such , who have been baptized in their minority : for they are no other but in like condition with grandchildren of godly parents , who are not approved as actuall beleevers , and yet their children are admitted unto baptisme ; if they be not so profane , as to account them dogs , or swine , &c. as hath been said . if they turn not to be enemies to the church of god. he that is not against us , is with us , saith christ . object . but it will be objected ; if the root be not holy , how may we expect that the branches should . but the apostle plainly asserteth it , that such , whose parents are both of them unbeleeving , are unclean . now this he only meaneth , that they are outwardly to be accounted unclean ; for he doth not so judge , as if all were reprobates , that are borne of such parents , but that they are not to be admitted , as the children of the church , to the outward priviledges , till their hearts be purified through faith in god , when they come to years : and therefore this doctrine , is quite contrary to the apostles assertion . i answer briefly , that i list not to be contentious in this matter ; for in this case , as no man ought to be compell'd to bring his children unto christian baptisme ; so no man ought to be compell'd to baptize any ; but to doe in these things , as their charitable judgments shall engage them in conscience of their duty unto god , and to their christian neighbours , and to the church , &c. for there is strong arguments on both sides , the quintessence whereof , i shall briefly propose on both parties , and leave them to their consciences , to engage them to either , as they think best : and first then , for answer to this precedent objection , i do confesse that this argument were unanswerable , if it were certain that the apostle spak it , of such beleevers , as have true visible , saving , and justifying faith : and that such as they can likewise demonstrate for satisfying of the church that they are such beleevers . but if the apostle only mean it , of such a faith , as upon profession whereof , the ennuch was admitted ; to wit , a beleeving that jesus christ is the son of god. and that there is no name given under heaven , by which we can be saved , but the name of jesus christ. if such as these , i say , be the beleevers , intended by the holy ghost in this place , then we remain still , in the same dubitations as we were before . and so all that profess ; yea , or do but confess , that jesus christ is the son of god , must be accounted in the judgement of charity , as born of god , because that flesh and bloud could never have revealed so much unto them , as 1 john 4. 2. as christ said unto peter . provided always , that such their profession be serious and cordial , at the least , outwardly . object . but it will be objected , that abraham recived the signe of circumcision a seal of the righteousness of faith , which he had when he was uncircumcised , rom. 4. 11. conseq . therefore it followes , that their seal of the now covenart , to wit , baptisme , should not be administred unto any but such , or to their seed , that have faith before , as abraham had , to set this seal to . answ . i answer , that this argument migh likewise hold the better ; if the faith here spoken off , vers . 3. were beleeving in god , to justification . but it is but as the other before spoken off : it is but said ; abraham beleeved god , and it was imputed to him for righteousness . now beleeving god , that what ever he promiseth shall come to passe . and beleeving in god unto justification , are far different ; for the devils had the first but only the elect do attain to the second . for even abraham himself , as the apostle saith , was justified declaratively by works , and not by faith onely ; namely , when he had offered his sonne upon the altar , james 2. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. conseq . therefore it follows , that this faith also , though it was imputed unto him for righteousness , and shall also be imputed to all that so beleeve god. yet it is of it self but a bare historical , and only an outward historical profession in the sight of men , and it is no more but such as the devils have , and therefore tremble ; but it is not saving and justifying faith , till men can apply the promises of god , through jesus christ , peculiarly to themselves , as to beleeve that god is [ their god , ] and that christ is [ their saviour , ] which many of the elect can hardly attain to till their death beds , their faith is so weak ; but we must not destroy their weak faith , for whom christ dyed ; we must not quench any smoaking flax , nor break asunder the brused reeds , nor turn aside that which yet halteth out of the way ; but it should rather be healed , or bound up , or blown , and kindled by all such ordinances , as might incourage them to hold on , or that might strengthen their faith , for they ought to be dealt with as [ children , ] by such doctrines and principles as are accounted the first principles of the oracles of god , because they have need of milk , more then of strong meat ; and what is baptism , but one of the first principles ? as heb. 5. 12 , 13 , 14. & chap. 6. 1 , 2. yea , baptism is such an ordinance as the apostle paul asserteth plainly , that he was not sent to baptize , but to preach the gospel ; accounting baptism a more inferior ordinance then preaching of the word , though they sometimes minister it . for the ministry of the word is a more spiritual ordiance and ministration , for it is not baptism that now saveth us , to wit , not the putting away of the filth of the flesh , ( which is but the outward sign ) but the answer of a good conscience , when our hearts are purified through faith by the holy ghost . and the word is called , the word of faith which the apostles preached , and they did attend more constantly on the word , and commanded others to administer baptism that were of less esteem for the ministry of the word , that they might not be hindred neither by that , nor by serving of tables , from that spiritual ordinance for the saving of souls . and it is plain from john the baptists confession , that even his baptism was far inferior to that of christs by his holy spirit ; and it is plainly said , that there went out unto him jerusalem , and all judea , and all the region round about jordan , confessing their sins ; yea , such whom he accounted generations of vipens were likewise baptized of him ; for by a continued discourse by way of admonition he speaketh ( even to them ) saying , vers . 11. indeed baptize [ you ] with water to repentance , &c. i mat. 3. 5 , 6 , &c. but it may be objected , that even john the baptist prophesied of christ , that he should baptize them with the holy ghost , and with fire , and so he also did within a few days after his ascension ; and that his fan is in his hand , and that he will throughly purge his floor , and gather his wheat into his garner , but will burn up the chaff with unquenchable fire , as vers . 12. and therefore it follows , that though john admitted all that came in a promiscuous manner , yet christ will purge more throughly , and blow away the chaff , when he hath gathered his wheat ; and therefore it appears , that it is his mind that his floor should be throughly purged , and all his wheat garner'd . i answer true , but heed must be taken , that none of the wheat be lost ; it were better to retain the chaff and all , then lose any wheat ; and there is sometimes wheat so clothed with the chaff , that it cannot be unclothed by the threshing instrument , but it will appear like the other chaff ; and again , there is some other chaff that is so like wheat , that you can hardly discern it , till you know it by the weight ; and so it is likewise with men not infallibly guided , they cannot discern to judg at all by the rule of certainty , and therefore of necessity they must only judg by the rule of charity ; till the lord himself shall come , and sit as a refiner and purifier of siver , and shall restore all things , as mal. 3. 3. & chap. 4. 5. 6. i mean , in spirit , first , to restore all things before that great and fearful day of the lord , for every mans work shall be tryed by fire , to wit , [ the fire of his spirit , ] of what sort it is ; and this day of the lord is near at hand ; the fire is a little already kindled , and the light thereof doth a little shine , but our gross combustibles are long in kindling , and there is much water cast upon them by such who should blow them to make them flame , yet such waters shall be dryed up to their prejudice and loss , though they may be saved themselves . it will be objected , that the promise runs both to abraham and his seed , and therefore the seal of circumcision must needs be applyed to all abrahams seed in their generations , till the coming of christ , who was that peculiar seed , in which all nations , yea all families of the earth should be blessed : but now the promise , and so the covenant runs , but to them and their seed that are of the faith of abraham , who , in that respect , is the father of us all ; they that are of faith , the same are the children of abraham ; but not the other . argu. but wicked men that have lived all their life long where the gospel hath been preached , and yet live not only as infidels , but rather like athists : how is the promise and covenant properly sealed unto them , or to their seed , save only so many of them as the lord our god shall call ? how shall it so , so much as seem 〈◊〉 , to apply it to their children , especially considering they do it but of custom , more then conscience , when they bring their children ? and this custom was , it may be , chiefly incur'd by the laws and canons of the church formerly in use , to which impulsive means was adjoyned ; so that if they had not brought them , they might , for ought they knew , have been excommunicate both out of church and markets , for so far the excommunications , after aggravations , were extended ; and how then shall we know their desires to have them baptized now are so much as cordial , much less can it be known that they are so much as meer historical believers , that continue so obstinately prophane after so much preaching , which they have long heard , and the gospel read , which all that were ordined to eternal life , believed at the first preaching of it in the primitive times , and how then shall we so much as think that they believe the scripture , or any such thing , as salvation in christ , either temporal or eternal ? ans . i answer , what know we but their children are elected , and are of those to which god will shew mercy : what know we , but some of their predecessors were such as loved god , and kept his commandments , and therefore the promise of shewing mercy unto thousands in them that so do is ground of hopes unto them , exod. 20. and besides , the promise runs but to the children of believers , that are of faith , for those only are the children of abraham ; and then it will necessarily follow , that so many of those children of believers that prove not believers , but prophane , must not have their children baptized , no more then the other , till they come to years , and do desire it themselves being believers also , which will condemn some independents practise , and enforce them to yield , either to the one or the other ; or at least wise , that if such as bring their children to be baptized , can but prove that any of their predecessors , even to a thousand generations , have loved god , and kept his commandments , they must bantize them , as well as such children of prophane parents , that were both born , and educated under faithful parents : for their profanness is so much the more gross , and obstinate , and incorrigible , by how much better means , and cause they have had of amendment of life ; and therefore grant the one , and you lose the other . object . but it will be objected , that all that were baptized in the primitive times , as act. 2. 41. were admitted likewise unto all ordinances , if at years of discretion , as act. 2. 41 , 42. it is said , that they that were baptized , as vers . 41. continued stedfastly in the apostles doctrine and fellowship ; and in breaking of bread , and in prayers , as vers . 42 , &c. conseq . now then it will necessarily follow , that none were admitted unto baptisme but that were likewise admittable unto all ordinances , if at years of discretion , and therefore none ought now to have their children baptized , but that are admitted one or both parents to the sacament of the supper . considering both ordinances are alike sacred , as appeares from these primitive examples . ans . i answer , true ; and so we ought to account them , in respect of administring them to any at years of discretion . and as for the childen of such ; if you grant the one , the other is confessed . but the difference still doth hold , as before , whether men should be admitted , and their children likewise , upon profession of faith meerly historical , or upon the holding forth of justifying faith , as visible beleever concerning which , i am of opinion as is before shewed , but desire that both parties , might in this respect , without offence , or hart-burnings each unto others , walk in love , and by the rule of charity , without judging or censuring each other , as every man thinketh , and is fully perswaded in his own heart , as before god , and not as following men though never so eminent in other respects ; for they are not infallible . and this is certain , that we read not in scripture , of any at all , that desired baptisme that were put put back ; and it is not safe to act on principles , that are not grounded there ; but on the other part , all that gladly received the word , without any more trial , even three thousand souls were added to the church in one day , act. 41. they had no time for any great trial of so many . but the the arguments being so strong on both sides , especially concerning baptisme , so that many godly and grave divines , and holy men , are fully perswaded in their very souls and consciences , that they ought to doe the quite contrary one to the other in this respect . it therefore followes , that neither of them ought to compel each other to their own principles nor ways herein , neither ought the magistate to authorize the one against the other , but leave them both at liberty in these respects , to be stricter or remisser , as they think they ought ; seeing a full , and clear , and satisfactory result , cannot easily be produced from sacred scripture , to which all must necessarily assent unto . for to impel unto either , by civil power , were manifest tyranny over the very consciences of the one , or the other ; and therefore ought not to be done ; but as they tender the wrath and displeasure of god , and will expect his judgement who having begun , will also make an end , deut. 32. 41 , to 44. & 1 sam. 3. 12 , 13 , 14 , & ps . 2. if such be of the seed of the jews ( spiritual jews i mean ) see ester 6. 13. for he is not a jew that is one outward , as rom. 2. 28 , 29. i have more particulars to propose betwixt them , tending to unity , concerning other points wherein they are at variance , which i could not conveniently include in one volumne ; as the case stands with me at this time : but i purpose ( god willing ) with all possible speed , to put them forth ; proposing them as ( in my apprehension ) an infallible result from sacred scriptures , clearly deduced ; by unanswerable arguments . 1. what kind of civil government was commended to the jews , by the lord himself , as the best form , or way of government for them to establish in their common-wealth , of all other , who were his peculiarly beloved people above all the nations under heaven . 2. how far forth the magistrate ought to compel by force and power , to the keeping of the law ; to wit , the moral law of god. and how far forth it is not lawful to use any force in that respect . 3. what is the best rule to observe , and use , and the most proper and warrantable , to assure an honourable , and liberal maintenance to all godly and faithful ministers of the gospel of christ . finis . a continuation of the answer to the scots presbyterian eloquence dedicated to the parliament of scotland : being a vindication of the acts of that august assembly from the clamours and aspersions of the scots prelatical clergy in their libels printed in england : with a confutation of dr. m-'s postscript in answer to the former ... : as also reflections on sir geo. mackenzy's defence of charles the second's government is scotland ... together with the acts of the scots general assembly and present parliament compared with the acts of parliament in the two last reigns against the presbyterians / will. laick. ridpath, george, d. 1726. 1693 approx. 181 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57284 wing r1460 estc r28103 10409737 ocm 10409737 44963 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57284) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44963) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1389:4) a continuation of the answer to the scots presbyterian eloquence dedicated to the parliament of scotland : being a vindication of the acts of that august assembly from the clamours and aspersions of the scots prelatical clergy in their libels printed in england : with a confutation of dr. m-'s postscript in answer to the former ... : as also reflections on sir geo. mackenzy's defence of charles the second's government is scotland ... together with the acts of the scots general assembly and present parliament compared with the acts of parliament in the two last reigns against the presbyterians / will. laick. ridpath, george, d. 1726. xv, [1], 52 p. [s.n.], london : 1693. pages cropped with loss of print. defective union theological seminary library, new york copy spliced at end. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng curate, jacob. -scotch presbyterian eloquence. church of scotland -controversial literature. scotland. -parliament. presbyterianism. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-02 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a continuation of the answer to the scots presbyterian eloquence , dedicated to the parliament of scotland . being a vindication of the acts of that august assembly , from the clamours and aspersions of the scots prelatical clergy , in their libels printed in england . with a confutation of dr. m — 's postscript , in answer to the former , proving , that it 's not the church of england's interest , to countenance the scots outed clergy . as also reflections on sir geo. mackenzy's defence of charles the second's government in scotland . and instances on record of sir george's subornation against sir hugh and sir george campbel , and the laird of blackwood , presbyterian gentlemen . together with the acts of the scots general assembly and present parliament ; compared with the acts of parliament in the two last reigns against the presbyterians . by vvill . laick . london , printed in the year 1693. to the states of scotland in parliament assembled . most noble patriots ; i presume , but with that profound respect which is due to such an august assembly , humbly to implore your protection to this rude and indigested , yet real effort of true love to my country , and to you worthy patriots in particular , whom all honest-hearted scotsmen look upon as the healers of our breaches , and restorers of our paths to dwell in : and therefore it is not possible for any man who has a drop of true scots blood in his veins , to hear your authority impugned , and your wisdom called in question , without resenting it to the utmost of his ability : and if , according to the common opinion of some of our neighbours , s●otorum ingenia sint praefervida , an affront of that nature is enough to make them boil over . hence it is , that in a former endeavour i could not forbear to besprinkle , scotico aceto , some degenerate monsters of our country , who exposed to contempt , as much as in them lay , whatever scotsmen account dear in things civil and sacred . had it been only a particular party , or some such pack'd clubs as disgraced the name of parliaments in former reigns , and enacted such laws as their present majesties , with your advice , have declared to be impious ; had it , i say been thus , the matter might have been the more easily digested ; but to have a lawful and a freely elected parliament of scotland , charged in a neighbouring kingdom with a deliberate and malicious lie , in an act so unanimously resolv'd on and duly canvas'd , as was that of your assembly , concerning the nation 's being first reformed by presbyters ; and that therefore presbyterian government is most sutable to the inclinations of our people ; i say , to have a lie of that nature charged upon you , is a piece of impudence that none but the party culpable could be guilty of . and yet , as if they had a mind to exhaust all the treasure of the bottomless pit at once , and to bankrupt the malice and falshood of hell for ever after , they go on to charge you further , with lodging the government of the church , in the hands of such blasphemous ignorant and immoral beasts , as asrica never produced the like ; and to aggravate your guilt , would make our neighbouring nation believe , that at the ●ame time you have turn'd out such a generation of ministers , as the primitive church would have been proud of for their sanctity , and ador●d for their learning . thus those common incendiaries , in their printed libels , treat the parliament of scotland ; which for the antiquity of its standing , and fulness of its power , gives place to none in europe . but it is not to be wondred at , most noble patriots , that that party should treat you thus , seeing they hate your being any otherwise than to serve as their drudges , and devour the best and most industrious part of the subjects ; by which both you , and that ancient kingdom which you represent , were well-nigh entomb'd in oblivion and disgrace . it was that party who changed a well-limited and regular monarchy , into an absolute and uncontroulable tyranny ; that durst arrogate , a power to cass and annul your firmest laws , and treat you with contempt as perfect slaves a . it was that party who robbed christ of his prerogatives royal , to be jewels in the crowns of their absolute monarchs b . it was that party which robbed the people of their consciences , to bring them to an absolute dependance on the prelatical mitres c : and not only deprived you of the property of your houses d , but denied you a safe retreat into your own hearts e . it was that party who rendred k. iames the sixth so much a prelatical bigot , as to the disturbance both of church and state , and contrary to his oath , to obtrude bishops upon the nation , and persecute the sincerest protestants , while at the same time he indulged the papists ; and in fine , had such an aversion for his native country , that instead of seeing it once in three years , for administring justice according to his promise , he never came to it but once after his succession to the crown of england ; and instead of favouring his church of scotland , which he pretended once so much to admire , he persecuted those who declin'd a conformity with the church of england . it was that party who influenced charles the first , though a native of scotland , to put such an intolerable affront upon the nation , as to demand their crown to be sent to england ; and afterwards to invade us with a formidable army , designing an absolute conquest , and in an unnatural manner to subject that nation to his newly acquired crown ; which his ancestors did so much disdain , that they maintain'd 300 years war upon that head with no small glory . and how the faction prevail'd with charles the second , to requite our nation for making themselves a field of blood in defence of his title , is so fresh , that it needs not be recapitulated ; and it is yet much more recent , how well k. iames the seventh rewarded us for owning his right of succession , when england had in a manner spued him out by the bill of exclusion ; he , i say , rewarded us , by publishing such despotical proclamations , as with an unparallel'd audacity , declared us slaves to the perpetual infamy of that generation of scotsmen , who were so tamely bereft of their liberty , which our noble progenitors maintained against romans , picts , britains , danes , saxons , normans and english , for twenty preceeding ages . so that i say , considering how the prelatical faction in●luenced those four monarchs to treat our nation , though they derived their being and honour from it ; and were otherwise in many respects , tantorum haud quaquam indigni avorum . the resolve of your august assembly , that prelacy was an insupportable grievance to that kingdom , deserves to be engraven in pillars of corinthian brass ; and that all scotsmen ( as no doubt many thousands will ) should not only whe● their pens , but their swords , in defence of it . it is that party , who in this reign , impugn your authority , by procuring letters from court to command such things to the assembly as by law they are not obliged to comply with ; and if they should have done it , could neither have been answerable to god nor your honours for it , to pull down with their own hands , that hedg which he in his providence , by your act , hath set about the church , in lodging the government upon themselves , which no doubt the wisdom of your august assembly judged to be the best expedient to secure the peace of the church ; and yet for noncompliance , how did they procure the dissolution and reproach of that assembly , to the manifest violation of your authority ; and that by the advice of some english courtiers and prelats , as if they had a mind to homologate the ancient pretensions of that crown and church over yours , and in the view of the world declare our parliament and general assembly not able to give advice in our own affairs , but fit to be over-ruled by a pack'd club of another nation : and shall they act thus impune to affront a parliament , which malice it self cannot say , as their party did formerly of the english parliament , that it is but a superfluous tumour or wen : for all who know our history , are sensible of the share which the scots parliaments have , from the first constitution of our government , been possest of , not only in the legislative , but the executive power : and , if our historians may be believed , laid the foundation , and have often-times since regulated and limited the power of our monarchy ; and to the eternal confusion of all those who would insinuate the danger thereof to kingly government , have , notwithstanding , preserved our monarchy in a longer and more uninterrupted succession than any nation of europe . it is not unknown to your august assembly what convulsions the prelatical party have thrown the kingdom into , since the first intrusion of their prelacy ; and how near the ruine both of our religious and civil liberties were effected , by their concurrence with the tyranny of the late reigns , represented in your claim of right ; and therefore the world cannot but justify your conduct in depriving them of any share of the government of the church , which they only seek , that they may undermine ; and tho they should comply with the terms required in law , yet their former perjuries and contradictory tests are but too shrew'd causes to suspect their future levity , which , together with the disaffectedness they have generally evidenced to the present government , demonstrates how dangerous it is to entrust them with the conduct of peoples consciences . and what may justly render them hateful to all honest scots-men , is the obloquy and reproach they have thrown here upon the whole nation ; and their under-hand dealing with the high-flown church-of england-party , who have a heart-hatred at our country and religion ; and have treated you with so much contempt , that tho you mov'd for an union , and his majesty was graciously pleased to back it , they disdain'd to give him any answer , as thinking you unworthy of a politick or temporal union ; and yet they would be at forcing you to an ecclesiastical and spiritual union , which if they could effectuate , the world must allow that they ought , in the next place , to beg us for fools , who could believe that they have a kindness for our souls , who have ●one for our bodies . yet this is the party that our prelatical country-men do so much court and make application to , while they slight scots-men who are authoriz'd to represent our affairs : so much have they divested themselves of all natural respect to their country , that if their prelacy live , they care not tho the name and fame of scotland die : and that they may effectuate their designs , there 's no doubt but they will be forming parties in your august assembly , and make many fair pretences of desiring liberty only to exercise what belongs to their pretended indelible character of pastors , and promise to undertake nothing to the disturbance of the publick tranquillity : but their worming themselves in by degrees in king iames the vith's time under fair pretences , and then overturning all when they had opportunity , is a sufficient caveat to beware of them , as inwardly ravening wolves , tho outwardly they appear in sheeps cloathing . your august assembly cannot so soon have forgot that the nation was almost totally ruined , your counties invaded by savage highlanders , your tenants murdered , and families impoverish'd , your houses plundered , your wives , daughters , and relations ravish'd , your selves and tender infants exposed to wandring , hunger , nakedness and cold , and all the miseries and oppressions which you groan'd under in the late reigns , both as to soul and body . i say your honours cannot certainly have forgot these things , so far as to be prevail'd upon by any insinuations whatever , again to deliver up your bleeding church and country into the hands of that faction , lest the latter end be worse than the first . there 's no cause to fear a rupture with england on that account . the good church-of england-laity , and not a few of their clergy , have incurred danger enough from their high-flown tantivies , and have smarted sufficiently under their doctrine of passive obedience , to make them cautious and willing to secure themselves from their fury , so far will they be from concurring with them against you . the chief arguments used here for re-admitting the prelatical clergy are , that it will contribute to his majesty's interest , and please the church of england , and supply the vacant congregations . as to the first , how it can promote his majesty's interest to disoblige the greatest part of scotland , and all the dissenters in england and ireland , is beyond the reach of mankind to determine . 2. how it can be supposed that a party , who have hitherto witnessed so much rancour against his majesty's person , family and government , as the scots episcopal clergy have done , is only to be answered by those who can swear contradictory oaths , as our curats did in their infamous tests , &c. as to the second , that it will please the church of england ; it may easily be answered , that we do not ow● them so much kindness ; and if we did , we must first know what that church of england is that we must oblige ; for hitherto she hath been an individuum vagum , that no body knows where to find , it being as difficult to define her , as to make a coat for the moon . her doctrinal articles are own'd by us , and all good protestants ; but that is not the characteristick of the church of england : for in the late reigns passive obedience and nonresistance were her shibboleth ; but now she hath renounced those doctrines , by acting diametrically opposite to them . and for a character of the church of england in this reign , we cannot certainly have it better than from a vote of the last house of commons , who resolved on an address of thanks to his majesty for the care he had taken of the church of england , in the alteration which was then made in the lieutenancy of london ; and that was , because by the ill advice of a certain prelate and others , the military power of the city was lodg'd in those who had surrendred her charter , and dipp'd their hands in the blood of my lord russel , colonel sidney , alderman cornish , &c. and contributed to the arbitrary methods of the late reigns : and because this is but one half of the parliament , let 's look into the higher house , and there you will find , that according to the opinion of none of the least church-of england-men , when the act pass'd for depriving the nonjurant bishops , it was look'd upon as a fatal blow to the church of england . so that in plain terms , the jacobite party is what that faction means by the church of england . and as a commentary upon the text , let 's but consider the main engine which they have made use of to quash the discovery of all plots against the government , and we shall find that it was by giving out those discoveries as the efforts of republicans and dislenters against the church of england ; and if we look nearer home , and consider how it comes to pass that such men are advanced to the highest places in the scots government , who were the contrivers , enacters , and bloody executioners of those laws which your august assembly hath declared to be impious , we shall find it to be done by the interest of that party in the church of england . if we consider further , whence it is that those who betray'd our army , murder'd our people , and plotted the destruction of your convention , escape unpunish'd , you will fin'd it to be by the procurement of the aforesaid party . now all these things being considered , it will easily appear , whether it be your interest to oblige this church or not . or , if we take her according to the general acceptation of bishops and ceremonies , the vote of your august assembly concerning prelacy , your act establishing presbytery as most agreeable to the word of god , and the opposition made to the ceremonies by our country in charles the first 's time , will speedily determine the case . and it will yet appear less reasonable to oblige that church , so taken , if we consider , that those of her own communion , and the best of them too , look upon both bishops and ceremonies to be indifferent , and not of divine institution , as may be seen by the writings of mr. hickeringil , counsellor stephens , and stillingfleet's irenicum . so that in effect , the best of the church-of england-communion are embark'd in the same bottom with your selves , and the common enemies of both call them presbyterians as well as you , and treated them accordingly in the late reigns : so that from that worthy part of the church of england , who are men of good lives , and keep firm to the doctrine of their church , you need fear no opposition ; for to do them justice , they are as zealous for the protestant religion as any , and never join'd in persecuting their brethren of a different opinion . to what they pretend of supplying the vacant churches , may speedily be replied ; the assembly hath declared their willingness to employ such of them as are godly and orthodox . and as for others , the good old way of our church in the reformation ( when ministers were scarcer than now ) of appointing men to preach by turns to those vacant congregations till they can be otherwise supplied , is the much safer and better expedient , than to entrust such men with the charge of other peoples souls , who have discovered so little care of their own , and whom in your wisdom you objected against as the great and insupportable grievance of the nation . nor have you any such encouragement from their former success to imploy them again : and if it shall seem good in your eyes to go on as you begun , and encourage a reformation , such of our country-men as are abroad , will be the sooner prevail'd with to come home ; and others to prosecute their studies , to adapt them for the ministry , and fill up the vacancies ; for it cannot be hid from your illustrious assembly , that the intrusting the chief enemies of the presbyterians in the government , is a great discouragement to all that wish well to our church or country● ; and administers but too just cause of suspicion , that we must either be imbroil'd in a civil war , or return to our former bondage , which nothing but your care , with his majesty's assistance and god's blessing , is able to prevent . your honours may perhaps be inclin'd to think , that there is too much gall in my pen against our prelatical clergy ; but such of your number as have been lately at london , cannot but know what an odium they have endeavoured to bring upon the country in general , and your august assembly in particular ; insinuating , that you are neither the true nor full representatives of the nation , and but a meer surreptitious faction got together by the opportunity of tum●ltuous times ; and that you neither acted from a principle of honour nor conscience , but did only what you thought would be pleasing to the prince of orange . and hence they have used their utmost endeavours to have you dissolv'd , by the interest of the high-slown prelatical english courtiers , to whom they represent you in the blackest colours , which their malice or wit can invent : and not only so , but they make use of your name , as the turkish slaves do those of their barbarous masters from whom they have escaped , to move those of the church-of england-communion to open their purses , pretending that you have turn'd them out in a barbarous and illegal manner , or that they have had such and such indignities and affronts put upon them . and thus they beg from one clergy-man to another , and spend what they get at taverns and ale-houses , or sitting up whole nights at cards , particularly at mills in westminster , or hutchinsons in the hay-market : and when their stock is spent , renew the begging trade , or else troop about the country , and with their stol'n sermons , or railing invectives against the government of scotland , both in church and state , insinuate themselves into the adorers of bishops and ceremonies ; for the latter of which , though they exclaim'd against them at home , they profess themselves to be mighty zealots abroad : and thus they disseminate their poison in our neighbouring nation , by their lying tongues and blasphemous pamphlets . so that hence your august assembly may have a sufficient view , whether it be safe to reintroduce such men into the church , who have given up themselves to all manner of villanies , and are become devotoes to those unscriptural ceremonies , which occasion'd the fatal war in charle●● the first 's time ; and have moreover evidenced such levity and unsted fastness both in imbracing & rejecting them at home , since the revolution , that it 's visible they are not acted by principle , but interest ; and that their interest has been always contrary to what your august assembly hath now espoused , both as to policy and religion , is so evident , that whoever casts but an eye upon the history ever since they were obtruded upon the nation , may soon be convinc'd of it : or by a shorter view , if they please but to read the grievances which you desired to be redressed by their present majesties , of which the bishops and clergy were for the most part contri●ers , promoters and actors . and we may the better be satisfied what those men who now sollicite for a share in the government of the church , do chiefly aim at , both as to that and the state , if we do but consider that their principal converse is with the jacobites in england , and that the chiefest of their friends are none of the best williamites in scotland . it 's not unlike that your honours may be accosted with this amongst other arguments , that admitting those men to a share of church-government , will gratify the king to whom you are so much obliged , which of it self is an impeachment of your wisdom ; for none can so well know the interest of scotland as a free chosen parliament , who are consequently fittest to give the king advice : and seeing the interest of all good kings , and their people , is one and the same , that ought to be most grateful to the king which is so to the people , and what that is you have already declared . it is obvious to those that know our history , that ever since the reformation , the church of scotland hath claim'd a right of calling and adjourning her own assemblies , pro re nata ; and what dismal consequences the invasion of that privilege hath been attended with , to those kings and grandees who have attempted it , is so well known , that it cannot easily be forgot . and whether king iames the sixth's curse hath not taken place upon those of his successors who invaded the church , the revolutions of the crown have sufficiently witnessed : and if the hand of god hath not been remarkably seen in punishing those great ones who were their tools , let the ruin of their families from time to time declare . nor hath the nation escap'd punishment for the treachery of their representatives , god having been justly provok'd to give them and their liberties to be swallowed up by those very men whom they would needs set upon his throne , and into whose hands they betray'd the liberties of the church , of which your own claim of right is a speaking monument : and seeing there is no doubt but your august assembly had valuable reasons for abolishing the supremacy , it 's an affront to your authority to demand its restitution : it s being possess'd by the church , can bring no damage to the crown ; for presbyterians are known to have as good , if not a better opinion of his present majesty , than any other of his subjects ; and all men of sense must needs take it for a proof of it , that they sollicite for such good laws in his reign , as may secure them from the danger of others . and seeing our church-men are subject to the laws , and never did refuse to assemble at the call of their kings , and to give an account of their affairs , it 's but equal to leave them in the possession of that liberty of calling assemblies , concerning their own matters , which the church was possessed of before ever there was a christian magistrate , if the 15th of the acts be the word of god. and certainly he who promised that kings should be nursing-fathers , did never intend that they should be step-fathers , to rob the children of what is their due . as for the calumnies of your church of england-enemies , it is easy to stop their mouth with argumentum ad hominem ; their carriage to k. iames the seventh , proclaims their unshaken loyalty . and for your own episcopal party , all the world knows that they and their kings together , did so tyrannize over your bodies and souls , that you durst scarcely plead a property in either . and if the church of england must be pleased , which is the achillean argument used by the party , we can justly answer the peevish lady , as the young crab did the old one , i prae mater & ego sequar . let 's see how careful she will be to testify her gratitude to his majesty , in taking off the test , and taking in dissenters to the church , which will but just make them even with us ; and then , and time enough then , because we are the oldest nation , we may think which way to make the next advance : for as we have got the precedency , it 's but reasonable we should keep it ; for i know so much by my self , that scotsmen love to go , but neither to be driven nor dragg'd . i cannot but acquaint your honours , that since the writing of what is above , the jacobites here are mightily elevated , and big with hopes of seeing you all in confusion , and the nation in a flame , by the designs which they give out to be on foot amongst you , of lodging the power of calling and dissolving church-assemblies in the magistrate alone , and depriving the people of the right of chusing ministers , by which means they are so bold as to say , that they hope not only to see prelacy gradually reintroduced , but their late monarch reinthroned : and that they may accomplish these designs , will insinuate themselves into both parties ; and are very confident , that the result will answer their expectation for a speedy reestablishment , of prelacy at least ; these measures , as they give out , being concerted with english prelats , who have form'd a party among you for their designs . but as they have hitherto reproach'd your proceedings , there 's no doubt but this is a calumny from the same forge , by which they would ridicule your authority , and represent you to the world as men of no principle nor solidity , but such as will make your self transgressors , in building again what you have already destroy'd . but may the god and father of our lord jesus christ direct your counsels , so as to issue in the comfort of his church , peace of the nation , and confusion of those your black-mouth'd enemies , who are engaged in an interest , not only distinct from , but altogether destructive of yours : of which there 's no room to doubt , if we consider the following address of the representatives of their church , which they have endeavour'd to perform on all occasions ; and as they have never yet revok'd it , we need not doubt but that the party are still of the same mind . the address of the archbishops and bishops of scotland to the late k. iames , upon the news of the prince of orange's undertaking , november the 10th , 1688. vid. gazette , numb . 2398. may it please your most sacred majesty , we prostrate our selves to pay our most devote thanks and adoration to the soveraign majesty of heaven and earth , for preserving your sacred life and person , so frequently exposed to the greatest hazards , and as often delivered , and you miraculously prospered with glory and victory , in defence of the rights and honour of your majesty's august brother , and of these kingdoms ; and that by his merciful goodness the ragings of the sea , and madness of vnreasonable m●● have been stilled and calmed : and your majesty , as the darling of heaven , peaceably seated on the thrones of your royal ancestors , whose long , illustrious and u●parallell'd line , is the greatest glory of this your ancient kingdom . we pay our most humble gratitude to your majesty for the repeated assurances of your royal protection to our national churoh and religion , as the laws have established them ; which are very sutable to the graci●u● countenance , encouragement and protection your majesty was pleased to afford to our church and order , whilst we were happy in your presence amongst us . we magnify the divine mercy in blessing your majesty with a son , and us with a prince , whom we pray heaven may bl●s● and preserve to sway your royal scepter after you , and that he may inherit with your dominions the illustrious and heroick vert●es of his august and most serene parents . we are amazed to hear of the danger of an invasion from holland , which excites our prayers for an universal repentance to all orders of men , that god may yet spare his people , preserve your royal person , and prevent the effusion of christian blood , and to give such succes● to your majesty's arms , that all who invade your majesty's just and undoubted rights , and disturb or interrupt the peace of your rea●●s , may be disappointed and clothed with shame ; so that on your royal head the crown may still f●ourish . as , by the grace of god , ●e shall pres●●ve in our selves a firm and unshaken loyalty , so we shall be careful and zealous to promote in all your subjects an intrepid and stedfast allegiance to your majesty , as an essential part of their religion , and of the glory of our holy profession , not doubting but that god in his great mercy , who hath so often preserved and delivered your majesty , will still preserve and deliver you , by giving you the hearts of your subjects , and the necks of your enemies . so pray we , who , in all humility , are , may it please your most sacred majesty , your majesty's most humble , most faithful , and most obedient subjects and servants . signed by the lord ar bp of st. andr●ws . the lord archbishop of glasc●w . the lord bishop of edinburg . the lord bishop of galloway . the lord bishop of aberdeen . the lord bishop of dunkell . the lord bishop of brechen . the lord bishop of orkney . the lord bishop of murray . the lord bishop of ross. the lord bishop of dumblane . the lord bishop of the istes . edinburg , nov. 3. 1688. pardon my freedom , most noble patriots ; god the searcher of hearts , knows what veneration i have for your august assembly , as representatives of the ancientest kingdom upon earth : i own that your wisdom and authority sets you above the reach of dictates ; nor is any thing here intended as such ; for if the case would admit it , i am far from the vanity of thinking my self able to do it , but cannot forbear to contribute my poor mite towards the vindication of what you have already done , and to put you in mind how much your wisdom is vilified , and your authority impugn'd amongst strangers , which i have the opportunity of knowing better than many of the members of your august assembly . and at the same time to inform your honours , that the authors are our prelatists , a set of men whom you voted to be the insupportable grievance of the nation ; and certainly not without very good reason , seeing they had in a great measure obscured the glory which our gallant ancestors had acquired by their noble defence of the liberties of their country from tyrants at home , and e●emies abroad , and particularly rome , both pagan and popish . may the god of heaven and earth pour out his best blessing● upon you in general , and incline your hearts , with of that your heroick soveraign , to what may be best for the good of the nation , and the glory of his name . the badness of the copy , and the distance of the author from the press , has occasion'd many errata's , the most considerable of which the reader is desired to amend , as follows , because they ma● the sense . page 17. line antepenult . dele so . p. 23. l. 7. read asperius . p. 27. l. 32. dele sense . p. 33. l. 33. read to make no s●ruple . ibid. l. 34. r. and therefore ought not to be believed . p. 34. l. ● . r. anot●er denies it . ibid. l. 7. r. friends . ibid. l. 19. r. and you apply it to all 〈◊〉 gross . ibid. l. 21. r. warily . p. 35. l. 24. r. lords of the iusti●iary . p. 36. l. 3. dele is . ibid. l. 7. r. and yet owns . ib. l. 23. r. and i am . p. 38. l. ● . dele your self . ibid. l. 17. r. inau●picious . p. 40. l. 27. r. would 〈◊〉 allow . p. 41. l. 9. r. disaffected , for dissatisfied . p. 51. l. 25. dele and. the contents . page 1 , 2 , 3. an apology for the sharpness of the s●ile , and instances , &c. in my last . pag. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. arguments to prove that it 's not the church of england 's interest to endeavour the subversion of presbytery in scotland ; and that the scots presbyterians don 't think themselves obliged to a forcible extirpation of prelacy in england by the covenant . page 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. the danger which moderate church-of-england men are in as to their religious and civil liberties from our scots prelatists , and their high-flown tantivies , whom they ought not to countenance in their designs against the church of scotland . ibid. the falshood of the doctor 's assertion , that the late governments were obliged to make such severe laws against us in their own defence . page 13 , 14. the moderate church-of-england men to blame in not making a publick protestation against the practices of their high-flown party in the late reigns , and this . ibid. instances of the disloyalty and ungovernable passion of d. m — o. page 15 , 16 , 17. answers to his calumnies and defence of the severities of charles ll's reign against the presbyterians , and proofs from his own concession , that we may justly accuse that government of cruelty . page 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. the doctor 's objections from the cameronians , and his arguments from our practices in charles the first and second's time , answered and retorted . from page 25 , to 30. answers to sir geo. mackenzy's defence of charles the second 's government , with retortions , and proofs that either k. william and his parliament of scotland , or sir geo. mackenzy and our scots prelatists must be liars ; and the pr. of orange's vndertaking unjust , if charles ll's government in scotland can be defended . from page 30 , to 38. further answers to the doctor 's postscript , and his exceptions against my instances in the last . from page 38 , to 45. an account of sir geo. mackenzy's subornation and injustice against cesno●k , blackewood , &c. from thence to the end , a comparison between the presbyterian acts of their general assembly and parliament against the episcopalians in this reign , and theirs against the presbyterians in the late reigns . a further answer to the scotch presbyterian eloquence , by way of animadversion on dr. m. — as postscript in answer to the first . before i take the doctor to task , i think it necessary to answer the objections made by friends against my first essay ; which are , that the stile is too satyrical , the instances at the latter end too fulsome ; and that their book deserved no answer , as ●arrying its confutation in its forehead . i reply , that as to the sharpness of the stile , none who read , or consider what they wrote , can think they ought to be otherwise treated : so that i shall for once make use of the tinker's apology to a farmer , who quarrelled him for striking his dog with the sharp end of his staff , alledging that it had been sufficient to have beat him with the blunt. yes , says the tinker , when your dog runs at me with his blunt end , i shall use the blunt end of my stick ; but when he runs at me with his sharp end , give me leave to be as sharp with him . not that i would justify the rendring of railing for railing , which i acknowledg to be contrary to our saviour's command , but i submit it to the judgment of divines , whether answering lies with truth , and making the real infamy of him appear , who endeavours , by forg'd accusations , to take away my good name , be a breach of that divine precept ? so that while the matters of fact wherewith they are charged , hold true , the reflections upon them , and epithets given them , can never be justly quarrelled ; and therefore i would entreat my friends to be sparing of their censures : for while the memory of k. charles the second , or k. iames the seventh endures ; and till time , the consumer of all things , hath eat up their parliament-rolls , it will hold an undeniable truth , that the prelatical party of scotland are persecutors ; and that in denying the same , they have made themselves notorious liars . 2. so long as it appears by the same acts , that they imposed and took a contradictory test , so long will it hold that they are perjur'd themselves , and chargeable with the perjury of others . 3. so long as it remains in the records of council , that they ordered men to be killed , without any trial or colour of law ; or so much as with an exception , whether they resisted or not resisted ; so long will it hold that they are bloody murderers . 4. so long as the records of the last general assembly of the church of scotland remain , it will appear , by their evasions , answers , and disingenuous refusals , to declare their abhorrence of arminianism , socinianism and popery , that they are fire-brands in the church , and incendiaries in the state. 5. so long as any of their villanous libels , called the scotch presbyterian eloquence , exist , wherein they charge holiness with deformity , god with horrid decrees , and mock at seriousness and piety , so long will it be evident that they they are blasphemers . 6. so long as that s●urrilous address of their bishops against the prince of orange ; their opposing him in parliament ; their refusing to pray for him , or swear to him now he is king , and the legal procedure against them on the said accounts are on record , so long will it appear that they are rebels . 7. so long as their bloody acts of parliament , and barbarous execution of those acts against us , and our gentle acts of parliaments , and moderate execution of those acts against them are upon record , so long it will appear that they are infamous liars , in asserting , that we treat them more barbarously than they treated us . 8. so long as the west of scotland ( which was the principal scene of those bloody tragedies ) has a being , so long will it appear that they were barbarous . so that i hope all men of common sense , perceive that there 's no denying the consequence , without denying the precedent ; which they can never do so long as any records have a being in scotland ; and therefore i refer it to the impartial reader , whether they do not deserve to be sharply treated . to the fulsomness of the instances i reply , that indeed such things are not sit to be named amongst christians as a subject of conversation : but seeing they charge our ministers with impurity of life and doctrine , i hope it may be allowed in such a case to expose their really vitious practices , in opposition to what they have forged against us ; and seeing the thing is in a manner juridical , and they the first aggressors , it was but necessary for our own justification , to display them in their own colours . however , if any thing either in this particular , or others , be offensive , let the blame rest upon me alone ; for i solemnly declare , that i neither had the commission nor connivance of my party to write what i did , only some particular persons and laicks like my self , gave me most of the passages now found fault with . but e're i leave this subject , let me add , that i humbly conceive my foundation to be very solid , whatever blemish there may be in the superstructure , seeing the present parliament of scotland , when a convention , passed such a vote , that their bishops and clergy were the great and insupportable grievance of the nation , for which no better ground can be assigned than their profanity , persecution and want of piety . so that i have only made out by particulars , what they charged them with in general : and therefore seeing i only spoke the truth , to vindicate those who were falsly accused , and not to gratify the profane palat of the age , i hope i may have some grains of allowance , it never being reckoned a fault in any evidence , to repeat the blasphemies of the atheist , or the treason of the traitor : nor can religion be a sufferer by the exposing of those men , any more than it was by stigmatizing of the scribes and pharisees as hypocrites . as to the last objection , that it deserved no answer because confuted by it self ; i reply , that in scotland it 's true , but here we are not known : and being represented as the worst of men and greatest of barbarians to those of the church of england ; that atheistical vomit was greedily lick'd up , and by many believed ; so that their pamphlets spread , and were mightily hugg'd by such as are enraged at our abolishing prelacy , and by the jacobites who thence took occasion to re●lect upon his majesty for setling such a monstrous church in scotland , that they might render him odious to the church of england . i cannot mention it without concern , that those who are able to defend our church and country , are so unwi●●ing to write ; and when they do , that they let the adversary triumph so long before they reply . if it must be so , i wish that they would oblige some of their friends here with hand-granadoes , to keep tho enemy in play till they come up with their mortar-pieces . before i take the postscript in hand , i find it needful to make it evident to the world , that presbytery cannot be over-turn'd in scotland without the subversion of our religious and civil liberties ; and consequently that our scots episcopalians are enemies to the present government , and french incendiaries , or at least such a crew as would sacri●ice all that is dear to us , as men and christians , to their own private resentments . 1. it is very well known , and too lately transacted to be forgotten , that the states of scotland in their claim of right did demand the abolition of prelacy , as contrary to the inclination of the generality of the people ; on which condition , amongst others , their majesties accepted that crown ; and in pursuance of their promise have by act of parliament , abolished prelacy since , and established presbytery in scotland , as most agreeable to the world of god , as well as the peoples inclinations . then if their majesties should be prevailed upon ( which blessed be god there is no cause to fear ) to act contrary to their solemn oaths , and the claim of right , they must needs see that the people of scotland would have ground enough to plead a breach of the original contract ; nor could the church of england for shame condemn them , seeing they made use of the same plea in their convention and parliament against king iames. and in the next place , let them but consider , that upon the same ground this , or any other king may as well break with them , and invade the constitution of their church , which by the coronation-oath they have bound him to maintain : and whether charles the second , after he was by them perswaded to break his oath to the presbyterians in scotland , made any greater conscience of maintaining the civil and religious liberties of england , i● appeal to themselves . and therefore seeing by that excessive power which they gave their kings in things sacred , meerly to destroy the presbyterians , they found at last that they had put a rod in their hands to whip themselves ; i think they should be cautious how they play that game over again . i do not write this , as having any suspicion that their majesties are so weak as to be prevailed upon to alter the church-government in scotland , but meerly to let the world see , that they who sollicite them to it , are their greatest enemies , and design to shake their throne ; and that it is not the church of england's interest to countenance our scots prelatis●● , nor to importune their majesties on that head. if what is already said be not enough , i would earnestly intreat all sober church-of england-men to consider what were the consequences of their meddling in our affairs , and incensing king charles the first against the presbyterians , in favour of our runnagate prelates , and their hirelings . and seeing like causes may have the like effects , they would do well to beware . it is not unknown that scotland is a distinct nation , and ought to be govern'd by their own laws and councils ; and therefore it must needs be an invasion of the rights of scotland , for english ministers of state , and prelates to meddle , or give counsel in scotish affairs when not call'd to it . and i cannot but think that all reasonable men will easily grant , that the parliament , and general assembly of the church of scotland , are better judges of what is expedient for that nation , than a few english ministers of state , or prelates ; and that both of them have reason to reject what directions or injunctions come from such a mint . and i would put it to the consciences of all judicious church-of england-men , how they would take it if the king were in scotland , that any of the dissenting ministers who are really injured , as those who preached at st. hellin and hi●ley chappels in lancashire , or the whole of them , because denied a comprehension , should ●ly thither , and by their interest with scots presbyterian ministers of state and preachers , importune his majesty to have the constitution of the church of england overturned , and pro●ure orders to have such and such ministers planted in churches , tho they refuse to satisfy the law. i say , in such a case i appeal to their own consciences how they would take it , whether they would reckon themselves obliged to obey , or if they would not complain that their rights were invaded , and demand satisfaction of such ministers of state , &c. as incendiaries and dis●●●bers of the harmony between king and subjects ? i believe verily they would , and that not without good reason , tho i am sure the case is much stronger on our side still : for the dissenting ministers of england are all of them loyal to his majesty , willing to swear allegiance , and pray for him ; but so are not our scots prelatists . and besides , his majesty is really the head and fountain of all power in the church of england , who have not only their temporal baronies and honours from him , but are nominated to their bishopricks by him : but so it is not in scotland , where he hath divested himself of the supremacy , and neither bestows lands nor honours upon church-men . then the case being so , the golden rule , which commands us to do as we would be done by , should oblige english-men not to meddle with our church , no more than they would have us to meddle with theirs ; and if the parliament of scotland do pass over what of that nature is already done , it 's not to be supposed that the red rampant lion is become so much a calf as not to roar sometime or other , and make the fattest and proudest of the beasts in the field to tremble , as ers● of old ; but i hope and pray that god will avert both the cause and the effect . the english bishops did not gain so much by the the last bellum episcopale against us , that they need to be fond of another ; and we doubt not to find as much justice from the parliament of england now as we found then , and have no reason to doubt but king william would be as ready as charles the first , to deliver up his ministers to the law , if it should be made appear against them that they have been meddling too much in our affairs . i know that our scots prelatists possess the church of england , that we think our selves obliged to endeavour the extirpation of their hierarchy , and upon that account prevail with them to endeavour our subversion . but i would earnestly beg all moderate men to weigh the following answers . 1. that the reason of entring into that solemn league and covenant , was the fury which the english prelates evidenced at that time against the church of scotland , having excommunicated the same in all the churches in england , forced a service-book upon us more exceptionable than their own ; and in conjunction with papists , enabled charles the first to raise 30000 men against us , when the parliament of england refus'd to concur with him , insomuch that that expedition was called the bishops war. but blessed be god his present majesty is far from any such attempt , and the english bishops , the chief of them at least , are men of more moderation : so that there is no such cause for us to endeavour the overthrow of their hierarchy . 2. that the scots presbyterians do not at all think themselves obliged , by that covenant , to endeavour a forcible extirpation of the english prelacy , but in concurrence with the parliament of england : and therefore so long as they have not their call to the work , the english prelacy is in no hazard ; and the best way to keep so , is for the church of england to carry modestly , and neither to meddle with us , nor give their own parliament occasion to make such a vote against them , as the parliament of scotland made against our bishops , that they were the great and insupportable grievance of the nation : so that they have their safety in their own hand . but if they should be so infatuated to proceed as they began , in relation to the late general assembly of the church of scotland ; or if they be such fools , as to concur to the sti●ling of all plots against his majesty as hitherto , because so many of their own communion are concerned in them , let them blame themselves for what will be the unavoidable consequences , soon or late : for the church-of england laity are too good protestants and english-men , to be always led by the clergy , or continually hood-wink'd , and not discover the plots carried on against the state , under pretence of zeal to the church ; of which me-thinks the hot-headed clergy should take warning , seeing they may easily perceive how little ground their passive obedience had gain'd , when the honest church-of england laicks found themselves in hazard by k. iames , as to their liberties and religion . next i would earnestly beg , that they would consider how the faction , under a pretence of zeal for the church , and against presbytery , screw'd up the prerogative to such a height , that englishmen had very near lost their liberty and property . it was this mistaken zeal that threw out the bill of exclusion , surrendred the charters of corporations , enabled the king to pack parliaments , pick juries , and cut off whomsoever he pleased , under pretence of law. it was this mistaken zeal , that brought the late reign , and all the direful effects of it , which we have already felt , or are still impending upon us . it was this mistaken zeal which delay'd his present majesty's access to the throne ; gave the enemies opportunity to ruin ireland , raise a rebellion in scotland , and plot , as they do still , in england ; and shall we never be aware of it ? methinks that if the church of england compared things past and present , she might easily perceive that this intemperate heat against presbytery , doth naturally issue in popery and slavery ; and that she has much more reason to unite , for defence of the protestant interest , and her own doctrinal articles , with the church of scotland , than by espousing the cause of a few pro●●igate or traiterous clergy-men , because episcopal , run her self into unavoidable dangers . is it possible that a harmony in discipline should have more power to unite distinct interests , than a harmony in doctrine and agreement under one civil head , hath to cement those who drive the same interest ? it cannot be unknown to the church of england , if she believes either their majesties proclamations , or considers the procedure of his parliament , and other courts in scotland , that the prelatical party there drive at a design to restore k. iames. and with she yet entertain such vipers in her bosom as their outed clergy ; and not only so , but for their sakes entertain suspicions of his majesty , and sollicite him against the church of scotland ? can she say that we have ever made any address to him against the church of england ? and why should they be more zealous against us than we against them ? does she not know that arch-bishop vsher , and some of the greatest of her fathers , thought episcopacy and presbytery reconcileable , and the other things in controversy indifferent ? how is it then that she thinks her differences with king iames and the church of rome more reconcileable , as she must needs do if she fall in with her own high-flown tantivees and our scots prelatists ? but i hope , if no religious considerations will prevail , that the danger of their running the same risk with us may , they seeing both they and we have the same security , viz. the king 's accepting of the crown on such and such conditions , and consenting to acts of parliament accordingly : if he should break to one , he may do the same to both ; and though they may think that he will not overthrow their hierarchy , because the bishops depending on him , may be use●ul to him in the parliament-house ; yet at the same time he may , as charles the second did , invade their civil liberties , and then their religion , nor nothing else , can ever be secure . i must again beg the reader not to mistake me● as designing to create any suspicion of his majesty following such an unhallowed pattern , but meerly to set this as a beacon before the church of england , that they may beware of being shipwrack'd twice upon the same rock ; which will be unavoidable , if they should prevail wi●h any of their kings to break the original contracts , or call in k. iames , or set up any other pretender against his present majesty , and prosper : which , blessed be god , there 's no probability that ever they will , for never was king better beloved by subjects ; and let them try it when they please , they 'll ●ind he has in scotland twenty to one firm in his interest : and whatever noise they make ( to blind their own designs ) of our hazard from a republican faction ; if they will assure the nation of such governours as are now at helm , those whom they call republicans , will as cordially submit to them as any . but i foresee an objection as to scots affairs , that they only sollicit his majesty to dissolve the present parliament , and call another , which will restore episcopacy , and recognize his title . answ. 1. his majesty hath had too many proofs of the loyalty of presbyterians , and the treachery of episcopalians , to venture such an experiment ; or if he should , and they happen to recognize his title , he can never think that they submit from affection , but meerly from interest , when they see they can do no better : and in truth , whatever pretences of loyalty they make , it 's demonstrable enough , that as the country-man , when the london ●drawers baul'd out , welcome , sir , laid his hand on his pob , and said , i thank you my friend ; so may his majesty , when our scots prelatists pretend loyalty , put his hand to his side , and say , i thank you , my sword ▪ for no longer will they be his friend , than he is able to cudgel them . whereas it 's very well known , that the scots presbyterians declared for him before providence had determined their crown in his favour , and have beat into the prelatists whatever loyalty they pretend to have . nor is it to be thought , a prince so good and generous as his present majesty , will ever be so ungrateful to his friends , or act so much contrary to reason , and his own conscience , as to shake the present title he has to the crown of scotland , to buy the consent of the scots prelatists , who could not desend their darling k. iames , nor make any other effort to re-establish him , but by hectoring among the inaccessible hills , stealing cows and sheep , plundring the country , murdering the people by treachery and surprize ; and at last seising the insignificant rock , called the bass , where , if they please , they may send for him to govern the solon geese , and themselves , the greater of the two● but , 2. they will find themselves mistaken , if his majesty should gratify them so far as to dissolve this , and call another parliament ; the presbyterians have not lost but gain'd ground since the revolution , and they have smarted too severely under the prelates , to suffer themselves either to be hectored or kick'd out of their present settlement by any more pack'd clubs ; and knowing that instruments of cruelty are in the habitations of the prelats , will rather quit themselves like men , for the ark and people of their god , than be brought again under the philistin slavery . this is only to undeceive our prelatists , who promise themselves such an easy conquest : not that we can suspect a prince of our king's prudence , generosity and conscience , capable of so much weakness , as to disoblige the kingdom of scotland , those who preserved him the crown of ireland , and such as are his steady and useful friends in england , as he must needs do if he gratify the scots prelatists . they have not now an effeminate and luxurious prince to deal with , who , provided he might wallow in impure pleasures , was content to abandon all care of his subjects ; but one who knows his friends from his foes ; has been accustomed to government from his cradle ; outbrav'd the hector of france in his youth ; and therefore is not to be frighted by our scots prelatists , and the english tories , into such mean compliances , for fear of prelatical insurrections and tantivy grumblings ; he stis●ed greater serpents than those in his cradle , and carries a sword to cut off the hydras heads as fast as they multiply . but now to come to the postscript , or pretended answer to my last . one would have thought that our prelatists had bankrupt their treasure of lies , malice and blasphemy , in their late pamphlet , call'd , the scots presbyterian eloqu●nce : but the apologist and post-scribler demonstrate the contrary , and evidence , that their magazines are still full , and running over ; and i confess there is no cause to wonder at it , when we consider , that the bottomless pit , whence they are furnish'd , is an unfathomable source , and that the father of lies is not yet so superannuated , but that he can beget more of the breed . but to come to our author ; he tells you , in his very first page , that he could not read two lines of dr. rule 's book , without being provok'd unto the undecencies of passion ; and therefore it is no marvel that the reading of mine put him stark mad , seeing i treat the faction with some more roughness than the doctor did . pag. 1. after a very super●icial division of my book , he gives a sutable answer ; and that you may know he was blinded with passion , he begins with downright nonsense , and a notorious lie. i suppose there is scarcely any body but knows that the faction did brag of charles the second's peaceable restoration , as a miracle and demonstration that god own'd his title , ( nay , sir geo. mackenzie , vindic. p. 5. owns he was restored almost by universal consent ; ) and yet the scribler alledges that he , and our subordinate governors , were forced to make laws against the presbyterians of scotland in their own defence . now it is certain that none have any legislative power in scotland but the king and parliament ; and by subordinate governours , he must therefore , if he understands himself , mean the latter ; and if so , it is plain that the presbyterians at that time attack'd neither , but had sufficiently smarted under the usurper for maintaining the right of king and parliament by the sword , and refusing to abjure charles stewart , and the lords , who are a constituent part of our parliament ; so that neither of them being attack'd , nor threatned to be attack'd , in authority nor person , but on the contrary the presbyterians being sworn to maintain them , the pretence of a necessity to make laws in their own defence is a false excuse . but if our author would speak truth , he should say , that charles the second having a mind to break his oath , which he had taken solemnly , to maintain presbytery and the privilege of parliaments , and being secured , as he thought , in foro divin● , by the dispensation first of his popish and then of his episcopal priests , he must find some pretence to salve his credit in foro humano , and so with his pack'd parliament formed iniquity into a law. whether the said laws were gentle , as our author says , i leave it to the consideration of all thinking men , who please to peruse them as exhibited in my other book . it seems indeed that the prelates thought them too gentle , and not extensive enough for them , when they pressed conformity in so barbarous a manner beyond the extent of the said laws , in so much that they were forced to extort certificates from the people that they had been civilly used , because they knew they had exceeded the law , and were liable to be called to an account for it . one of the first laws they made , was an unlimited oath of allegiance , which swallowed up the privileges of the people , took away all the suffrage of parliaments as to the succession of the crown , and establish'd a despotical t●ranny , which this author calls the king's hereditary right : so infallibly true is it , that tyranny and our scots prelacy are inseparably connected , and such brethren in iniquity , that the one is always productive of the other ; and therefore as soon as he had deprived the people of their native rights , he made bold to invade their consciences , and contrary to his own oath and the peoples inclinations , brought in the abjured prelates , as knowing very well that tyranny could not subsist without them ; and so he supported them in their lording it over the peoples consciences : and they to requite their creator , preach'd up his divine right to tyrannize over their purses and persons . and thus did tyranny and prelacy , like two scabbed jades , nab one another , till they were both sent a packing by his present majesty . nor can i omit to take notice of the natural aversion which prelacy has to a lawful government , it being visibly seen that not only our scots prelates who were his majesty's personal enemies , but even the english prelates , most of whom pretended to be his friends , were and are jealous that the destiny of their hierarchy is at hand ; for every one knows how soll●citous the pillars of prelacy were to club at the devil-tavern to contrive means for the maintaining their hierarchy , and how to fetter his majesty with oaths not to touch it : and after they had got this assurance once , they were not satis●ied , but dunn'd his majesty as if he had been their debtor , for a repetition of his promises , till he took notice of it , and told them he was very willing to lay hold on every opportunity of renewing his assurance to maintain the church of england , or words to that effect . so that it is evident beyond exception , that prelacy is afraid when they see popery touch'd ; and that they are jealous that our dread soveraign , whom god has raised to break the horns of the antichristian carpenters , should also prove the bane of the pope's journey-men , the prelates ; and hence it is that they behold his majesty's glorious success with jealousy , which all the rest of the protestant world looks upon with joy. so that their convocation when assembled , were very loth to give his majesty thanks ; and when they did , could hardly be brought to thank him for what he had done for the protestant interest in general , but only for playing the bugbear to frighten away k. iames , who began to bring in their elder brethren the papists to be sharers of the fat with themselves ; and lest we should doubt what this church of england is , which they are so mightily tender of , they informed us in an address of thanks to the king for the care he had taken of the church of england in the alteration which was then made in the lieutenancy of london , and that was for putting in some of the bloody juries , and those who had betrayed the charter of the city , and were the tools to promote tyranny . now this being matter of fact and undeniable , the moderate church-of england-men see what they must expect if that faction get the ascendant once more : it 's not their agreement in government and ceremonies that will give them a true title to be sons of the church ; gibellins they are , and as gibellins they must die . the murder of my lord russel , alderman cornish , and many others , are sad proofs of what i assert ; and seeing the moderate church-of england-men and the presbyterians of scotland were fellow-sufferers in the late reigns , now that we have men advanced to the highest dignity of the church , whose repute for moderation did not a little contribute towards it , methinks it is but what their brethren in scotland might expect , that they should be so far from countenancing our runnagate episcopal clergy in their malicious clamours at court , that they ought to oppose them , especially considering that they were such implements as the late reigns found very subservient to their designs of bringing slavery upon us , under which they themselves smarted either in person or sympathy . and now that i am upon it , i cannot but take notice with regret , that notwithstanding of the almost indispensable nec●ssity of it , the sober church-of england-men in their ecclesiastical capacity , have never given any publick conjunct testimony against the tyranny of the last reigns , nor those of their communion , who were abettors of it , and at this day labour to re-introduce it . let them think what they will , their silence in this affair is no small incouragement to the jacobite party , who have hitherto baffled the discovery of all their plots , under a pretence of zeal for the church , which together with the ill example of the nonjurant bishops and clergy , hath been of more use to the french king , than an army of 60000 men : from this source it is that his majesty's affairs meet with so many rubs ; his friends are so far from being rewarded , that they are endangered and discouraged ; and yet our moderate ecclesiasticks have never made open and conjunct protestation against it . it was the saying of the god of truth , that the children of this generation are wiser than the children of light ; and our times furnish us with many sad instances of its undeniable verity . did not the pulpits in the late reigns thunder against all attempts of recovering our liberties , either in the parliament or in the field ? did not the church concur with her excommunications , to render dissenters uncapable of so much as chusing or giving votes for a sober church-of england-man , who would stand by the liberties of his country to represent them in parliament ? did not some of their bishops press the execution of their penal laws against dissenters , to keep them under hatches for that very reason ? and did not the clergy spend their consecrated lungs in bellowing out presbyterian plots to drown the popish ones ? and yet now they don't excommunicate their jacobites , notwithstanding of their conventicles and distinct form of worship ; their clubbing to chuse enemies to the government to represent them in parliament , even those who were violent enemies to the abdication ; as sir r. s. &c. who was chosen by by the university of c — ge . nor do the pulpits now sound with jacobite plots in this reign , as they did with presbyterian and whiggish plots in the late reigns ; which , together with the tenderness that hath been shewed towards their nonjurant bishops and clergy , and the opposition they make to abjuring the late k. iames , are sufficient evidences that it is his majesty's interest to keep up the presbyterians in scotland as a ballance , lest the scale turn on the side of k. iames , or his pretended son : and as for our scots episcopalians , their loyalty was sufficiently discovered after the defeat of the french by sea ; for none were so industrious as they to lessen our victory , when god had given it us . nor was their carriage less remarkable for disaffection upon the taking of namur , the first news from steenkirk , and when the intelligence came that charleroy was besieged ; which so elevated the spirits of dr. m — , the apologist , and sheelds the jacobite parson , ( lately in newgate for a conventicle ) that they were overheard to salute one another , in the park , with no less titles than that of my lord bishop of such and such a place , so big were they with hopes of the french conquests . pag. 86. our author not having time enough to recover himself ●rom the undecencies of his passion , continues his nonsense , and tells you very gravely , that if the presbyterian delusions did not upon all turns prompt them to overturn the government , they might live in scotland in all peace , as other dissenters did . i suppose our author to be speaking of the time past ; and if so , then he should have said , might have lived : and whether this blunder of grammar , in his own mother-tongue , be not as unpardonable in him , as are the blunders in latin which he falsly chargeth upon mr. rule , let any man judg ; and that he meant of the time past , needs no other demonstration , than to consider that the presbyterians do and can live at peace in scotland now , without being obliged to the prelatists . but nonsense is one of our author's least indecencies of passion ; for they who know him , inform me , that in his heat he cannot forbear swearing , notwithstanding of his doctoral scarf : and it can be proved on him , that when talking to a certain minister about the church of scotland , one of the good-natur'd doctor 's commendable expressions were , that if the episcopal party had it not , he car'd not if the devil had it . well , but to proceed , the doctor acknowledges , that other dissenters liv'd peaceably in scotland . now other dissenters we had none , but quakers and papists ; and that they liv'd peaceably we very well knew , and used to ask why they persecuted us more than them , seeing their difference in principles was much greater , if our episcopalians had been ( as they pretended to be ) good protestants . now i think every one knows the principles and practices of the papists to be dangerous in all protestant governments ; and that quakerism has too great affinity with popery : so that their kind treatment , while we were barbarously persecuted , is none of the best arguments to prove our episcopalians good protestants . and pray let our author in his next , give us an account , why popish recusants ( for denying the king 's ecclesiaslical supremacy ) were not dragoon'd to come to church , plundred , hunted , and hanged , as we were . but seeing i know he will not tell the truth , i 'le venture to tell it for him , in bishop carnerosse's words , the papists were their necessary friends : a king of their religion was dropping ripe to fall into the throne ; and every one knows , that under popery , bishops may grow cardinals and popes ; but under presbytery they cannot exist : and this is the rope which draws the inclinations of our hierarchical men so much towards rome , instead of drawing rome so much to them . if i be mistaken , let the advances which the church of rome made upon us , and the interest they obtain'd in court and else-where , under the warm wings of prelacy , in the reigns of both the charles's , and the last of the iames's bear witness . nay , our good-natur'd doctor was even so kind to mother-church , as to impose on his scholars an oath in k. iames's time , to maintain the blank christian religion , and to hinder the publishing of mr. iamison's book against quakerism ; yet his rancor against presbytery was so great , though the malice of the court seem'd to be asswaged , that when the presbyterians desired they might have the common hall of the college ( of which he was then principal ) to meet in , he answered , like a scurrilous and spightful villain , that his hall should never be a groping office. indeed , doctor , i am very well satisfied , that if any such things had been practis'd at our meetings , the episcopal clergy would never have been their enemies ; for very sure i am , that the greatest swearers , drunkards and whoremasters of the parish , were generally the greatest friends to the curats : and arch-bishop paterson , whose champion you are , may for ever stop your mouth , seeing megg patterson , with whom he had been base , own'd it before the court upon examination . and your other good friend , mr. hamilton , whom you are so careful to vindicate , would certainly have been a ●requenter of such groping offices , had there been any , seeing he was not ashamed , upon a certain occasion to declare , that he hated all words which ended in ism , except baptism and priapism . the doctor having dropt out a feeble and a faint lie , to justify the making of the laws against us , vices acquirit eundo ; and , ibid. tells you boldly , that the scheme of the presbyterian religion , wherein they differ from the episcopalians , is nothing but ungovernable humour and rebellion . well said , good-natur'd doctor , who is a separatist from good nature and the christian church now ? modest sir , i must b●g your pardon to say , that you are either an ungovernable passionate prelate , or the king and parliament are stark fools and knaves to have abolished episcopacy in scotland , where , according to you , they must have establish'd nothing but ungovernable humour and rebellion . certainly his majesty and the parliament are more concerned to preserve the soveraignty , than such fellows as you ; and if they had not been satis●ied that the presbyterians were better friends to it than the prelatists , they would never have establish'd them , and ejected the other . pray , sir , if your eyes be not blinded with passion , look upon the harmony of confessions , and see whether ours or yours ( if you know where to find your own ) be most agreeable to the reform'd christian church ; and then , if you please , look a little further into their discipline , and if it do not provoke you to indecency of passion , read 1 tim. 4. 14. 2 tim. 3. acts 20. 28 , 29. acts 15. titus 1. phil. 1. 1. and see which of us are the greatest separatists from the christian church , and whether those texts be chargeable with ungovernable humour and rebellion ; and so long as those texts make it evident that bishop and presbyter are the same in name and office , not so much as ordinatione excepta , if it be ungovernable humour and rebellion to believe so , we will be ungovernable and rebellious still . as for your citing the hind● l●t loose , ius populi , and naphtali , it 's altogether foreign to the purpose , all of them contain such arguments for the lawfulness of resisting t●yrannizing princes , as your party could never answer ; and for any thing particular in any of them , especially the hind let loose , which was writ against presbyterians as well as prelatists , none but one of your own kidney can charge them upon the presbyterians in general . but further , it 's mighty strange that this principle should be so criminal in us , and yet venial in the church-of england-men . wherefore do not you cite iulian the apostate , mr. hickeringil , or dr. burnet the bishop of salisbury's works , &c. to the same purpose : and pray let us know why the presbyterians are more chargeable with ius populi , &c. than the church of england are with those ? the author will not take notice of what has been so often told him and his party , that the horrid cruelties exercis'd upon the presbyterians in the west , as dragging them to hear the curates per force ; plundering them of all they had ; ravishing their wives , daughters and maids ; chasing them to the woods and mountains in the extremity of winter ; denying the poor children left at home , any other subsistance than what was left by the surfeited dogs ; the tying of gentlemen neck and heels , and rosting them before fires , without so much as allowing them a draught of water to quench their insupportable thirst ; forcing of bonds from them for such and such sums ; and extorting certificates , after all this , under their hands , that they had been civilly used . i say , the faction will not hear , when we tell them , that all this was done before they could charge us with any insurrection ; and yet are so disingenuous as to instance our pos●eriour efforts for self-defence , as the occasion of all severe laws : than which nothing can be more unjust ; and by the doctor 's own confession , pag. 87. that the king and his ministers of state , might more plausibly be accused of cruelty , if they made severe laws against the consequences of the presbyterian opinions . we have reason to charge the king and his ministers with cruelty : for such laws as were made before 1666 , were directly against the supposed consequences of our opinions , or nothing ; for we made no opposition by arms at that time against charles the second . nay , it is expresly own'd , pag. 5 , and 6 , by sir geo. mackenzie , that the laws were made against the consequences which they pretend to charge upon our principles . but to return again , p. 86. he alledges , that the presbyterians declar'd open war against the king in his own dominions ; preach'd to their hearers , that they ought to kill his servants ; that he had no right to the crown , because he had broken the covenant : than which nothing can be more false . it was but a small number of the presbyterians that appeared in arms in 1666 ; and they were so far from declaring war against the king , that they only desired a redress of those grievances which the episcopal souldiers had committed beyond law. nor would they have done it in arms , if it had been possible to have had access to the council otherwise : for those who appeared at bothwel-bridg , they were so far from declaring against the king , that they took his interest into their declaration ; and the party who oppos'd it , were so much di●relish'd , that multitudes deserted because they were concerned . nay , charles the second was so much convinc'd , that mr. iohn welch , and the majority of the presbyterians , were so far from disputing his title , that he granted an indulgence immediately after the suppressing of that insurrection ; and to my certain knowledg , offer'd a particular licence to the said mr. welch , to live and preach in any part of his dominions ; though our episcopalians had formerly incens'd him so much against him , that proclamations were issued , offering 500 l. to any that would bring him in dead or alive . so that the doctor has no foundation for his charge but the practice of a few cameronians , one of whose preachers excommunicated the king , and about twenty of the faction declared war against him at sanqhuar ; and such a little number did afterwards pretend to dethrone him : which will appear to all men but such as our author , to be contrary to presbyterian principles , seeing we allow not so much as excommunication of a private person without ●udicial probation , admonition , suspension , and the consent of the presbytery . and , by the covenant which they reproach us with as our only rule , we swear to maintain the privilege of parliaments , and the king 's just powerand greatness ; to which nothing can be more diametrically opposite , than for a few persons , without the consent and commission of the whole , to take upon them to exauctorate magistrates . and whatsoever this libeller may suggest , it 's known that mr. castares , sen. mr. blare , mr. iamison , mr. rule , mr. riddel , and other grave presbyterian ministers , fell under the obloquy of the cameronians for protesting publickly against the principles which they were driven unto by the furious tyranny of the late reigns . but if the doctor be not yet satisfied , i 'll give him argumentum ad hominem , thus . the viscount of dundee and his party declared war against king william , and all the bishops of scotland oppos'd his title to the crown : ergo , all the episcopalians in scotland declared war against him , and that he had no right to the crown ; and therefore by their own concession , the present government would be justified to enact as severe laws against them , as the late government did against the presbyterians . the premisses being undeniable , the conclusion cannot be avoided , if our author's way of arguing hold good . but supposing it true that all the presbyterians in scotland had declared king charles the second to have ●orfeited his right to the crown because he broke the covenant , it had been no more than what the church of england have declared against king iames , because of his breaking the original contract : and i would desire our gentleman to look upon the claim of right by both nations , and he will find that most of the infractions upon that contract were made by king charles ; so that if this be a crime , aethiopem albus , loripidem rectus derideat . but as for that malicious lie , that any of them preach'd that his servants ought to be killed , it 's so gross , that none but the author could invent it , nor any but his party believe it : for tho some of them did kill a. bp sharp , and others who were hunting for their lives , and took the same advantage of them that they did of others ; it will not so much as follow , that any of their ministers preach'd this as their duty , and much less that it was so to kill the king's servants as such . well , but this methodical doctor , who would sain perswade the world that he and his party have engrossed all reason and logick to themselves , comes with a hysteron proteron , and tells you of the presbyterians cruelty toward the episcopalians after the year 1637 , which ( mark the good-natur'd calm expression ) he says were unparallell'd in history , as they were diabolical in their nature . this is scots episcopal veracity . the doctor thinks he is dictating to his scholars ; and truly i must tell his doctorship , that if he ta●ght them no better philosophy , than he teaches us history , they had but a poor bargain on 't . but now , good doctor , did you never read of the massacres at paris , in the valtoline , and the duke of alva's butchery in the netherlands ? we shall not go so high as the ten persecutions , or those against the wicklevites , waldenses , &c. and tell me if what cruelties were exercised upon you about 1637 , aggravate them as much as you can do in any measure , come near them ; and if they do , as i am sure they cannot , i would know whether the modest , rational and religious doctor be not guilty of an immodest , irrational and irreligious lie ? and in the next place , seeing we must go back to 1637 , pray what did your party then suffer answerable to the persecution of the presbyterians by your high commission-court before that time ? or , did your sufferings come any thing near the horrid cruelty which montross with his highlanders , and the irish rebels , who join'd him after they had massacred the protestants in ireland , committed upon the country in defence of your prelacy ? but further , if your party did suffer any thing at that time , as it was impossible but they should when the exasperated people had taken arms against their invasions both of church and state , and the quarrel came to be decided by the sword , who was to blame for it ? they drew it upon themselves , they would not be satisfied that they had obtruded their domineering prelacy , but they must also impose a new form of worship , for opposing of which they incensed the king to raise an army of 30000 men to force it upon us . so that here was precedent enough according to the talion law , to force the covenant upon them , which yet we never did in that manner , tho the honest doctor has the confidence to assert , that we imposed it with greater tyranny , malice and violence , than the fathers of the inquisition ever practised . good mr. doctor , ( for you were very angry that i did not call you so in my last ) did your doctorship ever hear that we put the prelatis●s in dungeons to be eaten up with toads and serpents ? did we ever put any of them upon the rack ? did we ever thrust pieces of cloth down their throats to their very stomachs , and pull them up again ? did we ever burn them in habits painted with devils ? did we ever twist the muscles of their arms and legs with cords , which your fathers of the inquisition are known to have practised ? or , did we ever torture them with the boot , thummikins , or burning matches ( as your brethren of the prelatical inquisition did us ) to make them take the covenant ? i am confident your conscience , tho pros●ituted to a prodigy , flies in your face , and gives you the lie. well , but the doctor has not done yet , he tells you the covenant was imposed upon the children at schools . truly mr. doctor , to do you justice , i believe it was required of the little children that offered to take degrees of master of arts : and tho your doctorship was never nearer rome than 480 miles , as you say in your postscript , you have learn'd the art of equivocating as well as if you had been there ; for every one knows that men of thirty years old may truly enough be called children , and universities may as well be called schools : but if that was unlawful , how came your party to follow the example , and even your own doctorship to offer a blank oath to your scholars ? and why does the church of england impose oaths upon children at schools in oxford and cambridg ? pag. 87. he says there 's nothing in the first part of the answer to the scotch eloquence , but an ill-contriv'd abstract of the hind let loose . good doctor , i am afraid that the eyes of your head , as well as of your mind , were blinded with indecencies of passion , else you would have seen somewhat else , viz. frequent demonstrations , that you and others of your party are notorious liars , in asserting that our proceedings against you are more barbarous and cruel than yours against us , and that by authentick proofs , viz. your own acts of parliament . next the doctor tells us that the episcopalians publish'd a compendium of the hind let loose , that all men might see the principles , practices and humours of that sect whom they oppose● and that there cannot be a better defence of charles the second's government than the hind let loose . we have told the faction often enough that the said book is against presbyterians as well as episcopalians , and was writ in the height of a schism , and never own'd by the hundredth part of the presbyterians : but such is the unreasonableness of our prelatists , that they will charge it upon us , and would make the world believe that it is conseq●ential to the true presbyterian principles , though i have already demonstrated , that the excommunicating and exauctorating the king was contrary to our discipline and covenant . but to answer the disingenous man with argumentum ad hominem , i argue thus : there can be no better defence of the proceedings of the presbyterians against the prelatists , than dundee's declaration , their refusing to swear allegiance , and pray for king william and queen mary , seeing those who do so , act more consequentially to the prelatical principles of passive obedience and nonresistance , than those who comply . ibid. he tells us , that if the ministers of state under k. charles the second in scotland , have done nothing but what all wise , great and good men have done in the like cases , then the clamours of this party are rather an honour than an accusation . this is poor sophistry , doctor ; we deny your assumption , and by course your consequence must fall , which is an answer sufficient ; but to be plainer with you , if king charles and his ministers of state did nothing but what all wise , great and good men have done in the like cases ; then his present majesty and the parliament of scotland must , by this argument , be foolish , little and ill men , to disapprove their methods : so that we see how superlatively loyal and modest the doctor is . but yet further : we would have his doctorship to know that there was never such a case under heaven , and therefore the doctor will be at a loss to find good , great and wise men for precedents . ay , let him turn over all the histories of europe , give us a parallel , that any protestant prince should solemnly before god and the people , swear with his hands lifted up to heaven , that he would govern according to the terms on which he received the crown , viz. the preservation of the presbyterian government , and the privileges of parliament ; declaring that he was under no constraint to take the said oath , but that he did the same voluntarily and without mental reservation ; acknowledging the sins of his family , and promising a redress of grievances : i say , let him give us an instance of any protestant prince that ever perjur'd himself in such a manner , and requited subjects as he did us , tho we own'd his title , defended him against the usurper who had cut off his father's head , and exposed our selves to ruine for his sake : for reward of which , immediately after his restauration , he overturn'd our civil and religious liberty , cut off the earl of argile's head , who had set the crown upon his ; and afterwards enacted laws to make the people own the abjur'd prelates , and involve them in the same perjury with himself , and because they could not not in conscience do it , sent forces to take free quarter upon them , drive or drag them to church , destroy their substance , and treat their persons in that barbarous manner as before related , tho many of them advanced , and none of them opposed his restauration , nor threatned any disturbance to his government . but the truth of the case was , he and his ministers of state knew well enough that he had forfeited his right to the crown , and that the presbyterians could not but in heart abhor his perjury ; and therefore they were resolved to put them out of condition to demand the forfeiture , if ever they should happen to be so minded : which that poor people were so far from , that not one of those whom mere necessity had constrained to take arms at pentland , or bothwell-bridg , denied his title ; but on the contrary , still own'd him . and for that small inconsiderable number that acted otherwise at sanqhuar , &c. it 's already demonstrated , that they neither proceeded according to our principles , nor with our consent : and therefore , so long as there are any records in our nation , king charles the second's unparallell'd perjury , ingratitude to his subjects , and tyrannical government can never be justified . and as for the rebellions he charges us with under king charles the first , let any body peruse rushworth's collections , or even sir richard baker's chronicle ; and tho all the truth be not written there , it will be easy to perceive that the innovations made upon the church of scotland , and the invasions on the liberties of england , were the cause of that prince's misfortunes , who was misled by a popish wife , and misinformed by popish and prelatical ministers to his ruine . that unfortunate king put one affront on our nation ▪ mentioned by sir richard baker , that was enough of it self to have made them shake off his government , viz. the demanding of the crown of scotland to be brought hither for him to be crowned with , which argued such a degeneracy of spirit , and so much of an alienated mind from his native country , that 〈◊〉 a wonder how ever scots-men should have own'd him afterwards : the greatest monarch that ever sat upon the english throne ; would have gone as far as scoon , and thank'd us too , to have had the honour of it ; and for a scots-man so far to undervalue his native country , as to demand the poor , and almost the only remaining badg of their honour , antiquity and independency , to be brought into another nation , quis talia fando temperet a — ne quid aspersus dicam . certainly nothing but an exuberant loyalty and esteem for their natural prince , whom doubtless they considered as over-ruled by pernicious counsel , could ever have made that kingdom put up the affront . and therefore when he persisted to oppress and persecute them upon the account of their consciences , it was no wonder that they re-assum'd the spirit of their ancestors ; and let him know that the kings of scotland were never allowed an arbitrary power , nor did ever any of them usurp it , but it prov'd fatal to them or theirs : nor never was the nation so much degenerate but since the reign of our protestant prelacy , who were the creatures and supporters of tyranny ; for in the times of popery we had more grandees than we have now , that could tell how to put the bell about the cat 's neck on occasion , as archbald douglas , earl of angus , did to king iames the third ; but since the union of the crowns , the fall of our grandees , and the combination of the english and scots mitres , scots-men durst never say their head was their own but when they had the sword in their hand , except it be under this present government . and therefore the nation of scotland is mightily obliged to prelacy . ibid. he charges the presbyterians with enthusiasm . our prelat●sts are of late become as fond of this expression as is the cuckow of his known note ; and i can imagine no other reason why , than because they are so accustomed to swallow their liquor ; that as the lecher pleases himself with baudy stories , so do they with the very word enthusiasm , which is but a greek term signi●ying pouring in , and in this sense i 'll maintain it , that it 's more proper to be applied to our drunken prelatists , than in any manner to us . i always understood enthusiasts to be a sort of persons who pretended to other revelations than the written word for their rule , such as our quakers , and the old german anabaptists , or absit verbo invidia , our prelatists , who build more upon the uncertain and superstitious writings ascribed to some of the fathers , than on the writings of the apostles , who are the grandfathers ; or on the rationale of a durandus , or the poetical whims of any church devoto for their unscriptural ceremonies , than on divi●e revelation , which orders us to worship god as he commands , and not as we think good in our own eyes . then seeing the presbytérians do plead for a strict conformity to the scripture as the rule of faith and manners ; and that our prelatists admit of by-rules , for which no reason can be assigned , but the capricio of some fanciful bigot , or corrupted father ; let the world judg which party is most chargeable with enthusiasm . ibid. he says , that the acts of our general assemblies do sufficiently vindicate charles the second , and his ministers of state , from any shadow of rigour or cruelty . it were easy to answer the doctor in his own coin , that the knavish address of the scots bishops against the prince of orange , their opposing him in parliament , and the barbarities committed upon the presbyterians by the prelatists , as above related , are sufficient to vindicate us from any shadow of rigour or cruelty , which must , by all men who have not forfeited sense and reason , be allowed more than a sufficient answer . but further , the doctor would have done well to have cited those acts , and then a more particular answer could have been given : however , i 'le guess at his meaning , and suppose them to be such as declared against imploying malignants in places of power and trust ; which was the opinion of those called remonstrators : and if so , pray , good doctor , why is this more culpable than your church-of england . test , which excludes all dissenters from places of power and trust ; and that also against his majesty's desire , in his speech to the parliament , wherein he did rationally insinuate , that the taking off of the same , would unite his subjects in his service against the common enemy ? if the copy was bad , why does the church of england follow it ? or , do you not think that we had as much reason to keep out prelatists from places of power and trust , as you have to keep out presbyterians ? nay , i do verily believe , there is no true english-man , or protestant , who does not see the mischief which happens daily by the continuance of this test , which obliges his majesty to make use of such as do betray him continually . and whether the scots presbyterians were mistaken in their conjectures , that our prelatists , when admitted into trust , would betray our religion and liberties , let the late revolution , and the causes of it , testify . or , if there was any such act made or intended , by any assembly of the church of scotland , as disown'd charles stuart , the head of the malignants , because of his breach of covenant , and designs to enslave the nation ; it must 〈◊〉 be own'd , that they were too clear-sighted , and that the church of england do the same in relation to k. iames , who had as good a right to the crown , according to the prelatical principles , as ever his brother had ; and , if passive obedience be a true doctrine , ought as little to have been opposed as he . then supposing it true , that the remonstrators were against owning of him on the accounts aforesaid ; yet seeing they were not the majority of the presbyterians , and were willing to submit to his legal administration , swear allegiance , and live peaceably under his governm●nt , neither reason nor conscience will justify his proceedings against the presbyterians in general on that account ; or the making of laws on purpose to fret their consciences , and press the execution of them in such a barbarous manner as must unavoidably procure insurrections , when they submitted to him without the least opposition . sure i am , the church of england are more moderate to the jacobites , when they won't so much as admit of an oath of abjuration to be imposed on those in places of power and trust. pag. 88. he refers to sir geo. mackenzie's defence of charles the second's government , as unanswerable , though the same hath already been confuted , better than he can defend it . but the modest doctor goes on , and says , the objections against that government , are only little cavils and exceptions . no doubt , sir , k. william , and his present parliament of scotland , are but little cavilling fellows ; and the following grievances complain'd of by the convention of states , were but small exceptions , viz. disarming protestants , while papists were employed . imposing oaths contrary to law. giving gifts and grants for exacting money , without consent of parliament , or convention of estates . levying and keeping on foot a standing army in time of peace , and exacting free quarters without consent of parliament . imploying officers of the army as judges through the kingdom , &c. even where there were hereditary offices and jurisdictions ; who put many of the subjects to death without any form of law. imprisoning persons without expressing the reason , and delaying to bring them to trial. forfeiting several persons , on stretches of old and obsolete laws , as the earl of argile , to the scandal of the justice of the nation . subverting the right of royal burroughs , imposing magistrates and whole town-councils upon them , contrary to their charters , without pretence of sentence , surrender or consent . ordering judges to desist from determining some causes , and how to proceed in others . imposing extraordinary fines , exacting of exorbitant bail , and disposing of fines and forfeitures before sentence . forcing the subjects to make oath against themselves in capital crimes . using torture without evidence , or in ordinary crimes . sending an army in hostile manner upon several parts of the kingdom , in time of peace . imposing bonds without authority of parliament . suspending counsellors from the bar , for not appearing when such bonds were offered , contrary to law. putting garisons in private mens houses in time of peace , without consent of parliament . making it treason for persons to refuse giving of their thoughts , in relation to points of treason , or other mens actions . imprisoning and prosecuting the subjects , for petitioning the king and parliament to grant remedy by law. now whether these be little cavils and exceptions : whether charles the second was not guilty of these male-administrations : and if so , whether he deserved to be called a wise and peaceable monarch , let any body judg . and that they may do it the more impartially , i would wish them to consider , that there is a woe denounced against them who call evil good , and good evil. and i would pray the doctor to tell me , whether it was modesty in sir george , or is modesty in himself , to defend these things , which common sense must needs condemn , the representatives of the nation have adjudged as grievances , and the continuance in them as chiefly conducing to k. iames's forfeiture of the crown ? i confess i do not at all wonder that sir g. m. should defend a government which advanc'd and imploy'd him : these barbarous laws , and inhumane prosecutions , brought gri●t to his mill , and fill'd his bags ; for it will eternally hold , dul●is od●r lucri ex re qualibet , even from piss it self . and there is yet the less cause of surprisal , when we consider , that he was iohn white 's ( anglicè iack ketch 's ) journyman , or as he call'd himself , calumniator publicus , and the common libeller of the presbyterians ; so that of necessity he must represent them as monsters , else he must own himself a bloody butcher in prosecuting them at such a rate as he did . but further , sir george's arguments are all built upon a false narrative of matter of fact ; nor could a truer relation be expected from a man of his kidney , who prostituted his conscience , not only to different parties in the church , but contrary factions in the state : let not the scribler tax me as not generous for saying so , seeing it is true ; for it can be no more a crime in me to attaque sir g. after his death , than for him to attaque mr. rutherford and others , who are also in their graves . his subornation against sir hugh and sir geo. campbel , was charged on him to his face in open court , by the persons whom he had suborned . and in like manner it can be proved , that he suborned others against halside ; and did actually prosecute blackwood , for a pretended crime , whereof he himself was guilty , viz. conversing with mr. wilson a bothwel-bridg-man , for which he aim'd at the gentleman's life and estate : so that no reason will allow the testimony of one who was so much a party , and notoriously unjust , no more than we could allow the calumnies of bishop bonner against the protestants , whose blood he shed and thirsted after . nor are the presbyterian nurslings , as he calls them , so much gauled by sir george's book as he supposes ; and the unwary doctor himself owns what i asserted , that the reasonings in the treatise relate to the papers publish'd by the cameronians , which shows how unfairly sir george argued , to instance actions of men rendred mad by a barbarous execution of cannibal laws , to defend the making of those very laws . as for the honour he alledges i do the faction , in mentioning some great men as persecutors , much good may it do them : for if , according to the learned doctor 's argument , quality , sense and interest cast the ballance , then certainly nero , and iulian the apostate , were too heavy for the apostles and primitive christians ; and that great monster , lewis xiv . has much the better of his protestant subjects . well , but the doctor says afterward , they have reason to glory in their parts , honour and integrity ; which is none of my business to question . but the instances they are charged with , will come under none of those heads , and therefore the doctor 's panegyrick is foreign to the purpose . but we can easily answer , that their majesties and present parliament , have declared the very laws , which were yet more torelable than their barbarous execution , wicked and impious ; and i hope the modest doctor will allow , that they have quality , sense and interest enough to cast the ballance . i shall only add , that sir geo. mackenzie , by a concession , pag. 17. destroys his own hypothesis ; for there he owns that presbyterian ministers , who were sent to reclaim these criminals , and presbyterian jurors who were summoned to their trial , seldom failed of condemning them : so that from his own mouth he gives himself and the doctor both the lie , when they charge those principles upon the presbyterians in general , and consequently discover the falshood of that necessity , which they pretend the government was under , to make such laws against us in their own defence . pag. 13. sir george says , that the heretable iudges , i. e. hereditary sheriffs , refused to put the laws in execution against conventicles , by which they became formidable . which destroys two more of his and the faction's assertions , viz. that presbyterianism : was not popular , and that none but the rabble were their friends ; for those hereditary sheriffs are the best and most ancient families generally in every county : so that sir george wrongs his cause exceedingly by that concession , seeing those hereditary judges living upon the place , and being acquainted with the industry and honesty of the persecuted party , would not abandon their honour and conscience to become hangmen to their neighbours and tenants . and therefore the court being resolved to ruin the country , imployed bloody cut-throat papists , as the earl of airly and laird of meldrum , and their barbarous savages the popish highlanders . but according to the natural disingenuity of his faction , he takes no notice , that those military judges pull'd the hereditary sheriffs from off their benches , and would not let them proceed against the presbyterians according to the statute-law , because that was too mild in their opinion . one remarkable instance thereof was at selkirk , where meldrum pull'd philiphaugh , who is hereditary sheriff of the forest ( now a lord of the session ) out of his chair , when holding his court. another of sir george's defences are , the alledged severity to the cavaliers in charles the first 's time : which if true , though there 's no reason to take his word for proof , he could not but know the truth of that maxim , inter arma silent leges ; and that this could not justify the dragooning of people to church , and taking free quarter in time of peace . but sir george , accordin● to his wonted disingenuity , takes no notice of the case of that severity , if any such were , viz. that the persons so treated , harassed their native country with fire and sword , in conjunction with those who had cut the throats of protestants in ireland , filled the kingdom with bloody murders and barbarous villanies . i have neither time , nor is it consistent with my present design , to an●madvert any further upon his pretended unanswerable book ; but i think any honest reader will be satisfied that it needs no worse character , than to be stigmatiz'd as a flat contradiction to their majesties and the present parliament of scotland , being a sophistical and unfair relation of matters of fact , to make the world believe that all those grievances have been false , which the parliament complain'd of , his majesty declared against , and founded the justice of his expedition upon their redress : so that it will issue in this , either that sir george mackenzy is a liar , or that his majesty and the parliament of scotland are such ; and therefore , good mr. doctor , i am not afraid to appeal to the judgment of all disinterested persons , whether it be you or i that are most void of generosity , honour , modesty and common sense , of all which you deprive me in the 89 th page of your libel . so that tho the ass may vapour a while in the lion's skin , the ears of the dull brute will discover him at last . and thus our doctor has wounded his pretences to loyalty , by defending sir george's book . but allowing all to be true that sir george alledges as the cause of our persecution by charles the second ; i say still , that the faction deserves to be more severely treated by this government upon the very parallel , viz. thus ; they own passive obedience to be true doctrine , and were as much sworn to that as we were to the covenant ; so that if they believe that doctrine , they must needs look upon their present majesties to have no just title , and think themselves obliged to rebel . now malice it self could never fasten any such consequence upon the covenant as to charles the second's title : ergo , passive obedience must be more dangerous to this , than the covenant was to that government . but the doctor turns his back , and takes no notice of this argument , only magisterially tells you , that if there be no more in the case than passive obedience , the government needs not be afraid : tho every body but the faction , ●hose interest it is to dissemble the consequences of their principles , sees the contrary by demonstration from the practices of the nonjurant bishops , the high church-of england zealots , and the scots rebellions . 2. the episcopal party disown the presbyterian ministers , and won't hear them ; ergo , by sir george mackenzy's position , they should be dragoon'd to church , and with much more reason than they dragoon'd us ; for there 's nothing in our way of worship but what they practis'd themselves ; nor can they object against our form of government , for they had it in conjunction with their own episcopacy . then seeing we neither do nor desire that they should be persecuted on account of their dissent , whether are they or we most moderate ? all the difference is , that there are no laws against their nonconformity as there were against ours : which i grant to be true ; and hence we can demonstrate presbyterian moderation , that the parliament did not make any laws against the consequences of prelatical and passive-obedience-principles , tho the prelatists made laws against ours ; and sure i am , we had much more reason to have made laws against them , who did actually oppose and rebel against his present majesty while the parliament was sitting , and yet no such thing was ●ver moved . as for his allegation , that our moderation proceeds from the opposite biass of the nobility and gentry ; it shows his ingratitude : but all men of sense must needs be convinced that the parliament , who settled presbyteria● government , and that with so much care as to entrust none but the old presbyte●ian ministers , thrown out by the pr●lates , and such as they should admit , with any sh●re of the government , were not so much biass'd in ●avour of the episcopalians , as to restrain from making such laws on that account , if there were no other reason . pag. 91. he owns that the author of the scotch presbyterian eloquence has perhaps been unwary as to some stories , which need confirmation . well said , doctor , perhaps unwary , when i have made it evident from his own words that he contradicts himself ; but the inconsistencies i charge him with , you say you have no inc●ination to examine ; and truly i believe it , because you know they are true . and whereas you say there is not one good consequence in my book : pray let 's hear what you can say in your next to avoid the dint of the consequences there deduced , and here repeated , to prove your party in general , liars , persecuters , &c. but the good-natur'd doctor being sorry that he has done us so much fa●our as to grant that his friend was unwary as to some stories , retracts immediately , and tells you , there are multitudes of true stories against us of that nature , and believes that there was no injury done us in publishing that book . well argued , wary doctor ; you own that your friend was unwary in publishing stories which needed confirmation , tho he delivered them all as positive proofs , and yet say he did us no wrong . so that i perceive , according to your episcopal conscience , a breach of the ninth commandment is no injury . but doctor , seeing you have given your friend the lie , e'en box it among you till you box one another's ears . but in truth , doctor , he has no reason to be angry with you , seeing you give your self the lie as well as him : for pag. 91. you say that you believe the presbyterians had no injury done them by publishing that book . and yet pag. 93. you say , you do not believe those stories of mr. rule publish'd in that book ; so that the wary doctor must either grant himself a liar , or that to publish lies against a man is no injury , which makes him a blasphemer . now , good doctor , vtrum mavis elige , take your choice . the doctor goes on , and proves his argument thus : the printed accounts cited from their books are equal to the unprinted relations of their sermons and prayers : but takes no notice of the perverted propositions and false citations , which i have proved upon his friend from our printed books , nor of what i said in mr. rutherford's defence , but goes on to revile him , tho his works praise him , and make his memory precious . good doctor ! remember your own beloved apology of the kites , crows and jackdaws , and pray take in the cuckows , solemnizing a jubilee over the dead falcon ; and apply the other fable to your self , that the ass , amongst other beasts , kick'd and insulted over the dead lion. for sure i am , if mr. rutherford were alive , he would disdain to enter the lists with such an episcopal hawker as you , but would content himself to say , etiams●●tu poena ●ueras dignus , tamen ego indignus qui à te poenas sumam , which is in plain scots , he would scorn to foul his fingers with you . well , the doctor knows not whether to believe , or not believe ; and mark his civility to mr. rule , for you must know he will not allow him the title of doctor , that 's too much for a presbyterian : he tells you he has given you a couple of instances of greater ignorance and nonsense in mr. rule 's book than any that's to be found in the scotch eloquence ; and yet in the beginning of the 93 d page , he tells you he does not believe the instances in that book against mr. rule ; why , good doctor , it would seem you think them not nonsense great enough for mr. rule : but should not you believe your brother , the author of the presbyterian eloquence , as well as you would have him to believe you ? truly in his next pamphlet he had e'en best be quit with you , and use your own words , viz. that he will not believe what you say unless he have better authority . and last of all , doctor , seeing you own that his authority is not good ; pray , why are you angry with me for writing against him ? poor doctor ! remember that the false witnesses against jesus christ could not agree in their evidence : and seeing you and your comrade are at giving one another the lie , be not angry if i call you both liars . ibid. the doctor tells us , that the most blasphemou● story in the scotch presbyterian eloquence , can be proved by the most undeniable evidence , particularly those against mr. vrqhuart and mr. kirton : but he would do well to remember that he himself has already belied one of his evidence● , and we have no great reason to think that the rest are of any better credit . but further , i am sufficiently satisfied by those who have lately made an enquiry into the affair , that the whole is a malicious calumny . well , after a little more vomit , he tells you , that the absurd ludicrous sect metamorphose religion and its solemn exercises into theatrical scenes . commend me to the wary doctor ! what , not one page without contradicting your self , or your brother the author of the presbyterian eloquence ? he said that our preachers were whining fellows that drivell'd at eyes and mouth , and now your doctorship tells us that they are merry-andrews . well , doctor ▪ who 's the liar ? he says it 's you , and you say it 's he , and i say it 's both . pag. 94. the doctor seems content that he and his party be reckoned publicans and sinners , so he can but perswade the world that we are scribes and pharisees . pray , good doctor , dignify and distinguish your self and your party by what title soever you please , and observe the wise man's rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but be charitable to your neighbours , and before you charge us with acting comedies , consider how you 'll reconcile your self to your brother , author of the scots presbyterian eloquence , who chose rather to represent us as personating tragedies ; and you and he both seem so very well acquainted with the customs of the play-house , that you had e'en best petition their majesties for mumford's place , and the other ( what do you call 'em ) that 's lately dead , and then we may not only sing but swear , that the pulpit and stage have corrupted the age. but one word more , doctor , and that 's this ; take your brother foster along with you , for he 'll make a special bully , and then you may sport your selves in your theatrical scenes , i had almost said obscenities , and act comedies , tragi-comedies and farces altogether ; and take my word for it , you need not doubt of visits from the same angels and ladies who are so kind to you now . pag. 94. the doctor breaths out such venomous reflections , and so remote from truth , that they must needs be inspired by hell it self : so that his doctorship may very well pass for a black enthusiast . but it is very strange the presbyterians should be such foolish and cominal preachers , as to make all religion ridiculous , and yet be preferred by king , parliament and country , when the episcopalians are rejected . pag. 95. he comes to invalidate my instances of the vitious lives , and ridiculous sayings of the prelatical clergy ; and truly , doctor , i agree , that it 's neither decent nor generous to wrestle with a scavinger , but it 's much less to attempt it and be foild . well , doctor , to your first topick , that this way of libelling is the true characteristick of our party . good sir , let 's join hands then , for really i did not know before that yours and ours were the same ; as they must of necessity be , if libelling be our characteristick : for that your party are libellers , needs no other proof than the catalogue in the frontice-piece of your apology ; the scots presbyterian eloquence , your apology it self , and the postscript , iam cuncti gens una sumus ; and pray , seeing it is so , don't disturb the repose of your prelatical friends at court any more , to patch up an union by force or fraud . but now i think on 't , there are a sort of literae mutabiles , which run from one side to another ; and i believe that 's the reason why characteristicks cannot be so easily distinguished ; for who can tell where to find a man that 's sometimes a protestant , sometimes a papist ; turns protestant again ; and from a cadee , become a curat ; then head of a college , and at last leaves his country for schism and disloyalty ? as for your story about spotswood , you would have done well to have cited your author ; for since , as i told you not long ago , you gave your self the lie , we have no reason to believe you . moreover , it 's but very natural for a cadee of dunbarton's regiment , which us'd to plunder people of their goods , and make no scruple to rob men of their good names , not to be believed . for your encomium on arch-bishop sharp , it 's no surprizal to me , his villany was so universally known , that no man but those of his gang will defend him ; and that 's no more than whitney , lately hang'd for robbe●y , may expect , and without doubt has from his quondam underlings . as for your charging the arch-bishop's murder on the presbyterian principles , 't is like your philosophy : mr. shields says it , ergo it's true . it were a sufficient answer to tell you , another denies , ergo it's false . and i tell you , again and again , that the hind let loose , was never the standard of our principles , nor approved by our party ; and i dare venture to say , mr. shields will not now own every thing in it himself : nor is it his disgrace , but honour , to retract what upon second thoughts he finds will not hold . and as for your allegiance , that there 's nothing worse in the morals of the iesuits : you do well to defend your friend , but i directed you before , where you might find as bad , nay worse , among our scots prelatists , who gave publick commissions to murder men without form of law ; which is more than a sudden intemperate fit of rage in a few men , who accidentally rencountring the prelat , who was actually pursuing them for their live● by his booted apostles , did inconsiderately deprive him of his . as for what i say against the church of england , it's what many of her sons own to be true : and whether the passive-obedience-men deserve any better treatment , i refer to the incomparable argument lately published by mr. iohnson . so that if there be any incivility to the church of england , it 's yours and not mine , for i distinguish whom i mean , and apply it to all in gross . pag. 101. he charges me with attaquing all our kings since the reformation . this is unwarily argued , doctor ; then i perceive , that according to you , king william is none of our kings , for sure i am i do not attaque him . but your doctorship may please to know , that i accused none of your kings , but what the parliaments have accused before me , and i think their copy may be writ after : nor do i know any reason why we should be more sparing of late , than former kings , if their male-administrations be alike , and that it may be done with equal safety . all histories , sacred and prophane , abound with the wicked lives of kings ; so that this prelatical maxim , of burying their publick faults in silence , never yet found , nor never will find encouragement from god or man ; and their contrary practice flows not from principle , but interest : nor do they spare kings more than others , when they thwart that ; witness heylin's reflections upon pious k. edward the sixth ; and the carriages of the whole party toward k. iames , when he granted the indulgence ; and to this we may add their continual invectives and rebellious practices against their present majesties . so that they h●ve forgot the somuch wrested text , which condemns speaking evil of dignities , they being the guiltiest of all men alive in that respect , as may be demonstrated from their clamours against all but monarchical government , though all powers that be are ordained of god ; and to which according to the divine command , we should always chearfully submit , whether to the king as supream , or other governours . magistracy in this respect being also called the ordinance of man ; because , though the genus be determined by god , yet the species is left to the determination of men ; else were it altogether unlawful for the subjects of republicks to own their governours , which no man , sanae mentis , will affirm . and herein god has evidenced his love to mankind , that he hath bounded all sorts of governments with one commission , which is , to encourage the good , and punish evil-doers : so far may they go , and no further . ibid. he says , that i charge them with such as were deposed for their immoralities , as dean hamilton and cockburn of st. bot●ens : whereas i only charge them with having protected those men from the punishment due to their impieties , and baffling their prosecutors : so that if those men were depos'd at last , it confirms my charge of injustice in the administration , which punish'd men for accusing those , whose guilt at last they themselves were forced to confess . as for your apology for arch-bishop paterson ; it is not much for your credit to be patron to a common stallion , whom all scotland know to be such ; and mag paterson ( a common strumpet ) did own before the lords of the session , but a few years ago , that she lay both with him and his brother : and one of the greatest ladies in scotlaud , took him in the very act of villany with one of the dutchess of york's maids of honour , upon the back-stairs of the palace . the modest doctor pretends to be very squeamish , and complains of my obscenity , alledging , that none but a devil can repeat , nor none but the author invent such instances as are there brought against the episcopal cle●gy . good sir , to use your own expression , the paltry eruption of your passion seems here ungovernable : if he be a devil that repeats them , what is he that acts them ? but why must he be more a devil that gives an account of episcopal debauches , than he that forges prophane stories against the presbyterians ? let any unblassed man read the scots presbyteri●● eloquence , and the answer , and certainly he must own , that if the latter was writ by a devil , the former must be writ by a beelzebub . your magnifying the arch-bishop's merit so much , who was imprison'd for disloyalty , shows your disaffection to the government . your defence of brown and cant , are so like a pedantick doctor , that they deserve no regard ; and what i write of them , are so far from being my invention , o● , as you most learnedly word it , is the exhalation of my most infectious breath , that i can bring you the authors to avow it to their faces . pag. 103. he says , it 's pleasant to see me accuse the church for the sayings of the presbyterians : you own that those who preach'd such ridiculous things , were guilty of blunderings after they conformed to episcopacy . truly , doctor , if there were any greater blunderers amongst them than your self , they must have been blunderers in folio ; for i cannot think they were guilty of a more palpable blunder than this , to call preachers , who comply'd with our scots episcopacy , presbyterians ; for , by that same argument , we may still call the doctor a papist , for such i am informed he sometimes was . as to dr. canaries , your testimony is not of validity enough to clear him of that accusation which i say still is upon record : and suppose it true that these presbyterian ministers and judicatories declared , they could make nothing of it , that will not amount to prove it false ; every one knows that crimes of that nature are very difficult to prove , especially when all the parties concern'd are link'd together in interest , and think it behoves them to retract what they formerly said , as i am very well assured by them , whose reputation is fairer than the doctor 's and yours both , that there is unexceptionable evidence of the woman's having declared the thing her self : and we have a very pregnant instance of a person of no mean note , whose accusation most in england are satisfied is true , and yet we see nothing can be made out , neither before the judges , nor the lords . as for your appeal to mr. spalding , that he should say , nothing could be made of it , it is absolutely false ; he only said it as to the baptizing part ; which yet , as i have already hinted , is far from proving it a lie. so that this topick , that nothing can be made appear of it that may justify the decrees of a court after so many years time , is not sufficient to acquit dr. canari●s . but suppose the thing to be altogether false , it argues a very great want of cleanly men amongst the episcopalians , th●t they should chuse such a man for agent , who lay under a flagrant scandal . the apostle's rule is clear , that a bishop ought to be blameless . the doctor 's next apology is for himself , and very angry he is that i said , [ commonly called doctor ] which now i hope i have made him amends for . but heark you , doctor , i had almost forgot to tell you of another lie you have given your self , and your brother-libellers , the authors of the scotch eloquence : for you all said , nemine contradicent● before , that the presbyterians were a proud , sowre , unconversible tribe , and that there was nothing like justice among them ; and now you own that the presbyterian privy-council , and a presbyterian synod , treated dr. canaries with special honour , acquitted him , and reproved his accusers . really doctor , this is somewhat odd : can any good thing come out of nazareth ? is it possible , that notwithstanding of all your clamours , that you have at last drop'd out a commendation of their honourable procedure ? truly , doctor , this is not warily done , pray reconcile this with what you advanced before , that we had no injury done us in the former book , tho therein we were said to be enemies to all good morals ? but , doctor , i beg your pardon , perhaps you intend our civility to dr. canaries as a proof of it ; for truly he was accused for no good morals . well , but what did i say of dr. m — o ? truly that it 's well known he rid in the pope's guards , and the doctor denies it , and says it 's known to none but presbyterians , who can discover plots in the moon . doctor , i wish it were as sure that there are none in your prelatical church . but give me leave , doctor , this impudent hint of denying the late prelatical plots against the government , shews you have need of a better purgation from the charge that you rode in the pope's guards than you own : for really , if that were as true , as that there have been and are plots amongst the prelatists , it 's true enough . but to satisfy your doctorship that it 's none of my invention , i tell you truly that i can bring you twenty who heard it of you before ever your eloquence or my answer was publish'd ; and if our friends make use of stories now and then which want confirmation , it 's no more than what you accused your brethren of just now , then veniam damus petimusque vicissim . and indeed , doctor , to be serious with you , i wish that the falshoods which have been mutually charged on one another , may oblige both to be more tender of publishing reports upon trust ; but seeing you are the first aggressors , blame your self for the consequences ; and i think that your doctorship particularly ought to have been a little tenderer of justifying such self-contradictions as the scots presbyterian eloquence , seeing i understand that when you were your self parson in — you were your self accused of villany with a woman among the corn ; truly , or otherwise , is not mine to determine : but seeing you publish'd random reports against us , we cannot be blamed to answer with what we have heard concerning you ; and truly , doctor , i am so far from being guilty of forgery , with which you charge me so often , that were i to speak my last , i can freely declare , that i do not know one syllable of what i write to be false , tho i know a great deal of it to be true , yet i never avouch'd all those instances of the follies and vices of your clergy as undeniable truths , as you and your vapouring brethren did yours in the scots presbyterian eloquence . for i scarce think it possible that at such a distance , so many stories can be transmitted on such a subject , and in so great haste , without mistakes : and yet i think there is no such great odds betwixt riding in the pope's guards , and being a cadee in dumbarton's reglment which guarded popery , and contributed so much to enslave europe : so that it was but an auspicious omen of being a good country-man , much less a pious protestant preacher , to be a volunteer in that regiment ; not that i would detract from the honour of their gallant colonel , who tho he was so unhappy as to be a papist , yet did truly inherit the noble soul of his family . nor yet would i derogate from the valour of that regiment , but i think these nations are pretty well satisfied how little we are obliged to them either for our civil or religious liberty : and i make bold to say it , they are as little obliged to their cadee . the feeble defence which in the next place you make for gray , hendry , hannan , &c. deserves no thanks from them , nor answer from me ; and for your abominable charge of a prostituted conscience , lodg your accusation nearer home ; and tho you have prostituted yours to churches and princes who drive distinct interests , i never did so with mine . and to conclude with your pitiful reserve to prove me a liar , because in the title page it 's said , printed by tho. anderson near charing-cross , 1693. it shews your cause was sinking , when you lay hold on the first thing comes to hand ; but to satisfy you further , i tell you 't is no lie , and charge you upon credit to prove it one , for affirmanti incumbit probatio . you have not scribled so much , but you must know that booksellers often put the date of the following year to books printed in michaelmas term , which was the only apparent falsity ; and for the rest it surpasses your skill to prove it a lie. instances on record of the notorious cruelty and injustice used in the time of the late prelatical administrations in the courts of iudicature against the presbyterians , in the persons of sir hugh and sir geo. campbel , and the la●rd of blackwood . as for the morality and vertue of the surviving grand patron of the faction , and their lately deceased invincible champion , sir george mackenzy , this following instance will set it in its true light. q — ry , tho douglas by sirname , yet envying the marquiss of douglas , the chief of the family , whom he hath a pique against , for refusing to take the cross-bar out of his arms , designed to revenge himself on his chief chamberlain , or steward , the laird of blackwood , a pious and worthy gentleman , by whose care the marquiss's estate is frugally managed , and that illustrious family chiefly enabled to maintain it self in what remains of its ancient splendor . q — ry , and sir george , not knowing which way to reach this gentleman , did on purpose procu●e an act to make converse with such as they were pleased to call rebels , or convers● with any that had converse with them , high treason . the marquiss having good part of his estate about douglas in the west , where a great many of his tenants were concerned in the insurrection at bothwell-bridg ; they thought that blackwood must unavoidably converse with some of them upon the marquiss's account , and so of necessity be catch'd ; hereupon they indicted him , and found it a hard matter however to prove any such thing upon him . but getting notice that there was one mr. wilson , an inhabitant of douglas , a man of considerable dealing with many of the noblemens chamberlains of the west , that had also dealt with blackwood ; and the said wilson was reputed a grand rebel , because one of those who had been forc'd to take arms by the tyranny of the then government . they set a great many of their implements at work to take him , which was no hard matter to effect , because he frequented most markets in that part of the country , and was often at edinburgh ; so having taken him , they brought him to sir george mackenzy , who threatned him terribly , and accused him with abundance of rebellious practices , which had rendred him obnoxious to the law , and liable to death ; and having , as he thought , allarm'd him sufficiently ; then he begun to ●latter him , that he should not only have a remission , but also a reward , if he would give evidence that he had conversed with blackwood , whom they had then in custody , and under process , which he altogether re●used . however , intercession being made to sir george on mr. wilson's account ; and some undertaking to perswade him to a compliance , he admitted him to bail , to appear such a certain day . q — ry having notice that sir george had let mr. wilson go , was so enraged at the disappointment of swallowing blackwood's estate , that being then in ● great power , he swore , that if sir g●orge did not get wilson again to hang blackwood , he should hang for him , because he himself had conversed with wilson , a rebel , and let him go . sir george being thus circumstantiated , sent in quest of mr. wilson before his day , but he could not be found . however , they proceed to trial , and , which was easy for them to effectuate , who were so dexterous at suborning of witnesses and packing juries , got blackwood condemned , which his advocates ( or counsel ) particularly sir george lockhart , were so angry at , that they offered publickly in court to prove sir george to be as guilty as he , viz. in conversing with mr. wilson , who not being able to deny , tho fain he would , he confessed it , and told them that he would go to his majesty and get a remission : whereupon all cry'd out shame upon him ! to prosecute a gentleman to death , for that whereof he was guilty himself . and blackwood's counsel insisted that he ought to have the benefit of a remission also . notwithstanding , q — ry and sir george hurried on toward execution , nor could they allow the gentleman time to prepare for eternity , but call'd for his accounts of the marquiss's estate , which the noblemen and others appointed to take , finding so just , and seeing the gentleman so grave and composed , they became intercessors for a remission , which was obtain'd , and the greed and malice of his enemies frustrated . however , we see by this instance the vertue , religion and morality of the grand pillars of our scots prelacy , which our pamphleteers do so much boast of . but this following instance will yet add a new varnish to their illustrious and refulgent vertues . the barbarous prelatical persecution , together with that unheard-of way of proceeding against blackwood , having alarm'd sir hugh and sir george campbel of cesnock , with other gentlemen who were presbyterians , or favourers of them , although they knew themselves innocent , yet thinking it not safe to stay in the kingdom , where sir george mackenzie could stretch the law , and make it reach the life and estate of whomsoever he would , they came for london , with a design to represent their grievances to k. charles the second : but that same hand which persecuted the presbyterians in scotland , falling upon the dissenters and moderate church-men in england ; those gentlemen happened to come hither when the earl of essex , my lord russel , &c. were committed on pretence of a plot ; and scots-men , because oppressed , being generally look'd upon as disatisfied , the said sir hugh and sir george campbel , were illegally taken up , without a warrant ; and having been divers times examined by the king and council , there could not the least ground of suspicion be found against them , saving what atterbury the messenger did falsly swear : and being made sensible of his perjury by the said gentlemen , he told them , that his oath could not harm them . which my lord melford and sir george mackenzie being aware of , they went to the duke of york . and my lord having a prospect of the gentlemens estates , they dealt with the duke to procure a warrant from the king to send them for scotland , where they would do their business . this was quickly granted ; and then sir george set about suborning of witnesses against them ; and the evidence was managed and instructed by sir w. wallace of craigy , my lord melford's brother-in-law ; hugh wallace of garits , chamberlain ( or steward ) to the said sir william ; and hugh wallace of ingilston . the evidence being prepared , sir hugh campbel was brought upon his trial , before the earl of perth then lord-justice general , ( or lord-chief-justice ) of scotland , who was very eager in the prosecution ; and having pick'd a jury for the purpose , they proceeded to call the evidence , viz. tho. ingram , tenant to hugh wallace of borland , cousin to sir william wallace the suborner ; daniel crawford , and one fergusson . the earl of perth having , according to form , administred the oath to the witnesses , which is always done with much solemnity and gravity in scotland , their consciences began to rebound ; and upon examination , they solemnly declared that they knew nothing against sir hugh campbel . which s●ruck sir geo. mackenzie and the court with confusion ; and all the spectator● shouted for joy , crying out , that it was the hand of god. wher●at sir george mackenzie being enraged , bellow'd out , that he never heard of such a protestant roar , but at the trial of the rebel shaftsbury . however , the jury being shut up , return'd in a little time , and brought the prisoner in , not guilty . his council pleaded , that according to law he might be discharged at the bar : which my lord-chief-justice and sir george mackenzie refused , the latter being the king's advocate , or attorney-general ; and alledging , that he should find both sir hugh the father , and sir george the son , guilty of high-treason in england . whereupon sir hugh was remanded to prison , and an indictment exhibited against both father and son , to appear before the parliament ; wherein the duke of queensbury was to be commissioner , who was as zealous for pursuing the prisoners as any . the next thing which the prosecutors took in hand , was , to bring down some of the english evidence , who pretended to discover the plot at london ; and accordingly they were sent down in one of the king's yachts . and by the artifice of the prosecutors brought into the company of the prisoners , who neither knew them nor their design . the evidence being examined before the secret council , and not being able to say any thing against the two gentlemen , they were sent for london again in the yacht . after this the duke of queensbury , earl of perth , sir george mackenzie , and others of the faction , tampered with the prisoners own counsel , to advise them to cast themselves upon the king's mercy , using for argument , that the parliament would condemn them , though innocent ; and that they knew there was no appeal from their sentence : and therefore if they would cast themselves on the king's mercy , they would be sure to procure a remission , and a good part of their estate . but sir george campbel absolutely refused to cast himself on the mercy of either king or parliament , because he knew it was sought for only to be an evidence of a plot , whereof they were altogether innocent . after which they separated sir george from his father , and shut him up without pen , ink , or paper ; and so kept him in close prison for ten days : but finding they could not prevail , they dealt with his father to perswade him ; and so returned him again to his father's room ; where being continually dealt with , by persons of quality , who were loth to see the family ruin'd , and did urge , that he would certainly bring his father , and himself both , to the block ; he answered , that he was willing to sacrifice his own life , so his father might be preserv'd . and finding that that could not be done , without casting himself on the king's mercy , he was prevail'd with to do it . and though their lives were saved , yet most , if not all their estates were ●eised . i cannot omit one particular more , viz. that the said sir g. ma●kenzie having a mind to ing●atiate himself with the said gentleman since the revolution , he did seriously tell him , that he swore the evidence three times ( on their knees ) in his chamber , that they should swear what they were taught against his father ; and hop'd god would forgive him . now i appeal to the reader , whether ever a piece of blacker injustice was transacted , for the kind , on this side hell ; and whether our prelatical adversaries have reason to boast of those mens vertue , worth , and piety , who were principally concerned ? and whether any credit can be deservedly given to sir george mackenzie's relation of matters of fact , from which he deduces arguments to justify the severity of the late reigns against us , wherein he himself was the prosecutor , and so deeply engaged , as appears by his own confession . now , i say , whether his defence of charles the second's government , writ since the acknowledgment aforesaid ; or the parliament of scotland , who in their claim of right complain of those things which he defends , ought to be best believ'd , let those who are unbyass'd judg . and seeing those two instances of his notorious injustice are matters of record , let the reader bear witness if i have not fairly disarm'd the scots prelatical party of their best weapon ; seeing to all which was told them of their barbarity to the presbyterians , they constantly oppos'd sir george mackenzies defence , as a buckler that could not be pierced . i have but one word more , and then i have done : i would have any moderate church-of england-man , answer from his conscience , whether he thinks those of his communion were faithful to his majesty , who constantly sollicited him , till he was prevailed with , to imploy some of those principally concern'd in the black acts of injustice above-mention'd , in the chief places of the government in scotland ; being moreover of the number of those evil counsellors whom he declared against at his first coming over . and seeing his majesty , who has been but a little while among us , and often called abroad , must needs in a great measure be a stranger to men and things : may the great god of heaven preserve his person and government , from such dangerous enemies as thus impose upon him , out of a pretended zeal for the church of england ; and in the mean time they have no reason to be offended at us and our parliament , if we witness as much true zeal for the church of scotland . proofs of the moderation of the scots presbyterians towards the episcopal party , from the acts of the general assembly held in the year 1690. that the world may be satisfied of the moderation of the presbyterians , and how little reason the doctor has to charge the cameronian principles upon them in general , i thought sit to exhibit in the words of the general assembly , held in an. 1690 , what they express concerning the large paper given into them by mr. line●ing , mr. shields , and mr. boyd , called cameronian preachers ; and the substance of their acts any way relating to the episcopal clergy . as to the first they enacted , that it contained several peremptory and gross mistakes , unseasonable and impracticable proposals , uncharitable and injurious reflections , tending rather to kindle contentions , than compose divisions ; and therefore the said paper was denied reading . and yet what is so heavily charged in that paper , is far short of those principles which the disingenuous doctor will needs fasten upon the presbyterians in cumul● . and as to the episcopal clergy , read what ●ollows . by their act of oct. 28. they recommend to the presbytery , to take notice of all ministers within their bounds , the late conformist incumbents or others , who shall not observe fasts and thanksgivings , indicted by the church , or shall be guilty of any other irregular carriage , &c. so that they are no severer upon the episcopal clergy , than their own , for all the clamours of the malicious faction . ●●●hat of 29 they enact , that all such who shall be received into communion with them in church-government , be obliged to subscribe the confession of faith , ratified in the second session of the parliament . there it 's plain that they arrogate no more power than what is given them by law ; and it 's obvious , that by this act , they neither exclude the prelatists ab officio , nor beneficio : so that the church-of england-men have no reason to complain , that their brethren are severely treated , for they have made no such steps towards a comprehension with the english dissenters , though his majesty desired it . and yet what a racket do they keep , because the scots episcopal clergy are only denied a share in the government of the church , which they designedly seek that they may undermine it , and are not ashamed to own it . in their letter to his majesty , novemb. 13. 1690. at the close of that assembly , they acquaint him with the instructions which they had given to those appointed for vi●itation , concerning the conformists , viz. that none of them shall be removed from their places , but such as are either insufficient , scandalous , erroneous , or supinely negligent ; and that those of them be admitted to ministerial communion , who upon due trial shall be found orthodox , able , godly , peaceable and loyal ; and that such who shall be found to have received wrong in any inferior judicatory of the church , should be duly redressed . yet what clamour , what lies , what obloquy and reproach have the poor presbyterians of scotland been loaded with , in blasphemous and virulent pamphlets , publish'd in london by hindmarsh , the late king's bookseller , and promoted and disseminated by that ungovernable faction . and what a clutter did the high-●lown courtiers keep about the scots general-assembly ; how industrious to misrepresent them to the king ; and how restless , till they had them dissolved , contrary to the laws , and at such a time as we were threatned with a rebellion at home , and an invasion from abroad ; that so his majesty having disobliged his only friends in scotland , might be totally deprived of any assistance from thence : but , blessed be god , who disappointed their designs : and i hope , that moderate and truly religious church-of england-men , will henceforth be more cautious in listening to the calumnies of our episcopal clergy , when they consider the moderation of the above-mentioned acts of the presbyterian general-assembly ; which they have no reason to think of such dangerous consequence as our pamphleteers would have them believe ; and as d — m — ro , in his papers lately seized by authority , would have further insinuated . and that they may have yet a further proof of their moderation , i would pray them to read the seventh instruction given by the said assembly , to the commissioners appointed for visitation , viz. that they be very cautious of receiving informations against the late conformists , and that they proceed in the matter of censure very deliberately , so as none may have just cause to complain of their rigidity ; yet so as to omit no means of information , and that they shall not proceed to censure , but upon sufficient probation . and that the world may be farther satisfied in their impartiality , in the fourth instruction they declared that the power of the visiters shall reach presbyterians as well as others : and in the second instruction , they gave them power to stop the precipitant or unwarrantable procedure of presbyteries in processes . if any proceedings can be more mild or regular , let the world judg : so that whether dr. m — ● and his fellow libellers , who impudently assert , that there is nothing like order , moderation , or justice among the presbyterians , be liars or not , let these acts determine . and if there were no other thing to stop the mouths of all cavillars , the assembly's declaration , that they would depose no incumbents simply for their iudgment concerning church-government , nor yet urge reordination upon them , were sufficient ; and if there be any ingenuity in the church-of england-men , it may for ever silence them as to their complaints against our administration , seeing those of their communion have been , and continue still to be so much guilty of a contrary practice towards dissenters . and further , this assembly , whom they branded as void of all moderation or humanity , made an act in favour of mr. couper , curat of humby , and recommended mr. cameron , one of the late conformists , to the privy-council for charity , which is more than ever was done by any episcopal assembly in favour of presbyterian ministers . having proved the falshood of the episcopal calumnies against our church as void of moderation , it remains that i do the same as to the state ; and tho it be already sufficiently done in my first answer , it will not be amiss to insist on it in this : and because contraria juxta se posita magis ●lucescunt , i shall exhibit a short epitome of their acts of parliament against us in the two last reigns , and of ours against them in this , that the world may see on whose side justice and moderation lies . acts of parliament by charles the second , and james the seventh , against the presbyterian government , and prebyterians in scotland . parl. 1. session 1. car. ii. they enacted the oath of allegiance , asserting the king to be the only supream governour over all persons , and in all causes ; and obliging the takers to the utmost of their power to defend , assist and maintain his majesty's said jurisdiction against all persons whatsoever , and that they should never decline his power and jurisdiction . parl. 1. sess. 1. act 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 11. an acknowledgment of the king 's vast and unlimited-prerogative was enjoin'd to be subscribed by all in publick trust over and above the oath of allegiance . octob. 1662. the council , not parliament , turn'd out 300 ministers without citation or hearing . parl. 1. sess. 1. act 7. sess. 2. act 2. they enacted , that the national covenant , and solemn league and covenant , should have no obligation ; and ordered them to be burnt by the hand of the hangman . sess. 2. act 3. they restored patronages . sess. 1. act 4. enacted , that none be masters in any university , except they take the oath of allegiance , and own prelacy ; and none should be school-master , tutor , or pedagogue to children without a prelate's licence . sess. 2. act 5. and sess. 2. act 3. enacted , that all in publick trust or office renounce and abjure the covenant on pain of losing their places , and privilege of trading . sess. 2. act 2. enacted , that all petitions , writing , printing , remonstrating , praying or preaching , shewing any dislike of the king 's absolute prerogative , and supremacy in causes ecclesiastick , or episcopacy , be punished as seditious : and that no meetings be kept in private houses . sess. 3. act 2. enacted , that all non-conformed ministers that presume to exercise their ministry , shall be punish'd as seditious persons . and that all persons in acknowledgment of his majesty's government ecclesiastical attend the sermons of the curats : noblemen and gentlemen refusing , to lose a fourth of their rents ; burgesses their freedom , and a fourth part of their movables ; and yeomen the fourth of their movables , and others 20 ● . a time , leaving the council at liberty to in●●ict further punishments , that if there were three above the family at preaching or prayer , it should be esteemed a conventicle ; and commanding lords of mannors , masters of families , and magistrates of buroughs to cause all under their charge to come to church . and for putting these laws in execution , a high-commission-court was erected by the king , contrary to act 13. parl. 10. iac. 6. with power to examine upon oath de super inquirendis . parl. 2. act 1. lauder da●e commissioner , enacted , that by virtue of the supremacy , the ordering of the government of the church doth proper●y ●elong to his majesty and successors , as an inherent right to the crown ; and that he may enact and emit such constitutions , acts and orders concerning church-administrations , persons , meetings and matters , as he in his royal wisdom shall think fit ; which acts , &c. are to be obeyed by all subjects , any law , act or custom to the contrary notwithstanding . sess. 2. parl. 2. enacted , that all who should be required do depone upon oath their knowledg of all meetings , or persons at them , on pain of fining , imprisonment , banishment or transportation . act 5. enacted , that all outed ministers found preaching or praying in any house but their own family , be imprisoned till they ●ind bond for 5000 marks , not to do the like again . every hearer , toties quoties , 25 ● . if a tenant , and 12 ● . if a sub-tenant . and that all who preach in the field , or in a house , if any of the people are without doors , shall be punished with death ; and those who can seize and secure any such minister dead or alive , shall have 500 marks reward . the magistrates of burghs to be sin'd at the council's pleasure for any conventicles held in their burghs , and they to be reimburs'd from the landlord of the house : and men to be ●in'd if their wives and children went to meetings . act 6. imposed fines from 100 ● . to 20 l. sterling a time , on such as had their children baptized at such meetings ; and servants to be ●ined in half their wages . act 11. sess. 3. the same fines were imposed upon them who should keep their children un-baptized for thirty days . and by act 7. that same session , they enacted 〈◊〉 fines on ●uch as absented from church for three days together . act 9. sess. 3. they declared all ordination since 1661. which had not been by bishops , to be invalid . in 1678 , a convention of states held by lauderdale , laid on a tax to levy forces for suppressing field-meetings , which was afterwards continued by the parliaments held by the dukes of york and queensberry . in 1681 , the d. of york being commissioner , without taking the oaths appointed by law , and against acts which rendred papists incapable , they doubled the fines for field-conventicles ; and ordered gentlemen to put away their tenants , and masters of families their servants , or sub-tenants , without warning , if they went to meetings . act 18. they enacted , that all jurisdiction doth so reside in his majesty , that he may by himself or commissioners take cognizance of , and decide any cases or causes which he pleased . act 6 , and 25. they imposed on all a self-contradictory test , which obliged them to stand by the confession of faith recorded in parl. 1. iac. 6. which disown'd the supremacy , and own'd the lawfulnes● of defensive arms , tho the contrary to both were sworn in the test without so much as a non obstante . parl. 1. iac. 7. d. of queensberry commissioner , act 3. allowing prisoners indicted for high-treason to be summon'd to make their defence in 24 hours time . act 4. that such as being cited for witnesses in cases of treason or conventicles , and refused to depone , should be liable to be puni●hed as guilty of the ●ame crimes . act 5. that giving or taking the national , or solemn league and covenant , or owning them obligatory , should be high-treason . act 7. making the concealment of any supply given to forfeited persons , tho the nearest relations , treason . act 8. that all who preach at house or field-conventicles , or such as hear at field-conventicles , should be punished by death and confiscation . act 13. re-injoining , and further extending the imposition of the test. act 23. making the refusing the oath of abjuration , high-treason . act 24. ordering all lords of mannors , &c. to insert a clause in all leases to their tenants , obliging them and their families to conformity under exorbitant penalties . act 25. ordering the cameronians to be pursued , and those who neglected it to be reputed equally guilty . acts of parliament by king william and queen mary against episcopacy in scotland . parl. 1. w. m. they enacted the oath of allegiance thus . i , a. b. do sincerely promise and swear , that i will be faithful , and bear true allegiance to their majesties k. william and q. mary . iuly 22 , 1689. act against prelacy , as a great and insupportable grievance to the nation . sess. 2. act 2. for restoring presbyterian ministers , ordering them to have immediate access to their own churches , if vacant , and to have the whole year's stipend ; but if there be an incumbent in their churches , he shall have right to the half year's stipend . act 5. ratifying the confession of faith and presbyterian government , as most agreeable to the word of god , and most conducive to the advancement of piety and true godliness , and establishing the peace of the realm , being received by the general consent of the nation to be the only government in the 114 act iac. 6. parl. 12. an. 1592. setling the government of the church on presbyterian ministers outed since ian. 1661. and such as they have received or shall receive . taking notice that many of the epis●opal ministers had deserted their flocks , and others were depriv'd for not reading the proclamation , and not praying for the king and queen . i●id . they authorize the presbyterian ministers to appoint visitors , and purge out scandalous and in sufficient ministers , and order those who are contumacious , and proven guilty , to be suspended and deprived . act 14. impowering the council to tender the oath of allegiance to suspected persons , or to secure them who shall be informed against on probable grounds , and to ●ine such as refuse in a fifth of their estate , and not to exceed one or two year's rent of them who are landed-men . act 17. about visiting universities , appointing professors in the faculties to take the oath of allegiance , and submit to the government of the church . act 35. against such ministers as being deprived for not praying for their majesties , do preach and pray elsewhere , and diffuse the poison of their disaffection , forbidding them to exercise any part of their ministerial function on any pretence whatsoever , until they swear allegiance , engage to pray for king william and queen mary , and disown king iames ; or to be proceeded against as disaffected . act 23. concerning patronages : the freeholders and elders of the parish , being protestants , are to have the 〈◊〉 of the minister : if the parish disapprove him , their reasons are to be judged by the presbytery ; and if the freeholders and elders do not apply to the presbytery for calling and choosing a minister in six months , the full power to be in the presbytery , tanquam jure devoluto . and the same act orders a compensation to the patrons for their right of presentation . act 38. for securing their majesties government , obliging all persons who in law are obliged to swear , to own their majesties as king and queen de jure , as well as de facto , and defend their title against king iames , &c. the refusers to be reputed disaffected , deprived of their offices , and be obliged to give security for their good-behaviour , as the government shall think fit , providing it extend no further than bond , caution , or personal imprisonment , securing of horse , arms , or putting garisons in their houses . there is also an act , but what number or session i cannot tell , ( being where i cannot get a sight of the acts ) abolishing the king's supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs ; for which we are mightily reproached by our enemies , who do not consider what has been writ unanswerably by mr. gillespy in his aaron's rod blossoming , and other books , against it . i confess my self but a mee● laick , and not skill'd in controversies , having never made them my study , any farther than to satisfy my self , that i did not give blind obedience . but the scripture telling us , that christ is head of his church , and that other foundations can no man lay , than what is already laid on the prophets and apostles : and common reason must needs inform me , that for any man , or party of men , to take upon them any other than a declarative power in church-matters , and that according to the word of god , must needs be an invading of christ's prerogative . and seeing he himself declar'd , that his kingdom is not of this world , that it should be govern'd by worldly monarchs , is humano capiti cervicem jungere equinam . and i cannot but wonder , that the church of england ●s late experience should not convince them of the unreasonableness of this doctrine : for i believe they were sensible under the late king , that a popish head was altogether inconsistent with the safety of a protestant church . and i am confident the christians in turky never dream'd that the grand signior was the head of the christian church : and this being a demonstration that it cannot belong to the chief magistrate , as such , he can lay claim to it no other way . especially , if we consider that the church , as in acts 15. did meet and declare the mind of god in church-matters , without either the call or consent of the heathen 〈…〉 and we have never yet had any divine revelation to recal it . then as for abolishing patronages , which occasions a further clamour : it 's plain that the parliament have made a very rational act on that head ; and it 's but equal that every one who has a soul , and evidences any real concern about it , should have a vote in choosing his minister , and not wholly rely on the choice of a patron , who perhaps is so wicked , that he takes no care of his own , and is very unfit to choose a minister for the souls of a whole parish . and as for the other acts , they are so plain , that any who will but take care to compare them with those of the late reigns , if they be not blinded , as our doctor was , with the indecencies of passion , we dare refer to them which are the most moderate ; or , whether the scots prelatists be not guilty of an audacious lie , in asserting , that they are more severely treated than ever we were ? and i would pray the reader to take this along with him ; that their laws , tho barbarous to a prodigy in themselves , were yet more barbarously put in execution beyond their extent : and that our laws , tho moderate in themselves , are yet more moderately put in execution . yea , and besides those acts of parliament , their council took upon them a parliamentary power , and made acts more bloody than those of their parliaments , enabling souldiers to examine any man they met , and to kill him without any further trial , if he did not give them satisfying answers to their questions ; of which any that pleases may be fully satisfied in my first answer . i had almost omitted taking notice of one remarkable thing which past in the convention of states after the revolution . they declared themselves a free and lawful meeting , whatever might be contain'd in the letter from iames the viith to dissolve them , or impede their procedure ; in which archbishop paterson and six other bishops , and the viscount of dundee concurr'd . now if this was not a manifest disowning of k. iames's authority , let any man judg ; and yet these men did afterwards exclaim against the convention and parliament as unlawfully called , because wanting k. iames's authority , and opposed k. william's coming to the crown . so that it 's evident , our scots episcopalians are men of the same kidney with those jacobite bishops in england , who join'd in sending for the prince of orange , and yet afterwards turn'd his enemies out of a pretended loyalty to k. iames. the faction have lately drawn up and dispersed amongst their friends a sort of manifesto from those of the episcopal perswasion in the north of scotland , full of invectives against the government , which , together with other monuments of their rebellious temper , &c. against their present majesties , may perhaps in a little 〈◊〉 see the light. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57284-e180 a k. james's proclamation . b act of supremacy . c act for f●riot confor●i●y . d by frequent making them garisons . e extorting your thoughts by torture , and then hanging you for them . a counter-essay, or, a vindication and assertion of calvin and beza's presbyterian judgment and principles drawn from their writings, in answer to the imputations of a late pamphlet, entituled, an essay concerning church-government ... attempting to fasten upon them an episcopal perswasion ... / by a minister of the true presbyterian church of scotland, established by law. forrester, thomas, 1635?-1706. 1692 approx. 208 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39997 wing f1594 estc r35532 15359062 ocm 15359062 103487 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39997) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103487) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1188:15) a counter-essay, or, a vindication and assertion of calvin and beza's presbyterian judgment and principles drawn from their writings, in answer to the imputations of a late pamphlet, entituled, an essay concerning church-government ... attempting to fasten upon them an episcopal perswasion ... / by a minister of the true presbyterian church of scotland, established by law. forrester, thomas, 1635?-1706. [10], 74 p. printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh : 1692. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng cunningham, alexander. -an essay concerning church government, out of the excellent writings of calvin and beza. bèze, théodore de, 1519-1605. reformed churches -government. presbyterianism. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-04 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a counter-essay : or , a vindication and assertion of calvin and beza's presbyterian judgment and principles ; drawn from their writings , in answer to the imputations of a late pamphlet , entituled , an essay , concerning church government , out of the excellent writings of calvin and beza , attempting to fasten upon them an episcopal perswasion . wherein is exhibit their assertions of presbyterian government from scripture , and this authors perversion of their doctrine in his pretended definitions , postulatums , and axioms , imputed to them , is discovered , the falshood of his propositions and corollaries , and the sophistrie of his demonstr●●ons founded upon the whole , detected : and the truth confirmed by counter-positions and demonstrations , exhibited from the principles of these divines . by occasion whereof , some chief sinews of the episcopal pleadings , from the nature of the apostolick and evangelistick office , the authority of the seven asian angels of the churches , &c. are dissolved , and the equal power and authority of pastors in government , as the highest ordinary church officers evinced ▪ exod. 19.16 . thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour . psal. 56. 5. every day they wrest my words . 2 cor. 13. 8. for we can do nothing against the truth , but for the truth . qui resistit non credit , adversarius est radio lucis quo penetrandus est ; non aver●t aciem , sed 〈◊〉 mentem . august , tractat . 27. in loan , 〈◊〉 haeresis , no● recipit quasdam scripturas & si quas recipit , adjectionibus , & detractionibus ad dispositionem institus sut intervertit — tantum 〈◊〉 chs●ruxit adulter sensus , qantum & corruptor 〈◊〉 . tertull , de praescrip ▪ 〈◊〉 . lactantius de falsa sapientia , cap. 1 , idem . ' divinar . instut . epitom , cap. 6 by a minister of the true presbyterian church of scotland , estab'lshed by law. edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. 1692. the preface . the question concerning the true frame of the lords tabernacle , the new testament church , in point of government , hath been a ball of disput long tost in this island ; this contest might have long since had its exit , and issued in sound and solid peace , and union upon this head , had we all with a single heart and eye , looked to the patern shewed upon the mount , and listned to the discoveries so often made to us , from the lovely oracles of the word , ezek. chap. 43. v. 11. of the form of the house , and the fashion thereof , and the goings out thereof , and the comings in thereof , & all the forms thereof , and all the ordinances thereof , and all the forms thereof , and all the laws thereof , that we might keep the whole form thereof , and all the ordinances thereof , and do them . had we renounced the wisdom of the flesh , and got the penitent heart , and been ashamed for all we have done amiss ; and , ( as the author of this paper well expresses it in his pre●ace ) preferred religion to interest , and the power of godliness to that of dominion . but restless ambition , and love of dominion over the house of god , and over their brethren , and fellow servants , as they began in the christian churches infancy , and had an early tincture in the apostles ( though our lord nipt the first budds of this bitter root , and crusht this cockatrice in the shell , shewing them , that humble ministerial diligence was the apex of their greatness ) so the fermentation of this distemper continuing in most men , and by the influence of satan upon mans wicked heart , diff●sing it self in after generations , hath been a spreading gangren , still hindering the reception , and improvement of this ordinance , of the gospel church-government , whereof scripture and experience are irrefragable witnesses . the apostle paul tells us : the mystery of iniquity was working in his time , and the embrio of the prelatical hierarchy , and a papistical , consequently , then formed ; which we find after stirring in the counteractings , and contradiction of a diotrophes , ( that early aspiring primat , ) even unto the apostle john. hence the apostle peter in his exhortation to pastors of the church , doth so en●xly dehort them from those two grand & satanical enchantments , viz. covetousness , and lording over gods heritage ; which no doubt had its influence for checking these evils for a considerable time . but the early-sown tears of the evil one , did by piece-meal discover themselves , first , in the advance of beza's humane episcopacy , the fixt moderator , or proestos , which was next , ( by the influence of the restless temper ) screwed up to the satanical , as he calls it , viz. the diocesion prelacy , swall●wing up , and enhansing all the decisive authority and power of pastors in government ; then the ascension was made to the arch-bishops , and metropolitans● office , and power , and by an inevitable necessity to the culmen of the papal monarchy at last . the lord having in this evening of time , and the days of reformation , by the light of the gospel , discovered the mystery of iniquity , and of the papal hierarchy consequently ; and caused his people to hear his call , to come out of babylon , and be separated from that detestable synagogue , the reformed churches has generally had so deep a sense of the con●exion of popry and prelacy , that together with the one , they found themselves oblidged to reject the other ; and in their confessions , and by the writings of their most famous , burning and shining lights , have witnessed against this corruption of government , as well as against that synagogues errors in point of doctrine ; whereof the patrons of popry are so convinced , that one of them , nicholas le maistrie , in a piece , entituled , the restauration of the ancient principality of bishops , dedicated to cardinal richeleiu , printed at paris anno 1633 , in the dedicatory epistle informs , that the m●jesty of the pontifical and episcopal iurisdiction is so conjoined , and confederated together , that the enemies cannot so guide their hands , but with the same audacity , wherewith they assaulted the pope's crown , they likewise shaked the bishops myters , and as it were with one bloody wound pierced both their sides — that when , and where the pope's greatness is violated , the splendor of the episcopal is grown contemptible . hence we see it comes to pass ( saith he ) by a certain divine assent and counsel , that the authority of bishops should be expelled out of the same province , out of which unhappy lust had thrust out the papal majesty . by what methods the episcopal hierarchie hath been retained in our neighbour church of england , and what has been the issues thereof , what wrestlings against it , what disputs and discoveries of its evils , by the famous divines of that church , untill it came to be condemned , and voted against by both houses of parliament , and by the venerable assembly of divines at westminster , anno 1600 , we cannot now resume , nor shall we trace the long tract of doleful effects , corruption of judgment and practice , barbarous and bloodie persecution , funest inextricable broils , and dissentions among all ranks , advances of popery , and desolation of our church , &c. which has attended ( as alway before ) the late erection of it in this land , whereof our honourable estates of parliament discovered their deep sense , in condemning , and abolishing it in the late happy revolution . but the iudgment and writings of so many divines , and churches abroad , stricking against this hierarchy , being found by the promotters of that interest , such a heavy bur●en , and gripping argument , there hath several methods been used to shake off , and dissolve the same : hence , since the late erection of prelacy , several pamphlets have appeared , endeavouring to reconcile this hierarchy with the judgment of the reformed churches , and the most famed writers thereof . but with what success they have managed this work , the impartial and judicious have sufficiently discovered , and that in this endeavour , they have been rolling sisiphus stone which 〈◊〉 still returned upon them , and renewed their inextricable labour . among the forraign divines which have appeared against prelacy , calvin and beza , being for piety and learning , men of chief name , and among the glorious cloud of christ's witnesses against the beast , since the reformation , such as not only deserve a place among the thirty , but among the first three , hence it is , that this endeavour has been mainly fixt upon them ; and what ever thing in their writings might seem to savour of indifferency a●e●t presbyterian government ( whereof they are generally acknowledged to have been both by their writings and practices , the strenuous and constant asserters ) or to cast a favourable aspect upon prelacy , searched out , and by the outmost artifice of near drawn sophistry , and by the most remote consequences , stretched upon the tenter pins , to reach such a conclusion . hence , not only their commentaries upon the scriptures , and divers passages of their other writings , have been pitifully curtell'd and disjoynted , but their very missives , a●d letters upon various , and remote occasions from this point , brought in to witness against their avowed judgment to the world , when disputing and handling this question ex professo . whether resp●ct to truth , or partial respect to their cause , that e●prompted these men to such a practice , is ●asie to judge . if the base visage and stain of lying and detractions , and false witness bearing in the judgment even of sober heathens , and of all men of the most common sense , or morality , had been with a conscientious conviction duely pondered , they had never abandoned themselves to such impious folly . the practice of abusing and counterfiting writters , for the advantage of their cause , hath been so much condemned in papists , ( those sl●ves of the man of sin , given up to the power of lyes and delusions ) that protestants might , even upon this ground , have been long since ashamed of it . it had been every way a more generous undertaking , to have offered their answers to the pleadings and arguments of those divines against the hierarchy , and to have endeavoured by , fair wrestling , to wring these weapons out of their hands , rather thus faintly to abandon the disput , and pretending an accord with their antagonists than upon this head . but what has been observed of ignatius writings , that they suffered martyrdoom when he was gone , hath been the fate ( sure ) of the writings of these divines , which notwithstanding , have hitherto , and will yet farther speak for themselves . for the essays of the author of this paper , in this method , i shall not anticipat , what is performed in the ensuing reply , by offering here a previous large discovery of its unsoundness ; only , i may be bold to say , never any was more unhappy than he , in this undertaking , and that upon first reading of the pamphlet , these things were obvious , and may be so to any considering person . ( 1. ) that the series and structure of his reasoning do clearly involve calvin and beza in contradictions , comparing his inferences with the passages cited ; and that he thus crosses his character of excellent , which he bestows upon their writings , 2dly , that disguising the bishop , making calvin and beza to owne , by his epithet of the president bishop , he would seem to plead only for the constant moderator , or proestos , early brought in , and that he intends no further improvement of these places of calvin and beza ; or to stretch their principles in judgment to any greater length , yet notwithstanding in the series of his reasoning , ascribing a preheminence in office , and iurisdiction to this president over other ministers , yea , & such as extends to a whole province or patriarchat ; he shewes the inconsistency of this smooth , but foolish pretence , and hath made it as transparent , as the cristal of the watch , 3dly . insome of his citations , particularly in that which is adduced to prove definition . 4th , his abuse and mistaks is so very gross and palpable , that any who reads some lines foreward will find his inference in terminis contradicted , that it 's truly a wonder how any of common sense , or ingenuity , who ever read the place , could be guilty of so bold , or ignorant forgery . 4thly , that either crassly , or willingly , ●e has been ignorant of , and dis-ingenuously cocealed calvin and beza's distinction of the ordinary and extraordinary church-officers , and takes his measures of their iudgment , anent the constant government of the church , from what they speak of the office of apostles , and evangelists ; whom , all that ever read these authors , must needs acknowledge , that they hold to be extraordinary and expired . 5ly , that as some of his citations are so palpably remote , from what he has adduced them to prove , that they do not so much as relate to one and the same purpose and subject ; so all his demonstrations are founded upon gross mistakes of the subject and state of the question ; and thus in stead of a mounting to demonstrative arguments ( and these so evident as to be presented in a euclyds dress of a quod erat demonst●andum ) they are pitiful beggings of the question , and s●phisms f●ow●ng from the ignoratio elenchi . he addresses in his preface the moderat presbyterian , but certainly the man proselyted to this perswasion of calvin and beza , as pleading from scripture , for the divine right of the president bishop , with preheminence in office and iurisdiction over the pastors of a whole province , or patriarchat , ( which is the white of the mark , that all his proofs are levelled at ) ceases to be either moderat , or presbyterian ; not presbyterian , because imbracing a perswasion , and principles diametrally opposit to that government ; not moderat , because assenting to the power of a prelat , which is beyond all limits of equity and moderation , and encroaches upon presbyters and pastors office and authority , allowed them in scripture , and likewise , because holding no just or moderat opinion of calvin and beza , who never asserted such a thing , but do hold the quite contrary . the author offers his essay to the moderat presbyterian's censure and ingenuity ; and i am hopeful , that what is here replyed , shall be found such a just and ingenuous censure , and discovery of his mistakes , as do merit his acknowledgments , and will obtain the same , if he be endued with that moderation , charity , self-denyal , and love to the power of godliness , which he has here pro●est ; and however , will come under the favourable construction of a just and ingenuous censure , with all who are truely of this frame . one thing i am fully agreed in with this author , viz. that if picques and recentments were kendled into charity , and prejudices , and worldly designs laid aside , religion preferred to interest , and the power of godliness to that of dominion , the powers of hell could not make this protestant church divide about church government . i am confident , were we all sincerly of this frame , we should quickly unite , in acknowledging the true government of the house of god , which has had so evident an influence upon the power of godliness , and joyntly , and zealously oppose that prelatical hierarchy , which has had so deplorable an influence upon profanity and error , and has been the great bane of both purity and unity in his church , and i am bold to add , that had we all been so happy , as to be under the influence of this excellent soul-frame , here described , we had never seen such a pamphlet as this essay of his , nor any of this nature , wherein there is so sad a presence of picques and resentments , to charity , prejudices of education , and worldly designs , interest , and an unlawful hierarchical dominion , to true religion , and the power of godliness ; and no doubt , if that prayer of his for purity and vnity , in order to the ends which he mentions , be so hearty , as be professes , the discoveries here made , will set him to endeavour our vnion upon other grounds and principles , than these presented in his pamphlet , viz. by an adherence to that presbyterian government , now happily restored in this church , which calvin and beza do so enixly and evidently plead for , as being recommended ( to use his own method and words in arguing ) by the divine institution , the apostolick practice , the reception of the primitive church , and the solemn approbation of a revelation from heaven . otherwise if he , or such as he , professing learning and knowledge , and by the more polite logick methods , to plead for truth , and to lead us in to the sense of calvin and beza upon this head , continue to ply such artifices , they will deserve such a lash , and censure , as i find lactantius in another case , put upon a philosopher , in his time . nam si qui nostrum affuerunt quantumvis temporum gratia conticerent , animo ●amen d●risete , ut pote cum vidissent hominem profitentem se illuminaturum alios , cum ipse caecus esset , reducturum alios ab errore , cum ipse ignoraret ubi pedes suos poneret , eruditurum alios ad veri●atem , eujus ille ne scintillam quidam unam vidisset , quippe cum sapientiae professor , profligare sapientiam niteretur , o philosophum adulatorem ac tempori servientem ! verum hic pro sua inanitate contemprusest , qui & gratiam quam speravit , non adeptusest , & gloria , quam captavit , in culpam reprehensionemque conversa est . lactantius lib. de justitia , cap. 2. the same lactantius upon this ground , will put this lesson to them , who profess to study , or teach wisdom , in reference to truth and simplicity in this endeavour . est enim nesas eum qui veritati s●ude● , in aliqua re esse fallacem , at que ab ipsa quam sequitur virtute , discedere . in hac justitiae virtutumpque omnium via . nullus mendacio locus est . itaque viator ille verus ac justus , non dicet illud lucilianum , homini amico ac familia●i non est mentiri meum , sed etiam inimico atque ignoto existimabit non esse mentiri suum . nec aliquando commiter , ut lingua interpre● animi à sensu & cogitatione discedet , de vero cultu , cap. 18 : for the grounds of my undertaking this reply , and the manner of performance , take this just and true accompt . this paper was , a little after it came abroad , put into my hand by a gentleman , who , together with a minister , requested my undertaking the vindication , of calvin and beza , from the imputation thereof , which i declineed upon seueral grounds , which appeared to me considerable ; for beside my dissability , and the then publick hurry and consternation upon occasion of the viscount of dundee , his prevalency in the north , my own personal circumstances were such , as did put considerable remora's and impediments in my way , which might deterr from such a work as this , being then far from my books , lyable to many tossings , and several important ministerial duties , so exercising me , that i could promise my self no suitable opportunities , or help for this performance ; espeicially having upon first view of this pamphlet discovered , that as a full and exact perusal of calvin and beza was needful for a satisfying confutation , so the ●uthors mistakes were so palpable , that probably it would be reckoned by the generality of all who should see it , as among those thing — quae spreta exolescunt ; and like beslus in the commedie be secured from censure in its own want of worth ; or if any answer were judged requisit , this work would be performed by some better hand than mine , and to much more advantage ; and indeed i was once informed , that this was done by a person of known ability for such undertaking . but being pressed by the persons before mentioned , to take this paper to consideration , i did at some spare hours , mould this ensuing answer , intending at first my own privat satisfaction only , and of some friends , which after a considerable times lurking , i caused transscribe , and some having perused it , whose judgment i am bound to reverence , who encouraged to a publication as useful , i have yeilded to this motion , if the prolixity offend , i have this apology , that having many diversions while a writing , i could but now and then take a little touch of it ; and b●sides , having at first written the animadversions , contained in the second chapter , and upon a review of calvin and beza , drawn out these positions , contained in cap. 1 i judged it would make this reply more full & clear to annex them . likeways the authors demonstrations being made up of references to his premised definitions , postulatums , and axioms , this put me some way under a necessity of a compendious resuming of what is answered upon them ; since an answer to his demonstrations ( which are the elixir distilled from his former chapters of definitions , postulatums and axioms , and the main projection thereof ) made up of meer references , though in it self sufficient , yet to most readers would appear too mean , obscure , and superficial . i did also judge it not improbable , that some readers would in the first place , if not only , view what is replyed to his demonstrations ; who thus have a compendious view , of what is replyed to the whole pamphlet , presented to them , rendring the eversion of his demonstrations the more convincing and conspicuous , and likewise the solidity of the counter-demonstrations subjoyned . i have traced the authors method , as in the series of the matter ; so likeways in tendring the passages cited only in english , except in some few places . it seems he mainly addressed the plain english readers , and so do i in this answer , i hope the passages cited , will be found justly translated , and that i am so far from , designing any advantageous addition or interpretation , that on the contrary , through study of brevity , the weight and emphasis of some places is obscured . the slow appearance of this reply in publick , will seem no strange thing to any who consider the account of this vndertaking , immediatly premised . if what is here offered , shall be found a word in season , for vindicating truth , and strengthning the hearts of any sincere contenders for the faith , i have my design in writing , and the upright readers also in the perusal . if this shall meet with opposition from a proud , hardned , and self-conceited party of men , who continue to state themselves in terms of contradiction to the true government of this church , and her just and legal establishment , as it will be no surprisal to me ( the morning light of reformation being to such as the shadow of death ) so , under the safe , and honourable conduct , and shield of truth , i will not be afraid , how weak soever in my self , to speak with them in the gate . the weakest believer , and follower of the lamb , can do some thing for truth , and finds the way of truth their strength , and the strongest , proudest adversaries can do nothing against it . it is certainly a great piece of the work of our day , to plead for our mother , according to our capacity , when so many are pleading against her ( and her provocations most sadly ) as also to plead with her , that her abominations may be put out of the sight of her provocked jealous lord. the adversaries have ( proteous like ) formed themselves into various versatile shapes , and taken odd measures in opposing her restauration . when of a sudden , the dragon ( as it were ) was with his angels cast to the earth , prelacy , and supremacy , together with the agents and instruments thereof baffled , and pull'd down by a parliamentary decision , these men were for some times amused into a silent consternation . but streight this essay pleading for a president moderat episcopacy , in an ingine set a-work to restore and heal the beast of its deadly wounds , but this project is found ineffectual , presbyterian government being established in the hands of presbyterians . but behold another engine and method of opposition , they do closely but vigorously assist at this time the armed rebels , within and without the kingdom . but these men ( the egyptian reed they lean to ) are broken and brought under , and the waters overflows this hiding-place , and refuge of lies . another method of assulting this church is , to ply the king with their oratory , or if he be inexorable to them , the church of england must be set upon this work . and carressed with the outmost diligence , and artifices ; the english service must be set up in edinburgh , in separat meetings , and pamphlets spread through england , stuff'd , with tragical complaints of their sufferings , and with whole legends of manifold lies and calumnies , cast upon our assemblies , and the faithful ministry of this church , as also upon several persons of eminency concerned in promoting the lord's work. if this will not do , and the bright beams of discovered truth , and our churches innocency dispel this cloud , the fruitful invention of these assailiants sets a-work another project , 't is an old one made new again , take 〈◊〉 in , let us build with you — addresses are made for receiving them into the judicatories of this church , but what wit or honesty hath appeared in their several attempts this way , and in plying this engine , time ( whose daughter truth is ) has already in part , and ere long will further discover ; ( though our church has always witnessed a willingness to receive them upon terms , consisting with the safety of the government ) this certainly is a project , that of it self , hath much of the old serpents subtilty in it ; traitors within the walls of city , are the most formidable enemies . we all know the story of the trojan horse , and who said , equo ne credite ●eucri , and — timeo danaor & dona ferentes . the feign'd submission of a considerable number of hannibals army to the romans , when both armies were standing in procinctu , and ready to joyn battel , proved an efficacious stratagem , whereby that subtile redoubted general gave them a great and bloody overthrow , at the field of canna ; these new supposed auxiliaries having thus , because among them a greater advantage to do them mischief in time of the battel , than any other of his army . i must here add , that the unsound tincture ( in many things ) and dangerous design of a late paper , bearing the specious title of , a further vindication of the present government of the church of scotland , looks very like a correspondence with the same project of her enemies . but he who is higher than the highest , ( whose weakness is stronger than man , and his foolishness wiser than man ) regards , and has an early eye in the morning watch , through the cloud , upon the egyptians . let us lament after him , and lift up our ardent cryes unto this great shepherd of the sheep , in this signal iuncture of difficulties , when the children are brought to the birth , and there seems no strength to bring forth , that he would stop the way against adversaries , give his iudgments to our king , holy sagacity to scatter the wicked with his eyes , and bring the wheel over them ; that he would revive his work , and people , behold , and visit this vine , lay yet the stones of this poor tost-church , with fair colours , and her foundations with sapphires , bring back his glory to his house , and plant his tabernacle among us for evermore . a counter-essay : or , a vindication and assertion of calvin and beza's presbyterian judgment and principles , drawn from their vvritings . in answer to the imputations of a late pamphlet , entituled , an essay concerning church-government , out of the excellent writings of calvin and beza , attempting to fasten upon them an episcopal perswasion . chap. first . the scripture account of presbyterian government exhibite in some plain positions , out of the writings of calvin and beza . that we may exhibite in the beginning , a clear prospect of the judgment , of these learned divines , in point of presbyterian government , and thereby lay a solid foundation of the confutaion of this pasquel . we offer to the reader in these plain assertions , this full account of presbyterian government from their writings , which are plain , and undenyable maxims and axioms , demonstrating their judgment herein from scripture : first , the ordinary officers , which christ institute , and the churches practice warrands , are bishops , elders , and deacons ; we need not caution what calvin means by bishops , it being obvious to all of common sense , who do but read him , that he intends the p●●tor or minister , instit. lib. 4. cap. 6. sect. 11. with cap. 4. sect. 1. 2. evangelists , were next to apostles in office , were to preach every where , and were fixt to no certain determined station ; calvin on act. 21. 8. speaking of philip the evangelist , the same he hath , on tit. 1. 5. nulla certa statio assignata evangelistis . 3. appropriating the name , bishop , as peculiar , to one pastor set over others ; is an abuse of scripture language , and the divine institution , coment on philip. 1. 4. the reason of this is , that all pastors or presbyters , have one and the same , and an equal function , and official authority , so that dominion in any of them over another , is a sinful impeachment of this their equal official power and a●thority , lbid . 5. the passage , tit. 1. 7. proves aboundantly , that there is no difference betwixt bishop and presbyter , the apostle using both names indifferently , as ierom hath observed . therefore the office being common to all pastors ; it is an absurd perversion of scripture language , to give this official name ( bishop ) to one , robbing the rest of the pastors , thereof ; ibidem . and if he quarrel the robbing of them , of their official name , therefore much more the robbing them of any piece of their official power and authority . 6. the bishops , to whom paul committed the charge of the church of ephesus , in his last farewell , were presbyters , bishops of equal authority . calvin on act. 20. 28. he observes , that all presbyters are called bishops indifferently , and therefore the bishops differs nothing from presbyters ; hence he holds , that both name and thing of a scripture bishop , is proper to every pastor . 7. all pastors have equal right in ordination , pastors only ordain , and not the people . they have all one and the same official power and function , to which they are called of god. instit. lib. 4. cap. 4. sect . 2 : coment . on phil , 1. 1. 8. the pastors are the highest ordinary chruch officers , titus his evangelistick authority , in crete was a vicarious transient , unfixt ministry , in pauls place and name , beyond the limits of this ordinary function of pastors ; supposing the church not exedified , and in this differing from the pastoral office , which doth suppose , this exigence of the churches state to over . calvin on ti●us 1. cap. 5. and 6 vers . 9. this evangelistick authority , while existing , was not to wrong , or derogat any thing , from the consistorial decisive ordianry authority of pastors , in church government , ibid. in answer to an objection : 10. the apostle had a transient , unfixt ministry , their office lay in founding churches , and planting christ● kingdom in them ; they had no certain limits assigned them , for the exercise of their ministry , but were spread the gospel through the world ; this their office evanisht , and died with themselves ; in this they differ from pastors , who are fixt to their charges , calvin . on 1 cor. 12. 28. vers . none of them , had peculiar , proper charges assigned to the , but all of them a common command to preach the gospel wherever they came . evangelists were like to them in office , but in different degrees of dignity , such were timothy , titus and such like , of their subsidiary help , the lord made use of , next to that of the apostles ; pastors , and doctors are next to them , and perpetually necessary : without whom there can be no government of the church ; wherin they differ from apostles , prophets and evangelists , who are temporary and expired , and not thus necessary for the churches ordinary and perpetual government . there is one episcopacy , which is christs alone , whereof every minister of the gospel hath an intire and equal share , calvin on ephes. 4. 11. instit . lib. 4. cap. 3. sect . 14. but of this further , when we come to examine the third definition . 11. the consistorial ordinary collegiat authority of pastors , in ordination and imposition of hands , is examplified in the imposition of the prophets hands at antioch upon paul , as gods standing order and method in point of ordination . neither timothy , nor any evangelists authority , was to incroach upon this ; and the apostolick precepts to timothy and titus , lay hands suddenly on no man ; and that other , i left thee in crete , to ordain elders , are groundlesly and impertinently pleaded , to prove the sole authority of any one church officer , in ordination or jurisdiction ; but this authority is in the collegiat meeting . instit : lib : 4. cap : 3. sect : 14 and 15. compared with what is said above . 12. as every ordinary pastor , de jure , owes a subjection to the prophets , or ordinary pastors in the lord , so the first proestotes or fixed moderators , were de facto thus subject , and so had no juridical official pre-eminence over the judicatiories , calvin on that place , the spirits of the prophets , &c. and insti● : lib : 4. cap. 4. sect : 2. at the close , their work was only to moderat the meeting , and gather the votes , &c. coment on tit , 1. vers . 5. 6. 13. as timothy and titus , their evangelistick inspection , was beyond the limits of the ordinary office of pastors , and in respect of its naure , and time of existency , such as could not be succeeded unto ; ( calvin on tit 15 , 6 , verses , compared with coment : 1 tim. 1. and 6. with v. 18. ) so what our lord enjoyns to the seven asian angels , doth nothing impeach this , even taking them for single persons , or presidents , since they were such , as had the rest of the minister or angels , their colleagues ; and not so much as the necessity of a fixt moderator , or president , can be drawn from this assertion , beza on rev. 2. 24 , 26 , vers . 14. the fixing of president bishops , over church judicatories , with official pre-eminence over them , gave the rise to antichrists oligarchical tyranny over the church , and all the mischiefs thereof , beza , ibid. 15. the presbyterian government , which iohn knox brought into this church of scotland , is the right order , and true government of the house of god ; the hedge and wall of the doctrine , without which it cannot be kept pure : the want of which government , is the cause , why the gospel is preached to many in wrath . all are to contend for this government , who wish well to this church , and to oppose the re-introduction of episcopacy , opposit thereunto , which is the relicts of papacy , and will bring epicurism into the church , if admitted , bez. ipist . 79. to iohn knox. 16. the pretence of unity , or curing schism by this episcopacy , is a pretence as false and lying , as it is flattering , whereby many of the best antients , were deceived . ibid. 17. there was among the apostles met together , no distinction of degrees , but only of order , as in other ecclesiastical meetings and assemblies , until the humane episcopacy , was brought into the church , which shortly turned into satanical , beza on acts. 1. 23. 18. the apostles had an immediat call to their office , to which office was annext an extraordinary measure of the holy ghost , which is termed infused ; this immediat call is the true and genuine mark of the apostolick calling , which expired with the death of the apostles themselves , when they had fulfilled their work in framing churches . evangelists were assumed by the apostles without the churches suffrage , because the churches were not as yet constitte , and were sent hither and thither , while the churches were in planting ; such was the office of evangelists peculiarly so called , as timothy , titus , luke , &c. beza on galat. 1. v. 1 , 2. 19. the apostolick office lay in this , to constitute churches through the whole world , by a sort of peculiar right , as appears from christ's command , and their whole history ; therefore churches being constitute , this office also of necessity was taken away ; it is therefore a tyrannical term , for any to profess himself , an apostle by succession , evangelists being attendants , and helpers of the apostles , as was timothy , who is by name called an evangelist , this office was therefore temporary also . the doctors and pastors are of perpetual necessity in the church beza on ephes. 4. v. 11. 20. the brethren mentioned , as with paul. ( gal. 1. 2. ) were the whole presbyterie of the church of antioch , whence this epistle was written ; beza in locum . the bishop● in philippi . ( phil. 1. 1. ) are the pastors , doctors , and presbyters , who attend the word and doctrine , and who ( as the greek word imports ) like sentinels , and watch-men , do watch over and inquire into the doctrine , and the conversation of the flock committed to them ; such were these in act. 20. 28. who are sometime called by the general name of presbyters , as verse 17 of that chapter , and in first of timothy . 5. 17. this was then of old the appellation of bishop● , until he who was in the assembly ( caetu ) or meeting , was set over the rest of the brethren , whom justinus calls the proestos , or president , began to be peculiarly called the bishop ; from hence the devil began to lay the first foundations of tyranny in the church of god , the whole administration and government of the church , being as it were with the name trans●erred upon one , then from the episcopal tyranny , it came to me●trapolitants , whom they call arch-bishops , &c. from metrapolitants , they advanced to the first four primary patriarchs , the christian republick , being as it were divided unto four men , until the fortuitus occasion of the fifth , because of the dignity of new rome ; hence arose perpetual contests , till the rest ceding , the contest continued with 〈◊〉 of rome and constantinople , a controversie never decided unto tlis day , sometimes the one , sometimes the other avouching himself the universal patriarch . the roman bishop in the mean time , being condemned of falsehood ( falsi ) in the carthaginian counsel , of ( two hundred and seven fathers ) yet such was the ambition , that ( the constantinopolitane patriarch even now is set over the churches spread through the east , if they may be called churches ) the roman has invaded both churches and kingdoms of the west , by a just judgment , depriving them of their scepters , by whose help , he invaded a tyranny over the churches . behold , of how great moment and consequence it is , to decline even in a hair breadth from the word ▪ of god. beza on phil. cap. 1. 1. 21. the presbytrie mentioned , ( 1 tim. 4. 14. who imposed hands upon timothy , is to be understood of the meeting or assembly of pastors , bishops , or presbyters , at lystra , who laboured in the word and doctrine ; and by this word [ presbytrie ] any such assembly is to be understood , beza in locum . all pastors are servants of that one legistator , christ in the ecclesiastick office ; there is no d●minion of one over another , he only excells among ministers , who is most diligent , and averse from all ambitious usurping over his fellow-servants . beza in math. 20. 25. paralelling this place with the 1. pet. 5. ● . and as his understanding the a●gel , rev. 2. 1. of the president , by whom his colleagues were to be admonished , will not so much as found the humane bishop , after brought into the church , so that clause rev. 2. 24. ( viz. to you and the rest ) &c. is to be understood of the a●gel , or president for the time , and the assembly of his colleagues ; in which passage , the conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , and , is necessarly to be understood or read . beza lbid , from beza in his answer to sarav . de diversis mi nistrorum gradibus , there are innumerable clear testimonies adduceable against this mans design and pleading . he tells us that the evangeli●s properly so called , were helpers of the apostles , in perfecting the structure of churches ; distinguished from ordinary preachers , in this that for a time they only were set over some churches to confirm , o● constitute them fully , sometimes in one place , sometimes in another , as the matter required , as appears from pauls epistles , beza , respon : and caput sextum sarav no apostle or evangelist was above another , and both these officers are ceast . beza ad cap 9. numb 15. apud s●aviam , the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or leader , which the apostle useth thrice , heb. 13. and which our lord expones , iohn . 10. 4. is attributed to ministers only , with respect to the flock committed to them , that the same is to be judged of the term ( bishop ) appears from act. 8. 28. hence as the church shortly after felt , it was a dangerous custom to transfer the terme proestos , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to them , who preceded over the assembly of their colleagues , not as more eminent in degree , but only as being first in order . lbid , numb . 20. secundum . sarav . 2. the office of pastor and doctor , are the chief functions of the church , perpetually necessary , beza . resp . and cap. 11. numb . 3 juxta sarav . 3. such as deny the office of apostles , prophets , and evangelists to be temporary and ceast , they must either conclude , that the work of building and compleating the churches , is left by them imperfect and manck , which is most false , and cannot be said without their reproach , or that afterward , the whole edifice is so far subverted , that for its restitution , we need not only faithful pastors , doctors and presbyters , but architects to lay the foundation again , evangelists , for the superstructure ; lastly prophets , and other gifts of the spirit , for confirming their work. beza . ad cap. 16. numb . 3. with sarav . , the preserving this edifice intire , is committed to these perpetual officers , pastors , doctors , ruling-elders and deacons , ibid , num. 10. with sarav . 4. the apostles and evangelists work of preaching , baptizing and governing the church with pastors and presbyters , was ordinary , their unconfined inspection , apostolick authority , in planting and watering churches , was temporary and expired . beza . ibid. numb . 11. the ordinary perpetual government they committed to pastors , doctors , elders , and deacons . ibid. numb . 12. the perpetual form and authority of governing the church , of teaching and administrating sacraments , yea , and of her restauration and propagation , is committed to pastors , doctors , and elders , and remains as thus committed to them , and prescribed by the apostles and evangelists ; yet their infallible authority of founding and compleating churches , is ceast with their life . numb . 13. their function and office died with them , not the form and rule of government , committed to pastors , doctors , &c. numb . 14. the ordinary succession of a perpetual ministry , is of pastors , to pastors , doctors , to doctors , elders , to elders , deacons , to deacons ; ibid. numb . 15. the apostolick authority differs from the ordinary and perpetual authority of pastors , as likewise their gifts , not only as to manner and measure , but in the nature thereof , from these promist to the ordinary ministry beza . ad cap. 17. numb . 2. apud . sarav . 5. an episcopal degree , with some shew of apostolick authority , is no where to be found in scripture , is condemned , luke 22. 25. gave the raise of that oligarchie and tyranny which came into the church , and therefore there is no divine right left for such a succession , ad cap. 16. numb . 17. apud sarav . as the apostles gifts are such , so their power and authority is not succeeded to , by any ordinary church-officers , nor hath the church power to set up any such office. ad cap. 17. numb . 3. the pretence of arch-bishops , primates , metropolitants , their succession to apostles , or evangelists ( timothy , titus , mark ) and a continuation of their power or authority in the church , is a groundless conjecture , condemned in sarav . beza in cap. 18. sarav . the same condemned ad cap. 19. numb . 3. 6. the office of president in church assemblies , imports only a right of governing , and ordering the common actions of the meeting , without any command or rule over the members thereof , in which meetings , ruli●g elders , are to joyn with pastors ; beza . resp : ad cap. 20. numb . 1. the state of this controversie is , whether he who is set over the meeting of pastors , of any church , has any command or power over these his colleagues , as inferiours by divine right . this is that which i deny numb . 2. the setting up this episcopal degree of the bishop , above his colleagues , has been greatly prejudicial to the church . numb . 8. 7. these to whom paul injoyned to deliver the incestuous man to satan , when gathered together , were the pastors and presbyters of corinth , who by ecclesiastick judgment and censure , were to purge the church of this leaven . as every church after its first beginnings had pastors and presbyters ; so it is not supposable , that paul who stayed there half a year , and apollos who followed him , did not upon the first opportunity , furnish that church with a presbytry . ad cap 23. numb : 17 : and numb 2 , and 3. apud sarav : at large setting down ieroms testimony in epist. ad oceanum & ad euagrum comment . in epist. ad titum , together with the scipture proofs , anent the identity of bishop and presbyter , shewing that the bishops superiority over the presbyters , was founded on custom , not divine warrand ; upon which beza collects thus , this coth ierom assert , not in one place only , or few , or as of a thing doubtful , but often , copiously , and peremptorly , ascribing to bishop and presbyter , as one and the same appellation , so one and the same function , ad. cap : 13. numb : 2 and 3. 8. the divine bishop , or who is institute by divine right , is the same office , with that which is poynted out , by the peculiar name of pastor , whom paul affirms , that the holy ghost made bishops to feed the church of god. acts. 20. 18. and this is the proper name of them both , in the new testamen , whereby with paul they are distinguisht , from apostles , prophets and evangelists , which officers were for a time only one ephes. 4. cap. 11. and from deacons ( 2 tim. 3. phil. 1. ) they are called bishops , with respect to souls committed to them . 9. the colledge , or meeting of these pastors , and bishops , together with such elders , as paul calls governments , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are the same who are called the presbytry , 1 tim. 4. v. 14. beza de episcop . triplici . initio . their office was to attend the word and prayer in publick and private , and to govern the church joyntly , and in common , ibid. 10. the humane bishop that is brought into the church out of humane prudence , beside the express word ▪ of god , is a sort of power given to some one pastor above his colleagues , yet limited by certain rules and cannons against tyranny . ibid. that this function was not brought in , from the word of god , is evident from this , that we cannot find in the new testament the least jot , from which we may draw such a conjecture ; for altho there is no doubt that all things ought to be done orderly in the house of god , and that therefore there has been some president in every meeting ( whom iohn in the revelation seems to call the angel , iustin calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or president ) that this president , excepting this only , that he was the first moderator in the ecclesiastick actions in the assembly , had no power over this colleagues , far less exercised any office superior unto them , ibid. hence as ierom observes , the author to the heb. calls all the whole assembly of presbyters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rulers , poynting at none of them . such for the most part was peter in the colledge of the apostles , &c. if any such office had been then existent , or such a power of one over his colleagues , this officer had b●en by some peculiar name , pointed at in the epistles , especially seing paul salutes the bishops , and deacons of the philippians in the plural number ; whch since it was not done , it appears , that among these rulers , there was none in degree superiour to his colleagues , and fellow bishops , but that the churches were then ruled by their presbyters . every one of them having equal and alike power , with his fellow presbyter , &c. ibid. thereafter he refutes ep●phanius arguments , for his humane episcopacy , as if it were the divine . wherein we see how peremptor beza was as to this distinction ; and mentioning epiphanius argument from that precept ( against an elder receive not an accusation ) to prove timothy's episcopacy , he refutes this by many arguments , calling this the error of epiphanius , that timothy was bishop of ephesus ; which he tells him may be convicted of fa●shood from scriptures ; as mainly from this , that he was pauls attendant , sent hither and thither and therefore made bishop overno one church ; that he was an evangelist , that paul requested him to stay at ephesus , 1 tim. 1. 3. v. and for the special end , viz. to attend that church , untill again recalled , which in the other epistle he doth , 2 tim. 4. 9 v. do thy diligence , to come to me quickly , that when going to ierusalem , never to return to ephesus , he had either ( upon epiphanius supposition ) restored timot●y to these ephesian● , or they had sought him again , being warned of such hazards ; or if another was put in his place , he had peculiarly be spoken him , in that divine se●mon of his , but of this we read not , but only that he admonished the presbyters , whom he sent for , of their general and common duty . thereafter he adds , that as an evangelist , adorned with so many and singular gifts , in degree superior to prysbyters , and for a time constitute there , by apostolick authority , he did administrat the affairs of that church , and that though it were granted to epiphanius , that he had some singular power there , it may be denyed , that he could have obtained any power over the presbytery of ephesus , if he did not been an evangelist , adding this reason , that paul himself declares ( 1 tim. 4. v. 14. ) that imposition of hands was done in name of presbytry it self , not by the authority of any one superior . after he cit●s augustin ( epistle 19. ) asserting , that by the churches custome only , episcopacy was greater than the presbyterat , and chrisostom saying on the first of tim. 1 , 3. that in ordination only the bishop differs from the presbyter , that is , saith he , ( as theophylact more clearly ) in the ceremony of consec●ation only ; citing also theodoret , who upon phil. i. writes , that of old , the name of bishop and presbyter were promiscuously used , as one and the same . he adds afterward , that paul did not excommunicat the incestuous corinthian alone , by his apostlick authority , but by the authority of the whole presbyt●y ; and that peter doubts not to call himself a fellow presbyter , that if all eminency of one pastor over his colleagues had been forbidden , or rather never brought in by men , the ensuing contests about supremacy , had never rent the church , so far is this device from being a remedy of schism ; and finally he tells us upon his head , that as this humane episcopacy came in by a tacite custome , advancing by degrees , so we must understand of this human episcopacy , as antecedaneous to the satanical , whatsover iustin , ignatius and other eminent writers , do speak of bishops , or rather of the first presidents authority . 10. the moderator of the ecclesiastick synod , or consistory , who is to ask the votes , and moderat the whole affairs , is for ths one end to be chosen by their common suff●ages , or votes , which office must expire and end with the close of the synod : beza in quest : secunda , referente saravia pag 92. 11. no scripture truth can be produced for a standing mission of the 70 disciples , to preach the gospel , after our lords ascension , of a like nature and continuance , with that of the twelve apostles , or that they were sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or immediately ; the apostles mission , math. 10. luk. 9 , mark 5. was not that which is called peculiarly and properly apostolick , for which the apostles were then wholly unfit , but only a sort of preludie , that all might run to hear christ himself , but these twelve christ a●terward sent by a new vocation , and wholly different from the first , for planting churches through the whole world , adorning them with a peculiar and aboundant grace of the spirit , both before his ascension into heaven , ( iohn●● . v. 22. as likeways chiefly in the day of pentec●st , adding more wonderfully the external signs , of this legation , from which mission the apostle doth therefore begin the rehearsal of the apostolick ●unction , and of others added thereunto , ephes , 4. 10. v. 11. but of these 70 where is there any mention , either about the time of our lord's ascension , or after . that mission mentioned ( luk. 10 ) is wholly diverse from that of apostles ; institute after our lord's ascension . had the 70. had such a standing mission , the sacred writers neither would nor could have omit●ed , a matter so necessary , mentioning only that of the 12 apostles ; and granting it had been , this will not infer any imparity of power , betwixt them and the 12 apostles , or that christ made them two distinct orders , or divided them in two classes ; the after institution , and addition to the other that 's prior , will not prove an inferiority in that mission of the 70 , which luke only commemorates . what degree will we find , whereby they may be subjected to the 12. who had a prior ●ission ? that the apostles were assumed by christ , as domesticks , will no more ground their imparity , with other disciples , than it will make iohn superior to the other apostles , because a disciple most dear to christ beyond other disciples , it was the apostolick● function , which thereafter gave them a priority of order , and also of power , unto other disciples , beza resp . ad cap. 1. sarav . de divers . minist . evangel . grad . refuting after the argument , drawn from the addition of the 70 elders to moses . now from these passages of calvin and beza , how clearly presbyterian government is asserted in its whole structure and frame , and the opposite fabrick of prelacy subverted , is obvious to the meanest capacity to conclude , so that to insist in drawing forth propositions to clear this , s●ems a meer battalogy , and an attempt to shew the sun with a candle . here we have asserted the extraordinary expired nature of the function , first of apostles , secondly of evangelists , as such . next , that the pastor who labours in the word and doctrine is the highest officer left by christ in his church , who has no superior in church administrations , and therein the prelates pretended official superiority is flatly denyed . 3ly . that no extraordinary power of apostles , and evangelists , can ground a standing presidencie over presbyters . 4. that church government under the new testament , is to be administred by their joynt decisive sufferage . 5. that the ruling elder is standing church officer appointed by christ , &c : and in opposition to this pamphleters forged definitions , postulatums and actions , how easie is it from what is premised , to bring forth calvin and beza's counter-assertions , and present these great divines , as joyntly witnessing him a liar and calumniator therein . as first , that there was no standing preheminence in any church-officer above the pastor , allowed to christ to be continued in the church , against the definition 3d , and the pretended proof of definition 2d . 2. that the angel had no fixed presidency over other ministers , against what is pretended definition 3d. 3. that what is set down in scripture anent the 70 disciples , sent out after the 12 apostles , will not give the least shadow of an argument , whereby different degrees of ministers may be concluded , against the scope of postulatum first . 4. that the inspection of timothy and titus over ephesus and crete , had no fixed power of ordination and jurisdiction , over these churches included therein , in contradiction to postulatum 2d . 5. that the preheminency of one single person in office unto other ministers , was never by gods warrand , retained or practised by the church for remedy of schism , against the scope of postulatum 3d. 6. that these first presidents introduced by the primative church , were not preheminent in office unto other ministers ; whereby the same postulatum is again convict of falshood . 7. that not so much as a constant president can be warranted , from the angel of the 7 churches ; against the scope of postulatum 4th . 8. that neither apostles nor evagelists , their office did found a standing official lawful preheminency , of an ordinary church-officer , over the pastor , in contradiction to the scope of definition 3d 4. postulatum 4th . axiom 2d ; and finally , that this official preheminent office over the pastor , has neither a divine right , flowing from christ's immediate institution , nor apostolick from the apostles doctrine , and practise , or of the apostolick and primitive church , and consequently that the having , not the wanting of such a government , is pernicious to the gospel and christian religion , which overturns the scope of the whole pamphlet , parti●●larly postulatum 3d , 4th , axiom 2d , 3d , 4th . chap. second . the authors groundless suppositions and perversion of these divines , cleared in general from the structure of his reasoning . the scope of this author is to prove , that in calvin and beza's judgment , a president bishop with a fixt power of ordination , preheminent unto , and above pastors , with a proportioned power of jurisdiction over them , is an ordinary standing officer appoi●ted by christ in the church of the new-testament . this is clear by comparing definition 3. with axiom 2 , 3 and 4. and with postulatum 2 , and 3 ; and this preheminency he makes them assert , as extended to a whole diocess , province , or patriarchat , as he calls it . for proof of which , several passages of calvin and beza ( but of calvin especially ) are adduced . wherein in general , his obvious perversion and abuse of these divines , is evident to any that compares his assertions , and citation ; first , in that calvin and beza are supposed by him , to hold the apostolick and evagelistick inspection , and authoirty , which are supposed in the scriptures here cited , and in the passages of calvins institutions here adduced , to be ordinary , and of perpetual necessity . thus he grosly perverts the subject and state of the question , which is this , what is that ordinary ministerial authority , and these officers , which they hold to be of a perpetual continuing nature and necessity ? and not what they might suppose to be de facto , in the churches infancy , exercised , by the apostles or evangelists ; so that if we can prove , that these divines , did not judge the authority and power of apostles and evangelists , or their formal office as such , to be of a moral nature , continued in the church , or that there are constant necessary officers succeeding them , in preheminency or superiority in office , all that he says falls to the ground . to prove this , first in general , it is evident from what is said , that both calvin and beza , with all sound protestant divines , do hold the offices of apostles and evangelists , and consequently their official power , as such , to be expired , and that neither of them are succeeded , in idem officium , § eundem ministerii gradum , this is evident to all who have read these divines ; and for evincing it , i would but ask this pamphleter , whether calvin and beza do not hold and suppose , that our blessed lord was , when upon earth , the churches visible universal head and monarch , and that the apostles afterward had an universal , unconfined inspection and authority over the whole church ; and that particularly and apostle iohn , who outlived all the rest , had solly , as an apostle , an universal authority and inspection over the same ; but will he , or any man of common sense , infer from this , that calvin and beza are for a moral standing primacy over the church universal , or a visible political head , and deput-vicar under christ ? certainly he would rationally assert this ●●erence of a ●apist against calvin and beza to be very gross and impertinent , and no less is his own throughout this pamphlet . 2. if these divines do hold that bishops , presbyters and deacons , are the only standing church officers , of a moral nature , perpetual use and necessity ; then they did not hold the office of apostles and evangelists to be such , or their proper o●ficial authority , comp●tent to them , as in that capacity , to be of this nature ; but the first is true , ergo so is the second ; the ma ; or is evident , for this man will not say that calvin and beza do hold their offices , one and the same with pastors , and that apostles and evangelists were not distinct from , and superior unto them in their official power : the minor is evident from what is above adduced from calvin and beza ; yea , even from his own citation of calvin , to confirm axiom third , viz. his instit. lib. 4. cap : 6. sect : 11. the primacy of the roman see takes not its original from christs institution , nor the custom of the ancient church , as the other offices have done , ( viz. of bishops , presbyters , and deacons , cap : 4 sect : 1 ) mentioned already . now surely if he had judged other offices perpetual and warranted by christs institution , and the antient churches practice , he would not in this place have mentioned with such emphasis these three only , and none else , when in opposition to the unlawful popish primacy , he is shewing what offices 〈…〉 , and the ancient churches custom will allow as warrantable . to shew it further , take this passage of calvin , ( whom i find our pamphleter doth mainly insist upon ) speaking of philip the evangelist , he tells us that evangelists were set in the middle betwixt apostles and doctors , had an office next to that of apostles , that they might every where preach the gospel , for no certain station was assigned to them ; now to make their office and authority ordinary , in calvins judgment , this author is obliged by his argument to say , that he held them to be fixed to some certain station , for in postulatum 2 , he holds that according to calvin , timothy in ephesus , and titus in crete , were from the nature of their office invested , with a fixt power of ordination , and jurisdiction in these places . 3. if these divines held the apostolick and evangelistick inspection and authority , to be moral and perpetual , then they behoved to hold it such , either as one and the same with the pastoral office , and a superior degree thereof , or as an office specifically distinct , and superior ; but neither of the two can be said to them : not the first , for we heard them both assert , that all pastors do hold one and the same function , and that none of them have any official authority over another , particularly we heard that calvin , ( whom our phamphleter mainly appeals to ) upon phil. 1. reprehending the abuse of the word [ bishop ] in appropriating it to one pastor only , he gives this reason ; that from this abused signification of the word , there hath followed this evil , that as if all presbyters , were not colleagues , called to the same function , one hath usurped to himself a dominion over the rest , under pretext of this new appellation , so that he holds the pastoral official authority , to be one and the same in all pastors , and none to have an authoritative inspection over the rest . again , calvin could not hold this fixed preheminent authority to be continued in the church , as importing an office specifically distinct from , and superior to that of the pastor . first , for the reason already given ; for since that supposed inferior officer were thus , both an ordinary officer , and were likewise eminenter a pastor . how could calvin quarrel a distinction , and peculiarity of a name to point out a superior pastor ? or how could he affirm that all pastors without exception have one and the same function ? 2. we heard that beza and calvin do hold that the apostles , and evangelists , had no fixed station , over which they were set ; and so could not as in that capacity , have any fixed power of ordination and jurisdiction . a second perversion of the doctrine , and sense of these divines in this point , and false supposition , which this authors arguing is grounded upon , is this , that he distinguishes not , their simple narration of a practise from their positive approbation of it ; which any man of sense will distinguish in any author , and which if confounded , we cannot eschew the horrid blaspheming of the spirit of god in scripture . to clear this , take an undenyable instance from calvin , ( whom as i said our author mainly appeals to ) to prove his , 2 postulatum , viz. that in calvins judgment , the church warrantably retained the government of one single person , preheminent in office unto other ministers , he cites calvin instit : cap. 4. sect. 2. where calvin shews , that presbyters in all cit●es , choose one out of their number , to whom especially they gave the title of bishop , lest from a parity division might arise ; that jerom says at alexandria from mark the evangelist , to heracleas and dyonysius , presbyters always placed one in a preheminent degree , whom they called a bishop . the same we heard beza acknowledge , as to the matter of fact. now i say it is gross perversion from beza or calvins narration of this matter of ●act , to infer their approbation of the practise . 1. for that clear demonstrative reason already adduced . 2. this cannot be held and obtruded as their judgment , without contradicting them in other places , and making them inconsistent with themselves , which this author , who holds their writings , ( and that deservedly ) to be excellent , must by all means eschew , for as we heard beza evidently disown this practise of the fixed president , and his appropriat name of bishop , as giving the rise to all the ensuing corruptions of the church-government , so doth calvin evidently on phil. 1. forecited , condemn two points of this practice . first , in setting one presbyter in a superior degree over another , for he affirms they are all colleagues , called to one and the same function , having the same work , the same ordination , the same official power and authority ; ergo he ownes a perfect parity , and disowns an imparity in the offic● , and preheminency in degree in one above another , and therefore by further necessary consequence , he disowns and cannot allow of the practice of this at alexandria , as warrantable . 2. if calvin disowns this imparity and dominion , as fomented and having its rise from the appropriating the name [ bishop ] to one pastor , rather than to another , then he disowns the appropriating the name to this preheminent presbyter , as a badge of this preheminency , and by consequence the practice of this at alexandria ; but so it is that calvin ( which we also have evinced of beza ) in terminis , condemns this appropriating of the name bishop , to one pastor , for the end mentioned , therefore he condemns this practice in so far . we heard that upon tit. 1. 7. he collects the identitie of the bishop and presbyters office , from the apostles using both names indifferently ; as also , ( saith he ) i●rom hath observed , and that more hath been ascribed to mens pleasures , and inventions , than did become , in preferring mens habituated terme , to the language of the holy ghost ; and speaking of the first moderator's early brought in , he shews that the name of the office viz. ( that of bishop ) is commune to all ; and that to rob the rest thereof , is injurious and absurd , a perversion of the holy ghosts language , and prophane boldness ; and that upon act. 20. 28. he concludes that all the presbyters , have both name and thing of the scripture bishop , appropriat unto them . here let any rational man judge , especially from what is above evinced 1 chapter ; if beza and calvin make not the name and thing of a scripture bishop proper to every pastor , and consequently condemn not the above-mentioned official difference , and appropriating the name bishop , to a supposed preheminent pastor , above another at alexandria , as a perversion and abuse of the spirit of gods institution , and language in scripture . and whether it be not most consonant to reason , to collect beza and calvins judgment , upon their assertions and inferences from scripture , when reasoning the point ex professo , rather than from their simple narration of a matter of fact , and practice of the church . if he say that his third postulatum , speaks only of what the primitive church retained in calvins judgment . i answer , first , what will a simple practice in it self signifie , to infer a rule and duty , without any more ; or calvins narration , to infer his approbation . 2. comparing postulatum 2. and his assertion of calvins judgment , anent the fixt power of ordination and jurisdiction , which timothy and titus exercised over other ministers at ephesus and crete , with definition 3. anent and president bishop , his preheminent office , in ordination over other ministers , and what he asserts ( axiom 3 and 4. ) viz. that calvin holds this to be necessary to the very being of the church , it 's evident , he must be thus understood , as asserting calvin approbation of the practice . this man will not deny that the state of the question is , what the church retained upon divine warrand , in calvin and beza's judgment . thus we have laid open his fundamental mistakes , ad perversion of these passages of calvin and beza , cited by him ; consequently discovered , his arguing in this pamphlet , to be founded upon a meer petitio principii , and ignoratio elenchi , and that he intertains himself , and imputs to calvin and beza that error ( which i find as an error in the first concoction , marrs the whole disgestion of sarav : his arguings against beza ) viz. that the different and extraordinary priviledges , of christs first ministers , the apostles and evangelists , doth also diversifie the essentials of the pastoral office it self , so as to infer different standing degrees thereof , an error , which though frequently told of by beza , he doth nothing but repeat in his whole dispute ; but that our authors mistakes may further appear , we do proceed to a particular examination of his definitions , postulatums , and axioms , and the propositions , demonstrations , and corollaries drawn therefrom . chap. third . an examination of the definitions in point of church-government , imputed by this pamphleter to calvin and beza , wherein is discovered his gross perversion of the doctrine of these divines . i confess , that upon first reading of these definitions , i was a little surprised , to find this man , ( who by his profession , no doubt is skilled in the nature and terms of definitions ) found these assertions upon what he here cites out of calvin and beza , and to present them under this character , but to view them shortly . defin. 1. the first is this , the power of ordination , is that right in the governours of the church , to separate persons duely qualified unto the holy ministry of the gospel . to prove this definition to be calvins , he cites instit . lib. 4. cap. 4. sect. 2. annexing these words , this is to be considered , that only the pastors , and not the whole multitude laid hands on their ministers at ordination . answer . hence i infer , first , these governours who have right in ordination , are the pastors in calvin's judgment . 2. if pastors , as such ; then all pastors , for a quatenus adomne valet consequentia . 3. pastors , properly such , having in calvin's judgment one and the same office , being called to the same function , and no preheminency in one over another allowed , as we heard him above assert ; ergo in calvin's judgment , all pastors have the same and equal authority in ordination . 4 the pastor being with calvin , the h●ghest ordinary church-officer , and the formal office of apostles , and evangelists being expired , as is above cleared : ergo in calvin's judgment , all who have an ordinary standing interest in ordination , as church-officers of christ's appointment have it equally , and no ordinary officer of the new-testament-church , hath a supereminent and peculiar interest therein . defin. 2 the second definition is , that the power of jurisdiction , is that right , in the governours of the church , to make cannons which are wanting , or to execute these already made , for the regulation of church members . to prove this , calvin is adduced on tit. ch . 1 v. 5. the words cited are , we learned indeed from this place , that there was no such equality among the ministers of the church , but that some one was pre-heminent in authority and counsel . answer . in answer to which , first , i note the impertinency of this passage , to prove the power of jurisdiction , here defined , which speaks only of counsel and authority , in church governours , not of the object of it , whereof this definition speaks . 2. since the power of jurisdiction , is correspondent and adequat to the power of ordination , as our author expressly assert , ( definition 3. compared with axiom 2. ) an● withall , since it is made good , that with calvin , the power of ordination is one and the same in all pastors , as being the highest ordinary church officers ; hence it follows inevitably , that with him the power of jurisdiction , is the same , and equal in all ministers of the word . 3. the definition seems too narrow , if we take it as importing , all that 's beyond that power of ordination , first described , that is all the exercise of both the keys , which will far go beyond the limits of this description . besides , these cannons must be limited by the general rules of the word , in calvin's judgment , for speaking of the apostolick decision ( acts 15. ) he says , they would not step beyond the limits of the word ▪ next , for that preheminence , which calvin ascribes to those officers in authority and counsel . i answer first , what ever this preheminence was , calvin limits it to that state and time of the church , for he says tun● , or at that time , wherein those offices did exist , which he holds to be extraordinary , there was such an official difference , as is mentioned , otherwise , if our author say he means a standing pastoral fixed authority , he will involve him in a double contradiction ; first , in that he says , the evangelists were coajutors of the apostles , and fixed to no station . 2. in that he shews upon the 7. v. of this chapter , that there is no official difference , in the pastoral office. again , calvin shews upon the same place , that paul enjoyns him not to take an arbitrary power over this church , but only to preside over the elections , as moderator . this will be convincingly evident , to any that will be at the pains to read calvin , upon that 5 and 6 verse , for first , he asserts , that paul had deputed to titus , a vicarious administration in his own room , and that the apostles having a transient unfixt ministry , being about to spread the gospel every where , behoved when going from one place or city to another , to surrogat fit men to finish what they had begun . 2. he asserts in terminis , that this vicarious office and administration , was ultra ordinarium pastorum munus , beyond the ordinary office of pastors , and that the trust put upon him of exedifying this church , was of that nature ; and in this states the difference betwixt his administration , and that of the pastor , which is ordinary , in that pastors are set over churches already formed and constitute ; but titus had an office beyond this , viz. to give this form to churches , not as yet modelled , as to government ; asserting evdently , that the evangelistick office of titus , in so far as extended beyond that of the pastor , did suppose the church as yet , in fieri , as to its constitution ; yea , and the existence of the apostolick office too , upon whose foundation these evangelists were to build , and exedifie what they had begun . 3. he asserts expressly , that the preaching presbyter and pastor , is the highest ordinary officer set in the churches . 4. he moves an objection , whether this power of titus , did not seem to infringe the judicial power of the colledge of pastors , or their consistorial decisive authority in government , and answers , that matters were not committed to ti●us arbitriment , to set up what pastors he pleased , but he was only to preside over the elections , as moderator , &c. as the consul or dictator , who held the court for gathering the votes . in all which we see , how pitifully this man hath abused his reader in this definition . defin. 3. the 3d definition is thus , the president bishop is he , who from his office , preheminent to other ministers , is invested with a fixed power of ordination , regulat by cannons ; ( to prove this , he adduces calvin on 2 tim. 1. v. 6. who asserts , that paul himself declares , that he alone , and no other ministers with him , laid hands on timothy ) he adds in the definition , ( and of jurisdiction , ballanced by assisting ministers , ) for proving which part of the definition , he adduces calvin , instit : lib : 4. cap : 4. sect : 1. asserting , that whatever parts the consul had in the senat , the same office did the bishop always sustain in the meeting of presbyters . to the first branch , i answer , that he is guilty here of pitiful forgery , and begging the question , evident to any considering person , upon the very first vie● . answer . for , 1. if calvin's assertion prove any thing for him , it will prove not only a preheminent power of ordination , in this supposed president b●shop , but a sole power , competent to none but himself , as his sole prerogative ; because if he alone ( as paul did ) and none else must lay on hands , he , and no other minister jure ; ergo , then this is his sole prerogative ; for certainly the laying on of hands , must import the power and exercise of ordination , in calvin's judgment , according to that mans pleading , and so this proving too much , proves just nothing . answer 2. 2. i ask , whether this supposed power of ordination , is to be ballanced , as that of jurisdiction , by assisting ministers , or authoritatively concurring ; yea , or not ; ( by assisting he must needs mean this , if he hold to that s●●●ilitude , of the power of the consul in the senat , and turn not his president bishop , to an absolute prince , and his power to a power of dominion over the meeting , ) if not , then first , how can be suppose the one to be ballanced thus , in calvin's judgment , rather then the other . 2. how will this consist with what he asserts , that according to calvin , the power of jurisdiction is of alike nature , and correspondent to that of ordination ; the preheminence in office and jurisdiction , being one and the same , in axiom . 2. if this power of ordination , is to be ballanced in calvins judgment by assisting ministers , how will he make his proof quadrat to it , viz , that paul laid hands on timothy alone , and no minister else ; if he infer the power of his president bishop from this assertion , he must call it a sole power . 3. i confess he did well to put in the clause of a fixed power , but he must add another clause and qualification , viz. an ordinary power ; and if he can prove from calvin , that either apostles or evangelists exercised a fix'd ordinary power of ordination over any particular churches , his proof will speak home to the point ; and if we can prove the contrary from calvin , he is but beating the air , and rolling ssiphus-stone in this matter . now this our contrary proof from calvin is very easie , for on this 5th verse , he says , that apostolis nulla certa statio erat assignata , that they had no fixed station , and consequently neither a fixed nor ordinary power , thus upon 1 corinth . 12. 28. he says , paul reckons up both perpetual and temporary officers ; the temporary was that of apostles , who were appointed to found churches , and erect christs kingdom therein , whose office shortly after ceast and evanish'd ; the apostles were appointed to spread the gospel through the world , and had no certain charges and limits of paroches , but wherever they came , were to deliver their message , wherein they differ from pastors , who are tyed to their churches , &c. upon eph. 4 11. he tells us that the apostles office , was to preach the gospel in whatever place they came into . to plant churches and erect the kingdom to christ , so that they had not every one peculiar proper churches assigned to them , but all of them had a general command to preach the gospel where●ver they came . to these the evangelists were next , and had alike office , only in a different degree of dignity , of which kind were t●mothy , and such like — of their subsidiary help the lord made use next to that of apostles — and having thereafter described the office of the pastor and doctor , he adds , notandum est ex his officiis quae hic enumerat paulus , postrema tantum du● perpetua esse ; we must observe , that among these offices which paul reckons up , the last two only , are perpetual , for god did for a time only a●o●n his church with apostles , prophets & evangelists , but without pastors & doctors , there can be no government of the church , ergo according to calvin , without the expired offices of apostles and evangelists , this government doth subsist . at the close , he commends cyprian's saying , that there is one episcopacy , which is christ's alone , whereof every minister hath intirely a part that none lift up himself above his fellow . thus in instit. lib. 4. cap. 3. sect . 4. speaking of this place of paul in describing the new testament-church-officers , he characterizeth the apostles thus , that they were the first founders of the church through the world , in preaching the gospel every where : the evangelists thus , that they were in dignity inferior to the apostles , yet next to them in office , and consequently did represent them as supplying their rooms , such were luke , timothy and titus ; and such like also the 70 disciples , which christ appo●●ted in the second place after the apostles . these three functions ( viz. apostles prophets & evangelists , ) ( saith he which seems most consonant to paul's scope & words , were not for this end institute to be perpetual in the church , but were for some time only , when churches were to be erected , where none were before , or to be brought from m●ses to christ. then speaking of ordinary off●cers , he thus expesseth himself as before , their fellow-pastors and doctors , which the church can never want ; and the 5th section he begins thus , we see what ministry and offices in the government of the church were temporary , and what offices were instituted to endure continually , &c. from all which i dare refer it to any man of candor and conscience , whether calvin hold not first in general , that the official power of apostles and evangelists , was temporary , and expired with themselves . 2. that neither the one , nor the other imported a fixed inspection over any particular church . 3. that both did suppose the churches in fieri , and were exercised in erecting , and edifying of churches accordingly . 4. that neither the one nor the other was to incroach upon , or in that age by themselves , or thereafter by any pretended successors , to derogate any thing from the ordinary decisive collegiat power of pastors . 5. that herein lyes the ordinary necessary church-government , to be continued to the end . finally , to make it further convincingly evident that calvin placed the ordinary collegiat power of ordination in pastors . in this instit. ( lib. 4. cap. 3. sect . 14. ) speaking upon that passage ( acts 13. ) of paul and barnabas separation , by imposition of hands , he shews that the holy ghost enjoyned this manner of separation , even of perso●● thus singularly elected by himself , that by this grave document , ecclesiastick discipline might be preserved , in setting men apart for the ministry , viz. by ministers joynt authoritative imposition of hands ; and ( sect. 15. ) stating the question anent a collegiat power in the election of ministers , whether it ought to have place , or the minister may be constitute by the authority of one , for which ( saith he ) paul's word ; to ti●● ( i left thee in crete to ordain elders , and his precept to timothy , lay hands suddenly on no man ) are cited , he answers , they are deceived who imagine that either timothy or titus , had 〈◊〉 other power than to moderate-elections , as the consul in the 〈◊〉 created new magistrats , by receiving the suffrages ; which , 〈◊〉 with what is above said , evidently p●oves , that in calvin's judgment , the power of ordination is a collegiat power , seated in the meeting of pastors , and exercised by their joynt decisive suffrage . lastly , for that passage here cited by him . i answer first , these words here cited are not found on that 6th vers. lib. edit : mihi m. d. lxxii . secondly , granting them as here set down . 1. calvin makes it doubtful , whether this rite was not in the churches usual practice performed by one in name of the rest . 2. he holds it debateable , whether paul speaks not of the imposition of hands , in order to gifts , where no formal ordination followed , as rom. 12. 1 cor. 13. of of-ordination ; and inclining to the last opinion , he makes this place parallel with 1 tim. 4. vers . 14. upon which place he says , they judge right who take the word [ presbytry ] collectively , for the colledge of presbyters . so that calvin will be found to hold , that paul's imposition of hands , though solely , will nothing derogat from the ordinary collegiat power of the presbytry . 1. because the conferring of gifts thus , was his apostolick priviledge . 2. the simple imposing of hands alone will import no sole authority , since ordinary pastors might intrust the ritual performance to one in their name . 3. as no apostolick prerogative was in calvin's sense to encroach upon the ordinary power of pastors , and consequently not this of paul's sole imposition of hands , though supposed , so his supposition anent the presbytries authoritative concurrence in this action , clearly overthrows our pamphleters pleading and scope . to the proof of the second branch , anent a fixed preheminent power of jurisdiction , in this president bishop , which our author endeavours to evince from calvin instit. lib. 4. cap. 4. sect . 2. it 's answered ( beside what is said above ) that 1. the word ( always ) is not found in all that section . 2. calvin clearly asserts , that this titular bishop had no dominion over his colleagues , but what parts ( not whatever parts ) the consul had in the senat , to report matters , ask votes , consult , admonish , govern the action by his authority , and see it execute , which was by common council decreed ; ergo , his office was not so preheminent in calvin's judgment , as to infringe the joint collegiat , decisive power of presbyters , to whose votes , he was tyed ; and what differed this from that of a moderator , if we except his being fixed . next , whatever power he might exercise beyond that of a moderator , calvin tells us , that this was humano consensu inductum pro temporum necessitate , by humane advice and for the times necessity ; therefore he holds it not to be received for a fixed divine appointment , citing ierom for the judgment of the ancients on this point , who asserts upon the epistle of titus , the bishop and presbyter to be one , and the then bishops , to have had this preheminency from humane custom , and not divine institution . 3. he acknowledgeth , ( sect. 1. ) that whatever sincere aims the antients had , in conforming to the scripture in their church-government , yet they keep not that path-rode exactly , but had their abe●●ations from it , and in a word , towards the close of that second section , he tells us that this president bishop , was subject to the assembly of his brethren ; so that a fixed preheminent president bishop , having an authority preheminent over the votes and suffrages of presbyters , and not subject to the , with a peculiar title of bishop , as thus preheminent , was not received by the church de facto in her first purest times , far less jure divino ; and never after warrantably , or as a divine officer in calvin's judgment ; from all which it is demonstratively evident , that our pamphleters 3d definition , is none of calvin's , but a chymera of his own fancy . we come then to the 4th definition , which is this . definition 4. the angel of any church representative , is the president bishop over other ministers , within their respective diocess , province , or patriarchat . to prove this , beza is adduced on rev. 2 c. 1 , and 24 v. to the angel , that is to the president , as whom it behoveth , especially to be admonished , touching these matters ; and by him , both the rest of his colleagues , and the whole church , v. 24. but unto you , that is , unto you the angel , the president and the assembly of your colleagues , and to the rest , that is , to the whole flock . upon this we need not much insist , the absurdity of his scope and inference , being abundantly evinced from what is above touched , and is obvious to the meanest . reflection 1. how proves our pamphleter from beza's words , that these angels did climb up so high as the patriarchs , this cast even of diocesian and provincial churches , will hardly , if at all be found , till 260 years after christ. 2. how proves he from these words , that beza esteemed every representative church , to be either that of a diocess , province , or patriarchat ? he must have lyncian-eyes , that will see this in these words of beza . 3. granting , that by ( angel ) beza understands one single person , who was especially to be admonished , and his fellows by him ; how proves he from these words , that he was in beza's judgment , a fixed , constant , far less a preheminent bishop , with a fixed official presidency over other ministers ? may not all this be verified of a moderator , pro tempore , or a speaker of the parliament , viz. that an epistle from the king , to the synod or parliament , is especially to be addressed to these presidents , and by them to be communicated to their colleagues , or fellows . 4. had this man pondered , what beza asserts , in his treaties de episcopa●u triplici , ane●t the episcopus divinus , humanus & satanicus . he would have kept off this phantastick conceit ; for we find beza therein exclude , as beyond , the limits of the divine bishop , whatever power in government , is assumed , by any beyond that of a pastor ; and that he acknowledged no preheminency or presiding in any pastor , which encroaches upon the decisive power of his fellows , to be allowed of god. finally , to convince yet further , of the folly of this citation , out of beza , let us hear how in the same place , he antidots this mans washpish extraction out of his words , for after he has exponed that clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( to the angel ) to the president , he adds , sed hinc statui episcopalis ille gradus , &c. but that episcopal degree which was afterward brought into the church of god , certainly , neither can , nor ought to be hence concluded , nay not so much as the necessity of the office of a perpetual president , as the thence arising olligarchical tyranny , whose head is the antichristian beast , now at length , with the most certain ruine not of the church only , but of the world also , makes manifest ; so the beza ( as is from hence above cleared ) holds the very fixed moderator to be an humane invention , and the poysonous egg , out of which antichrist was hatched . add to all this , that beza by this mans acknowledgem●nt , calling the other ministers , the colleagues of this president , doth in that very term deny to him , a super-eminent fixed authority over them ; and calvin ( whom he will not say , beza doth in this point contradict , since he acknowledges their writings on this subject excellent ) expones colleagues , to be such as have one and the same ●unction , and upon this very ground reprehends ( as we heard above ) the making the name bishop peculiar to any one of them ; from all which , the forgery and vanity of this definition , and of the preceeding , as relating to his scope , doth convincingly appear . chap. fourth . wherein this pamphleter is examined upon , and expostulat with , anent the impertinency , of his pretended postulatums , drawn from calvin and beza . having thus discovered how insignificant this mans pretended definitions , are to found and fortify his ensuing propositions and demonstrations , we do proceed to examine that which he calls his postulatums , the first whereof is thus . postulatum 1. that the seventy disciples ( from among whom matthias was called to be ordained one of the twelve apostles ) were persons in holy order in the ministry . to prove this , calvin is adduced on luke 10. 1 , 16. v. whose words are these , after the apostles had returned to christ , he sent more secundary preachers , and this is the great commendation of the outward ministry , that christ declares , that whatsoever honour is given to his faithful preachers , is given to himself . answer . in answer to this , we need not contend much in thesi , anent what is asserted to the office of the 70 disciples , only we may advert here , some things that will castigat and check his scope in this postulatum , as that calvin asserts , that they were only as it were secundary preachers , not simply secundary preachers ; he says also , nulla illis proprie commissa fuit legatio , no legation or mission was properly intru●ed to them ( which we heard beza also above assert ) bus as christs aparitors , were sent to prepare the peoples hearts to receive his doctrine . next i observe , that though by his inserted parenthesis , he would have it believed , that calvin holds matthias to be one of the s●verity disciples , yet his citation out of calvin , is utterly remote from proving it , calvin touching nothing of this in his discourse of the seventy ; and in acts 1. upon v. 21. and the two last verses , where it was very proper to insert this , he has not the least hint of it ; nay , in answering that objection , why did they not remit it to god ? to choose one out of all the multitude , without a previous designation of these two , he has no such thing either , though it was most pertinent here to mention it . in a word , calvins principles above-evinced , anent the extraordinary , personal , expired power and inspection of apostles and evangelists , as such ; and anent the pastor his being the highest ordinary officer in the new testament church , and his clear and positive assertion of the same equal function , and official authority of all pastors , whether he take the seventy disciples , to be ordinary , or extraordinary church officers ; it is evident even to a demonstration , that his words cited in this postulatum , will bear no conclusion , of his owning such a standing subordination among ministers . as this man imputes to him ; but that his doctrine , and principles utterly overthows the same . proceed we to the second postulatum , which is thus . postulatum 2. that timothy in the church of ephesus , and titus in the church of crete , were from their offices preheminent to other ministers , invested with a fixed power of ordination , and jurisdiction , regulated by cannons , and ballanced by assisting ministers , to prove this , he cites calvin , 1 tim. 1. 18. v. asserting that timothy was not one of the common ministry , but one next to the apostles , who in the frequent absence of paul , was in his place . also , on tit. 1. v. 5. where he says , that besides the ordinary office of pastors , titus had this charge , that he should constitute a certain form of church policy and discipline , and likewise ordain ministers over the churches . answer . to this i answer in general , that it is already made good , from clear and positive assertions of calvin , that the office both of apostles and evangelists , is expired , and that no preheminent office , over that of the pastor , is in his judgment continued in the church ; so that whatever preheminent power over ordinary pastors , calvin may suppose , at this time existent in timothy or titus , it will never reach this pamphleters conclusion , anent his asserting a moral standing preheminence , in any ordinar church officer , over his colleagues , which is the point he undertakes to prove . 2. particularly , if he will prove any thing to his purpose from calvin , he must shew us his assertion anent a fixed , and not only so , but likewise , ( as is said above ) an ordinary power , or of a moral perpetual nature , in ordination and jurisdiction , over other ministers , and exercised by timothy and titus ; which that calvin disowns , is evident thus . 1. they whose office , and official preheminency consequently , was correspondent unto , and of a like extent with that of the apostles , these had no fixed presidency over any one church ; but in calvin's judgment , the office and official preheminence of timothy and titus , was of this nature : ergo. the assumption is proved from this , that calvin asserts , ( as is above evinced ) the evangelists office to be next that of the apostles , and that their work was to preach the gospel every where , and supply the apostles rooms , when going from one place to another . 2. they whose official preheminence , and formal office , supposed the churches in fieri , and was appointed for assisting the apostles in exedifying them , they had in calvins judgment , no fixed moral or standing preheminency over ministers and churches ; else we shall suppose the christian church in its model of government to be still ( with him ) in fieri , and the apostolick office formerly existent , which we heard above , both calvin and beza disown ; but the office of timothy and titus , in calvins judgment was such , as we heard also above . ergo. 3. they whose official power , is expresly by calvin distinguished , from that power which is ordinary and of perpetual necessity in the church government , their supposed preheminency lays no foundation for a fixed moral president , preheminent bishop , over ministers , as of perpetual necessity in the church , unless he will make calvin in contradiction to himself , assert one and the same office , and power to be ordinary , and extraordinary , perpetual and temporary , continually necessary , and not necessary ; but so it is that calvin thus distinguishes the office of evangelists , from the pastoral perpetual office , as we heard above . ergo. 4. they who by their office were fixed to no particular station , or church in calvins judgment , they had no fixed preheminent power , in ordination and jurisdiction over other ministers ; else they should be by their office , fixed , and not fixed . but so it is that in calvins judgment , timothy and titus were set over no particular station , as we heard him above assert . ergo no evangelists properly such , were in calvins judgment fixed to any particular station ; as we heard him above assert . but timothy and titus were the evangelists properly such , as we heard also him affirm . ergo. finally , so absurd is this mans assertion here , that his pretended proofs out of calvin , furnishes sufficient weapons to overthrow it ; for , first , if timothy was none of the common ordinary ministry , but the apostle paul's depute , sustaining his place in his frequent absence , then ( as we heard calvin above argue and assert ) his official inspection , was neither ordinary , nor fixed , over any one church ; ergo , it laid no foundation in calvin's judgment , for a moral fixed president bishop , with official standing preheminency , over ministers and churches , as he would make calvin affirm . 2. that office or charge , which was beyond the limits of the ordinary power of pastors , that office and power in calvins judgment , is extraordinary and expired ; but such was in his judgment the power and office of titus at crete , as his second passage adduced , by our pamphleter makes it evident , and several other places of calvin , of which above . the major is evident in this , that with calvin , the pastor labouring in the word and doctrine , is the highest ordinary officer of a necessary standing nature , as we heard him above assert . the minor is evident in this plain assertion set down , by this man himself . 3. if we shall compare these places adduced by him , with calvins comment : upon the whole context , this mans absurd imposing upon him will be further evident ; calvin shews in the argument of the first chapter , that many things at ephesus were wanting , which needed paul's interposed authority to set in order ; and upon the 1. verse , as also in this argument , he shews , that it was not to timothy alone he wrote ; and upon the 3. verse , that , that churches necessity forced paul , to demit such a dear coajutor to supply his place there , and upon this 18 verse he tells us , that for this end prophesies went before on timothy , because he was appointed to hard and great matters , for ( says he ) he was not , è vnlgo , of the ordinary class and rate of ministers , but next to apostles , that therefore he had need of a singular testimony , that it might appear he was chosen of god himself , that then it was not ordinary or common to be honoured with elogies of prophets , but in timothy there were peculiar causes , therefore god would not have him set about his office , but fitted with prophetick oracles , nor to be admitted by men , until approved by his own voice , as it was with paul and barnabas when sent to teach the gentiles . in which words let any man judge , whether calvin doth not hold his office extraordinary , both upon the account of his mission , his peculiar gifts , and the nature of his work and inspection , as upon the same ground , he holds the office of apostles to be such . in the argument of the epistle to titus , he shews that paul hasting else where , intrusted to titus the prosecuting of his own work , and this as to an evangelist , who was not of the ordinary rate of ministers , that paul wrote to him to arm him with his own authority , upon the 6 v. that he was set by the apostle , as the moderator in the ordination of pastors , that that work might be orderly done , and upon the 7 v. he expresly asserts the identitie of the bishop and presbyters office as the same , and upon the 5 v. asserting the same thing , he shews that he had no arbibitrary power in this matter , but that of a moderator , that sustaining pauls room , and having his place as it were assigned to him , the apostle will have him acknowledged as his vicarious substitute , that paul leaving that place , left work for others , as he was at corinth the master-builder , but others built on his foundation , the church still standing in need of pastors for her increase . but least we take titus work to be no other than what is competent to ordinary pastors , he presently rids marches thus , sed ultra ordinarium pastorum munus , &c. but beyond the ordinary office of pastors , titus had the care of constituting the church committed to him ; then ( as is above-observed ) he distinguishes him in this , from pastors , who are set over churches reduced unto form ; but titus ( saith he ) had a work beyond this , even to form churches not as yet molded , &c. and after stating the question , whether titus had not in appearance a kingly power over the colledge of the pastors , and their decisive authority , he answers , as is said above , that his power was not arbitrary , but that of a moderator &c. here let any judge , if calvin assert not that titus his inspection , and work was extraordinary , as suited to that exigence , case and time of the church , and consequently that it was temporary and not fix●d , as that of the a●ostle paul , whose deputy he now was , and likeways that his power did not take away the collegiat decisive suffrage of pastors , over who● he w●s for that exigent only , to exercise an evangelistick inspection , and to act the power and office of a moderator , from all which the impertinency and falshood of this mans assertion , is satis super que evident . proceed we to the third postulatum which is thus . postulatum 3. that for the avoiding of schism , the primitive church retained the government of one single person preheminent in office unto other ministers . this is proved by calvin , instit. lib. 4. cap. sect . 2. where he asserts , that presbyters , out of their number in all their cities , did choose one , to whom especially they gave the title of bishop ; lest from a pa●ity ( as useth to be ) divisions might arise , ierom says , at alexandria from mark the evangelist , to heraclas and dionysius ; presbyters always placed one in a preheminent degree , whom they called a bishop . answer . the absurdity of this inserence , from calvin's assertion , is above fully cleared , and that calvin ownes not a president , with a power in ordination and jurisdiction , or preheminent unto other ministers , or a power paramount unto their collegiat , decisive , suffrage , and consequently , no warrantable practice of the church hereanent , as this man absurdly infers from his words , to make which evident , first , i enquire , what he means by the government of one single person , and a preheminence in office ; neither matter , nor words , being so found in this passge of calvin here cited ? if he mean such a power as doth no whit encroach u●on pastors , decisive , conclusive suffrage and government , suppose he be fixed in this sense , he is but a moderator , and then i would know , how is the government in this one single person , and his office preheminent , and above that of his fellows ? ●f his office be so singular , and preheminent of that of pastors ; that it doth infringe their decisive , conclusive suffrage , or importeth a sole preheminence in ordination and jurisdiction , as he must needs hold , and doth assert ( axiom 2. compared with definition 2 & 3. ) this to be galvin's judgment , calvin in the very next words gives him the lie , for he adds immediately , neque sic in hon●re & dignitate superior , &c. neither was he so superior , as to have dominion over his colleagues , but what power the consul had in the senat , to enquire the votes or sentences , &c. again this man acknowledges in his citation , to prove definition 3. that calvin asserts the power of this president bishop , to be like that of the consul in the senat , but will he dare to say , that the government of the senat , in calvin , or any knowing mans judgment , was confined to the person of the consul . 2. we said above , that calvin acknowledges , the ancients their aberration from the scripture rule , in their church government , and that this custom in his own and ierom's judgment , was brought in humano consilio , and pro temporum necessit●t , by humane advice and counsel , and according to the times exigence , wherein he clearly distinguishes , this from a divine institution , authorizing a divine office of gods appointment , for he presently cites that place of ierom upon titus , ( mentioned above ) wherein he shews that by divine appointment , the church was governed by presbyters in common ; and that the then bishops power was only by custom , not authorized by divine appointment ; so that our pamphleter will never be able to conclude , from these words , calvins recommendation and approbation of this practice , but on the contrary , calvin and ierom both , doth suppose what ever thing in this practice , was an incroachment upon the presbyters divine power , was a humane device and sinful usurpation , which would be convincingly evident to any that considers . 3. that this practice of appropriating the name [ bishop ] to one , is ( as i did above clear ) in terminis , condemned by calvin , as an abuse of the holy ghosts language , and making way for one pastor , his encroaching upon the power of his colleagues . we told him that upon phil. 1. 1. having asserted the identity of the bishop and presbyter , he tells us , that this place is made use of by ierom , to prove presbyters divine paritie , he adds , postea invaluit usus , &c. afterward custom prevailed , that he whom presbyters set over their collegiat meeting , was only called the bishop , but this had its original from the custom of men , but is not at all grounded upon authority of scripture . in which words , this practice ( which our pasqueller would make us believe hath calvins approbation ) is clearly reprobat , as an aberration from the rule , and institution which first took place , and no man can be so irrational , as to imagine that calvin would put this censure upon the singularity of the name bishop , as appropriat to one minister , and not also upon the singularity of an official preheminence , which this man pleads for . two words more i add on this , that if this man will allow calvin any interest , and consent in , and to the confession of the french church , he is there told by calvin , that the true church ought to be governed by that policy , which christ hath ordained , viz. that there be pasters , presbyters , elders and deacons , and as to a preheminent fixed presidency , they do thus in terminis disowne it . again we believe that all true pastors wherever they be , are endued with equal and the same power , under one head and bishop christ iesvs ; thus expresly disclaiming this preheminent power in ordination and jurisdiction , ( which our pamphleter makes calvin owne ) ▪ or any supposed president or pastor , with official power over his colleagues , and that upon the same ground of cyprian , which we heard mentioned , and approved of calvin , viz. that christ hath in him the original sole episcopacy , whereof in a perfect parity , he has imparted to every minister an intire and equal share . next , i offer to him the sense of the famous doctor reynolds , upon these words of calvin , in his letter to sir francis knolls , cited at large ( petri. hist. part 3. pag 400 and 69 , 70 , 71. ) upon ieroms words , à marco evangelista , the doctor proves , that by the decree of the 4th counsel of carthage , cap 3. anent presbyters interest in ordination , ( which proves , saith he , that bishops ordained not then in all places alone , altho ierom says , quid facit excepta ordinatione , &c. ) and by ierom's proving bishops and presbyters to be all one in scripture , and even in the right of ordination . 1 tim. 4. 14. that ierom could not mean bishops , in alexandria to have had this sole power . and as for that place of calvin ( instit : lib. 4. cap. 4. sect. 2. ) cited then by doctor boncroft . ( anent whose sermon he wrote that epistle ) he shews , that calvin relating the practice of choosing one to proceed , and giving him the name of bishop , doth notwithstanding shew that he was not above the presbyters in dignity and honour , or to rule over them , but was appointed only to ask the votes , to see that performed that was agreed upon by common consent ; and having shewed that this was brought in by consent of men , in ieroms judgment , he adds that ierom otherwhere shews , how ancient the custom was , from marks time to heraclas , &c. in which words of calvin ( saith the doctor ) seing that the order of the church hath evident relation to that before described , and that in describing it , he had said the bishop , was not so over the rest in honour , yet he had rule over them , it follows that mr calvin doth not so much as seem to confess , on ierom's report , that ever since mark 's time , bishops have had a ruling superiority over the clergy : adding , that it may easily be made appear from many places of ierom and calvin both , as well as from this passage , it 's evident that neither of them doth affirm bishops to have had all that time , such a superiority as boncroft , fathered upon them . wherein the doctor clearly affirms and proves , that neither of these places of ierom or calvin , would bear , either an assertion of this matter of fact , viz. the forementioned president his exercising a sole episcopal authority , or their approbation of the government , of one single person , preheminent in office unto other ministers , as this pamphleter suggests . proceed we to the 4th postulatum , which is this . postulatum 4. the 7 angels of the seven churches written unto in the book of the revelation , are encouraged against all the devices of the ungodly , upon condition of their continuing faithful in their administrations . to prove this beza is adduced on rev. cap. 2 : 26. my works , that is he who shall faithfully perform the work laid upon him ; for he bespeaks the assembly of pastors , in the person of the president , to whom he promiseth victory against all the wicked , if he rely and trust in the authority and power of that true and only head of the church . to which i answer . answer . first , we have proved upon definition 4 , that beza's taking this angel for one single person , by whom the rest were to be admonished , will infer in beza's sense no preheminence in office , and authority over his colleagues . 2. that beza disownes even the inference of the necessity , of a fixed moderator , as necessary following upon his assertion ; yea , 3. that he holds this practice of the fixed moderator to be founded only upon a humane custom ; and such a custom as gave a rise to antichristian tyranny ; and consequently that the ministers of these churches , are owned by beza as colleagues , of equal power and authority with the president , though by him immediately be-spoken , and so by clear and necessary consequence further , their continuing faithful in their administrations , can import nothing more in beza's sense , in the words here cited , then a faithfulness in the exercise of their joynt collegiat power and authority , which beza holds , was our lords institution , and then existent . thus we have seen this mans postulatums , as insufficient to found his conclusion , as the definitions . proceed we now to his next section of axioms . chap. fifth . the axioms in point of church government , imputed by this pamphleter to calvin , examined , and found impertinent to fortifie his scope and conclusion . the first of these axioms is this . axiom . 1. the regular call of any minister already ordained , is from an office of an inferior , to another of a preheminent station . to prove this , calvin is adduced on 1 tim. 3. 13. saying , that because in one or two centuries , after the death of the apostles , it was the constant custom , that from the order of deacons , the presbyters were chosen , therefore commonly they have exponed this place , of the advancement to a superior degree . first , as to the pertinency of this citation , to prove the axiom as here set down , i answer . answer . first calvin hath no such words , that it was the constant or vniversal custom in these centuries , to ordain presbyters , after this manner , as this man would insinuat , all that calvin says , is that invaluerat usus , this practice came in use and prevailed , through process of time , but it might be so , though it was neither universal nor constant , through all times and places . 2. calvin disowns both this custom as constant , and necessary , and likewise the exposition of this passage , of , and its application to such a custom , as is evident to any that will read him upon that place , for to these words here cited , he adds , quasi apostolus , as if the apostle called to the honour of the presbyterat , such as have acquit themselves faithful deacons — then adds , although i do not deny , that the order of deacons may sometimes be a seminary , out of which presbyters may be taken ; yet i do more simply take pauls words , that they are worthy of no small honour , who do well acquit themselves in this administration , because it is not a base , but a very honourable office ; so that what ever this man would make of this axiom [ that the regular call of a minister already ordained , is from an inferiour to a supereminent station ] calvin doth neither absolutely hold this , as always necessary , and cons●quently the axiom is not true in his judgment , nor doth he hold , that the practice as to matter of fact , was constant and universal . 3. giving , not granting , that calvin held the custom , to have been throughout these centuries , to ordain none presbyters , but such as were before deacons , unless he can prove , that calvin held the custom to be founded on divine warrard , this will only prove that calvin held it to be an humane custom , and consequently alterable ; ergo in calvin's judgment , this cannot found a maxim or axiom , at to that which is always necessary to be done . 4. granting the utmost which calvin's words may be drawn to , when stretcht upon the tenter-pins till they crack , viz. that every presbyter or minister , must be first a deacon before he be ordained , ergo what ? i would fain know by what logick he would fasten his grand conclusions to this principle , viz. that there are different degrees in the pastoral offi●e ; and that , one may and ought to be a fixed president bishop over them , with a preheminent fixed pow●r of ordination and iurisdiction . again what means he by [ any minist●● ] if all church officers under the new testament , as he needs must ? since he holds there are various sorts of ministers under the new testament , apostles , evangelists , pastors , deacons , who have all their formal successors according to calvin ; how doth he infer calvin's judgment , as to the regular call of all , from what he asserts as to the practice of one ? again what calls he [ a minister already ordained ? ] can there be any minister or church-officer who is not ordained ? ordination being relative to some church-officers administration . finally , what means he by the [ regular call ] of this ordained minister ? if his instalment into a higher office , then this is formally his ordination ; so that axiom will run thus , the regular ordination of any minister already ordained , is from an office of an inferiour , &c. but this is both redoundant in sense , the ordination of one already ordained , being necessary from a lower to a higher station , and likewise impertinent to his scope and design , viz ▪ to prove that none were ordained pastors , who were not first ( in calvin's sense ) ordained deacons ; if by [ regular call ] he mean the call to the exercise of his function else where , then he would make calvin with the independents , to put a new ordination , for a new application of the office. thus the maxim as here set down appears impertinent to his scope , impertinent as to a discovery of calvin's judgment in this point , yea , and hardly reconcilable to sound sense . axiom . 2. the 2 axiom , the preheminence in any office , includes a proportioned jurisdiction , over the officers , who are under them . for proof of this axiom we are referred to definition 2 , and 3. answer . to which i answer , we have up●● these his two definitions made it good , that this preheminence in office , and proportioned preheminence in jurisdiction , which calvin in the places therein cited , supposes competent to the apostles , and evangelists , was in his judgment , neither . first , a fixed preheminence and jurisdiction , nor 2. ordinary , or such as is of a moral standing nature , of constant use and necessity , in church-government ; but that in calvins judgment , it was such as did expire , with the persons of these extraordinary new-testament officers ; and that 3. that this preheminence in office and jurisdiction , while these expired offices did exist , is by calvin asserted to be cumulative unto , not privative of , the ordinary collegiat authority of pastors , in ordination and jurisdiction , and was not to encroach upon this their standing essential interest , and power in government ; which in calvins sense , necessarily continues their fixed priviledge to the end . so that in a word , if he should apply this general maxim , to these necessary officers , which calvin holds to be of perpetual use , viz. pastors , elders , deacons , it shall be easily admitted , but without the least help to his design ; if he apply it to his supposed fixed president , with official preheminence over pastors , ( as his marginal proofs do oblige him ) calvin in the places above cited , denys such an officer , and the maxim and axiom , consequently founded upon these two definitions , is none of his . axiom ▪ 3. the divine right is manifest in that ecclesiastick government , which is instituted by christ , continued by his apostles , retained in the primitive church , and approven from heaven by revelation ; in sub●●●●iencie to any end , wherein the wel● being of christianity is nearly concerned . this is proved by calvin instit . lib. 4. cap. 6. sect. 1. his words are , ( we have not before touched upon the primacy of the roman see , whence the papists strive to prove , that the catholick church is only with them : because it hath not taken its original from christs institution , nor the custome of the ancient church , as the other offices have done , ( viz. bishops , presbyters and deacons , cap. 4. sect. 1. ) mentioned already . answer . this maxim needs not a very long animadversion , since the scope he drives at , is not in the least reached by it , nor our cause prejudged , restricting it unto , and confining it within the limits of that place of calvin here cited , viz. that the church government by the officers mentioned in the close of this citation , has its original from christs institution , was continued in the apostolick , and primitive church , for moral standing ends . but 2. comparing it as here worded , and understood by him , with his first corollarie , wherein we have the knack of his project , and improvement thereof , we must a little further animadvert , and observe here ; that , first it exceeds the limits of this citation of calvin , in that clause of [ approbation from heaven by revelation ] which in the forementioned corollarie , he understands of an express , and formal delineation , in the epistles to the 7. churches of asia , upon his supposition , or rather distortion of bezas meaning , anent the office and authority of the angel written unto ; for either he must understand it , ( as it 's evident he doth in that corollarie ) of an approbation , thus specifially distinct from both the preceeding clauses , and so the assertion is none of calvins in this place , or else if it be the same , with what is said of christs institution and continuation by his apostles , and the primitive churches retention , this clause is pitifully redoundant , and a meer battollogy , which this pretender to such exact concisness should be ashamed to be guilty of . 2. we said already , that calvin holds , that the primitive church , did in several things degenerat , from apostolick purity , and institutions , in point of government ; so that in his sense , the primitive churches practice , simply considered , will not make a compleat and just square for government . if we compare what he sayes , chap. 3. and 4. initio , this will be evident , for he tells us in the place last mentioned , that hitherto he has spoken , of church-government , and officers , as purely institute by god in his word ; insinuating , that the ancient church , had quickly her additions , so that calvin makes not the ancient churches retention , any part of the rule simply , but makes it regulable by the divine warrand and institution . i may add , that as calvins citation makes no mention , of the end of this institution , whatever may be gathered from it , so it is certain , that in all reason , and in calvins principles , the church-government , which has an entire divine right , must be commensurat , not to any only , but to all the ends , wherein the well being of christians is concerned . fi●ally , when calvin ( as is above hinted ) in stating the distinction betwixt the ecclesiastick officers , which have a divine right , ( i mean , a moral standing right , as church-officers of perpetual necessity ) and such as have it not , but are founded upon the churches custom , which calvin distinguishes , from this right , when i say , speaking of the first , he referrs us only to these mentioned , it is certain , he excluds this mans supposed successors of apostles and evangelists , in a standing preheminent presidency , over ordinary pastors ; and consequently holds , that the immediat end , grounding a necessity of apostles and evangelists , their institution , being temporary , and passing off with that exigence of the churches infant state , the necessity , consequently of these officers , and of their formal official power , and authority , is expired also , with this its end , which laid the foundation thereof . axiom 4. the want of that government in the church , which is of divine right , is pernicious to the gospel , and christian religion . this is proved by calvin ( instit. lib. 4. cap. 8. sect. 2. ) the words cited are , for neither the light , and heat of the sun , meat or drink , are so nourishing , and sustaining this present life , as the apostolick and ministerial office for preserving a church upon earth . answer . this axiom is no doubt very sound , and consonant to calvins judgement , and of all sound divines , and therefore taken in a sound sense , can be easily admitted , without the least prejudice of it to our cause . but answer . 2. taking it in the sense and intendment of this pasqueller , and comparing his scope in this , and the preceeding citation , which is to prove , that calvin makes an apostolick standing preheminence , and official presidency , in ordination and jurisdiction over pastors , of as perpetual necessity for preservation of the gospel , and the gospel church , as the pastoral office it self ; we say , he offers violence to calvin , and pitifully involves him in contradictions . first , in that he makes him to hold the apostolick office , to be perpetually necessary , for the churches being , and consequently not expired , but ordinary , in express contradiction , to what we , heard calvin above assert . 2. he sets him by the ea●s with himself , in his former citation , wherein bishops , presbyters , and deacons , are said to be the only officers , which have a divine standing right of perpetual necessity ; unless he will say , that calvin holds the apostolick and episcopal office , to be in a formal sense , one and the same , which assertion is above convicted of falshood ▪ out of calvins words , in several clear passages , wherein it is evinced that calvin holds , the bishop and presbyter to be all one , and their offices to be in this distinguished from the apostolick and evangelistick , that the one is ordinary and perpetual , the other not ; the one imports a definite charge over a fixed flock , the other not ; the one is suited to the churches state when exedified , the other to its infant state , and in fieri , &c. 3. for the passage here cited , or rather mis-cited by this man , take a full account of calvins mind thus : in libro quarto , capite quarto , in the 1. 2 , and 3. sect. he speaks of the end , use and necessity of a gospel-ministry in the general , of christs giving to men a vicarious ministrie , supplying the want of his visible presence , adding several reasons , viz. to shew his condescendency to our weakness . 2. to inure us to humble obedience . to be a bond of love and unity , while some teach and others are taught , exponing and applying that of the ephes ▪ 4. 5 , 6 , 7. sect. 2. he gathers hence , that the ministry of men , is the chief nerve , whereby the godly coheres in one body ; that thus our lord shews himself present , and puts forth the power and vertue of his spirit , thus grow we up ( saith he ) if preaching be vigent among us , if we receive the apostles , despise not the doctrine off●red to us , adding the words mis-cited by this pamphleter , ( as in cap. 8 sect. 2. ) viz. that neither light of the sun , meat or drink , &c. are so needful , as the apostolick , and pastoral office , that is , in so far as the apostolick office contains the ministerial or pastoral materially , and eminenter , and so hath derived from it , a perpetual standing gospel●ministry , and ministerial authority , necessarly to be continued , and propagated in the church , till the end of time ; in which respect our lord promised his presence , with his apostles , and their successors , in the gospel ministry , and legation , untill the end of the world. thus i say , the apostolick and ministerial office , may according to truth , and in calvins principles , be said to be perpetually necessary for the church , but without any advantage to this mans scope and design , a● is obvious to the meanest reflection . but least our pasqueller , quarel this as my commentary , for his further conviction in the clearing of this point , let me detain the reader a little further in the view of that chapter . sect. 3. he shews the dignity of the gospel ministry , by the scripture elogi●● , that their feet are beautiful ( isa. 52. ) that the apostles are called , the light of the world , and the salt of the earth , ( matth. 5. 13 , 14. v. ) he that hears you , hears me , luk. 10. 16. then citing the 2 corin : 3. and 9. v. he sayes ▪ the apostle shews , there is nothing more glorious , and excellent in the church then the gospel ministry , since it 's the administration of the spirit of righteousness , and life eternal . nihil evangeli● ministerio in ecclesia , magis pr●clarum . then ( sect. 9. ) beginning the second part of the chapter , he descends to speak particularly , of the persons to whom church government is committed , they are nominat ( saith he ) by paul , first apostles , secondarly prophets , thirdly evangelists , fourthly pastors , lastly doctors . then he adds , ex quibus , duo tantum ultimi ordinarium in ecclesia mu●us habent , that is , of whom the two last only have an ordinary office in the church . then discoursing of the grounds and reasons of the extraordinary peculiar function , of apostles , prophets and evangelists , he adds , sequuntur past●re● & doctores quious carere nunqua● pote●t ecclesia , there follows pastors and doctors whom the church can never want , clearly distinguishing them in this , from these expired functions of apostles and evangelists . then descending to speak , how the apostles are succeeded as to a perpetual standing ministry ( sect. 5. 6. 7. ) he begins sect. 5. thus , videmus quae in ecclesia reg●●ine ●empor●ria ministeria fuerunt , at que ideo instituta ut pe●petuo duraren● ; we see what offices , or administrations in the church government were temporary ; or expired , and what offices were institut to be of perpetual c●ntinuance . and at the close of this section , he positiv●ly asserts ▪ ( which at one dash cancells all this pamphl●ters pi●iful suggestions here ) t●hat pastors , [ s●ting aside the apostles extraordinary priviledges ] eandem cum apostolis sustinuit provinciam , has the same imployment , and perpetual pastoral office assigned to them with the apostles . then offering to clear further , what this office and province is , he doth accordingly ( sect. 6. ) reason thus , that the apostles patent and commission , bearing the preaching of the word , and the administration of the sacraments , as the substantials and main piece of their office , the pastors are properly their successors , in their official power ; that paul said not of himself only , but of pastors , ( let a man so account of us , as ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god ; and that ( in titus 1. 9. v. ) the bishop must hold the faithful word , and by sound doctrine teach and convince the gainsayers ; lashing expresly prelats who pretend to succeed apostles , and yet neglect the great work ▪ while holding ( sayeth he ) idle dignities , — and near the close of ●his section , he shews , that this pastoral office , in relation to the administration of the word and sacraments , includes and imports the preservation , and exercise , of the discipline and government of the church . thereafter ( sect. 8 ) he proves from titus 1. 5. phil. 1. 1. act. 20. 17. that the office of the bishop , presbyter and pastor , is one and the same , section 5. he proves , that the election of pastors , is by his colleague — pastors with the peoples consent . now the man that shall need any further demonstration , than this plain-reading of calvin , to convince him , that it was the perpetual pastoral office , in relation to the administration of the word and sacraments , and the appendant power of jurisdiction , and church-government included therein , which he asserts to be of as perpetual necessity in the church , as the sun , and meat and drink are to the world , and not the formal temporary office of apostles , and evangelists , as such , or as including any superiority over the pastoral office , the man , i say , who needs any further proof of this , than what is above touched , hath a crack in his intellectualls , and may be set to his horn book again . chap. sixth . the propositions and demonstrations drawn out by this pamphleter , upon the premised definitions , postulatum● , and axioms , ( as the great projection and scope thereof ) examined ; the the unsoundness thereof discovered , and the antitheses of his propositions established , and his demonstrations everted , by counter-demonstrations , from calvin and beza . having thus evinced to the conviction of the judicious and impartial , the pitiful mis-application , and forgery of all this mars citations , out of calvin and beza , to fortifie his scope and design , in these assertions , which he calls definitions , postulatums , and axioms ; his demonstrations drawn from them do fall by course , as the superstruc●ure when the foundation is razed . his principles being found unsound , his demonstrations , ( the birth of them ) will appear lighter then vanity ; and like the little bag which children finds in the fields , and call the witch-ball , will be found to evaporat into smoak with a smal touch . the first proposition he undertakes to demonstrat from his positions , above-examined , is , that the 12 apostles were president bishops , over the 70 disciples . answer . in general , i may again animadvert here , that if by being president bishops , be understood the apostles univeral directive authority and inspection necessarly connected with , and sounded upon their insallibility , as being so many living oracles , from whom the mind of christ was infallibly to be sought , both by ministers and people , as to every point of their respective duties , such a presidency will be easily admitted ; but in this respect he doth foolishly restrict , or imagins , that calvin & beza , doth this restrict their presidency or episcopacy to the 70 disciples , for thus they were president bishops , over the universal church , both ministers and people , and that while they lived ; in the same respect , and upon the same ground , upon which they had this presidency over the 70 disciples , they had it universally over all , both in the judgement of calvin ( as is above evinced ) and of all sound divines . and in whatever respect he can alle●dge calvin , to hold their presidency , to be universal , over the 70 disciples , it 's easie to prove that he holds this presidency , to be universal over all churches and ministers ; and therefore if he will from hence infer , successors to them in calvins judgment , he would make him hold twelve moral standing primats , and universal patriarchs or popes , with infallible directive power over the whole catholick church . 2 i observe , that by asserting the apostles , to be mee● president bishops , he would make men believe that he pleads only for a moral standing fixed presidency ; but ( as i did above touch ) he pleads by this first proposition and assumption , for a standing moral prelatick dominion , over church judicatories serued up to the highest peg. follows the demonstration , whereof the first proposition is , . major . the president bishop is he who from his office preheminent to other ministers , is invested with a fixed power of ordination regulat by canons , and of jurisdiction , ballanced by assisting ministers . for proof of which , he adduces definition 3. answer . this proposition , as here worded , we did above dis-prove , and did shew , that according to his design in this citation of calvin , he must add both a sole power , and likewise an ordinary power ; that this place of galvin will neither prove his holding it fixed , nor an ordinary power in the apostles , both which we have found calvin doth disown in several places above-cited . besides the above-evinced inconsistency of the two branches , of this proposition , compared with his pretended proof ; so that the major appears nought . the assumption is , assumption . but in respect to the 70 disciples , who were all in the holy ministry ( by postulatum first ) and from among whom matthias was called to be of the twelve by ( postulatum 1. ) the sacred colledge of the apostles , had a fixed preheminency , ( by axiom 1. ) invested with the power of ordination , regulated by canons , ( by postulatum 1. and definition 1. ) and of jurisdiction ballanced by assisting ministers ; ( by axiom 2 ) answer . not to resume what we have animadverted , upon his assertion anent the 70 disciples and calvin's silence as to mathias in both the places cited by him , and his comment upon mathias election ; as for that which he asserts from axiom 1 ▪ anent the colledge of apostles , their fixed preheminence , the axiom itself asserts the regular call of any minister already ordained , is from an inferior , to a superior station , we did shew the impertinency of calvins citation to prove this , and that he neither simply asserts this matter of fact , as he sets it down , nor gives his approbation of it , so that this axiom is none of calvins . 2. for his inference from it , that the 12 had a fixed preheminency over the 70 , who sees not its remotness ? behold , the visage of this reason , calvin says , that the church sometimes choosed presbyters , out of deacons , ergo he ass●rts that the 12 apostles had a fixed preheminence over the 70 disciples . 3. if by [ fixed ] he mean a preheminence ordinary , and to be continued , we have proved that calvin denyes and disowns this , in the places above cited , and asserts as evidently as man can speak , that the apostolick official preheminence , as such , was neither fixed , limited , nor ordinary ; that they were invested with a power of ordination regulat by canons , he tells us is proved by postulatum 1. and definition 1. the postulatum says , that the 70 disciples were in the holy order of the ministry , and how he has proved this from calvin , we have above seen , especially with relation to mathias ; where we told him that calvins assertion of the sameness of the pastoral function in all ordinary pastors , and the extraordinary expired nature of the apostolick inspection and authority , cutts off his inference of such a standing subordination among pastors , as he imagins him to hold . next , what a rope of sand is this , the 70 were inferiour to the 12 apostles , ergo they had a fixed ordinary power of ordination over them ; and ( forsooth ) regulated by canons . he next proves this by definition 1. which asserts that the power of ordination , is the right of governours of the church to separate persons duely qualified to the ministry ; this calvin asserts , is proper only to pastors , which we proved , doth infer clearly against this mans design , calvins asserting the pastor to be the highest ordinary officer , and the expired extraordinary nature of the apostolick and evangelistick offices , together with the equal function of all pastors , which assertions of calvin doth render this inference , ergo the apostles were invested with an ordinary power of ordination and iurisdiction over pastors , to be transmitted to the church , ( which is this mans scope and conclusion upon the premised general assertion of calvin , anent the right of church-governours ) to be a meer non sequitur , and an ergo , baculus stat in angulo . the apostles preheminency in jurisdiction ballanced by assisting ministers , he proves by axiom 2. which he refers to definition 2 and 3. upon which i● the examination of his citations , we have proved , that this supposed apostolick preheminency is with calvin neither fixed , nor ordinary , or of a moral standing nature , but did expire with these extraordinary functions ; and that in calvin's principles , it was cumulative unto , not privative of , the ordinary standing collegiat power of pastors , which is to continue to the end ; besides the inconsistency wherein we have observed , he involves calvin in his collections upon the place cited by him . follows our pamphleters grand conclusion of his demonstration . conclusion . therefore the 12 apostles were president bishops over the 70 disciples , which was the thing to be demonstrated . answer . if he mean an infallible directive power and presidency as apostles , it is easily admitted by calvin ; but then , as i said , he foolishly restricts it to the 70 disciples , which was over the whole church both mini●ters and people . if he mean a standing moral ordinary perpetual presidency , especially relative to the 70 , and wherein ordinary officers were to succeed them , we have proved , that he will as soon squise water from a flint , as either premisses or conclusion from the places of calvin referred unto , in the two propositions of his demonstration . and unto his demonstration and proposition , i do from what is above evinced , oppose his counter-demonstration , and antithesis of his position and conclusion . the proposition is . proposition . the apostles were not fixed president ordinary bishops over the 70 disciples . demonstration . they whose pr●sidency was not fixt to any church or station , nor ordinary , but extraordinary , and universal over the whole church , both ministers and flocks , these had no fixed ordinary moral presidency , over the 70 disciples . but the apostolick presidency was of this nature , in the judgment of calvin ; ergo the apostles were not ordinary fixed president bishops over the 70 disciples . the major is evident , for to be fixed , and not fixed , ordinary and extraordinary presidents , yea , and in relation to the 70 disciples only , and to the whole church , ministers and people , cannot consist . the minor is cleared above , wherein it is evinced , that calvin ass●rts the apostolick inspection , to be both universal , extraordinary and unfixed . hence we may safely conclude , ergo the apostles were not ordinary president bishops , or in a proper and formal sense over the 70 disciples , which was to be proved . come we to the second proposition , which is this . proposition 2. timothy was a president bishop over the church of the ephesians , and titus over the church of the cretians . answer . before i come to his demonstration , i again enquire , first if he mean such a bishop as hath a preheminent power in ordination and jurisdiction , or a meer president , who is only to ask the votes , and gather them , and thus a moderator allenarly ? this last he will not say , for it would clearly cross his demonstration , and if the first , why calls he him by this discriminating smoothing term [ president bishop ] and not rather diocesian or patriarchal bishop ; as he holds that calvin and beza do owne the designation and office ? is● he no more than a president who has a preheminent official power , yea , according to his forecited collection from calvin and beza ) a s●le power in ordination and jurisdiction over pastors . 2. since he will not say that calvin will disowne the apostles episcopal presidency over timothy and titus , as over the 70 disciples , who with calvin might be evangelists , he should rather have ascribed to the apostles , a moral standing arch-episcopacy or patriarchat ; for certainly a president bishop , over such a great president bishop as timothy and titus , merits that name . the first proposition of his demonstration , is thus . these are president bishops who are from their office preheminent unto other ministers , invested with a fixed power of ordination , regulated by canons , and of jurisdiction , ballanced by assisting ministers . to prove which we are referred again to definition 3. answer . we did upon this definition collated with his proof out of calvin , discover this mans pitiful prevatication , and his involving calvin and himself in palpable ●nconsistencies . we did also prove from several places of that learned divine , that he denys this fixed and ordinary standing presidency , both to apostles and evang●lists , and holds that such fixed presidents , as the church did after set up , did not infringe the collegiat power and authority of pastors , but were subject to them ; and that calvin disowns an official preheminency in any pastor over another , and expresly a peculiar designation of bishop , as an abuse of scripture language , and contrair to the divine institution . so that the major of his demonstration , and this definition whereupon ( as the preceeding ) it is grounded , appears to be a rotten fabrick , and a bowing wall , and tottering fence . i cannot but further observe , that he makes this goodly proposition , containing his definition of the president bishop , serve both paul , and the other apostlesturn , for proof of his episcopal presidency , and likewise timothy with the inferiour sort of bishops , thus equi-parating them , and shaping their episcopacy with one and the same standard and measure ; the place of calvin which speaks of paul's sole imposition of hands upon timothy , whereby he would fortifie this part of the definition , relating to ordination , serves also with him for timothy's like episcopacy , giving thus to them both a sole power in ordination ; and how consistent this is with calvins sense of the power of the apostles and evangelists , any who have read calvin can easily judge . again ( which makes good jest ) left paul his first and high bishop , and his schollar the younger bishop timothy should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deborded , and play the wanton , and run out of their circle , both demonstrations , and difinitions hath a prudent limitation annexed ; that their power must be regulat by canons , and well ballanced by assisting ministers ; and yet paul and timothy's sole power in ordination seems paramount to these canons , and far to counter-ballance all ministers authority . follows the assumption of his demonstration . assumption . but timothy in the church of ephesus , and titus in the church of crete , from their offices , had a preheminency over other ministers , invested with a fixed power of ordination and jurisdiction , regulat by canons , and ballanced by assisting ministers ; for proof of this we are referred to postulatum 2. answer . for evincing the falshood of this assumption , i do refer to what is answered on that postulatum ; wherein we have made it appear , that with calvin the official power and preheminency of both apostles and evangelists , being expired , and dying with their persons , our pamphleters inference of calvins asserting a moral standing official preheminency among pastors , is most absurd . that with calvin the apostolick and evangelistick preheminency being neither fixed nor ordinary , his inference of a fixed and ordinary preheminency , upon what calvin asserts of the power of apostles and evangelists , is obviously impertinent and groundless ; we did also offer some topicks and arguments , from calvins doctrines and principles , as to apostles and evangelists , which do clearly demonstrat the absurdity of his collection , in this postulatum from the words of calvin annexed thereunto ; as that with calvin , the official power of timothy , and his inspection , was in extent correspondent to that of apostles , that it did suppose the churches in fieri , as to their organick mold and constitution ; as likeways the existence of the apostolick office , that calvin expresly distinguishes , the official presidency or preheminency exercised by timothy and titus , as being extraordinary , from the ordinary and perpetual necessary official power of pastors ; likeways that with calvin , neither timothy nor titus were fixed to any certain particular and determinat station ; and are in this distinguished from ordinary and perpetually necessary church-officers . we did also shew that the place of calvin , whereby he would fortifie his postulatum , doth palpably overthrow it , both in his asserting timothy to be the apostles depute , sustaining his room , and none of the ordinary ministry , and likeways in his express asserting his power to be beyond the limits of the ordinary power of pastors . so that the assumption of this demonstration , is also false , as the major proposition , and none of them calvins , but a couple of phantastick chymeraes of his own brain . the conclusion . conclusion . therefore timothy was a president bishop over the church of the ephesians , and titus over the church of the cretians ; from what is said upon both major and minor appears to be a cretian , idest , a lying conclusion , and to have neither geometrical or logical measures , though our pasquiller adds unto it ( as unto the former , and likeways the ensuing ) his ( quod erat demonstrandum ) to make it appear so it hath neither vim consequentiae , nor a fixed ordinary moral standing preheminency of timothy and titus , over these churches , neither having any truth in it self , nor in the least following upon , or , being deduceable from any place of calvin , which this man hath cited , but rather the contrary . which i make good , in the antithesis of this proposition , and counter demonstration ensuing . antithesis . 2. neither timothy nor titus had in ephesus or crete , a fixed ordinary episcopal preheminency , over ministers and flocks in the judgement of calvin . demonstration . they whose official preheminence , or presidence over these churches , was transient , and temporary , supposing the existance of the apostolick office , was for modelling churches as yet in fieri , as to their organick being and constitution , and in all these respects , is expresly by calvin distinguished , from the ordinary official power and authority of pastors , which is moral and perpetually necessary for church government , these officers had in calvins judgement , no fixed moral standing preheminence episcopal over these churches . but the official presidence , and preheminence of timothy and titus , at ephesus and crete , was of this nature in calvin's judgement . therefore neither of them had , in his judgement , a fixed ordinary episeopal preheminence over these churches , which was to be proved . the major proposition none can deny , who will not offer to reconcile contradictions , and involve calvin therein . the minor hath been abundantly proved , from clear and positive assertions , of calvin in the places above cited . the conclusion is clearly de●uced . proceed we to the next proposition of our author . proposition 3. the fathers of the primitive church were president bishops , answer . here it 's worthy of this mans serious thoughts , how he has proved , or can prove , from any places of calvin and beza , that they honour none with this epithet of fathers of the primitive church , but his supposed president bishops ; were all the ancient famous divines , or writers of the primitive church , the knowledge of whom has reached us , such president bishops , thus authorized , as he imagines these fathers were , in calvin and bezas judgement , sure he will not dare to assert this , and so the subject of the question in this proposition is uncertain . if he say , that he means these fathers , who had this official power , and by this description distinguishes them from other fathers , besides that he is lyable to the former inconvenience , of imputing a notion and phrase to these divines , which they owne not , the proposition thus seems rediculous , it being equivalent to this , the president bishops were president bishops . — come we to the demonstration , whereof the 1. proposition is thus major . the primitive church retained the government of one single person preheminent in office unto other ministers , this is proved by postulatum 3. which asserts , that for avo●ding of schism , the primitive church retained the government of one single person , preheminent in office unto other ministers , which is proved from calvins asserting ( instit . lib. 4. cap. 4. sect. 2. ) that presbyters in all cities choose one , to whom especially they gave the name of bishop ; that ierom says , that at alexandria from mark the evangelist to heracleas and dyonysius the presbyters placed one in a preheminent degree , whom they called a bishop . answer . i have at large upon that postulatum , evinced the impertinency , and falshood of this collection from these words of calvin ; as likewise in my general animadversions upon the whole pasquel ; i did shew the inconsistances into which he involves calvin , and himself also , in this assertion his impertinent inserting calvin's approbation of the jus , from his simple narration of the matter of fact , and practice of the church . i did also shew , that if he make calvin allow meerly of a constant president , he crosses his scope of making him assert the government to be in this president , if he make him assert more , viz. a sole preheminence in ordination and jurisdiction , ( as is clear he doth , comparing axiom 2. with definition 2. and 3. ) calvin gives him the lie , in asserting , that this president or moderator at first set up by his brethren , had no power over his colleagues ; but such as the consul had in the senat , to ask the votes , &c. that he thus absurdly makes calvin assert the government of the senat , to have been in the person of the consul . i did also offer unto him calvin and ierom's judgement in this poynt , thus , that as there was an early aberration from the scripture path , in the matter of government , so particularly , that this president or proestos , was brought in humano consilio , and , protemporum necessitate , by humane advice and counsel , and according to the times exigence , whereof as to calvin , we offered two convincing proofs . 1. in that calvin immediately after the words cited by this pamphleter , makes mention , and approves of ieroms testimony upon titus , asserting the bishops power , in so far , as above that of the pastor , to be founded upon custom only , not divine appointment , asserting also the identity of the bishop and presbyter by divine right , and the official parity of all pastors . and 2. that this practice of appropriating the term bishop to one , as a badge of an official power , of one pastor , above another , is in terminis condemned by calvin , as an abuse of the holy ghost's language , and contrair to the equal official power of pastors , asserted in scripture ; all which we fortified by the assertion of this divine parity of pastors , in the french confession : and by the learned account both of calvin and ieroms judgement in this matter , exhibite by dr. rynalds ; so that this major proposition , is palpably false and groundless . follows the assumption . assumption . but the preheminence in office , includs a proportional jurisdiction over the officers , who are under them , ( by axiom 2. ) and the power of jurisdiction is fixed in the president bishop , by definition 3. answer . to the first part of the proof , preheminence in office includs a proportional jurisdiction , over the officers who are under them , by axiom 2. which refers to definition 2. and 3. i answer ; we have upon these his two definitions , here referred unto , fully discovered , that the places of calvin annexed unto them , do not fortifie , but doth overthrow this power , of the moral standing president bishop , which therefrom , he undertakes to prove ; we have also discovered the absurdities , and inconsistancies which he involves calvin and himself into , by these his definitions ; we discovered that the place of calvin annexed to definition 2. speaks of authority it self , not of its object , defined by him , that calvin holding the function , and official power of all pastors , to be one and the same , and consequently their power of ordination ; and the power of jurisdiction , being with this pamphleter , commensurable thereunto , in calvins sense , that learned divine must consequently hold , the power of ordination , and jurisdiction , to be one and the same in all pastors , which clearly everts this mans scope , and his sense of th●s● places of calvin cited by him ; we also proved , that the official preheminence , supposed existent among church-officers , in that place of calvin annexed to definition 2. is by him expresly limited to that time and case of the church ; and that upon tit. 1. v. 5 , 6. he asserts timothies inspection to be transient and unfixed ; and in this commensurable to that of the apostles ; and that asserting likewise timothie's office to be beyond the ordinary power of pastors , he doth in both respects contradict , the scope of this this definition , and would thus twise contradict himself if it were otherwise . upon definition 3. asserting in this president bishop , a fixed power of ordination regulated by canons , and of jurisdictions , ballanced by assisting ministers , ( proved by calvin's asserting , that paul only laid hands on timothy , ) 2 tim. 1. 6. and that the bishop had the power of the consul , ( instit. lib. 4. cop . 4. sect. 1. ) i have made appear how pitifully this man stumbles and prevaricats . 1. in making calvin assert a sole power , in this president bishop , as well as a fixed power . and that 2. in making the power of jurisdiction , to be ballanced by assisting ministers , and not annexing this clause to the power of ordination , he either restricts it to this power of jurisdiction , imputing this to calvin a chimerical assertion of his own forgery , and involves calvin and himself in a contradiction , in that he asserts , that with him the power of jurisdiction is of like nature and correspondent to that of ordination , the preheminence in office and iurisdiction , being one and the same by axiom 2. or if both power of ordination , and jurisdiction , be held thus ballanced by our pamphleter , we have discovered that in betaking himself to this shift ; he would be but out of the pit into the snare , incidit in s●yllam cupiens vitare charybdin , for thus he overthrows his proof from calvins assertion , that paul and none else laid hands upon timothy . 2. we have also made appear , that in his 3 definition , he sayes nothing to his purpose and scope , unless he qualifie the power of this supposed president bishop , not only with the property , and adjunct of [ fixed ] but also with that of ( ordinary ) both which that calvin disowns in the apostles and evangelists , we proved from clear places , both of his commentaries and institutions . and for his other proof of that definition , taken from calvins equiparating , the power of this president . bishop , with that of the consul ; we did disprove it , not only from calvins explication , that it reached only the gathering of the votes , and seeing the sentence execute ; but likewise , from his plain and positive assertion , that this proestos or president was subject to his colleagues , whence by inevitable consequence , it follows , that he had no such official preheminence over them , as this man alledges calvin doth hold . 3. again , whereas the fixing of this power in the president bishop , is , as the other branch of his assumption , proved by definition 3. what we have said to disapprove his scope in this 3 definition , doth sufficiently evert this branch , of the assumption grounded thereupon 4. finally , upon axiom 2. referring to both these his definitions , we have evinced , that this preheminence in office , and proportioned-preheminence in jurisdiction , which calvin in the places therein cited , supposes competent to the apostles and evangelists , was neither first fixed , or secondly ordinary , nor such as is of a moral standing nature , but did expire with the persons of these extra●rdinary offices ; and that 3ly . during the existence of this extraordinary preheminence , in office and jurisdiction , it was in calvins judgement , cumulative unto , not privative of , the ordinary collegiat authority of pastors , in ordination and jurisdiction ; so that , that axiom , as understood by this man , of a supposed moral standing preheminent president bishop over pastors , we have fully proved , in the places above-cited , that calvin doth disown it , and consequently , the assumption of this demonstration as none of his . the conclusion is , therefore the fathers of the primitive church , were president bishops . which doth appear from what is said , to be a meer , yea a gross non sequitur ; both major and assumption being palpably false , taking this president bishop , in the extent and nature exprest in both these propositions . and hereunto his proposition and demonstration , i shall oppose these two an●itheses , and counter-demonstrations . the first proposition is . proposition 1. none of the fathers , who were the first proestos , or fixed moderators , had de facto the government in their person , or an official preheminence in ordination , and jurisdiction , over their brethren , in the judgement of calvin or beza . proposition 2. none who assums this in after times , were allowed of these divines , as to their pretended jus , or as having a divine warrand and institution . the proposition is proved thus . demonstration . major . they who according to calvin and beza , were only togather the vo●es , moderate the actions of the meeting , and were subject to the meeting , or church judicatory , as being chosen by them , these had not the government in their persons , or a fixed official preheminency of ordination and jurisdiction over the same . assumption . but the presidency of the first pro●st●●e● or moderators , was in these divines judgement of this nature . therefore these first proesto●e● , or moderators , had no official preheminency , in ordinati●n and jurisdiction over their brethren , or the government of the judicatories in their persons , as is said . the major is clear , and is ●ounded upon the nature and rule of oppos●ta ; for to be subject to he meeing , and to gather the votes only , and that by their own election and choise , cannot consist with having a f●xed , yea , ( according to this mans pleasing ) a sole official power in ordination and jurisdiction ●v●r them . the assumption is above cleared , from the expres● ▪ assertions , of these divines , wherein it is made good , that calvin asserts , that this moderator or fixed president , at first brought in , was only to moderat the actions of the meeting , and was subject to them . the same we heard beza assert , in speaking of his humane epis●●pacy , as subsequent to that which had the divine warrand . the conclusion is legitimatly deduced . the 2 proposition , viz. no●e who assumed this sort of presidency , in aft●●t●mes , viz. an official prehemi●ency in ordination and jurisdiction over pastors , were allowed of calvin or beza , as having a divine warrand , is thus proved . demonstration . these divines , who disallow of any s●rt of dominion in a single person , over church judicatories , who maintain the equal function , and official power of pastors therein , who dis●wn the very first continuing fixed moderator as a humane invention , and do hold that even this fixed moderator ought to be sub●ect , to the consistorial judicial votes o●●is brethren , these do disown a fixed official pr●h●minence , in ordina●ion and jurisdiction , in any ordinary pastor over church-judicatories , and do condemn such as assumed this ; but calvin and beza do disallow of this power above exprest , in any pastor above his brethren . therefore they disallow of these who in after times assumed this , as having no divine warrand . the major is evident upon the same ground on which the former first proposition is bottomed , which if any deny , they will necessarily involve them in contradictions . the ●ssumption is evident , from the above-cited places of calvin and beza . we heard calvin clearly ass●r● the equal official power of pastors , and that even extraordinary offices , were not to encroach upon this power ; that the first proestetes were only to gather the votes , and were subject to the meeting , we also heard that beza calls this fixed moderater the ●pisiopus humarus , as dist●nguished from the first divine bishop , and asserts , that the setting of him up , was an a●eration , and 〈◊〉 from the divine rule , and that which gave th● f●rst rise to antichristian tyranny ; we also heard , that he disown even the inference of a fixed moderator , from the angel of the churches ; we have also frequently observed , how that calvin disowns the peculiarity of the very name ( bishop ) to one pastor , as giving the least semolance of any difference in the official power and function of pastors . the conclusion therefore of their disowning this official preheminent power in ordination and jurisdiction , assumed , or rather usurped in after times , evidently and necessarily fo●lows ; yea , is so evident , that beza in his treatise de episcopatu triphci , calls the bishop assuming , in after times this preheminence in ordination and iurisdiction over pastors , the satanical bishop , and the poysoned egg , out of which antichrist was hatched . come we to the 4th proposition of our pamphleter , which is this thus . proposition 4. the president episcopacie is approven by christ , in the book of the revelation . answer . upon the proposition it self , i shall only here again animadvert , and remind the reader of this man's pitiful palpable ●orgery and abusive sophilirie in covering himself , and his design all alone g●●der the cloud , and playing with the general terms of president epis●●p●cie , to give some semblance of truth unto his proofs , as knowing that calvin and beza do express themselves modestly , of the first proestotes , or fixed moderators , who first took place , but his mediums and methods of arguing , do sufficiently unmask his pitiful folly , for they do make these divines plead for a hierarchial diocesian , or patriarchal prelat of the highest degree , with a fixed sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ; yea , shape● out after the measures of apostolick authority . the first proposition of his demonstration , whereby the premised assertion , is fastned upon beza , is thus . demonstration . proposition 1. the seven angels of the seven churches , written unto by st. iohn in the book of the revelation , are encouraged against all the devices of the ungodly , upon condition of their continuing faithful in their administrations ; for proof of which , we are referred to postulatum . 4. answer . 1. this proposition in it self considered , we may safely admit , without the least prejudice to our cause , or help to his design . we might on the by here tell him ( as our learned mr. gilespie admonished some of his fellows ) that the scripture saints , ( we may add , and inspecial , such an eminent saint , and divine , as the apostle iohn ) needs no titles of honour out of the popes callendar , and was acknowledged such by the churches , before this canonizing came in use . and enquire whether our author useth to prefix st. to aaron when he names him , who is called the saint of the lord , together with moses , and other old testament saints , and what ground of disparity and difference he can assign . but to pass this . 2. since he referrs to postulatum 4. where we have the same proposition with an annext sentence of beza , on revel , 2. 26. v. where he expons , my works , &c. of the faithful performance of the works laid upon this angel , and shews that the assembly of pastors , are bespoken in the person of the president , to whom victory is promised , if he rely upon christs power , &c. i shall here only resume what we have answered upon that 4 postulatum , viz. that bezas taking the angel for a single person , is the utmost conclusion he can draw from this passage , wherein as beza differs from the ordinary current of interpreters ; so we have evinced the gross palpable folly , and forgery of this mans design and inference here-from , viz. that beza ownes this president bishop , which he hath shapen out , and described , since he cannot conclude from these words , that beza asserts his official preheminence and authority , over his colleagues , which we told him , is so demonstratively evident , that beza , disowns even the very inference of the necessity of a fixed moderator , as following upon his assertion , anent the president angel , expressly adding this proviso & caution , to guard against any mis-application , of what he sayes anent the angel , his being a single person ; and thus in terminis gives this pamphleter the lie , as if by a prophetick spirit , he had forseen this forgery , and holding the very first fixed moderators , to have been the humane custom , subsequent and opposite to the first divine appointment , and practice of the official compleat parity among pastors , our lords enjoyning the pastors , faithfulness in their administrations , and bespeaking them thus in the person of the president , we told him , will therefore in bezas sense and words , import no more , then a faithful exercise , of their joynt collegiat power and authority , which beza holds , was our lords institution , and at this time is existent . so we see the major is nought . the assumption is assumption . but the angels were president bishops over other ministers , within their respective churches : for proof of this we are referred to definition 4. where we are told that the angel of any church representative , is the president bishop over other ministers , within the respective diocess , province , or patriarchat , which is proved by beza , rev. 2. and 24. his words are , to the angel , that is the president , whom it behoved especially to be admonished , and by him his fellow colleagues — to you the angel , the president and the assembly of your colleagues . answer . we have upon that definition fully discovered the folly and impertinency of this inference from the words of beza , and this mans palpable shameless imposings upon him , as if these words , would bear the conclusion , of his owning a president bishop , with an official , yea , sole preheminence in ordination and jurisdiction , over ordinary pastors , of as high a nature as he supposes the apostle paul exercised , which appears by definition 3. compared with its proof , this his arguing , we said is , a shameless imposing , both in that he supposes beza to hold these angels to be patriarchat , provincial , or diocesian angels or bishops , above 260 years , before such a mold and cast of churches was existent , as likewise , that every representative church is provincial , diocesian , or patriarchal , and inferring this high patriarchiall or diocesian prelat , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , from bezas simple assertion of a president angel in whom the rest of the pastors were bespoken , yea and bespoken as his fellow colleagues , viz of equal official authority in bezas sense , unless he will make him contradict , not only himself , but calvin , who expons , and understands colleagues thus ; yea , and all this contrair to the express caution of beza , in the same very place , who asserts , that this his sense and exposition of the president angel , will not so much as bear the conclusion of the necessity of a fixed moderator , which he holds to be a humane invention , and that the prelat of this mans mold ( and pleaded for by him , by these distorted citations ) gave the rise to the antichristian tyranny . if this be not shameless imposing , let any rational man judge . the conclusion is ▪ conclusion . therefore the president episcopacy is approven by christ in the book of the revelation . to which our pamphleter adds his usual — quod erat demonstrandum . answer . therefore the president angel or moderator is thus approven in beza's sense , who hath other pastors , his equals and colleagues in official power and authority , is easily admitted ; but ergo in beza's sense , the very fixed moderator , far less the diocesian patriarchal prelate , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , is approved ; is a chymerical conclusion , which ( as some mushroms that plinie speaks of ) grows without a root , and hath no support of either major or minor to fortifie it . and here again , i oppose this antithesis , and counter-demonstration , unto the preceeding . proposition . the president bishop with official preheminency , and fixed power of ordination and jurisdiction over pastors , is in beza's sense , not approven by christ , or bespoken by him in the book of the revelation , in the person of the asian-angels . demonstration . these angels , who in beza's sense were bespoken only as presidents , and moderators , to whom the other ministers of these respective churches , were colleagues of equal official-power and authority , and in so far only owned of christ , these were not be-spoken and owned by him as such president bishops , who had an official preheminency , and a fixed official power of ordination and jurisdiction over these pastors or ministers . assumption . but these angels were in the first sense only be-spoken by christ , and owned by him , according to beza . conclusion . therefore the president bishop with official power of ordination and jurisdiction over pastors , was not in beza's sense bespoken by christ , or ordained by him , in the book of the revelation in the person of any of the asian-angels , which was to be proved . the major is clear and necessarly true , by the rule of opposits ; which if we deny , we cannot free our selves , or beza from a contradiction , it being impossible that he could bespeak them both ways , because these offices are inconsistent in the same persons , and at the same time . the assumption is thus proved . if beza owne these other pastors , as the fellow-colleagues of this president angel , and will not owne him , so much as necessarly a fixed moderator , which he holds to be a humane invention , ascribing also to satanical invention , the president with official preheminency in ordination and jurisdiction over pastors ; then in beza's sense , these angels were not bespoken , and owned of our lord , as having any preheminence of this nature , but as moderators only . but the first is evident , and hath been made good from several places of beza ; therefore so is the other . chap. seventh . wherein is discovered this pamphleters perversion of the doctrine of calvin and beza , in his corollaries imputed to them , and the unsoundness of his demonstrations , brought to fertifie the same . having thus examined this mans propositions , and demonstrations , and discovered the unsoundness of both , and their utter insufficiency , to fortifie his design in this undertaking , wherein it doth palpably appear , that as he hath wronged the memory , and perverted , and calumniated the doctrine of these divines ; so that he hath also penciled himself with ugly colours of a calumniator , and that of such persons and writings , as he acknowledges excellent . we do now proceed to consider his corollaries and demonstrations brought to fortifie them , which we will find to be of the same calumnious and sophistical stuff with the preceeding . the first of these corollaries is thus . corollarie 1. the president episcopacyis of divine right . answer . this corollarie of it self and abstracting from his method of proof and scope therein , is no doubt sound , and might be admitted , and understanding this terme president aright , and laying aside the propositions , axiom and postulatum , discovering his sense thereof , we might admit the whole demonstration ensuing , but considering his scope and manner of proof , let us here remember how he understands that office , which he smooths over with the term of president episcopacy , viz. ( as is above cleared ) such episcopacy as imports a fixed official-preheminency , and is invested with a fixed , yea , a sole power in ordination and jurisdiction over other ministers , as may be easily evinced , by comparing definition 3 and 4 , with axiom 2 , and his citations for proof thereof . now let us hear the demonstration . demonstration . the major is , the divine right is manifest in that ecclesiastick government which is instituted by christ , and continued by his apostles , retained in the primitive church , and approven by christ , by a revelation from heaven , for subserviency to any end , wherein the well-being of christianity is nighly concerned . for proof of which we are referred to axiom 3. whereof this is a repetition verbatim . answer . this proposition safely understood , may be easily admitted , keeping closs to that citation of calvin , annexed to axiom 3 , viz. that church government by officers mentioned in the close of that citation ; has its original from christ's institution , was continued in the apostolick and primitive church , for moral standing ends . what we did further animadvert upon this axiom , touching the unsuitable phrase of [ any end ] and the redundancy of that clause of a [ revelation from heaven ] and touching calvins everting his scope in pleading for successors of apostles and evangelists , in their formal official power , and that he mentions only bishops , presbyters , and deacons , as of a moral standing necessity , and consequently as only authorized by this divine right , so above . the assumption is large , and tottered with a number of his pitiful references , to what is above examined . 't is thus . assumption . but the president episcopacy was instituted by christ , ( by proposition 1. ) continued by his apostles ; ( by proposition 2 ) retained in the primitive church , ( by poposition 3 ) and approven by christ by a revelation from heaven , ( by proposition 4 ) for avoiding of schism , wherein the well-being of christianity is nighly concerned ; ( by postulatum 3. ) answer . 1. for the first branch , proved by proposition 1. wherein it 's alledged , the apostles were president bishops , over the 70. disciples ; we have above everted this proposition , and his pretended proofs , and discovered its absurdity , and that he doth most impertinently restrict the apostles presidency , as apostles to the 70 , and imagins calvin to hold this , that the apostles presidency ; respecting the whole church , ministers , and flocks , he will thus in the sequel and series of his reasoning , make calvin to assert twelve moral standing primates or patriarchs over the universal church , with infallible directive power over the same . we have also in opposition to his proposition , demonstrat that the apostles were not fixed ordinary president bishops , over the 70 in calvin's judgment ; so that this main point of the proof of his assumption , appears nought . i cannot but again observe , that with this man , the president episcopacy , which he imagins calvin to hold , as of a perpetual necessity , is pauls sole apostolick power in ordination and jurisdiction , and consequently his primitive fathers , must be of that same shape and mold succeeding in , and thus continuing this formal apostolick official power , and how absurdly any man imputs this to calvin or beza , as their judgment , and how hypocritically under the simple notion of a president bishop ( which calvin and beza do acknowledge creeped early into the church ) is above evinced . answer . the 2 branch of the assumption is , that this president bishop was continued by the apostles ; for proof of which we are referred to proposition 2. touching the president episcopacy of timothy and titus , over ephesus and crete ; this proposition together with the pretended proofs thereof , we have above examined and everted , and proven that with calvin , the evangelistick official inspection of timothy and titus over these churches , was ( as that of apostles ) neither fixed nor ordinary , but suited to that exigence and infant-state of the church , and died with their persons , and have herein consequently discovered the absurdity of this mans inference , of an official standing preheminency among pastors ( who are by calvin distinguished , from both apostles and evangelists , as officers perpetually necessary and ordinary , from officers extraordinary and temporary ) in their official power . in opposition whereunto , we have demonstrate this antithesis ; neither timothy nor titus had in ephesus or crete a fixed ordinary preheminency over ministers and flocks , in the judgment of calvin . in the third part of the assumption we are told , that this president episcopacy , was retained in the primitive church by proposition 3. answer . the falshood of this proposition is above demonstrate , and the impertinency of his citations to prove it , taking this president bishop , as here described by him ; in opposition to which , we have made good these two propositions . 1 that none of the fathers , who were the first proestotes or fixed moderators had the government in their persons , or an official preheminency in ordination and jurisdiction over their brethren ; in the judgment of calvin and beza . 2. that none who assumed this in after times , were allowed of calvin or beza , as having a divine warrand , for a further discovery of his impertinencies , in the proof of this 3 proposition , so above . the 4 branch of the assumption is , that this president episcopacy , is approven by christ , by a revelation from heaven ; for which we are referred to propostion 4. answer . this proposition we have also clearly everted above , and fully examined its proof , and discovered his palpably absurd ridiculous inference of beza's owning this diocesian , patriarchal , provincial b●shop , ( for thus ●e explains this president in the places referred to , ) from his simple assertion of a president angel , who had the rest of the ministers for his colleagues , in the official power of government , especially beza disowning the very inference , of the necessity of a fixed moderator , as following upon his assertion , as is said above ; in opposition to which forgery of this man , we have made good this proposition ; that the president bishop , with official preheminency , and fixed power of ordination and jurisdiction over pastors , is in beza's sense , neither approven of christ , nor bespoken by him , in the angels of the churches . the 5. and last branch of this assumption , it respects the end , of this supposed president bishop , his pretended institution , continuance , retention , and approbation , above expressed , viz. for avoiding of schism , wherein the well being of christianity is nighly concerned . this is proved by postulatum 3. answer . this postulatum is above examined , and what we have said thereupon , is resumed upon proposition 3. in the demonstration whereof , this postulatum is adduced to prove the major proposition , in opposition to which , we have offered and proven the two propositions above expressed ; so that calvin clearly disowning the appropriating the name [ bishop ] to this one president , as contrary to scripture language and institution , his narration of this matter of fact , in reference to this end of avoiding schism , cannot ( as we have often told him ) import or infer , his approbation thereof , unless we will make him fall in that sin , which paul affirms , doth expose to just condemnation , viz , an approbation of evil , that good may come of it . conclusion . the president episcopacy is of divine right ; doth thus appear groundless and absurd , taking this president episcopacy in his sense , above exprest , the proofs thereof being found false and frivolous . and to his corollary , i do oppose this antithesis and demonstration ensuing . counter-corollarie . the president episcopacy pleaded for by this pamphleter , is not ( in the sense of calvin and beza ) of divine right . to prove which i offer a counter-demonstration , pressing his steps , and tracing his method thus . that episcopacy which is not institute by christ , continued by his apostles , retained in the primitive church , nor approven by christ , by a revelation from heaven , for subserviency to all , or any end , wherein the well being of christianity is nighly concerned , is not of divine right . this proposition is his own , and therefore he cannot deny it . the assumption shall be , the antithesis and negative of his own thus . but the president episcopacy , pleaded for by him , and not instituted by christ , ( as we proved upon proposition 1. and in the demonstrated antithesis thereof ) nor continued by his apostles ( as is proved in the antithesis of proposition 2. now retained in the primitive church , ( as is proved in the antithesis of proposition 3. ) nor approven by christ by a revelation from heaven ( as we have made good in the antithesis of proposition 4 , ) for the avoiding of schism , wherein the well being of christianity is nighly concerned , ( as we have made good upon postulatum 3. and resumed upon proposition 3. ) therefore the president episcopacy , pleaded for by this pamphleter , is not of divine right , which was to be proved , the 2. corollarie is thus . corollarie 2. the want of the president episcopacy is prejudicial to the cause of christ. answer : we need no more resume , what this man understands by the president episcopacy . let us hear the demonstration . demonstration , major . the want of that govarnment in the church , which is of divine right , is pernicious to the christian religion ; for which we are referred to axiom , 4. answer . upon this axiom , i have told him , that as of it self , it 's found and consonant to the principles of calvin , and all found divines , so taking it as restricted to his scope expressed , in his citation of calvin , ( instit . lib. 4. cap. 8. sect. 2. ) anent the necessity of the apostolick and ministerial office , for the churches preservation , wherein he supposes him to assert , an apostolick standing preheminency , and official presidency in ordination and jurisdiction , to be of equal perpetual necessity , with the pastoral office it self , we have in answer to this told him , that as he has mistaken the place of calvin ; which we have put in its right room ; so these words may be soundly understood of the ministerial office , as continued in that of the apostolick materially and eminenter , from which a ministerial authority , and office of perpetual necessity is derived . in which sense , our lord 's promised presence with his apostles , to the end of the world , is to be understood ; we have also demonstrate this , and this only , to be calvins sense , by a large account of the series and contexture of calvin's discourse , in the chapter where this passage stands , so that calvin doth palpably contradict this mans sense , of the president bishop . calvin asserting the temporary expired state , and nature of the apostolick office , as above that of the pastor , and likewise ( in the citation of this pamphleter immediately preceeding ) that bishops , presbyters , and deacons , are the only officers , that have a divine standing right , of perpetual necessity ; that as calvin makes the bishop and presybters office one and the same , so he makes it in this distinct from the apostolick and evangelistick , that the one is ordinary and perpetual , the other not , the one imports a fixed charge over a definite flock , the other not , the one is suited to the churches state when exedified , the other , to its state in fieri , &c. thus we have both admitted the major , in a sound sense , and everted it in his sense . assumption . but the president episcopacy , ( understand this still according to his mold and pleading ) is that government which is of divine right . answer . this assumption i deny , for proof whereof , he referrs to the preceeding corollarie , immediately before everted , and upon which we have demonstrat the antithesis of the conclusion , which this man draws out in his demonstration , brought to fortifie the same . thus his assumption is found nought . conclusion . therefore the want of the president episcopacy , is prejudicial to the cause of christ , evanishes into smoak . to which i oppose ( as before ) this antithesis and counter-corollarie . counter-corollary . the want of the president episcopacy , pleaded for by this man , is not in the sense of calvin and beza , prejudicial to the cause of christ , or the christian religion . for proof of which , i offer a demonstration in his own mold thus . demonstration . the want of that government , which in the sense of calvin and beza , has no divine right , or warrand , is not according to them prejudicial to the cause of christ , or the christian religion . this is his own proposition upon the matter , for if this divine right be the adequat ground , rendering this want pernicious , then the negation of this divine right , must have the contrary effect , and in sound methods of reasoning , bear the contrary conclusion , by the rule of opposits . i subsume . assumption . but the president episcopacy pleaded for by this man , is a government of the church , which has no divine right , in the sense of these divines . this i proved in his own mould , as he refers , for proof of this divine right , to the preceeding corollary ; i refer ( for evincing this negative ) to the confutation of his positive or affirmative , and the discovery of its falshood , immediately premised . whereupon i draw out a contradictory conclusion to his ; therefore the want of the president episcopacy , pleaded for by him , is not in the sense of calvin and beza , prejudicial to the cause of christ , or the christian religion , which was to be proved ; or if he will listen to another demonstration , he may have it thus . demonstration , major . if the churches having the president episcopacy pleaded for by him , being the sense of calvin and beza prejudical to the cause of christ , then the churches want of it , cannot be thus prejudicial . this major i am hopeful , common reason and learning will not suffer him to deny , since the denyal thereof , would cause so many clear rules , of even natural , far more this gentleman 's acquired and habitual logicks . i subsume . assumption . but so it is , that the existence of that president episcopacy , ( which he pleads for ) in the church , is , in the sense of these divines , prejudicial to the cause of christ. this i prove thus ; that episcopacy which in their sense imports , an usurped unlawful dominion over pastors , and impeaches their authority allowed them of god , which has thus given a rise to the destructive antichristian ●yranny over the church , the existence of that government in the church , must needs be in their judgement prejudicial to the cause of christ. this proposition i am confident , he will not deny . i subsume . but the president episcopacy which he pleads for , is in the judgement of calvin and beza , of this nature and issue . therefore it is in their judgement the churches prejudice , to have been burthened with this government . the minor is above fully proved , first as to calvin , in that as he clearly asserts , all pastors to have one and the same function , so the encroachment of one under the peculiar title of bishop , upon this their equal authority , we heard him expresly condemn upon phil , 1. and next for beza , we heard him clearly assert , that the episcopus humanus , and the begun encroachments thereof , upon the collegiat authority of pastors , in churches government , gave the rise to the oligarchical and antichristian tyranny , which was the native issue and effect thereof . ( upon rev. 2. 24 , 26 ) and let any judge , if an episcopacy , with such a pretended ap●stolick official preheminency in ordination and jurisdiction , over pastors , as this man has shappen out , be not of this mould in beza's and calvins judgement , so that we may again safely conclude upon the whole , that therefore the existence of this president bishop in the church , ( to which our pamphleter has endeavoured to draw the patrociny of calvin and beza , in these distorted places , above examined ) is by them condemned as an idol of jealousy , prejudicial to the cause of christ , and the christian religion , which was to be demonstrated . finis . the relaps'd apostate, or, notes upon a presbyterian pamphlet, entituled, a petition for peace, &c. wherein the faction and design are laid as open as heart can wish by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1641 approx. 222 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47908 wing l1293 estc r16441 11854879 ocm 11854879 49955 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47908) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49955) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 500:20) the relaps'd apostate, or, notes upon a presbyterian pamphlet, entituled, a petition for peace, &c. wherein the faction and design are laid as open as heart can wish by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. [16], 85 p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1641 [i.e. 1661] first edition. advertisement on p. [9]-[10]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng baxter, richard, 1615-1691. -petition for peace. church of scotland -controversial literature. petition for peace with the reformation of the liturgy, &c. presbyterianism. church and state -england. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-02 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the relaps'd apostate : or notes upon a presbyterian pamphlet , entituled , a petition for peace , &c. wherein the faction and design are laid as open as heart can wish . nullum perniciosius odium eft , quàm violati beneficii pudere . senec. epist. by roger l'estrange . london , printed for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane . m. d c. x l i. to the presbyterian divines ; the publishers , and abettours of a pamphlet , entituled , a petition for peace , &c. — gentlemen , that you may not glory either in your cause , or fortune , you are here condemn'd to suffer publique shame by a weak hand ; yet so , as not to make mee proud of the conquest ; for ye fight against your selves , and fall by your own weapons . this is the certain fate of all your strivings against the right of bishops . the liberties you challenge , must be allow'd again by you to the people : and where 's your holy discipline then ? thus are ye broken upon your own wheel , and your selves cast into the pit ye digg'd for others . the well-weighing of this consequence twenty years ago , might have sav'd a great deal of sin , and treasure : it may prevent the same again , ( for ought i know ) even at this instant , duly to consider it : for to deal freely , gentlemen , you are now re-entred upon that deadly path that leads from heaven to hell , from conscience to disobedience : from the reforming pulpit to the kings scaffold . how shall i reconcile that reverence i bear your character , with the just indignation due to your actings ? you have of late publish'd a book ; thus called ; a petition for peace , with the reformation of the liturgy , &c. your petition appears fortified with twenty reasons , which i take a freedome to reply upon , and i make a little bold too with your liturgy : submitting the reason of all , to the judgement of the indifferent world ; and to your selves my dedication . your writings are like the pestilence that walketh by night , and the plague that destroyeth at noon-day . they steal out , and disperse themselves in the dark , but the malice of their operation is publique . many unseemly circumstances there are in the menage of this your pamphlet , which i refer to their proper notes : but since you plead the kings authority for what ye did ; it will behoove me in the first place to clear that point ; and no way better then from the very words of his majesties commission ; directing , to advise consult upon and about the book of common prayer , and the several objections and exceptions , which shall now be raised against the same , and ( if occasion be ) to make such reasonable and necessary alterations , corrections , and amendments therein , as by and between you , the said arch-bishop , bishops , doctours , and persons hereby required and authorized to meet and advise as aforesaid , shall be agreed upon to be needful and expedient , for the giving satisfaction to tender consciences , and the restoring and continuance of peace and unity in the churches under our protection and government . how far your liberties agree with these limitations , be you your selves the judges . i am afraid you 'll think my introduction some-what below the dignity of the subject ; but though the argument in it self be grave , methinks your menage of it , is exceeding pleasant : in truth , so much , that all your sober fashions will hardly make me swallow it for earnest . you know we have had a long and bloody war , gentlemen : and the same actions which on the legal side , were duty , piety , and justice , were in the adverse party , no other then rapine , murther , and rebellion . these crimes call for repentance , and either christianity is but a story , or it concerns those people that have this load upon their consciences , frankly , and seasonably to discharge themselves . would not a searching sermon now and then upon this subject , do as much good as a discourse of humane impositions ? 't is not an act of pardon , and oblivion , will bring them off , at the great day , that have these horrours unaccompted for . as publique ministers , kings may remit publique offences : and forgive those who cannot yet forgive themselves . the royal power extends but to the law not to the conscience . they shall not dye for that which yet they may be damn'd for . a man that robs a church may scape the wheel , and yet the sacriledge cleave to his fingers . in fine ; monarchs may dispense with their own laws , and interpose betwixt the gibbet , and the offender ; but betwixt sin and vengeance ; — guilt , and the dreadful stroke of divine justice ; there 's but one mediator : before whose majesty kings are but animated shadows , and all the dazling glories of this world , a black obscurity . in short ; he that has made his peace with the law and not with his own soul : — on earth , and not in heaven , has done the least part of his business . you are now crying up those people for the godly party , whose wretched souls were by the magick of your covenant-holyness charm'd into disobedience . you 're scrupulizing now again about the lawfulness of ceremonies : but not a word touching the vnlawfulness of the war. for shame , for shame , gentlemen ; that very point betrays you . it looks as if you would have the people still believe the cause was good , and that upon the same presumption of an imaginary superstition , they may tread over the same steps again . tell them how ill they did to fight against the king : ( if you believe 't was ill done ) press their repentance and bewayl publiquely your own engagements in that sinful quarrel : you betray otherwise the souls ye plead for , into a final hardness , — into an obstinate , and impenitent security . this is so undeniably your duty , ( unless you still adhere to your first cause , ) that there 's no shifting : so that the tryal of your integrity depends upon this issue : if you be truly loyal , and repentant , where-ever you have preach'd disobedience , you will recant it : however your confession must be as publique as your sin. without this cleerness all your talk of conscience weighs not a nut-shell . only betake your selves to your own pastoral discipline ; and there i leave ye . your humble servant , roger l' estrange . an advertisement . i have been of late sollicited by divers persons to hold my hand : but finding no cause for 't , either in my thoughts , or papers , i went on , finishing what i here publish . this morning , and just upon the perfecting of my book , i receiv'd notice of a scandalous report about the court , and which ( they say ) has reach'd his majesty's ear , that i am printing of a general list , of all those persons now in imployment , which formerly bare arms or office against the king. who ever speaks this as upon knowledge , tells a thing false and foul . i am not such an ass , as not to understand the mischievous imprudence of it : nor such a knave , as to engage in what i judge so gross , and so unlawful . but since the malice of mine enemies wants matter , for the least colour of an accusation , i must be crush'd by calumny , and once again condemn'd unheard ; now ( in pretence ) for dishonoring the king , as i was formerly for serving him . 't is possible by some of the same persons too : for i 'm surè , no man that is loyal , will pretend i 'm a rebel . but there 's no smoak ( they say ) without some fire . the ground of this report i may imagine ; onely a little amplifi'd it is by the benevolence of the courteous understander . these are my words . we are with reverence to believe , that where he ( the king ) knows the person he prefers , or saves , he knows likewise the reason of his bounty or mercy ; and we are not to pry into forbidden secrets . as to the rest , i think a private list presented to his majesty , were a good and a loyal piece of service : as ( 't is , and ever was my judgment ) it were the contrary to make it publick , for that were to invade an act of parliament , to assault the party . whereas the other is ( as i understand it ) onely a dutiful and modest office toward his majesty . general rules have their exceptions ; and beyond doubt , particulars there are , whom they that plac'd them there , would not his majesty should take notice of . neither do i presume to blame even those , but i propose to shew them . if services of this quality be rendred dangerous , 't is onely for those people that are weary of their lives , to be honest ; and i 'l content my self still to be one of them . one note , and i have done . my crime is not the raking into pardon'd actions , but for exposing relapsers , and discovering new combinations . novemb. 14. 1661. the relaps'd apostate . the introduction . there is newly come forth a godly libell , to the tune of — when jocky first the war began — it is entituled , a petition for peace with the reformation of the liturgy , &c. — some thousands of these fire-balls , are already thrown among the common people by the reformado presbyters , and 't is their way ; first to preach , the rabble to gunpowder ; and then scatter their squibs among them . there is neither author , stationer , nor printer , that appears to the pamphlet : but the design is peace and reformation ; and that 's the reason they 're asham'd to own it . if my intelligence deceives me not ; this same schismatical piece of holynesse , was delivered to the presse by one mr. baxter , or by his order . ibbitson in smithfield was the printer . ( the levelling ibbitson i suppose ; he that printed the adjutators proposals , i mean , and the petition to the army against the maior and aldermen in october 1647. ) i am told too that r. w. has a finger in the pye ; — brittanicus his old friend ; — he that hunts in couples with tyton . these good folks have printed treason so long , that they think now they do the king a kindnesse , to stop at sedition . indeed 't is pitty their old imprimatur-man was so unluckily call'd aside by a good office into ireland ; we should have had the toy stamp'd else with priviledge . my information tells me further ; that the bauble was barrell'd up , for fear of venting , and so sent several ways ; which being perform'd with much secresie and dispatch , does but bespeak a general tumult , and prepossess the nation against better reason . crine ruber , niger ore , brevis pede , lumine luscus : rem magnam praestas , zo●le , si bonus es . go thy wayes prester john , never bad of the marque ; four white feet , a wall-eye , and sound neither wind nor limb ; thou' rt right i 'll warrant thee . here 's first ; an unauthoriz'd form of worship : compos'd , printed , publish'd , and dispers'd by private persons ; which at first dash affronts the prerogative royal , and the establish'd government . observe next ; that 't is done by stealth : no name to 't : which gives a shrewd suspicion of ill-meaning ▪ when they that best knew what it meant , thought it not safe to own it . look in the third place to the promoters of it ; and i divine , you 'll scarce find any man a stickler in this office , that has not been an enemy to the king. fourthly , take notice , that though the book addresses to the bishops , from them of all the rest , 't is with most care conceal'd ; but on the other side : the copies flye in swarms about the nation : that is , where they may do most mischief ; however kept from them , to whom they seemingly apply for satisfaction . is this fair play my masters ? see now the timing of it : upon the just nick , when the bishops are consulting a christian , general , and friendly accommodation : and that 's the event they dread ; dominion or confusion ; — being their motto . did ever presbyters set footing any where , and blood or slavery not go along with it ? this comfort yet attends the broyls they cause ; the warr's a less plague then the government . once more ; who knows but they have chose this juncture , for some yet more malicious ends ? they have not stickled to make parties ; — held their consults and conventicles : — printed and preach'd sedition all this while only for exercise or pleasure . do they not now expect to reap the fruits of their disloyal labours ? the parliaments adjourn'd , and in this interval , 't is beyond doubt they think to do their businesse : what can be else the drift of this their challenging petition ; and at this most unseasonable instant ; but to precipitate a breach , and disappoint the general hopes of their next meeting ? nothing more common with the faction , then to discourse what wonders the next parliament will do : and hint the approching end of this. unthankful creatures ! have they so soon forgot , who sav'd them ? their mushrome-honesty , has in a night forsooth shot it self up from hell to heaven . 't is a wide step , from sacriledge , to strict holyness : — from robbing the material church , to the advancing of the mystical : — from a lawless , merciless oppression of gods ministers ; — to a true pity towards his servants . in fine ; 't is a huge leap , from the dross of humanity , to the perfection of angels ; yet in the case before us , there 's but a thought , a moment ; but an imaginary line that seems to part them . 't was the kings fiat that strook light out of darkness , and made them pass for what they should be ; his majesties command , that drew the curtain betwixt the world , and their transgressions ; and betwixt life and death . they are not yet at ease ; they have their heads again to make new stakes with : and we have another king to lose , if they can catch him as they did his father . just thus began the late rebellion ; and if good order be not taken with these relaps'd apostates , just here begins another . nor is it only the same method and design ; but it will soon appear , that the same persons are now in again , whining and snivelling for religion , ( as they did ever ) only to cheat the multitude , and to engage a faction . they have now dispers'd this pamphlet all over england ; as i am fairly assur'd . but why to the people first ? unless they intend to make use of them ? and what use can they make , but violence ? this is to say , that if the bishops will not do them reason , the people shall . next ; why so many ? but to beget a thorough-disaffection to the establish'd liturgy ? in short ; what is all this , but to cry fire , or murther to the nation ; when they themselves are the aggressours ; and 't is a flame of their own kindling ? truly these are symptomes ( as the country fellow said ) of an apostacy ; we 'll come a little nearer now , and feel their pulse . by your leave , gentlemen of the reformation . what , sir john b — too ? your most humble servant sir , pray'e while i think on 't let me ask you a modest question or two ; ( with favour of your friends here . ) can you tell me whether old olivers physicians or his intelligencers , had the better trade on 't ? or do you know who it was that was so monstrous earnest to have had me to bridewell for my caveat ? some say , he 's a physician ( but i hear no body say so that knows him ) and that 't was only a cast of his profession , to advise breathing of a vein with a dog-whip . ( for betwixt friends some of the new-modell'd gimcracks take mee for mad. ) others again will have him to be a justice , and that he would have had me lash'd upon the statvte . i am the rather inclin'd to believe this , because i 'm told that he , and barkstead , ( late of the tower ) were formerly fellow-servants , and conferr'd notes . now this same barkstead laid that very law to me : he told me that i was a fidler , and that a fidler was a rogue by the statute . some will needs fasten it upon one , that would have made the presbytery of pauls covent-garden , independent : and that he took an edge they say , because of a jerk i gave to a certain friend of his ; who upon richard's comming toward the crown ; pray'd devoutly that the scepter might not depart from the family . in fine ; the thing is done , and qvi whipp at , whipp abitvr . — melius non tangere clamo ; flebit , & insignis totâ cantabitur urbe . good-morrow knight : and now to my divines . heark ye gentlemen ; betwixt jeast and earnest , i have a way of fooling , will go near to put your gravities out of countenance : and yet i know , you are a little joco-serious too you selves ; but in another way . — do not you jeast sometimes , when ye professe to love the king ? now that 's our earnest : — but then you 're monstrous earnest , when y' are discover'd that you do not ; and there 's our sport . your very way of argument , and reasoning , is but a kind of cross purposes . — 't was ask'd me — can any man be sav'd without repentance ? and 't was answer'd — clap him up . are not ( in good time be it spoken ) your very vows , and covenants , arrant riddles ? the war was rais'd and prosecuted ; the king and his adherents , ruin'd ; by virtue of your covenant ; ye sware to act according to that covenant ; and yet ye knew not what it meant . for , when the holy war was finish'd , did not you fall together by the ears , among your selves , about the meaning of it ? to save his majesty , ( you 'll say ) from covenant-breakers . agreed : so that it seems , according to the covenant , the king might have been shot , but not beheaded ; or otherwise ; 't was lawful to shoot at him ; but not so to hit him . but your poor covenant's dead and gone ; e'en let it rest. yet tell me ( by the oath ye have taken ) have ye not still a kindness for 't ! methinks , ( in a plain phrase ) ye look as if ye lov'd the very ground it went upon . your ways , your words , your actions — all smells of the solemn — still : yes , and ( with reverence ) your new liturgy it self , is down-right directorian . 't would make one smile , ( if 't were good manners to make merry with your grievances ) to see how the poor harmless miserable aequivoc — is lugg'd by head and ears into your sermons , and discourses ; the very sound delights you still . but that 's not all . the often mention of the word covenant , bespeaks a note ; and by that double meaning , moves the people : so that the good old cause , is still carry'd on , under protection of an amphibology . now , if you please gentlemen , we 'll cloze upon the question , and begin with your title . a petition for peace with the reformation of the liturgy , as it was presented to the right reverend bishops . by the divines , appointed by his majesties commission to treat with them about the alteration of it . note . i. vve have here ( as bishop hall says of smectymnuus ) a plural adversary : and in good deed , 't was more then one mans businesse , to do a thing so excellently amisse . no name , no license ; and yet the matter in debate , no less then the two grand concerns of humane nature , peace , and salvation : done by divines too ; dedicate to bishops ; the kings commission mention'd in 't . methinks a work of this pretense should not have crept into the world so like a libell ; especially considering the nature of the proposition : ( change of church-government ; for 't is no lesse ) and the distemper'd humour of the people . this secret manner of under-feeling the multitude , does not in any wise comport with the design and dignity of a fair reformation . truly , 't is ill , at best ; but it may well be worse yet . put case , that some of the prime sticklers against episcopacy , in 1641. should prove now of the quorum in this enterprize : some that at first only press'd moderation ; relief for tender consciences ; — a reformation ; ( just as at present ) and yet at last , proceeded to an unpresidented extremity : root and branch : ( nothing less would satisfie them : — king , bishops ; all went down . ) say gentlemen commissioners , may not a christian without breach of charity , suspect a second part to the same tune , from such reformers ? answer me not , but with your legs , unless it be otherwise . is this your gospell-work to provoke subjects against their soveraign ? call you this , beating down of popery and prophannesse ? to scatter your schismatical and seditious models among the people ; and after all the plagues you have brought already upon this kingdome , by your scotch combination , to invite the multitude once more , to prostitute themselves ; and worship , before the golden calfe of your presbytery . come leave your jocky-tricks , your religious wranglings , about the thing ye least consider , conscience . leave your streyning at gnats , and swallowing of camels : — your blew-cap divinity of subjecting publique and venerable laws , to private and factious constitutions . i speak this with great reverence to all sober divines , in which number my charity can hardly comprize the publishers , and dispersers of the pamphlet in question . a petition for peace . to the most reverend archbishop and bishops , and the reverend their assistants , commission'd by his majesty , to treat about the alteration of the book of common-prayer . the humble , and earnest petition of others in the same commission , &c. note . ii. had zimri peace that slew his master ? what peace can they expect from others , that are at war within themselves ; whose very thoughts are whips ; and their own consciences their own tormentors ? is treason , blood , and sacriledge , so light , and yet the common-prayer-book , or a blameless ceremony , a burthen so intolerable ? those people that engag'd against the king in the late war , should do exceeding well to look into themselves , ere they meddle with the publick , and take a strict accompt of their own sins , before they enter upon the failings of others . as 't is their duty , to begin at home , so 't is our part , not to trust any man that does not : for beyond doubt , 't is vanity , or worse , that governs these unequal consciences , that are so quick and tender for trifles ; so dead , and so unfeeling in weightier matters . but all this while , why a petition for peace ? where 's the danger ? what 's the quarrel ? the law stands still , my masters ; you come up to 't , and then complain of violence . again : you pray to them , for whom you utterly refuse to pray ; the bishops . but let that pass ; peace is the thing ye would be thought to aim at ; which , as you labour to perswade the world , depends upon complying with your alterations of the common-prayer . that is we are to look for war or peace , in measure as your propositions are deny'd , or granted . is it not that you mean ? but with your legs , good gentlemen , unless , it be otherwise . ] this ( as i take it ) is to command , not treat : and to deal freely , your petitions are commonly a little too imperious . here 's in a word the sum of all. you have transform'd the common prayer , and ye would have it ratify'd . you make your demands , ye give your reasons : and when all fails , ye throw your papers up and down the nation , to shew the silly little people , what doubty champions they have ; — to irritate the rif-raff against bishops ; and to proclaim your selves the advocates of jesus christ. now do i promise my self quite to undo all that you have done : to prove from your own form of worship that the design of it is arrantly factious ; ( 't is a course word ) and an encrochment upon the kings authority : that your demands want modesty , your reasons , weight . this i shall likewise shew ; and that your scatter'd copies are a most disingenuous , and unseemly practice . i shall go near to unbait all your hooks too ; lay open all your carnal plots upon the gospel ; and in fine ; place an antidote , wherever you have cast your poyson . i give my thoughts their native liberty ; which is no more then modest , toward those that are now laps'd into a second apostacy : and for the rest , let me declare here , once for all , a convert is to me as my own brother . we 'll see now what it is you plead for ; and then ( in order ) to your argument : the right and reason of your asking . ye demand , reformation in discipline ; and freedome from subscription , oaths , and ceremonies : — the restoring of able faithful ministers without pressing reordination . ye have taken a large field to cavil in : see now what 't is you call a reformation . the reformation of the liturgy or the ordinary publick worship on the lords-day . ( page . 25. ) note . iii. our liturgy was very much to blame sure : seventy six quarto-pages to reform it ? pray'e gentlemen , since y' are so liberal of your labours , do but once blesse the world with a presbyterian dictionary , that we may be the better for them . it would be an excellent means i can assure ye , to beget a right understanding betwixt the king and his people ▪ alas ! how ignorant were we , that all this while took reformation only for amendment ; a pruning perhaps of some luxuriances , and setting things right , that were out of order . but now we stand corrected , and perceive that to reform is to destroy . was not church-government reform'd ? yes , by an act of abolition . was not the kings power reform'd too ? yes , by a seisure of his regalities and of his sacred person . at this rate , is our liturgy reform'd : that is , 't is totally thrown out ; and a wild rhapsody of incoherences , supplies the place of it . note here good people of the land , that presbyterian reformation signifies abolition . by the same irony they made yov free , and happy ; the king a glorious prince : advanc'd the gospel . — when of all slaves you know ye were the cheapest , and the most ridiculous : your lives and fortunes hanging upon the lips of varlets ; — your consciences tenter'd up to the covenant , and every pulpit was but a religious mous-trap . in short , remember , that presbytery , and rebellion , had the same authority , and that those prodigies of seeming holyness , your kirkify'd reformers ; those reverend cannibals , that made such conscience of a ceremony , made none of bloud-shed . this is not yet , to prejudge tenderness ; and to conclude all forwardness of zeal to be hypocrisie . let it rest here ; we have from truth it self , that liberty may cloke maliciousness ; we have it likewise from experience ; for we our selves have been betray'd by most malicious libertines . the question is but now how to discern the real , from the counterfeit : and that , so far as may concern the plat-form here before us , shall be my business . by the reformers leave , we 'll shortly , plainly , and sincerely examine the matter . they pretend in the front of this pamphlet , to exhibite to the world , a reformation of the liturgy , but upon search , we find just nothing at all of it : only a pragmatical and talking thing of their own ; in stead of a most pertinent and solemn service . that 's fraud ; score one , good people . next , they confess themselves authorized to treat [ only ] about the alteration of it : to propose this for that perhaps , one clause or passage for another : but barely to discourse , or offer at the total abrogation of the old form , is to assume a power we do not find in their commission . this is another presbyterianism . reckon two. thirdly ; they were to treat ; they did so ; and the debate prov'd fruitless : where lyes the fault i pray'e ? do but observe a little . his majesty , out of a gracious inclination to gratifie all persons whatsoever , of truly-conscientious , and tender principles : appoints a consult of episcopal , and presbyterian divines to advise jointly upon some general expedient ; whereby to satisfie all reasonable parties , ( saving the glory of god ; the good of the church ; his own royal dignity ; the peace , and welfare of his people . ) what they insisted on , ye see under their own hands ; and that the change of government , was that they aim'd at , not ( as they would perswade the world ) relief of conscience . that day wherein this proposition should be granted , would ( i much fear ) prove but the eve to the destruction of this nation . i am no prophet , but my kind friends , the presbyterians before they have done , i think will make me pass for one . they make good every syllable i promis'd for them , in my holy cheat : and if the duke of ormond would forgive me , i should presume to mind his grace , of a paper , which ( now more then a twelve-month since ) was left at kensinton for his lordship ; although not known from whom , to this instant . we are to marque here a third property of this faction . they propose things unreasonable , unnecessary , and dangerous : more then they ought to ask , as to themselves : — more then the people can be suppos'd to want ; on whose behalf they seem to beg — more then the king can grant , with safety to his majesty . when they 'r repuls'd , how sad a tale they tell , of the hard usage of gods people ! this is done in a sermon , or petition . — let them alone thus far , and once within a fortnight , you may expect a remonstrance , a state of the case ; — or some such business . that 's dangerous ; for 't is ten to one , that presbyterian legend will have some cutting truths in 't . ( no government being absolutely faultless ) the vulgar , thinking it as easie to avoid errors , as to discover them ; and finding some truths in the mixture , swallow down all the rest , for company , ( and for gospel . ) the next news , possibly may be the storming of white-hall , or the two houses with a petition against bishops . ☞ when once authority comes to be bayted by the rabble , your judgement is at hand . bethink your selves in time , my masters ; reason the matter with your selves a little , what can these ministers propose by this appeal from the supreme authority , to the people ; but to extort by mutiny , and tumult , what they cannot prevail for by argument ? you are not ( first ) the judges of the case : so that in that regard , 't is an impertinence . nor are you vers'd , ( i speak to the common sort ) instructed in the controversie . your businesse lyes not in the revelation , nor among general counsells . alas ! your own souls know , you do not understand the very terms of the dispute , much less the springs , and reasons of it . yet see ; you are the men , these gentlemen are pleas'd to make the vmpires of the difference : what are these applications then , but trapps , bayted with ends of scripture , and fragments of religion ; set , to betray your honest , and well-meaning weaknesse ? now ask your selves this question . whether did you contract those scruples which they charge upon you ; ( if really you have any ) upon the accompt of your own judgement ; or from their instigation ▪ if upon their accompt , observe what use this sort of people have ever made of your beleevings : how step by step , they have drawn you on , from a meer counterfeit of conscience , to a direct insensibility and loss of it . thus far , we have met with very little , either fair dealing or moderation from them . but perhaps they 'll say , that less would have contented them . 't is very right ▪ if manifested to be unmeet . ( pag. 23. ) but who shall make them see more , then they have a mind to see ? they 'll say perchance too for the printing of it ; that it was only done to shew the world that they had discharg'd their duties . their duty was discharg'd in the bare tender to the bishops ▪ ( that is , admitting such incumbency upon them ) the work it self , was supere-rogatory , and afterward , their telling of the people what they had done , was to accuse the bishops , not to acquit themselves . beside ; the huge impressions ; the close carriage of it : — in fine , it was not menaged either with an honourable , or an evangelical cleerness . further ; the title makes the matter worst yet . a petition for peace . that is . take away bishops or provide for another war . this will be taken heynously . who , they take away bishops ? why ? 't is no wonder : the order stands excommunicate already : they have inserted no particular prayer for them : and if they should do it now , it is no new thing for them to do . but their grand plea will be this . they have no design , nor desire , to justl● out the common-prayer , but only that theirs , and that may be inserted in several columnes , and the minister left to his discretion which to read : [ according to his majesties declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs . ] let the kings declaration judge betwixt us then . since we find ( says his majesty speaking of the english liturgy ) some exceptions made against several things therein , we will appoint an equal number of learned divines of both perswasions , to review the same , and to make such alterations as shall be thought most necessary ; and some additional forms ( in the scripture-phrase , as near as may be ) suited unto the nature of the several parts of worship , and that it be left to the ministers choice to use one or other at his discretion . in the mean time , and till this be done , although we do heartily wish and desire , that the ministers in their several churches , because they dislike some clauses and expressions , would not totally lay aside the use of the book of common-prayer , but read the parts against which there can be no exception ; which would be the best instance of declining those marks of distinction , which we so much labour and desire to remove ; yet in compassion to divers of our good subjects ; who scruple the use of it as now it is , our will and pleasure is , that none be punished or troubled for not using it , untill it be reviewed , and effectually reformed , as aforesaid . his majesty , in persuance , of this gracious indulgence , makes an appointment to the intents abovementioned . we 'll see now the proportion , betwixt the liberty they take , and what the kings declaration allows them . they have first form'd to themselves a complete liturgy , after the presbyterian mode ; in stead of only altering some passages in the other . let this be granted them , and they left at discretion which to follow , we may be sure they 'll read their own . consider then how they have nestled themselves , in the most populous , and wealthy places of the kingdome , both for convenience of gain , and proselytes . put these together , and what would this allowance fall short of a presbyterian government ? take notice next , that the alterations are to be such , as [ by the divines of both perswasions ] shall be thought most necessary . this puts a bar to slight and trivial charges , of meer humour , and caprice . but our good friends regard not that , they have chang'd all that is not of authority unalterable : disdaining in all cases , any subjection to episcopal dominion , and claiming to themselves a right of governing all others : imposing upon the multitude for holy zeal , the troublesome effects of pride and faction . in short ; this form of theirs is calculated to the meridian of the directory . hitherto the kings concessions , in favour of his presbyterian people : see now the dutiful return they make their soveraign . we do heartily wish and desire ( sayes his majesty ) that the ministers would not totally lay aside the use of the book of common-prayer , but read those parts against which there can be no exception , &c. a man would think , nothing but heaven or hell , could step betwixt these men , and their obedience . they are now drawing the first breath of a new life ; and their preserver is their prince : who to endear the bounty and the kindness , hazzards himself to save them . here 's duty , honour , justice , gratitude , nay interest too , and all that is not brutish in mans nature , concur to fix , and strengthen the obligation . sure it must be some mighty matter , that subjects under all these tyes , shall stick at to their soveraign . subjects especially of a religious dye , ( indeed , not of the common clay with other men ) whose words and actions , are all weigh'd in the ballance of the sanctuary . read ( says the king ) those parts against which there can be no exception . 't is a short easie task , either to read or to except . but this will-worship's such a thing ; they are so afraid of adding or diminishing . — away , away , ye hypocrites , with your double-refin'd-consciences . we 'll bate ye the cross in baptism ; — kneeling at the communion : — the surplice ; — bowing toward the holy table ; — nay praying for bishops too ; — any thing in fine ; though never so authoris'd , which ignorance it self would not blush to scruple at . we 'll only instance in some cases , wholly incapable of any conscientious competition . why not wedded wife — and husband , as well as married ? ] pag. 69. why not doest thou believe , as well as [ do you believe ? ] and all this i stedfastly believe , ( according to the common-prayer ) is turn'd forsooth into [ all this i do unfeignedly believe . ] i will not trouble the reader with any more of these nauseous alterations ; their whole service is of a suit , and with much care diversify'd from ours , both in the stile , and order of it . now , let the consistory answer for themselves . i hope they will not say these changes were matter of conscience ; unlesse because the king commanded the contrary . what was the true ground then of this their beastly dealing with his majesty ? truly no other then the pure nature of the animal : a presbyterian does not love a king. we have seen the earnestness of his majesties desires , a word now to the drift and reason of them : from whence , flows the cleer evidence why they oppos'd them . the king having first pass'd a large indulgence , in all cases of scruple , advises a complyance with the form of the church in points indifferent , and without exception : [ as the best instance of declining marques of distinction ] they , for that very reason , or a worse , decline it : either out of an inflexible stiffness , to the faction ; or a contumacious desiance of the authority . thrust out the common-prayer they could not ; agree with it , they would not : a prescript form they saw was necessary ; and that they brought their stomacks to . but still the publique liturgy of the church had not the luck to please them : such and such rites , and clauses would not down with them . his majesty , in favour of their pretended scruples , suspends the law , gives them their freedom● : allows them to propose some medium of accommodation : demanding only their agreement in matters liable to no exception . the reconciling terms at last are these . episcopacy they lay aside : — they totally reject the common-prayer : set up a presbyterian platform of their own : and this is it , which they have now the confidence in a blind way to recommend to the practise of the nation . yet so to recommend , as that the thing at last , is nothing less then it appears to be . while they pretend to mend the common-prayer , they take it quite away : and that they seem to give us in exchange , is in effect just nothing ; affronting equally the wisdome of the nation , with the authority of it . the presbyterian rubrick . note . iv. see , now their rubrick — [ in these or the like words ] pag. 25. — let one of the creeds be read , — and sometimes athanasius creed . ] pag. 26. some of these sentences may be read ] pag. 27. — some may be read ] again — a psalm may be sung ; — a te deum , the benedictus , or magnificat may be said : ] and then the minister is taught how to pray before his sermon , dismissing at last the congregation with [ a benediction in these or the like words ] — in case of a communion , the minister may delay the benediction . ] — a general prayer in stead of the letany , and collects — when the minister findeth it convenient . ] — and a thanks-giving ; with hymnes , at the discretion of the minister . this or the like explication — ( at discretion , before the communion : — this , or the like prayer ] — pag. 51. let him bless the bread and wine in these or the like words ] — pag. 52. let the minister be at liberty to consecrate the bread and wine , together , or otherwise : and whether to use any words or not , at the breaking of the bread , and pouring out the wine : and if the minister choose to pray but once , let him pray as followeth , or to this sense ] — let it be left to the ministers discretion , whether to deliver the bread and wine ( at the table ) only in several ; each one taking it , and applying it to themselves ; or in general , to so many as are in each particular form , or to put it into every persons hand : ] — and let none be forc'd to sit , stand , or kneel . ] — next ; this , or some such exhortation ] — conclude , with this , or the like blessing . ] — ibid. let no minister be forced to baptise the child , of open atheists , idolaters , or infidells , nor yet the child of parents justly excommunicate , or living in any notorious , scandalous sin. ] — this , or the like speech , to the parent or parents that present the child . pag. 59. after the interrogatories ; — let the minister pray thus , or to this sense . ] — after the child is baptised ; — this exhortation or the like — to the parents ] — and to the people , thus , or to this sense . ] i must not pass this office without a marque how tyrannous these people are wherever they can hook in any thing , within the reach of an ecclesiastick lash . with what face can these uncharitable zelotes , call themselves gods ministers , and yet dare to restreyn a benefit , and dispensation granted by god himself in favour of mankind ? but hear the admirable and divine hooker upon the point , and then i 'll forward . were not proselytes , as well as jews always taken for the sons of abraham ? ] and again — [ in case the church do bring children to the holy font — whose natural parents are either unknown or known to be such as the church accurseth , but yet forgetteth not in that severity to take compassion upon their off-spring ( for it is the church which doth offer them to baptisme by the ministry of presenters ) were it not against both equity and duty to refuse the mother of believers her self , and not to take her in this case for a faithful parent ? it is not the virtue of our fathers , nor the faith of any other that can give us the true holyness which we have by virtue of our new birth . yet even through the common faith and spirit of gods church ( a thing which no quality of parents can prejudice ) i say through the faith of the church of god undertaking the motherly care of our souls , so far forth we may be , and are in our infancy sanctified as to be thereby made sufficiently capable of baptisme , and to be interessed in the rites of our new birth , for their pieties sake that offer us thereunto . ] in matrimony the minister may talk his pleasure concerning the institution , &c. — of marriage ; — and bury the dead as he pleases . vpon the receipt of great , and extraordinary mercies , the church , having opportunity , ( that is , if the king be at oxford ) is to assemble for publick thanksgiving unto god , and the minister to ] — ( do — no matter what ; nor for the kings authority in the case . ) further ; though it be not unlawful , or un-meet , to keep anniversary commemmoration , by festivals , of some great and notable mercies to the church or state ( as for the root and branching of episcopacy , some great victory over the king ; or the like ) yet because the church-festivals are much abused , and many sober godly ministers , and others unsatisfy'd in the observation of them as holy dayes : let not the religious observation of them by publick worship be forc'd upon any , &c. ] oh , have a care ; 't is lawful to kill and steal upon the lords day , but not to serve god publickly upon a saints day . these following prayers , or the like ] for the sick. in their thanksgiving for deliverance in child-bearing . thus , if the woman be such as the church hath cause to judge ☜ vngodly , ( and a small matter will make the kirk judge so ) then , the thanksgiving must be in words more agreeable to her condition ; if any be used ] — this is , in english ; either no thanks at all ; or else to publish the mother a whore , and the child a bastard . methinks the holy sisters should not like this kind of fooling ; but in some cases the reverend will wink at small faults . of pastoral discipline . note . v. their forms of pastoral discipline follow ; which may be varied , as the variety of cases do require . never such engrossers of liberty to themselves , and such niggards of it to others ; and yet they advise that ministers may consent to give accompt when they are accused of male-administration . ] ( but what if they will not consent to give accompt ? ) if any by notorious persidiousness , or frequent covenant-breaking have forfeited , &c. — ] marque how they hang upon the haunt . this covenant-breaking , signifies one thing to the law , and another thing to the people . in the penitents confession , before the congregation ; the sin must be named and aggravated , when by the pastor it is judg'd requisite . ] pag. 85. as for instance ; if any man has been a traytour , a schismatique , an oppressour , a murtherer , a hypocrite , or a perjur'd person . let him say , — i have fought against the king : or i have preach'd against his authority , and provoked tumults against his person : behold , i am a traytour . i have renounc'd my mother the church , and preach'd others into schisme and separation : — i have destroy'd the apostolical order of bishops , and countenanc'd all my wild extravagancies with forms of religion : — lo , i am a schismatique . i have impos'd upon mens consciences , unlawful oaths , and covenants : enslav'd my fellow-subjects , robb'd , and imprison'd my sovereign ; enter'd upon the ministry without a call , and thrust out lawful ministers from their livings ; scatter'd their miserable families , and snatch'd the bread out of the mouths of the widow and fatherless . behold , i am an oppressour . i have embru'd my hands in the blood of the king , and of his friends : bless'd god the more , for the more mischief , father'd the rebellion , and bloudshed upon the holy ghost . see here a murtherer . i have led and encourag'd men against his majesty , under pretence to save him : — subverted the law ; under pretext of defending it : — made the people slaves under colour of setting them at liberty , erased the order of episcopacy , under the notion of accusing the persons that exercised it : and stripp'd his majesty of his best friends , under colour of removing evil counsellours . i have call'd those ministers scandalous , that had good livings : — those men delinquents , that had good estates ; — and those people jesuits , that had either wit or conscience . i have belyed the holy spirit in pretending revelations ; and i have covered my ambitious , bloudy , covetous , and factious purposes , under a cloke of holiness . i have stumbled at a ceremony , and leap'd over the seven deadly sins . lord i am an hypocrite . i have renounc'd my oath of allegiance , and that of canonical obedience : and taken other oathes , and broken them too , and multiply'd my perjuries . i swore to defend the late king , and i have destroy'd him : and i have now sworn to the son , with an intent to serve him as i did his father . i am a perjur'd wretch . in truth , this pastoral discipline , put duly in practise by the composers of it , would be of singular benefit and of great satisfaction to the nation . this discipline is follow'd with a letany , and that with a thansgiving , both at discretion . observe now what a mockery is this pretense to a prescript form : and do but think how irreligious a confusion would certainly ensue upon a publique sufferance of these peevish liberties ( for doubtless such they are . ) they have thrown out , what they undertook to mend , and the new service they have introduced , is left arbitrary , and values norhing ; or at the best , 't is but an execution of the directory . as the contrivance of it is a jewd design upon the publick government , so is the printing of it , a practice no less foul upon the publick peace . the instruments employ'd in 't , were the last kings base , and bitter enemies ; and the prime agents in this enterprize were grand confederates in the late rebellion . these are ill signs my masters . truly , among matters that arrive frequently , i wonder at nothing more , then that ever a presbyterian faction deceiv'd any man twice , for of all parties that ever divided from truth , and honesty , i take them for a people , the most easily distinguishable from other men , and trac'd to their ends. their first work is still to find out the faults of rulers , and the grievances of the people ; which they proclaim , immediately ; but with great shews of respect toward the one , and of innocent tendernesse for the other . the offending persons , ye may be sure are bishops , where the episcopal order is in exercise : but where they have thrown it out , and introduc'd themselves ; ye hear no more news of ecclesiastical errors , but of church-censures in abundance . the civil magistrate is then to blame , — and never will these people rest , till they have grasp'd all . in fine — where you find a private minister inveighing against the orders of the church : — bewailing the calamities of a nation under oppression : — preaching up conscience against authority ; and stating in the pulpit , the legal bounds of king and people : — a boaster of himself , and a despiser of his brethren : — a long-winded exhorter to the advancement of christs temporal kingdome ; and a perpetual singer of the lamentation : — a cryer up of schisme , for conscience , faction for gospell , and disobedience to temporal magistrates , for christian liberty : — where ye find such a man , — stop him ; he 's of the tribe of adoniram . to conclude ; they have all , the same design ; dominion ; — and the same course they take to compass it ; — by stirring up a godly faction . and now in good time ; — omnibus in christo fidelibus — salutem , &c. — marque but the gravity of the men ; and truly but that they have fool'd us formerly in the same way , a man would think they were in earnest . most reverend fathers , and reverend brethren . the special providence of god , and his majesties tender regard of the peace and consciences of his subjects , and his desire of their concord in the things of god , hath put into our hands this opportunity of speaking to you as humble petitioners , as well as commissioners , on the behalf of these yet troubled and unhealed churches , and of many thousand souls that are dear to christ ; on whose behalf we are pressed in spirit in the sense of our duty , most earnestly to beseech you , as you tender the peace and prosperity of these churches , the comfort of his majesty in the union of his subjects , and the peace of your souls in the great day of your accounts , that laying by all former and present exasperating and alienating differences , you will not now deny us your consent and assistance to those means , that shall be proved honest and cheap , and needful to those great desireable ends , for which we all profess to have our offices , and our lives . note . vi. vve have here a healing , and a glorious preface . persons commission'd by god , and the king , to the great work of peace and vnion . intent upon their duties , and only craving the bishops assent to matters of evident reason and necessity . what now if all these big pretences fall to nothing : and they themselves at last prove the obstructours of what they seem so eagerly to promote ? they petition the bishops to move his majesty on their behalf ; for the confirmation of their grants in his royal declaration : the liberty of the reformed liturgy . the restoring of able and faithful ministers ▪ and the ejection of the scandalous — ] — and these proposals are here back'd with twenty reasons ; which we 'll take one by one ; and briefly as we can , make evident ; that what they call religion is meer faction ; — a project by subverting the establish'd government , to advance themselves : — that if their modell were allowable , the persons yet that stickl● , have the least title of all others to the advantage of it . in fine ; their appeal , is tumultuary ; and their present design ( should it succeed ) as certainly destructive to his majesty now living ; as the last was to his most conscienciously-murther'd father . the divines reasons for their requests . [ a ] you ( the bishops ) are pastors of the flock of christ , who are bound to feed them , and to preach in season , and out of season : and to be laborious in the word , and doctrine ; but are not bound to hinder all others from this blessed work , that dare not use a cross , or surplice , or worship god in a form , which they judge disorderly , defective , or corrupt , when they have better to offer him . ( mal. 1.13 , 14. ) is it not for matter and phrase at least as agreeable to the holy scriptures ? if so , we beseech you suffer us to use it , who seek nothing by it , but to worship god as nere as we can , according to his will who is jealous in the matters of his worship . [ b ] — he that thrice charg'd peter as he lov'd him to feed his lambs , and sheep , did never think of charging him to deny them food , or turn them out of his fold , or forbid all others to feed them ; unless they could digest such forms , and ceremonies , and subscriptions as ours . ] note . vii . [ a ] these presbyters are so mindful of the bishops duties , that they forget their own . suppose them not bound to hinder all non-conformists , are they therefore bound to admit all ? some dare not use a surplice , others will not . who shall distinguish now betwixt a case of schisme , and conscience ? not the recusant surely : for that opinion were an in-let to all heresies and schisms , without controle . will any man confess himself an heretique ? allow the bishop to be judge ; his duty leads him questionless , to proceed with lenity or rigour , according as he finds the party , weak , or wilful . it seems they do not like the form of the church : — nor the church theirs ; where lyes the authority betwixt them ? but theirs is more perhaps in scripture-phrase : — and lesse in scripture-meaning . 't is not the crying lord , lord : — nor the crowding of so many texts hand over head into a prayer , that makes our service acceptable : but the due , genuine , and fervent application , and conformity of our words , thoughts , and actions to gods revealed will. i speak with reverence to those blessed oracles ; which in themselves however accommodate to our relief and comfort , may yet by our abuse , be render'd mischievous : they are the dictates of the god of order , and hold no fellowship with confusion . [ b ] touching our saviours charge to st. peter : it was a charge to him ; to feed his sheep ; no warrant to the sheep to be their own carvers . it was his office too , to reclaim straglers , and keep within his fold , such as he found inclin'd to wander after strange shepheards . he was the judge too of the food that best befitted them ; and if at any time he saw them hanckering after new walks and pastures ; it was his part to overwatch their appetites ; they might perchance take poysonous plants for wholsome else ; and reject better nourishment : blaming the meat for the disorders of the stomach . again : our saviours sheep know the true shepheard , hear his voyce , and follow him . ] but here the shepheard follows them : they run their way , and neither own , nor hear him . he offers them to eat ; they 'll none , and then they cry they are starv'd ; some few starters leap the pale ( of their own accord ) and then forsooth the flock , must follow , or they complain they are turn'd out of the fold . they proceed now to a bold challenge , touching the quality of their ejected ministers . there are few nations under the heavens of god , as far as we can learn , that have more able , holy , faithful , laborious and truly peaceable preachers of the gospel ( proportionably ) than those are that are now cast out in england , and are like in england , scotland , and ireland , to be cast out , if the old conformity be urged . this witness is true , which in judgement we bear , and must record against all the reproches of uncharitableness , which the justifier of the righteous at his day will effectually confute . we therefore beseech you that when thousands of souls are ready to famish for want of the bread of life , and thousands more are grieved for the ejection of their faithful guides , the labourers may not be kept out , upon the account of such forms or ceremonies , or re-ordination ; at least till you have enow as fit as they to supply their places , and then we shall never petition you for them more . note . viii . i would not lash all presbyterian divines for the faults of some : but as to those now under question , i doubt 't would pose the cynique with his lanthorn , to find a saint among them . observe the clamour , and the alarum ; — those that are now cast out ; — and like to be . ] ( as who should say : the times are ill god wot , already , and likely to be worse ) what a buzze is here , with a sting in the tayle of it ? nay , and take this along with ye , that these outcast divines , are persons eminent for learning , life , and doctrine : if this be true ; what can be more enflaming , against the government , then to proclaim it ; if false ; what can be fouler against the authors of the scandal . their character is this . they are able , holy , faithful , laborious , and truly peaceable preachers of the word . ] and they are ejected , [ upon the account of forms or ceremonies , or re-ordination . ] pag. 2. concerning their abilities ; they are of the commune mixture of the world in all unlawful enterprizes : a few crafty people , to a great many simple : — some to contrive and lead ; others to execute : and this we have upon experimental knowledge ; that the church-faction was carried on by a cabale in the late assembly , as well as the state-faction , by another in the two houses ; and that they both communicated still , in order to the common undertaking ; the greater part of them scarce understanding why they were come together . but let their works bear witness of their great abilities . their famous letter of apology and invitation to the reformed churches abroad ; — does it not look as if they meant to satisfie the world , that they had renounc'd latin as well as popery ? nay ; take their learned directory it self : — but 't is too much to add their weaknesses to my own . holy they are it seems too : i do not think it honest to expose particular persons to a publick scorn , but in case of high necessity ; wherefore , i shall content my self to ask . if it be holynesse ; — to preach up treason ; and blaspheme in the pulpit : — to give god thanks for murther ; and make the story of the last weeks news the next sundayes exercise : to help out a hard text with a false comment ; — to seize by violence , and fraud , anothers office , and living ; — and to refuse the communion to a person for refusing the covenant . all these things have been done , even by the holy-men we are now speaking of . what they intend by faithful is not altogether so clear . not to their vowes i hope ; for those have been back , and forward ; fast and loose ; they have denounc'd their anathema's upon both friends and enemies of the king ▪ did they not destroy the church , under pretense os reforming it ; and having sworn canonical obedience renounce episcopacy ? have they been faithful to their friends ? ( i mean , to those of the independent judgement . ) yes certainly , so far as they had need of them . we have not yet forgotten , how they besought god and the king , on the behalf of tender consciences ; — how they laid forth the sad estate of many thousands , ready to famish for want of heavenly food : which delicate , and weak-stomach'd christians , were forsooth , those religious brutes that brav'd his sacred majesty in his own pallace : that forc'd the votes of the two houses : — demolish'd churches : — yes , and had thanks too for their good affections , and the smectymnuans to plead their cause . this was great kindness , but not lasting . for as the presbyterian power encreas'd , and the kings lessen'd : ( effected , partly by false play in his majesties quarters : and partly by a potent combination betwixt the kirk , and scotifi'd english ) the consistorian party began now to bethink themselves , how fairly to get quit of their old friends the independents : plainly discovering , that what was conscience , while they needed their assistance , was become downright schisme , when they could live without it ; and so that liberty , which was cry'd up at first for christian , and necessary , was by those very ministers preach'd down again , as most intolerable . yet to conclude ; faithful they are ; that is : to their first principles , of pride : ambition , and of infidelity . that they are laborious preachers likewise , we shall not much deny , for truly , i think , no men take more pains in a pulpit then they do : or would more willingly compass sea and land to gain a proselyte . but trvly-peaceable ; — i must confess , i take to be an epithete does not belong to them. this particular is handled at large , in my holy cheat , where i have shew'd their practises and positions to be insociable , and cruell . indeed , we need not much torment our memories for instances to prove the unquiet humour of these people ; since hundreds ( i think i might say thousands ) of their contentious sermons , and discourses , are yet in being , and in readinesse to testifie against them . nay , which is worst of all ; their sourness is incorrigible : they are no sooner pardon'd , but they revolt into a second forfeiture . these are the able , holy , faithful , laborious , and truly peaceable peachers of the gospell ; — that are cast out ; ( as they have worded it ) or must be kept out , because they cannot conform , &c. they begg , that these may be admitted , or restored , at least till others may be found , as fitting , to supply their places . ] these holy men abuse the people : i say , they are not cast out as non-conformists , but as vsurpers of those benefits they had no right to . by violence , they thrust themselves into other mens livings ; or else by a rebellious power , they were plac'd there . now , put the case , they would conform : should that give them a title to the continuance of an ill-got possession ? their petition ( to end withall ) is pleasant . they desire to be in. themselves , till others , as fit , may be found ; of whose fitness , they themselves intend to be the judges . and we beseech you consider , when you should promote the joy and thankfulness of his majesties subjects for his happy restauration , whether it be equal and seasonable to bring upon so many of them , so great calamities , as the change of able , faithful ministers , for such as they cannot comfortably commit the conduct of their souls to , and the depriving them of the liberty of the publick worship ; calamities far greater then the meer loss of all their worldly substance can amount to : in a day of common joy , to bring this causlesly on so many of his majesties subjects , and to force them to lye down in heart-breaking sorrows , as being almost as far undone , as man can do it ; this is not a due requital of the lord for so great deliverances : especially considering , that if it were never so certain , that it is the sin of the ministers that dare not be re-ordained , or conform ; it 's hard that so many thousand innocent people should suffer even in their souls for the faults of others . note . ix . the reformers should do very well , to consider , as well the loss of the late king , as the restauration of this ; and how much more they contributed to the former , then to the latter . 't is i confess , an indecorum , to mourn upon a day of jubile : a deep , and foul ingratitude , to entertain so general a blessing , as the restoring of his majesty , with a less general joy. yet since 't were idle to expect , all parties should be pleas'd , and evident it is , some are not ; we 'll first see , who they are that make these loud compleynts , and then , what 't is that troubles them . the presbyterian ministers insooth are ill at ease : sick of their old disease of 41. ( bishops and common-prayer ) they suffer causlelesly they say ; and in a day of common joy they are forc'd to lye down in heart-breaking sorrows . alas now for their tender hearts ! what mirmidon , or hard dolopian what savage-minded rude cyclopian ? &c. — i want a modest term to express these peoples want of common honesty . they 're sad they say , when were they other ? but where they ought to have put on sackcloth ? what were their mock-fasts , but religious cursings of their most sacred sovereign ? and their thanks-giving-feasts , and sermons ; — were they not entertainments , and discourses , of joy , and triumph for the disasters of his majesty ? no wonder then to see these people out of humour ; at a time when all loyal souls are fill'd with comfort . to suffer , is not yet so much : but causelesly ; that troubles them : they 'r sorry i perceive that they have given so little reason for 't . just in this manner did they encroch upon his late majesty : whom they persu'd and hunted , with their barking arguments , up to the very scaffold ; and there , when they were sure that words would do no good , they babbled a little , as if they meant to have sav'd him . once more ; they have been labouring a faction ever since his majesties return ; they preach , they print the old cause over again ; and manifestly drive the same design upon the son , which formerly they executed upon the father . if we thought it would not be mis-interpreted , we would here remember you , how great and considerable a part of the three nations they are , that must either incur these sufferings , or condole them that undergoe them ; and how great a grief it will be to his majesty to see his grieved subjects ; and how great a joy it will be to him , to have their hearty thanks and prayers , and see them live in prosperity , peace and comfort under his most happy government . note . x. this mustering up of multitudes , is an old trick they learn'd from the committee of safety ; only a help at a dead lift ; and truly the party is more then a little given to this way of amplification . surely , he 's much a stranger to the temper of this nation , that does not know the presbyterians to be very inconsiderable , both for number and interest of credit with the people . where did they ever any thing without the independents ? and them , they made a shift to ensnare , by a pretended engagement for christian liberty : which , when they found to be a cheat with how much ease did the journymen turn off their masters ! but what a care they take , now of a suddain , for his majesties satisfaction ! how great a grief , &c. — and how great a joy , &c. — indeed his majesty has reason to be troubled ; to see his royal mercy and patience thus abused , by a forgetful murmuring faction , that will be satisfi'd with nothing consistent with the kings dignity , and safety ; the peace and welfare of the publique . [ a ] we may plead the nature of their cause , to move you to compassionate your poor afflicted brethren in their sufferings . it is in your own account but for refusing conformity to things indifferent , or at the most , of no necessity to salvation . it is in their account for the sake of christ , because they dare not consent to that which they judge to be an usurpation of his kingly power , and an accusation of his laws as insufficient , and because they dare not be guilty of addition to , or diminution of his worship , or of worshipping him after any other law , than that by which they must be judged , or such as is meerly subordinate to that . [ b ] things dispensible and of themselves unnecessary , should not be rigorously urged upon him , to whom they would be a sin , and cause of condemnation . it is in case of things indifferent in your own judgement , that we now speak . [ c ] if it be said , that it is humour , pride , or singularity , or peevishness , or faction , and not true tendernesse of conscience , that causeth the doubts , or non-conformity of these men . we answer , such crimes must be fastned only on the individuals , that are first proved guilty of them ; and not upon multitudes unnamed , and unknown , and without proof . [ d ] if it were not for fear of sinning against [ god ] and wounding their consciences , and hazzarding , and hindering their salvation , they would readily obey you in all these things ; it is their fear of sin and damnation that is their impediment . [ e ] one would think that a little charity might suffice to enable you to believe them , when their non-compliance brings them under suffering , and their compliance , is the visible way to favovr ; safety , and prosperity in the world. note . xi . there is one gross , and common principle , which our schismatical reformers have laid down as the foundation whereupon they build , and justifie their disagreements . to wit ; that scripture is the only rule of humane actions . ] we must not eat , sleep , move ; — without a text for 't . upon this ridiculous assertion , they pick a quarrell with such orders of the church , as are not commanded in the word of god ; when yet the practice of all christian churches hitherto extant , appears against them . the curse lies against him that preaches another gospel . ] — he that abideth not in the doctrine of christ , hath not god : — marque them which cause division and offences , contrary to the doctrine which you have learned , and avoid them . now what 's all this , to the exteriour mode of worshipping ? st. paul's advice was decency ; in general terms , not worship thus , or so ; but decently ; and leaving to the church the judgement of that decency . some posture or other we must worship in ; as kneeling , sitting , standing , leaning , prostrate ; — or the like . it is not said ; pray in this posture or in that . but the command is ; pray . must we not therefore pray at all : for want of a strict scriptural direction in what posture ? 't is the same thing , the case of all those ceremonies , which are only of meet , and sensible relation to the duty . they are in themselves , indifferent , but by command made necess●ry . indeed agreement even in outward forms were a thing very desireable , among all christians : would but the disagreeing modes , and humours of several places bear it : now since that cannot be , we are commanded to present our souls to god , in the same faith ; but for the manner of our worship ; the sensible formalities of it : we are to follow their appointments , whom god has given dominion over our bodies : our lawful rulers . to offer up our prayers , without any significant action , were to imply a drowsie , flat , regardlesseness of what we do . to make the same ceremony , vniversall , were most improper ; because in several places , the same posture , or motion , carries several meanings . well then ; since some visible action , is necessary ; this , or that , ( in it self ) indifferent : — the same , throughout , — unfit ; — what more agreeable — rational expedient ; then for the supreme magistrate , to say , do this , or that , for order sake ; wherein there 's nothing of repugnancy to conscience ? but we 'll now lay the general question aside , and come to particulars . [ a ] we take conformity , though to matters indifferent , ( if commanded by a lawful authority ) to be a necessary to salvation : so that no doubt remains in this case , but concerning the authority . further , their pretense of conscience ; is both wide , and weak . wide ; for they dissent , in things of most u●leniable freedome : and wherein , they only oppose the authority , not the thing . why not joyn'd ; — in the marriage office , as well as conjoyn'd ? so they change wedded , into marry'd ; and a hundred such frisks they have . is this , conscience ? their pretense is weak too , as thus. they undertake to prohibit ; which requires the same power as to bind . to say i cannot , is well ; to say they must not , is authoritative : and to say , they cannot , borders upon simple . how do they know ? when the same thing may be lawful to one , and vnlawful to another ? they dare not usurp christs kingly power . ] does not our saviour tell us , his kingdome is not of this world ? and bids us render unto caesar the things that are caesars ? give me thy heart ; — let the body do what it can ; without the agreement of the mind all 's nothing . kneeling before an idol , is no sin , ( ' bating the scandal ) without the adjunct of a misplac'd devotion : or if it be , a stumble before an image is idolatry . sin is an obliquity of the will , not this or that flexure or position of the body . in fine ; where did our saviour either command , or forbid any particular posture of the body ? at the institution of the blessed eucharist , says the text , [ he sate down with the twelve . ] for which critical reason , our punctual christians will sit too at the holy communion ; ( though in effect that 's not the posture ) but we read further , that our blessed saviour [ fell upon his face , and pray'd . ] why do not our precise scripturists , as well pray , prostrate too , as communicate , sitting ? as if his laws were insufficient ; ] they cry . no , neither are they yet so actually explicit , as to set down at length all constitutions helpful to our condition : much is remitted to political discretion ; and 't is enough if humane laws bear but a non-repugnancy to the divine . addition or diminution to , or of gods worship , they dare not assent to . ] let this be understood just to the letter ; they do 't themselves ; but take it as it properly relates to points unalterable , of faith , and doctrine , neither dare we . [ b ] but things dispensable , &c. — ] the more dispensable the command is ; the less dispensable is the obedience . [ if the prophet had commanded thee a great thing , would'st thou not have done it ? how much more then when he says to thee , — wash and be clean ? ] a rigorous injunction , though of a small matter , is made necessary by a frivolous , and stiff opposal of it . [ c ] they deny this inconformity to proceed from humour , pride , &c. — and bid us charge particulars . ] every presbyterian , that acted in the late war , and proceeded from pretext of conscience , to subversion of the government , and is not yet converted , is clearly — illud quod dicere nolo . those very people are now at work again ; upon the same pretense , and ( without breach of charity ) i think , we may conclude , upon the same design . [ d ] here they protest , that only fear of sin and damnation hinders their obedience . ] these first-table saints stop short of the fifth commandement . what gospell do these precisians live by ? what law would their conformity offend ? and yet they offer oath , that a pure scruple of conscience is their impediment . they could impose , and swallow , a damning , treasonous oath , against the law , without this scruple : how come they now to be so delicate , when they have duty , conscience , and authority to warrant them ? the naked truth is this ; they'd have the king subscribe to the supremacy of the kirk . [ e ] now for the credit of their protestation ; they argue that their non-compliance crosses their interest . ] no , ( under favour ) by no means . there are more presbyters , then bishops , and every presbyter within his little territory , is much more then episcopal . beside ; it were against the faith of the associated combination , for ten or twenty of them , to turn honest , and leave the rest in the lurch . again ; their argument of interest lies now , but where it did in forty one . their consciences went then against the stream too ; and yet ( abating some odd reckonings , with divine justice ) they made a shift to make a saving game on 't . in short , they do but venture a little , in hopes to gain a great deal . [ a ] do you think , the lord that died for souls , and hath sent us to learn what that meaneth [ i will have mercy and not sacrifice . ] is better pleased with re-ordination , subscription and ceremonies , than with the saving of souls , by the means of his own appointment ? [ b ] concord in ceremonies , or re-ordination , or oaths of obedience to diocesans , or in your questioned particular forms of prayer , do neither in their nature , or by virtue of any promise of god , so much conduce to mens salvation : as the preaching of the gospel doth , by able faithful and laborious ministers . and how comes it to pass that unity , concord and order must be placed in those things , which are no way necessary thereto . will there not be order and concord in holy obedience and acceptable worshipping of god , on the terms which we now propose and crave , without the foresaid matter of offence ? [ c ] we here shew you that we are no enemies to order , and our long importunity for the means of concord , doth shew that we are not enemies to concord . [ d ] we humbly crave that reproch may not be added to affliction , and that none may be called factious that are not proved such ; and that laws imposing things indifferent in your judgement , and sinful in theirs , may not be made the rule to judge of faction . [ e ] it is easie to make any man an offender , by making laws which his conscience will not allow him to observe , and it 's as easie to make that same man cease to seem disobedient , obstinate , or factious , without any change at all in him by taking down such needless laws . [ f ] sad experience tells the world , that if the ministers that we are pleading for be laid aside , there are not competent men enough to supply their rooms , and equally to promote the salvation of the flocks : this is acknowledged by them , who still give it as the reason why ministers are not to be trusted with the expressing of their desires in their own words , nor so much as to chuse which chapter to read , as well as which text to preach on , to their auditours , because we shall have ministers so weak , as to be unfit for such a trust . note . xii . [ a ] vve have the same things over again so often , i 'm e'en sick on 't . but i reply ; — 't is truth ; god is better pleas'd with the saving of souls , by the means of his own appointment ; then , &c. — government is gods ordinance , obedience his appointment ; obey then , and be saved . re-ordination is not press'd as necessary ; nor , ( that i know ) propos'd so ; though to deal freely , ( as the case stands ) i think it were no needless test of discrimination , subscription , and ceremonies are of most necessary relation to unity , and order : which 't is the churches care , and duty to uphold ; to prevent schisme , and confusion . the church , in these injunctions , does but comply with a superiour command , virtually inculcated in all those precepts that concern vnity and decency : and these refusers , strike at god himself in their disobedience to his ministers . [ b ] but concord in ceremonies , &c. ] observe this clause well . here 's first imply'd a competition betwixt the efficacy of a sermon , and of a ceremony , &c. whereas we put this difference ; the one , is gods ordinance ; the other , mans. yet is it in such sort humane , as that the authority is virtually divine . see now their complement upon the episcopal clergy : as if the church of england had no able preachers , but non-conformists : the fruit of whose laborious ministry has been a twenty-years rebellion . but the point most remarkable , is this. 't is ceremony they oppose ; not this or that injunction , as of ill choyce or tendency ; but as an imposition . their plea is a rejection of the power imposing , more then of the thing imposed : 't is the command forsooth that they dislike . [ as an addition to gods worship . ] let confidence it self blush for these people . pray'e what 's the difference betwixt addition to gods worship , in words , or in actions ? only the one works upon the eye , the other upon the ear ; both tending to the same effect , and marques of our conceipt , alike ; whether by a significancy of nature , or of agreement , matters not much . they seem to allow of a set-form of words , why not of actions too ? since neither the one , nor the other amounts to any thing , but as they are qualify'd , and tinctur'd with the intention . says the command ; — say thus ; and why not — do thus too ; grant both ; or neither ; for these two , stand or fall , by the same argument . wee ask no more liberty then they take . their prayers , and forms are not actually in the scripture ; our rites and ceremonies are potentially there . for this cause ( says st. paul to titus ) i left thee in crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i had appointed thee . ] here 's a commission at large , to set in order , but what , or how , remitted to discretion . touching re-ordination we have spoken before . a word now concerning their oaths of obedience to diocesans . that these persons do not much stick at an oath , is evident from the many oaths they have already taken ; divers of which being of direct contradiction , would make a man suspect , they did not much heed what they swear . only now when the oath they should take , comes in question , a qualme of conscience seizes them . they cannot swear obedience to diocesans . that is , they will not submit to episcopal government : or yet more close , they 'll set up presbytery and rule us themselves . why should these men be trusted , without an oath , according to the law , that have so freely sworn , against the law ? nay , did not modesty restreyn me , i should discourse the insecurity of crediting those people upon their oath ; that have already broken so many . again ; they plead exemption from swearing , that of all mortals were the most violent enforcers of it . now to our question'd forms of prayer . ] who questions them , but they that question'd as well our form of government ? those miserable hypocrites , whose breaths are yet scarce sweet , since they swore last against the king , and voted down the bishops . agreement in the manner of worship ought to be the churches care ; the peoples duty is submission , and obedience ; to which , god in the very precept , has annex'd a promissory blessing : and he that resists , shall receive to himself damnation . [ c ] but they are no enemies ( they say ) to order , and concord . indeed , they 're pleasant folks : we are their witnesses , what pains they took to bring all to a presbyterian rule , and order : and to unite the people in a foederal concord , against their prince , by a rebellious covenant . [ d ] here they demand , that none may be call'd factious , that are not prov'd so . ] content ; what is it to be factious , but to promote , and stir up disaffections against the stated government ? at this rate , all the preachers , writers , printers , &c. against the episcopal order , or the constitutions of the church are factious . more narrowly ; the publishers , and contrivers of the petition for peace ; the presbyterian lecturers ; ( twenty for one ) and their abettors may be reckon'd among the factious . but in fine , let them prove our ceremonies vnlawful , we 'll soon shew them who is factious . their next proposition , that the law may not be made the rule to judge of faction ] is ( i perswade my self ) a slip more then they meant us . the law is above the king , they say , and yet they'd be above the law. this is to draw an appeal from the bench to the barr ; to damn the judgement of the law , and make a presbyterian the judge of faction . [ e ] they come now to presse , the violence of the laws upon their consciences . ] whereas 't is evident , that streight , and gentle laws , have met with soure , and crooked humors . they say , the law makes the offender : may they not charge the decalogue , by the same rule ? what shall we say then ? ( says st. paul ) is the law , sin ? god forbid . nay , i had not known sin , but by the law : for i had not known lust , except the law had said , thou shalt not covet ; but sin taking occasion by the commandment , wrought in me all manner of concupiscence . ] — sin is the transgression of the law ; — the disobedience not the precept . this freedome of challenging the law , leads to an arraignment of the ten commandements . the idolater excepts to the first , and second ; the blasphemer , to the third ; the sabbath-breaker , to the fourth ; the rebell to the fifth ; the murtherer , to the sixth ; — the adulterer , to the seventh ; — the thief , to the eight ; — the slanderer , to the ninth ; the extortioner , to the tenth . well , but their consciences cannot submit to observe such and such laws . truly , to give them their due , nor any other neither but of their own making . though every man may be allow'd to be the judge of his own conscience ; yet there are many cases wherein men ought to be severely punish'd , for acting according to their consciences : for conscience may be misinform'd ; and beyond doubt , there never yet was any heresie , but had some well meaning believers of the opinion . grant but this liberty to the presbyterians ( as upon equity of conscience ) all other factions , have the same title to it . where are we then , but in an universal state of war ? his conscience will have no king ; anothers , no bishops ; a third , no laws ; a fourth , no religion ; one will have women in common ; — another , goods : — in fine ; our peace , comfort , and reason ; — nay , and the dignity of humane nature ; — all that is noble , in us , or belonging to us , is by this presbyterian argument of an imaginary conscience , drown'd in brutality , and confusion . what remedy then , when betwixt law , and conscience , there is a real disagreement ? where so it happens ; rather let people innocently suffer , though they lose their freedom , then by a foul resistance endanger their salvation to recover it . but they'd be quiet , they say , if some needless laws were taken away , yes ; as they were before , when under colour only of regulating , some such needless laws , they destroy'd all the rest. [ f ] their next compleynt , is for want of competent men to supply the place of their ministers [ still they confine the [ competent ] to their own party : reasoning the weaknesse of the ministers , because they may not be entrusted , to pray in their own words , or to choose their own chapters , &c. ] these gentlemen have some reason to know , that there are knaves , as well as fools ; and that the factious , are less fit to be trusted with that liberty , then the simple . [ a ] the persons that we now speak for , are ready to subscribe to all contained in the holy scriptures , and willing to be obliged by the laws of men to practice it . [ b ] seeing then you do profess that none of your impositions , that cannot be concluded from the scripture , are necessary to salvation : let them not consequentially be made necessary to it , and more necessary than that which is ordinarily necessary . [ c ] that smaller things must not be imposed by unproportionable penalties . [ d ] the church may not make any thing necessary to preaching it self ; that is of it self unnecessary , and not antecedently necessary , at least by accident . note . xiii . [ a ] truly we have an obligation to these reformers , that if the law requires it , they will subscribe to the contents of the holy bible : but that must be with their own comment too . they puzzle the vulgar with a blind notion of things necessary to salvation ; as if the sole belief of the divine authority of sacred writ , and of the mysteries , therein comprised , were enough to carry a man to heaven . some things are necessary to salvation , as we are christians . that is ; the summe of the catholick faith , ( according to our confession ) which except a man believe faithfully , he cannot be saved . ] — or in short ; an un-doubting resignation and submission to the explicite doctrine of the bible , teaching salvation : these are things , primarily , evidently , and unchangeably necessary , equally binding all humane flesh , without distinction . some things again , are necessary to our salvation , as we are men in society ; for instance , subjects . and these are matters commonly , in themselves , indifferent ; changeable in their qualities ; temporary in their obligation ; and yet necessary by collection . the short of all is this ; where the law of the land does not thwart the law of god ; or that of nature ; we are to obey the politique magistrate , upon pain of damnation . [ b ] that impositions are not necessary to salvation . ] we answer , they are not necessary to be impos'd ; but necessary to be obey'd . [ c ] concerning the measure betwixt the fault and the punishment ; let the law estimate the one , and proportion the other . private persons are not to correct the publick laws . [ d ] the church may not , &c. ] many a man may be duly qualify'd to preach , in point of ordination , ( for the purpose ) or ability , that yet in other regards is not fit to come into a pulpit . i hope , refusing to communicate with the church , may pass for as fair an impediment ; as refusing to covenant against it . ( i am enforc'd to refresh these gentlemens memories ever and anon . ) if our religion be laid upon your particular liturgy , we shall teach the papists further to insult , by asking us , where was our religion two hundred years agoe ? the common-prayer-book as differing from the mass-book , being not so old , and that which might then be the matter of a change , is not so much unchangeable it self , but that those alterations may be accepted for ends so desireable as are now before us . note . xiv . to this , we answer , that our religion is unalterable ; our liturgy not . if a papist asks a presbyterian where his religion was two hundred years agoe ? he might as well ask him , where 't will be two hundred years hence ? but that 's a harder question to a puritan , then to a catholique . further ; to presse the differings , or agreement of the common-prayer-book , from or with the mass-book , is more a shift then an argument . wee 'll keep to our adversary . 't is our profession , that the form is alterable ; but by the same power onely that establish'd it ; not by a conventicle , or a club of running-lecturers ; but by a grave consult of reverend divines ; that is , prepar'd by them , and fitted for the stamp of the supream authority . if we may not have the liberty of the primitive times , when for ought can be proved , no liturgical forms were imposed upon any church , yet at least let us have the liberty of the following ages , when under the same prince there were diversity of liturgies and particular pastors , had the power of making and altering them for their particular churches . note . xv. how these good people beat the bush , and yet start nothing ! the liberty of the primitive times , &c. ] what primitive times ? where will these men begin their reckoning ? the late primate of ireland , tells us , that [ all the churches in the christian world , in the first , and best times , had their set forms of liturgy whereof most are extant in the writings of the fathers , at this day ] — when you pray , say — our father , &c. ] in the apostles age , the holy ghost abundantly supply'd all humane needs , by super-natural graces , and inspirations . but the use of liturgies is too cleer , to suffer or admit a contradiction . yet this they are not very earnest in ; allow them onely the liberty of the following ages ] and what was that i beseech ye ? onely the power of making and altering liturgies themselves ; as under the same prince ha's been formerly permitted to particular pastors . away away for shame , with these horse-coursing tricks ; they dresse a sound leg to amuse the people , when the jade wants an eye . look ye be not cheated with their ambition , and never trouble your selves for their consciences : they 'll shift in all weathers ; — for in case of necessity . — pigg may be eaten — yea exceedingly well eaten . i would the whole nation might but once dream of such a whipping , as when these reverences got the law into their own hands , their bounty would bestow upon them . they would use no other bug-word to their children , then the presbyterians are coming . wer 't not a blessed reformation , to have an almighty inquisition , set up in every parish : to see a pontificall presbyter rule as king and priest over the estates and consciences of his subjected congregation ? to have but one commandement to keep , in stead of ten ; obey the presbyter . — in truth 't is such a government of clouts , i cannot chuse but play the fool with it : briefly ; when they 're permitted to make laws let us make halters : we have tasted them already , and if they proceed to mind us of their old discipline , let us mind one another of our old slavery ; and them too , that they now plead for a bratt , by their own rule not to be received into the church ; for it was conceived in schisme and brought forth in rebellion ; ( god blesse us ) i mean presbytery . whereas they urge that several liturgies have been allowed under the same prince , &c. — ] confeis'd : it hath been so , and may be so again , and with good reason too ; yet all this while , this proves no title our pretenders have to the same liberty . where people of differing humours , and wonted to differing customes , are united under the same prince ; prudence advises a diversity of liturgyes . again ; 't is one thing to perswade a prince ; another thing to force him ( but the main reason is yet to come . ) these bold petitioners presse the king to give them what they got , and kept , ( so long as they could hold it ) by rebellion : — to grant away , what his royal father held dearer then his bloud ; and to complete the shamelesse proposition , some of the now petitioners to the son , were the hot persecutors of the father . in fine , they act , as if they would vie provocation with the kings mercy : they ask , that which his majesty cannot grant , but with a double hazzard to himself ; — both from the government , and from the persons . [ a ] if you should reject ( which god forbid ) the moderate proposals which now and formerly we have made we humbly crave leave to offer it to your consideration , what judgement all the protestant churches are likely to pass on your proceedings , and how your cause and ours will stand represented to them , and to all succeeding ages . [ b ] if after our submission to his majesties declaration , and after our own proposals of the primitive episcopacy , and of such a liturgy as here we tender , we may not be permited to exercise our ministry , or enjoy the publick worship of god , the pens of those learned , moderate bishops will bear witness against you , that were once employed as the chief defenders of that cause ( we mean such as reverend bishop hall and usher ) who have published to the world that much less than this might have served to our fraternal vnity and peace . [ c ] and we doubt not but you know how new and strange a thing it is that you require in the point of reordination . when a canon amongst those called the apostles deposeth those that re-ordain , and that are re-ordained . [ d ] not only the former bishops of england , that were more moderate were against it , but even the most fervent adversaries of the presbyterian way ; such as bishop bancroft himself ; how strange must it needs seem to the reformed churches , to the whole christian world , and to future generations , that so many able , faithful ministers , should be laid by as broken vessells , because they dare not be re-ordained ? and that so many have been put upon so new and so generally dis-rellished a thing . note . xvi . [ a ] as to the protestant churches ; ( if they have not chang'd their opinions ) they will give the same judgement of these people now , which they did formerly . that is ; they will disown them , and their actions , for being so singular and impious , as to oppose the reason , right , and practice of all other nations : who generally have their set-forms of prayer . touching the moderation of their proposals , it is already enough notorious . [ b ] if after our submission to his majesties declaration , &c. ] prodigious boldnesse , and ingratitude ! submission ? as if the king had press'd , when he relax'd them : an indulgence beyond president , bestow'd upon a people void of sense . indeed a meritorious patience was their submission . content they were not , for many of the presbyterian teachers here about the town , petition'd for more , so soon as that was granted . but how have they submitted ? they have not strook , that 's all . do they not daily preach , write , print against episcopacy ; in opposition to the express intent , and letter of the foresaid declaration ? do they not prejudge the synod , to which that declaration referrs them ? yes , and abuse the freedome of proposing some alterations , by the rejection of the whole . suitable to this submission , are their proposals , both of the primitive episcopacy , and of their liturgy . their liturgy , as we have spoken formerly , is a contest for dominion , not for conscience , and comes to this at last ; if they may not rule , they will not worship . their primitive episcopacy , sounds as much as presbytery : for they confound the termes , as if bishop and presbyter were originally the same ; and prelacy ( as the queynt smectymnuus has it ) of diabolical occasion , not of apostolical intention . at this rate , what do they offer , in a primitive episcopacy ? bishops in truth they allow , but so , that every presbyter must be as bishop . to give the matter credit ; they appeal to the reverend hall , and vsher , those learned , moderate bishops ( as they term them ) whose pens are to bear witness against these now in being , and authority , if they refuse their askings . i am told , ( and i believe it ) that at least one of the smectymnuans had a hand in this new liturgy , and petition for peace . if so , i must needs put the gentleman a froward question . is bishop hall so much emprov'd since he dy'd ? ( in truth a prelate to whose memory the church of england owes great reverence ) this was that learn'd and moderate bishop , that smectymnuus so bespatter'd under the name of the remonstrant . but will you see now how that noble prelate was bayted by five of our new-fangled primitive bishops ? s.m. e.c. t.y. m. n. w. s. ( let mr. manton uncipher this . ) variae lectiones upon reverend , moderate , and learned . episcopal bravado . pag. 3. ] treason treason pag. 4. ] we know not what his arrogancy might attempt . pag. 14. ] so many falsities and contradictions . pag. 15. ] a face of confident boldness , a self confounded man. — notorious falsity — ibid. ] his notorious — ] not leave his — ] pag. 16. ] os durum — ] forgets not himself , but god also . ] words bordering upon blasphemy — ] — indignation will not suffer us to prosecute these falsities ] — . pag. 18. ] a stirrup for antichrist ] — pag. 30. ] antichristian government ] — pag. 65. ] — we thank god we are none of you . ] pag. 74. ] — borders upon antichrist . ] pag. 80. ] — pride , rebellion , treason , unthank-fulness , which have issued from episcopacy . ] pag. 85. ] these were favours of the bishops own laying up ; and so much for the reverend , moderate , and learned . it seems a presbyter in the chayre , is not infallible : why may they not mistake themselves as well in the bishops opinion as in his character ? or may they not forget their proposalls they have offer'd , as well as the injuries ? will these gentlemen subscribe to the bishops episcopacy by divine right ? or will they shew , wherever he pass'd a contradiction upon himself ? nay , come to his modest offer , to the assembly in 1644. is that the piece shall rise in judgement against us ? ( and that yet was par'd as close as close could be , the better to comply with the sullenness of a prevailing faction . ) hear what the bishop says in that treatise then . there never yet was any history of the church , wherein there was not full mention made of bishops , as the only governours thereof ▪ the rules of church government laid forth in the epistles to timothy and titus , do suppose , and import that very proper jurisdiction which is claim'd by episcopacy at this day . ] — the co-assession of a lay-presbytery he disapproves : and in his epistle dedicatory to his episcopacy by divine right , this ; [ if any man living can shew any one lay-presbyter that ever was in the world till farell , and viret first created him , let me forfeit my reputation to shame , and my life to justice . see now what the late primate of armagh sayes in his direction , of 1642. episcopal ordination , and jurisdiction hath express warrant , in holy scriptures : as namely titus 1.5 . for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou should'st set in order , things that are wanting , and ordeyn presbyters : that is , ministers in every city ; as the first of timothy 5.22 . lay hands suddenly on no man ; and verse 19. against a presbyter , or minister , receive not an accusation but under two or three witnesses . ] pag. 4. no other government heard of in the churches for 1500. years and more , then by bishops . ] pag. 5. this is enough to clear the authority of the institution ; but that , they 'll say is not the question ? these reverend bishops gave their judgements , of , and for a primitive episcopacy : and to a government so regulated , these divines offer to submit . that is ; they will allow a bishop to rule in consociation with his presbyters : and this looks gayly to the common-people . rule with his presbyters , ( they cry ) and will not that content him ? what ; would the bishops be as absolute as popes ? and then , the order's presently proclaim'd for antichristian : and war denounc'd against all constitutions of their framing , as superstitious . nay , the most solemn forms and orders of the church ; though venerable for their long continuance , vse , decency , and vniversal practice , are thrown out , as idolatrous , because the bishops favour them . of so great moment are the fallacies of pleasing words , where there wants skill , or care to tast the bitter meaning . but alas ! those simple wretches that inveigh against the tyranny and claim of bishops ; and with an undistinguishing rage , — confound the persons with their calling : how do they draw upon themselves the thing they fear , and furiously oppose the sum of their own wishes ? — do they first know what 't is , to rule in consociation ? it is , to degrade a bishop into a prime pastor : — to disrobe him of his apostolical prelation of degree , and allow him a complemental priority of order . this imminution of bishops , will , doubtless , not displease their enemies ; but let them have a care ; for in that very act and instant , wherein they fetch a bishop down to a presbyter , does every presbyter become a bishop : so that for five and twenty they pluck down , they set up some ten thousand . this was the cheat that fool'd the people into those tumults , which the smectymnuans entred the lists to justifie . a primitive episcopacy was the pretense , which they boyl'd down at length into a rank presbytery , and more imperious . thus was the government of the church destroyed ; and after the same manner , that of the state. [ the king was to govern with his parliament . ] this saying carryed a popular sound ; and the multitude were not able to comprehend the drift of it . in short , they brought his majesty , first , to be one of the three estates ; thence , by degrees , lower and lower , till they dethron'd him , and at last murther'd him . this was the cursed issue of a pretense , to the regulation of monarchy and episcopacy . but to end this point : the reformers would perswade the world , that they have made a tender of more yielding , than the foremention'd reverend bishops have accounted necessary to fraternal vnity and peace . we answer ; that to make this good , they must prove , that these bishops have renounc'd their episcopal , and superintendent authority : or instance for themselves ; wherein they acknowledge it . not to insist upon their vsurpations , of framing a new liturgy , without a commission ; and imposing upon the established government without either modesty or reason . [ c ] touching reordination : ( with submission ) i do not understand it either requisite , or vnlawful : nor can i learn that it is press'd , as they pretend . the canon whereupon they ground , is this. [ si quis episcopus , aut presbyter , aut diaconus , secundam ab aliquo ordinationem susceperit , deponitor , tam ipse , quam qui ipsum ordinavit , nisi fortè constet eum ordinationem habere ab haereticis qui enim à talibus baptizati , aut ordinati sunt , hi neque fideles , neque clerici esse possunt . ] if any bishop , presbyter , or deacon , shall receive from any man ( ab aliquo ) a second ordination , let the person ordaining ( qui ipsum ordinavit ) and the person ordained , be both deposed : unless it appear , that his prior ordination was by hereticks . for those that are either baptized or ordained by such , cannot be reputed either believers or clergy-men . observe first , that this canon presupposes a regular , and episcopal ordination : ab aliquo : — qui ordinavit : — referring singly to the bishop , whose assistance is deem'd so essential to the work , as that — no bishop ; no ordination . next , there 's an error in the canon : for , if baptism seriously be administred in the same element , and with the same form of words which christs institution teacheth , there is no other defect in the world , that can make it frustrate . ] so that this canon availes them little , either in respect of the scope of it , or the authority . but is re-ordination ( say they ) so new and strange a thing ? i am sorry to see smectymnuus quarrel with himself . * we had it in the beginning of queen elizabeth , urg'd , and received : ] and with less colour then , th●n now : for there , a true necessity lay upon them : they fled for conscience , and received orders in the reformed churches ; not in contempt of bishops , but onely for want of them . whereas our cavilling pretenders , have cast them off ; — rejected their authority ; — vsurped their power ; — laid violent hands upon their sacred order ; — and after all , they have the confidence , to claim , from their intrusions , and still adhere to the equity of their revolt . [ d ] bishop bancroft ( they say ) was against it : ( no presbyterian bishop . ) could but these gentlemen have seen beyond their noses , they would have spar'd this instance : mark now how bancroft was against it . in 1610. a question was moved by doctor andrews , bishop of ely , touching the consecration of three scotish bishops ; who , as he said , must first be ordained presbyters , as having received no ordination from a bishop . bancroft being by , maintain'd it not necessary , seeing where bishops could not be had , the ordination given by the presbyters must be esteemed lawful . ] this carri'd it . hence , it appears , that if bishops could have been had , their ordination by presbyters had not been lawful . had not these gentlemen now as good have let the old bishop alone , as have taken the dorr ? as smectymnuus has it . let not the world believe yet , that these complainers are out of play , barely upon the account of re-ordination . none are turn'd out ( so far as i can hear ) upon that scruple ; but sure , 't is a fair reason not to admit them : for it denotes them factious , and in truth , the common business of their lectures is notorious schism . the holy ghost hath commanded you to over-see the flock , not by constraint , but willingly ; not as being lords over god's heritage , but as ensamples to the flock . and that it is not onely more comfortable to your selves , to be loved as the fathers , than to be esteemed the afflicters of the church ; but that it is needful to the ends of your ministry for the people . when you are loved , your doctrine will more easily be received . but when men think that their souls or liberties are endangered by you , it 's easie no judge how much they are like to profit by you . note . xvii . believe me , and we are now upon a weighty question . who shall be judge , the people , or the church ; which is christ's flock ? that is , whether shall one be the judge of all the rest ; or all the rest be the judge of that one ? ( for that 's the point ) what signifies the multitude , but a number of single persons , where each individual acts , and accompts for himself ? whereas the church , is both by divine deputation , and by political paction , authoris'd and acknowledg'd to be the judge of all. if there were nothing in 't but common expedience ; — reason of interest , and of state : me-thinks , that might suffice , to make us rest in their decrees , to whom , as by a general reference , we have subjected the decision of all our differences . but the benignity of providence treats us more kindly yet ; annexing all the blessings of both worlds to our obedience : which surely no man will oppose , that is not wholly void of religion , moral honesty , and of common prudence . but it is better to obey god then man , they 'l tell us , has the church any jurisdiction over our souls ? any right of imposing upon our consciences ? no , god forbid . but does not the church know our consciences as well as we know one anothers ? and may not the church as well suspect that we do not think thus or so , as we affirm that others do ? when private persons plead for themselves , it may be conscience ; but when they come once to stickle for others , 't is faction . if it be said , that preachers are not private persons . i answer , that all subordinate persons are private , in respect of their superiors . in fine , it is our duty every man to attend the good of his own soul ; and it belongs to the church to over-watch us all : preserving still the common vnity , though to the grief of some particulars . well , but there are so many thousands ( they say ) that suffer upon tenderness of conscience . these people do but make so●es , that they may beg plaisters . there may be tender consciences , and there are , doubtlesse , to whom great tenderness is due , and needful ; but these compleyners are not of that number . they are too lavish in their undertakings for ☞ others , and too peevish in their pleadings for themselves . he that is positive in what he does not know , forfeits his credit too in what he does . but they are still christs flock : and 't is enough ; they say it . ( from sheep with clawes , deliver us . ) take heed ( says our saviour ) that no man deceive you , for many shall come in my name , saying , i am christ , and shall deceive many ] and again ; there shall arise false christs , and false prophets . ] we see the very text bids us take heed , and foretells dangerous hypocrites . but what need we look further then our own memories ? was not the whole crew of the late conspirators , clad in the livery of gods people ? only his majesties friends had , and have still the fortune to be reckon'd among the prophane , and not admitted into the fold . would these correctors of magnificat would shew us once , where ever christ call'd his flock together with a scotch covenant : or where the holy ghost gives private persons an authority over their superiours ; or commissions the sheep to quarrel with their pastor . it is confess'd , that softness , and humility becomes the fathers of the church , and 't is enjoyn'd them ; but then obediance likewise befits the children : whose part it is meekly to obey , in all matters not directly sinful , but to resist in none . let me add one thing further : where these dividings about forms are suffer'd , the mischief seldome stops at schisme : for the same principle , that rents the church , threatens the state ; beside the hazzard of an ambitious faction , ever at hand to aid and to emprove , that peevish holynesse . in truth , both interests are so enter-woven , that 't is impossible to crush the one without bruising the other ; and to conclude ; a schismatique shifts as naturally into a traytor , as a magot turns to a flye . the next step from liberty of conscience , is freedome of estate and person ; and from liberty of thought , they proceed to that of action , arguing and concluding in great earnest , with my honest friends jeast . for at the beginning was , nor peasant , nor prince ; and who ( the divel ) made the distinction since ? if we are not in point of ceremonies or forms in every thing of your mind ; it is no more strange to have variety of intellectual apprehensions in the same kingdome and church , then variety of temperatures and degrees of age and strength . note . xviii . wee do not say 't is strange , that there should be variety of intellectual apprehensions ; but we contend that so it is ; it ever was , and ever will be so : and from the truth , and evidence of that assertion , arises the clear reason , and necessity of what we plead for . we must consider man , as a reasonable creature : compos'd of soul and body ; born , for the publique , and himself ; and finally accomptable for the emprovement of his talent toward the ends of his creation . the great , the indispensable , and universal end , is that which has regard to the creatour , from the creature : and in that point we are all agreed upon a common principle of reason , that 't is our duty to adore , love , and obey that gracious power that made us . that this is the prime end , we all agree , and that our works are only good , or evill , according as they correspond with , or recede from it . in the next place , as we consist of soul and body ; we seem to fall under a mixt concern ; and there , the skill is how to temper the angel , and the brute , in such sort as may best comply with the behoof , and comfort of the individual : subjected still to the great law and purpose of our being . our reason , we submit to the divine will ; and our affections to our reason . behold the scale of our obedience ; and universal dictates of our reasonable nature . in these particulars : god , as the sovereign prince of the whole world , binds all mankind alike , with an unlimited , and undistinguishing authority . our souls , the almighty governs by his immediate and blessed self ; our bodies he referrs to his deputies ; whom in all sensible and common actions we are to obey as gods commissioners . we come now to the point that moves the great dispute : — our state of liberty in matters of themselves indifferent . in this question we are to consider , that every man is born first , for the publick ; next , for himself . he that rates any thing except his soul , above the common benefit of social nature , is an ill member of the vniverse . while every man consults his own particular , how easily he 's drawn to think that fair , which he finds pleasant ! employing much more cunning to perswade himself , that what he likes , is lawful , then strictly to examine it ; ( for fear it should prove otherwise . ) are we not all made of the same lump ; — ( — born to the same ends : — dignify'd with the same reason ? — what is it then , but an injurious custome , and oppression , that puts the difference betwixt governours , and slaves ? that prostitutes so many millions of free-born christians , to the command of any single person ? these are the stirrings and debates of mutinous and unadvised natures , they scan but the one half ; and that , the grosser too ; the vulgar part of the question . can the whole perish ; and the parts ' scape ? can any thing be beneficial to particular persons , that is destructive to the community ? what by one violence they get , they lose by another ; and in exchange for the soft , honest bonds of order and obedience , they leap into a sinful , shameful slavery was not the late war undertaken , ( in shew ) for this imaginary freedome ? and yet , at last , what was the event , but tyranny , and bondage ? not by miscarriage neither , but by a regular fatality , and train of causes . do we not find mens minds , and humours as various as their complexions , or their faces ? every man likes his own way best ; pleads for his own opinion . there 's no such thing as right or wrong in things indifferent , but as they are circumstanc'd by application : and here 's the very case of our reformers . some are for kneeling at the eucharist ; others for standing , sitting , or the like ; they differ too about the manner of receiving . capricious holyness ! shall that confused , and promisenous use of several forms , and postures , pass for a decency in the lords house , and on so solemn an occasion , which at a private table would be exploded for a grosse and ridiculous immorality ? the church , for order sake , and uniformity , enjoyns one form , or posture ; this , or that , 't is indifferent ; where lyes the conscience of refusing ? should but the rubrick say — let the minister enter at the church dore : — would not our teachers make it a piece of conscience to creep in at the window ? marque it , 't is that ; — that — that 's the businesse ; — 't is power they tug for , and to bring monarchy under the yoke of presbytery . they argue the expedience of granting liberty , because forsooth of the differing humours of applying it . the strongest reason in the world against them . for in this state of disagreement , take but away that limiting , and binding rule that prescribes vniformity ; what other consequence can be expected , from letting loose so many wild , and petulant passions ; so many raging , and dividing factions , but tumult , heresie , and rebellion ? if any shall make men disobedient , by imposing things unnecessary , which they know are by learned , pious , peaceable men , esteemed sins against the lord , and then shall thus heavily afflict them for the disobedience , which they may easily cure by the forbearance of those impositions ; let not our souls come into their secret , nor our honor be united to their assembly : if they shall smite or cast out a supposed schismatick , and christ shall find an able helper , peaceable minister , or other christian , wounded , or mourning , out of doors , let us not be found among the actors . note . xix . vvhy did not the reformers rather say ? if any shall make people rebellious , by preaching down obedience to authority , as a thing unnecessary : or abuse the simple , by calling good , evil ; and evil , good : — let not our souls — ] whether is greater , the boldness of these teachers , or the blindness of their disciples ? does not this way of reasoning , root up all government ? and has not the practice of these men made good the worst that any man can say , or think of their designe ? were they new folks yet , a man might find some charity , for the soft-headed gulls that believe them : but to be twice catch'd in the same trap ; twice fool'd by the same persons , were an unpardonable sottishness . let the three kingdoms cast up the accompts of the late war , and see what they have gained clear , by the reformation . these very gentlemen were one and twenty years ago upon this argument ; infinitely troubled about additions to god's worship , in things unnecessary ; oathes of subscription , &c. — to obviate these crying evils , they set to work a preaching ministry , and lectur'd up the people into a gospel-frame , ( for that 's the knack ) of disobedience . the people heard their prayers ; ( for 't was to them they prayed ) meroz was curs'd , and curs'd — and the right reverend matrons sent forth their bodkins and their thimbles to help the lord against the mighty . in fine ; the cause prosper'd under their ministery , and things unnecessary were taken away ; that is , king , bishops , the law of the land , the liberty of the subject : — the heads and fortunes of his majesty's best friends . some oathes that were of exceeding scandal and burthen to weak consciences were taken away too , or rather exchang'd , for others less offensive , to the sense of the learned , pious , and peaceable men , they speak of . as for instance ; in stead of that abominable oath of canonical obedience to the bishop and his successors , ( in omnibus licitis , & honestis ) in all things lawful and honest ; a covenant was introduced of combination against them . but no man was compell'd to take it neither ; for 't was but losing the capacities of englishmen ; a sequestration ; — rotting in a gaol , or some such trivial penalty , if they refus'd it . indeed , to serve the king after the taking of it , was a little dangerous , because of an article of aug. 16.1644 . declaring , that whosoever shall voluntarily take up arms against the parliament , having taken the national covenant , shall die without mercy . the truth is , the covenant was somewhat more in scripture-phrase , and suited better to the gust of the godly . so for the positive oathes of allegiance and supremacy ; they gave us negatives ; still mov'd by tenderness of conscience : they made a scruple forsooth , of swearing with vs to serve the king ; but they made none of forcing oathes against him . to make an end ; the late presbyterian rebellion has cost the three kingdoms at least fourscore millions of treasure , besides souls and bodies ; and now they are hammering of the nation into another . they talk of conscience : so peters , their fellow-labourer , was a man of conscience ; was he not ? the foulest part of whose lewd life , was that wherein they wrought in common fellowship . in short ; the presbyterians bound and prostituted the virgin , and the independents were the ravishers . these drops are sharper , than in any other case would stand with modesty : but they are truths , so timely , and so needful for the publick , that they shall out , what ere they cost me . what do these creatures keep a coil with sin for ? that act as if there were no god ; and yet they talk , as if they thought of nothing else . are not their contradictions upon record ? has not the nation , in all quarters , the witnesses of their very tongues and pens against them ? was ever any tyranny so barbarous , as what these people exercis'd over the consciences of their fellow-subjects , and against the government which they had sworn to preserve ? yet now , when the authority requires obedience ; the learned pious men are taken of a sudden with strange fits of conscience : — from sudden death ( in the letany ) must be , forsooth , from dying svddenly ; ( a most important scruple ! ) well , but forbearance ( they say ) cures , and eases them . we do not know , had the rebellion of the angels been once pardon'd , what such a mercy might have wrought upon the devils . but here we are upon experiment . after so large an act of grace ; — so flowing and magnificent a bounty ; — so prone a goodness toward their whole party ; now to re-revolt : — misereatur deus ! they are much careful not to take an able minister for a schismatick : they take not half that care to distinguish a schismatick from an able minister . if christ ( they say ) should find that able minister cast out for a schismatick ? what then , good people ? but what ( say i ) if christ should find schismaticks kept in for able ministers ? what then , good brethren ? [ a ] men have not their understandings at their own command , much less can they be commanded by others , if they were never so willing to believe all that is imposed on them to be lawful ; they cannot therefore believe it , because they would , the intellect being not free . [ b ] few men are obstinate against the opinions that tend to their ease and advancement in the world , and to save them from being vilifi'd as schismaticks , and undone ; and when men professe before the lord , that they do impartially study and pray for knowledge , and would gladly know the will of god at the dearest rate ; we must again say , that those men must prove that they know the dissenters hearts , better then they are known to themselves , that expect to be believed by charitable christians , when they charge them with wilful ignorance , or obstinate resisting of the truth . note . xx. [ a ] exceeding fine and philosophical . men cannot believe all that they would believe ; — and no man is to profess or act against his belief . ( that hits it . ) the reformers cannot believe the orders of the church to be lawful and binding : the church cannot believe the recusancy of the reformers to be reasonable or conscientious . the reformers cannot believe that they ought to be kept out for inconformity ; the church cannot believe that they are to be taken in , unless they conform . the reformers take discipline to be essential to salvation ; the church thinks otherwise . the reformers cannot but believe the separatists to be saints ; the church on the other side , cannot but belive them to be schismaticks . so that in fine , if the church cannot grant , what the reformers cannot but ask ; whether shall the law yield to a faction , or the faction to the law ? [ b ] few men are obstinate , &c. — ] this objection is already answered , but i shall add something . all popular attempts upon change of government , are hazzardous to the undertakers ; are there therefore no rebellions ? but here 's the state of their adventure . if the design takes , and the people tumult , then are they in at pleasure , in the head of the faction . if it miscarries , they have no more to do but keep their countenance , retire , and grieve — because of the vngodly . that disappointment they nick-name , — a suffering for the gospel : — a persecution : and in that shape , they get more by private collections , then many an honester man does by a good benefice . beside : they are bold upon a confidence in the king's lenity . they pray to be inform'd , they say . ] that was scot's plea , concerning the murther of the late king ; and may be any man 's by the same equity , that shall be pleas'd to call it conscience , to do as much again . now for the knowledge of their hearts , ( the last thing they insist upon ) we 'l follow the scripture-rule : — know the tree by its fruits : — measure their faith by their works : — judge of their fidelity , by their breach of vows ; of their honesty , by their breach of articles ; of their scruples , by their sacrilege ; of their loyalty , by their persecution of their soveraign ; of their tenderness , by their deliberate murthers ; and , in fine , of all their pretended virtues , by their contradicting impieties . vve crave leave to ask , whether you do not your selves in some things mistake , or may not do so for ought you know ? and whether your understandings are not still imperfect , and all men differ not in some opinion or other ? and if you may mistake in any thing , may it not be in as great things as these ? can it be expected , that we should all be past erring about the smallest ceremonies and circumstances of worship ? and then , should not the consciousness of your own infirmjty , provoke you rather to compassionate humane frailty , than to cast out your brethren , for as small failings as your own ? note . xxi . this is but loosely argu'd : to reason from an universal fallibility , to an universal toleration . because all men may commit errors , therefore all errors must be suffered . the law respects common equity , and politick convenience ; not the degrees of wisdom or folly in the transgressors of it . if fools were priviledg'd , all knaves would plead ignorance . there may be subsequent allowances in favour of misguided vnderstandings , but they are of charity , and relaxation , not of strict justice . all stated laws ( better or worse , no matter ) if they are not simply wicked , are obliging : and to correct a publick sanction , by a private hand , is but to mend a misadvice by a rebellion . this they concede , that all may erre : then they themselves are not infallible : so that the competition rests betwixt the law and the reformers . but now , to what we are sure of . there are some cases wherein a subject must not obey his prince ; but i defie the world to shew me any , wherein he may resist him . that were to say , a subject is no subject . to say , he may be su'd , makes nothing ; that law which warrants the compleynant is virtually the king. again ; that which betwixt man and man , were a fair rule , holds no proportion betwixt a personal weakness , and a publick inconvenience . the giving way to clamours of this impetuous and froward nature , cost the late king his life . to say more , were to prejudge my betters ; let this suffice . put your selves in their case , and suppose that you had studied , conferred and prayed , and done your best to know , whether god would have you to be re-ordained , to use these forms or ceremonies , or subscriptions or not ? and having done all , you think that god would be displeased if you should use them , would you then be used your selves , as your dissenting brethren are now used , or are like to be ; love them as your selves , and we will crave no further favour for them . note . xxii . this we call laying of the matter home to a man : — make it your own case . good. whose case did these reformers make it , when they stripp'd all men to their shirts , whose consciences could not submit to their rebellious leagues of extirpation , and directorian fopperies ? would they have been content , themselves , to have been turn'd out of their livings , because they could not play the renegado's ; to have been muzzled up in dungeons ; — debarr'd the common benefits of humane life : — not suffer'd to officiate as private chaplains ; — no , nor so much as teach a petty school ; — nor enter into any honest employment , which their ingenious malice foresaw might give the persecuted wretches bread. is this according to the rule ? do as you would be done by . there were no superstitious impositions , at that time ; but matters went as they would have them . they order'd every thing themselves ; and the best choyce an honest man had left him , was job's upon the dunghill . it was the pulpit too , that gave fire to the train ; — that warranted the treason , and cover'd murther with a gloss of justice . briefly ; a reformation was the crye of the design , and see the issue of it . and yet do as you would be done by , is their plea , that did all this. far be it from us however to imagine that their abuse of justice should overthrow their title to it ; or that the pravity of man should frustrate the eternal virtue of a decree of god , and nature . we 'll make their case our own then ; and reason with them , upon their own principles . do as you would be done by ; say they to us : do as ye would be done by ; say we to them. would you be willing to be thus impos'd upon ? says a private person : would you be willing to be thus contemned ? says the magistrate . yes , if ( i commanded things unlawful , says the one : or if i were a schismatick says the other . if upon search and prayer for better light , we think that god would be displeased with us for doing this or that , we must not do it . now , why should others trouble us , only for doing that which in our places they would do themselves ? this is the fair state of the question . we are to note here , that words are not the certain evidences of our thoughts ; and that our charity is never so ty'd up , as to be barr'd advice with reason . now others are to deal with vs , according to the rules of what things rationally seem to them , not strictly ( peradventure ) what they are . as thus ; a common lyer tells a truth ; it may be so ; yet i 'm not bound to venture any thing upon his story . the first profession a man makes ; — in charity , i 'll credit ; yet still in prudence i 'll secure my self , in case i prove mistaken . but people that break oft , where they may keep their words ▪ that by prepense contrivance have formerly strew'd their way with oyly language , to deadly ends : these , by the general dictate of common reason , i may suspect , and which is more , i ought to do it , and to be wary of them . does not our blessed saviour himself bid us , beware of the leven of the pharisees which is hypocrisy ? — those that tithe mint and cummin , and neglect judgement mercy , and fidelity : — that streyn at a gnat , and swallow a camell : — that are fair outwardly , and rotten within ; — and under colour of long prayers , that devour widows houses . do not pharisee , and puritan begin with a letter ? is not this character most bitterly like the humour of the men we wote of ? further ; 't is manifest from this caution , that we are not bound to think all people godly , that call themselves so , nor to trust all appearances of holyness ; but we are soberly to reduce our judgements to the standard of discourse and reason . they must deny the bible , that refuse us this ; and now , suppose the table 's turn'd . we told the world , that we were afraid of popery ; and that our consciences could not submit to ceremonies ; under which colour we entred into a covenant , which in pretense was to reform the church , and to establish the king. we destroy'd both , by virtue of that freedome , which we seem'd only to desire in order to our souls . the son of that prince whom we ruin'd , is now by providence , and hereditary right , placed on his fathers throne . our consciences are once again sick of the old scruples ; and cannot down with forms , and ceremonies . shall we be laid aside now for our consciences ? yes certainly , we must be laid aside , unless we shew very good reason , first , why they should believe us conscientious , and next , ( if truly scrupulous they can imagine us ) why they should trust us . did not we swear , than an impulse of conscience transported us into our first engagement ? that , all the world knows was a design of faction , and sedition ; and that the pulpit-theme , was the decrying of the kings negative voyce ; and the exalting of the power of parliaments . ( blaspheming the authority of the nation , by applying it to a conspiracy in the two houses . ) this we have formerly done , and , as yet , given the world no tokens of repentance : we ask the same things over again ; and ( in good deed ) why may not they suspect to the same purpose ? may they not argue likewise from our practises , against our own demands ? do we say people may not be compell'd ? why did we compel them then ? well , but suppose it a pure case of conscience , that hinders our complyance . men may think many things unlawsul to be done , that are still as unlawful to be suffer'd . we ask that freedome from the law , which would in consequence destroy the law : and this we begg , for conscience . were it not breach of trust in these to whom the care of the publique is committed , to gratifie a private scruple , by a general inconvenience ? so that their conscience stands engaged against us . but 't is reply'd , that we are many thousands . all are but one , in point of conscience ; take them together , they 're a faction . at last ; if we can yield no reason why they should either believe , or trust us ; where lyes the sadnesse of our condition ; save only in the losse of what we never had ? unless thus or so qualify'd we must not be admitted . [ a ] it is easier to agree in few things , than upon many , upon great and certain and necessary things , than upon small uncertain and unnecessary things , and upon things that god himself hath revealed or appointed , than upon things that proceed from no surer an original , than the wit or will of man. the strict prohibition of adding to , or diminishing from the things commanded by the law-giver of the church . deut. 12.32 . [ b ] it 's easie to forsee , how those expressions in mens sermons , or prayers , or familiar conference , which seem to any mis-understanding , or suspicious , or malicious bearers , to intimate any sense of sufferings , will be carried to the ears of rulers , and represented as a crime . and nature having planted in all men an unwillingness to suffer , and denyed to all men a love of calamity , and necessitated men to feel when they are hurt , and made the tongue and countenance the index of our sense , these effects will be unvoydable , while such impositions are continued , and while a fear of sinning will not suffer men to swallow and digest them , and what wrongs such divisions about religion will be to the kingdom ; and to his majesty , we shall not mention , because our governours themselves may better understand it . [ c ] what universal ease , and peace , and joy would be the fruits of that happy unity and concord which the reasonable forbearances which we humbly petition for , would certainly produce ▪ how comfortable would our ministerial labours be , when we had no such temptations , burdens or disquietments . [ d ] it must be the primitive simplicity of faith , worship , and discipline , that must restore the primitive charity , unity , and peace , and make the multitude of believers to be of one heart , and of one soul , and to converse with gladness and singleness of heart , as having all things common , act. 4.32 . and 2.46 . no such things as our controverted impositions ; were then made necessary to the unity and concord of the members of the church . note . xxiii . [ a ] it is not good to make little matters seem great , and great small : — to make less difficulty of doing what god h 'as directly forbidden , then of complying with what he has not expresly commanded . observe here a text most miserably forced . what-thing-soever i command you , observe to do it : thou shalt not add thereto , nor diminish from it . deut. 12.32 . ] which our new scholiasts render thus . do nothing but what god commands , even where god commands nothing at all . does not [ what-thing-soever i command : observe to do it . ] imply that some things there are which god does not comcommand ; and that in those cases we are at liberty ? ( the [ observe ] waiting upon the particular thing commanded . ) [ b ] it 's easie to foresee , &c. — ] our reformers fore-sight is in this place , an almanack for the last year . the poyson of their sermons , prayers , and conferences has been already reported to the ears of rulers , — by hearers , not malitious neither ; but griev'd , to see the pulpits fill'd with faction , ignorance , and scandal ; and to hear onely hortatives to tumult ; defiances , and alarums , instead of evangelical and healing comforts . but these ( effects they tell us ) will be unavoidable , while such impositions are continued . nay rather , while such freedom is allow'd . do these men preach , and yet complain of a restraint ? they cannot swallow and digest , &c. — ] yes , sequestred livings they can , not ceremonies . in truth the one is a little hard to go down , and the other is as hard to come up . if these divisions threaten wrong to the kingdom , and his majesty , ( as they say they do ) a timely order would be taken with the dividers . [ c ] to sweeten the last menace , where they tell us the hazzard of not complying with the faction ; we are now blest with a view of their land of promise . what universal peace and ease , &c. — the giving them all they ask would certainly procure . [ indeed i suppose the nation might be at vnity that way ; for betwixt hanging and transplanting all men of differing opinions , there must needs ensue a pleasant state of concord . less rigour cannot reasonably be expected by any man , that either considers the faction ; since it first got footing in the world ; or the late practises of these very people . concerning their extraction and proceedings , i have given some accompt in my holy cheat : of their late practises enough is said too ; onely a word touching the quality and temper of our reformers . which word [ reformers ] must not be understood singly of those that published this spurious liturgy , and bold petition : but likewise of their aiding and consociate brethren . the foulness of the late war is notorious : and the king's mercy toward the conspirators surpasses all example : in which number , i reckon the revolting and intruding church-men , as criminals of the first magnitude . of these , some keep their benefices , others are laid aside , in right perhaps of the due incumbent , or for want of orders . those that continue , help the rest , — set up their lectures , — call in the ejected and the deep-mouth'd brethren to their assistance : — and now they 're in , full cry against church-government , and persecution . in fine ; out of the whole crew of these reformers , let any man produce one single person that ever was a friend to the late king. i 'l shew him divers of his bitter enemies ; nay , some ☞ of those ( yet publick preachers ) in the city , that press'd the murther of our late blessed soveraign , rankly and openly in the very pulpit . now let the world judge , what these people mean by reformation . but we are told , that forbearances will quiet them . they are no presbyterians then : for ever since they have had a beeing , kindness has made them worse : and the very moment of his majesty's return , was watched by their impatient and seditious libels . [ d ] what an amphibion is a designing presbyterian ! a levelling prelate : — we have here a complement to new-england from the kirk of scotland : — all things in common , according to the primitive discipline . that the primitive simplicity of faith and worship , ( as worship may be taken ) is necessary to christian unity ; i think no man questions , that writes christian : but to bring discipline up to an essential , is ( under favour ) a religious soloecism : or rather , an audacious imputation upon all churches , that ever yet embrac'd christianity . 't is in effect , a feather pluck'd from the soveraignty : — a consciencious encroachment upon the supreme power : — for by this knack , all civil causes are hook'd in within cognizance of the consistory , and found within the purlues of their discipline . as their ambition is remarkable in all cases , so is their purpose most observable in this before us . what signifies the necessity of their discipline to our peace ? but that bishops must down , and presbytery up , or we shall have no quiet with them . for a come-off ; all things must be done with singleness of heart ( they tell us ) as having all things in common , act. 2.46.4.32 . ( this is a morfel for the independents ) no such things as our controverted inquisitions were then made necessary , &c. ] never had men worse luck with texts . mark but these two quotations now , and then admire the subtle inference from them . no impositions , then ; and consequently , none must be now. would our reformers have had the church order'd , before it was gather'd ? rules for church-government establish'd , before christianity it self was acknowledg'd . the apostles had but newly receiv'd the holy ghost ; and to convince the jews of the divinity of that iesus whom they had crucified , was their first business and commission : faith and repentance was their theme : — the question , — men and brethren , what shall we do ? ( not how ) then peter said unto them , repent , and be baptized : — act 2.37 , 38. ] then ( says the text ) they that gladly received his word were baptized — and they continued stedfastly in the apostles doctrine , and fellowship , and in breaking of bread , and in prayers , vers . 42. ] if the apostles had been presbyterians , they would perhaps have begun with their holy discipline , and laid the sacraments aside to be considered of at leisure . had it not been a most preposterous course , to have directed the manner of our worship , before they had laid the foundation of our faith ? 't is said again , chap. 4. vers . 32. that the multitude of them that believed , were of one heart , and of one soul. ] and here 's no mention of impositions neither ; whence they infer the non-necessity of impositions , as to concord . when these gentlemen shall have prov'd impositions unnecessary , they have a long way yet to go , ere they shall be able to prove them unlawful . but , till they have done the former , we shall persist in our opinion of their necessity ; at least conveniential , not to salvation , but to vnity . it must be noted , that this unanimity in the believing multititude , was a miraculous grace . they were all filled with the holy ghost : ( says the verse next antecedent ) and the connexion fairly implies this wonderful agreement , to be the imm●diate working of that blessed inspiration . [ we find a while after , when the number of the disciples was multiplyed , there arose a murmuring of the grecians against the hebrews , because their widows were neglected in the daily ministration . chap. 6. vers . 1. ] ( the bond of universal unity begins to slacken already . ) this difference gave occasion to the institution of deacons . church-officers being already appointed ; — apostles and presbyters by our saviour himself , and deacons by the apostles : we come now to church-orders : or , ( in the holy language ) impositions . concerning which , one general serves for all : let every thing be done decently and in order . but the determination of that decency is left to the church . the common adversaries of our religion , and of the king and kingdom , will rejoyce to see us weakned by our divisions , and employed in afflicting or censuring one another , and to see so many able ministers laid aside , that might do much displeasure to satan , by the weakning of his kingdom , and by promoting the gospel and kingdom of the lord. note . xxv . since our reformers have not over much modesty , i wish they had a little more argument : that a man might either with charity believe them in a mistake , or with honor shew them the way out of it . who are the common adversaries now ? the king and his party were wont to be the common enemies . but here they talk of adversaries to our religion , the king and kingdom . they may intend the king still , for ought i know . they charg'd his royal father with popery , and yet they themselves brought him to the scaffold , because he would not set it up under ( forsooth ) the disguise of presbytery . they declar'd him likewise an enemy to king and kingdom , by making his person an enemy to his authority , as they distinguished them . briefly , who ever they are that hate us , they may well rejoyce to see us thus divided , but woe be to them from whom these divisions come . 't is not for subjects to expostulate with rulers : — to start from the laws , and bid authority follow them . bishop taylor says very well concerning scandal , [ before the law be made , the superior must comply with the subject : after it is made , the subject must comply with the law. ] the latter is our case , and the imposition lies on the other side ; upon the law , not upon the people . but the great pity is , so many able ministers are laid aside . ] truly , as to the ability of good lungs , loud , and long talking , we 'l not contend with them . but that they are such champions for the lord's kingdom , against satan's , is more then , without better proof , we are bound to credit . however , they had better have a tug with satan here , than hereafter ; but they must go another way to work then ; for , to destroy the kingdoms of this world without commission , is ( without controversie ) to advance the kingdom of darkness , and to do the devil a special piece of service . if what you study for , be indeed of god , this course of unmercifull imposition , is the greatest wrong to it , that you can easily he drawn to , unawares ; while so many truly fearing god , are cast out , or trodden down , and tempted to think ill of that which themselves and the church thus suffer by , and when so many of the worst befriend this way , because it gratifieth them , it tendeth to make your cause judged of , according to the quality of its friends and adversaries . and how great a hand this very thing hath had already in the dislike of that is befallen diocesans , ceremonies and the liturgy , is a thing too generally known to need proof . note . xxvi . methinks the sir johns grow a little pernicacious , ( as our author has it ) [ unmerciful impositions . ] what ? no more covenants i hope . but 't is at [ unawares ] they say . that helps the matter . it seems , the bishops do they know not what , a jolly garb for a petition , this. but see ; the godly men are not only oppressed , but tempted to think ill of what they suffer by . they are clearly for ruling with the ungodly , and flourishing like a green bay-tree ; ] but they do not love to think of being cast down with them from slippery places , and destroyed ; — of consuming , perishing , and coming to a fearful end. ] of suffering their most certain fate ; [ to be rooted out at last . ] as nothing can be clearer , then that their cryes are causeless ; so is it not less evident , that were they truths , their practises are yet vnchristian : and that they are not the men [ truly fearing god ] they would be thought to be . beware of false prophets ( says our saviour ) that come to you in sheeps clothing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves . ye shall know them by their fruits ] here 's our authority , to judge the hearts of men by their notorious actions . will they be tempted to think ill , of what they suffer by ? so may the traytour , of the law that makes rebellion capitall : — the plunderer , of the command that sayes thou shalt not steal : and in like manner , all offenders may quarrel with that constitution which orders , and directs their punishment . yet we all know the fault lyes in the malefactour , not in the appointment . at this rate , they may cavil at divine justice , and disclaim christianity it self , if they come once to suffer by it . good manners they have shak'd hands with already ; for they tell us , that so many of the worst , befriend this [ ceremonial ] way ; — that it tends to make the cause judg'd of , according to the quality of its friends , and adversaries . ] it were a good deed to tell this faction , as they told the late king ; that the suggestion is as false as the father of lies can invent : ] sure these ill-tutour'd pedants know that his sacred majesty is a friend to this way : the law , antiquity , and reason . but since they offer to try the merits of the cause by the quality of its friends , and enemies : we shall accept the challenge ; and let them thank themselves , if they come off with the worst on 't : and first we 'll take a brief view of the opposers . a rabble of people , next dore to brutes , for knowledge , and morality , began the action . these were instructed and prepar'd by a cabale of factious lords and commoners , ( and by their instruments ) to be afraid of popery , and invasions ; bawle against bishops , and evil counsellours ; and finally , these virtuous sages were made the judges , and reformers of laws , and manners . in time these ostlers , tinkers , ragg-men , coblers , draymen , thimble-makers , &c. — grew up to be our governours . so much for the rise , fortune , and extraction of the first visible undertakers . now for their honesty . they plunder'd , murther'd , rebell'd , forswore themselves . mean while , the mock-priests , in their pulpits proclaim'd this medly , for the godly party ; wedded their cause ; took in all sorts of heretiques into the combination . defam'd the king : enflam'd the people against the government ; cast out the b'shops ; — swore fast and loose ; and preach'd three kingdomes into bloud and ruine . these were the tender consciences ▪ — the holy thousands ; — and the men truly fearing god , that were cast out , and trodden down , &c. — this is no general charge , for i allow , that many well-meaning but mis-guided persons sided with the party ▪ i speak of those members that stuck to the work ; and of those ministers that fluck to them : to shew the world what sort of persons our challenging divines are now pleading for , under the notion of people grieved because of vniversal impositions . methinks those that were in , before , and have their pardons , should be very tender , how they engage the nation in new broyles : especially against that prince , whose single , and pure grace it is , that puts a difference betwixt the heads they wear , and those upon the city-gates ; whosoever is offended at this plain freedome , let him blame those that have so spitefully , and so unseasonably put this comparison of parties to the question . we have in grosse , laid open the opposers of our church-government , rites and ceremonies . their friends are briefly those : the warrant of holy writ : the universal practice of ordering the externals of worship : — the establishment of the particulars , by the consent of the people : — the regular injunctions of a lawful authority : — and in fine , every person that loves the religion , law , honour , peace , and freedome of the english nation . once more for all ; what is the kings person to the church-ceremonies ? yet the same covenant , and the same persons , destroy'd both. which shews , ( as i have often said ) that the design is power , not conscience ; and that the friends and enemies to the church ; are the same thing respectively to his majesty . touching the dislike , which ( they say ) is befallen diocesans , &c. — ] they tell us here a truth , which they themselves have well-nigh totally procur'd : for to infame the hierarchy , and blast the constitutions of the church , has been ( ever since the kings return ) the better half of their businesse in the pulpit . ( not forgetting his majesty neither . ) [ a ] a weak brother that maketh an unnecessary difference of meats and dayes ; is not to be cast out , but so to be received and not to be troubled with such doubtful disputation . [ b ] impositions are not indifferent , in the judgement of dissenters , though they be so in yours . [ c ] we beseech you therefore plead not law against us , when our request is that you will joyn with us in petitioning , to his majesty and the parliament , that there may be no such law. [ d ] the cause of the non-conformists hath been long ago stated , at the troubles at franckford , and having continued still the same , you have no reason to suspect them of any considerable change. [ e ] we have now faithfully , and not unnecessarily , or unreasonably , spread before you , the case of thousands of the upright of the land : we have proposed honest and safe remedies for our present distraction , and the preventing of the feared increase . note . xxvii . [ a ] vvould our divines perswade us that the case of meats , and dayes , whereof the apostle speaks , is of the same nature with that of ceremonies , which we are now debating , or that a weak brother is not to be distinguish'd from a peevish ? see how perverse and vast a difference lyes betwixt them : but right or wrong , if it be colour'd for the multitude , no matter for the reason . under the law , god himself put a difference betwixt meats ; and betwixt dayes : which difference ceas'd , upon the coming of our blessed saviour . some thought it still , a point of conscience to observe the law ; and these the apostle calls weak brethren : others again , that knew the law was abrogate , quitted those scruples , and of these it is that st. paul says ; we which are strong , ought to bear the infirmities of the weak . now marque ; that which was formerly impos'd , is now become a thing indifferent . that is ; indifferent to the strong and knowing : not so to those that were not yet convinced of the determination of the former tie and duty : and this is the true ground of the apostles tenderness here concerning scandal . destroy not him with thy meat , for whom christ dyed . ] see how their case now matches ours . they durst not eat , because they knew that once they were bound ; and they did not know likewise that they were now discharg'd . let our reformers shew as much for ceremonies : either that humane impositions were ever forbidden , or that those , practic'd in our church , are in themselves unlawful . and yet these men are not so totally indifferent , as they appear to be , concerning meats , and days . was ever any thing more sourly superstitious , then their monthly-fast ? those days , wherein the church enjoyns abstinence , they choose , to feast upon : and sunday is the only day for humiliation . [ b ] laws are compos'd for the publique welfare , not for the humours of particular persons : and shortly ; they that do not like the law where they live ; should do well to search the vvorld , for a law they like . si non ubi sedeas locus est , est ubi ambules . [ c ] we come now to a fine request ; that is , they desire the bishops to petition the king to establish presbytery ; ( for that is directly the effect of it ) to destroy the act of conformity . do not people understand , that when laws are form'd to a complyance with phansie and humour , there is no other law but humour . they tell us hitherto what they would not have , see now what 't is they would have . [ d ] the cause of the non-conformists ( they say ) is long since stated at frankford . ] is that it then they would be at ? yes , that , or thereabouts . [ we have no reason to suspect them of any considerable change , ] they tell us . truly , nor much to thank them for sticking there . but the late war is the best measure of their aims ; and yet they did no more there , than they attempt every where : for i defie the world to shew me one story , where ever that faction was quiet , unless they govern'd . but they have confess'd enough ; we are to look at frankford for their model : and by the spirit of the reformers there , to judge of these here. in the days of edw. 6th . this island first began to be leaven'd with presbytery : through the particular craft and instigation of calvin , whose late success and absolute dominion at geneva , gave no small pretence and encouragement to an allowance of his discipline . while discontents were gathering , that prince dies , leaving the government to queen mary , in whose reign , diverse of the reformed perswasion fled into germany . no sooner were they met at frankford , but calvin's model was there ready to bid them welcom . some liked it but too well ; and to make easier way for 't , made it their first work to disgrace the english forms ; just as our consistorian puritans do at this day . knox , whitingham , and some others of the geneva-humor , made a cull of the particulars they faulted , and sent them to calvin for his opinion : whose answer was , that there were many tolerable fopperies in the english liturgy . this letter was made publick , and a great furtherance to the ensuing breach ; which ended yet in the establishment of the english way at frankford , the calvinizers flying off to geneva . so that their reformers and ours agree ; both , enemies to the english ceremonies , and common-prayer . the cause the same too ; both are friends to the geneva platform . nay , they agree in practise likewise . that faction cast off their prince and bishop there ; ours did as much for king and bishops here . if those nonconformists , and these are of a judgment ; ( as our divines unwarily imply ) we shall best read what these men think and mean , srom what those said and did , and rather proceed upon their own confession , than summon the three kingdoms to bear witness of their actions . we shall begin with knox , ( one of the intermedlers ) whose letters and discourses are sufficient to his condemnation , without that history of the church of scotland ; of which ( though generally ascrib'd to him ) spotswood acquits him . in 1559. willock and knox were advised with , concerning the discharging the queen of her regency . willock gave his opinion , that they might justly deprive her from all regiment and authority over them . ] knox follow'd , and added , that she ought now to be deprived . those of most note among the frankford-sticklers , were goodman , whittingham , and gilby . see them at large in bancroft's dangerous positions : from whence we 'l borrow some collections out of them . if the magistrates ( says goodman ) shall refuse to put mass-mongers and false preachers to death , the people , in seeing it performed , do shew that zeal of god which was commended in phineas , destroying the adulterers ; and in the israelites against the benjamites . now see the men that these reformers call mass-mongers and false preachers . the most part of our ministers ( says gilby ) are either popish priests , or monks , or fryers — procters of antichrist's inventions : popish chapmen , &c. ] if kings and princes refuse to reform religion , ( says whittingham ) the inferior magistrates , or people , by direction of the ministery , may lawfully , and ought , if need require , even by force and arms , to reform it themselves . to the multitude ( says goodman ) a portion of the sword of justice is committed : from the which no person , king , queen , or emperor , ( being an idolater ) is exempt , he must die the death . these are the opinions of those persons whom our reformers make their pattern . how they proceeded , the story of queen elizabeth sets forth abundantly ; and our own memories may enform us , how close our covenanters have follow'd them . [ e ] we have now faithfully , &c. ] with what faith , reason , or necessity — soever the case was spread before the bishops : we 're sure 't was fouly done to spread the case before the people . but where 's the faith , of taking an ell for an inch : — of abolishing what they pretend to alter : — of perverting scripture : — and of putting an arbitrary nothing upon the people , instead of a set-form ? where lies the reason of presenting the opinions of the simple , as arguments to the wise : — of opposing number to equity : — tumults to authority : — and of pressing his majesty , to put himself into the power of those very people that dethron'd his father ? lastly , where lies the necessity of insisting upon so many variations , as are already prov'd to be utterly unnecessary ? now see the remedies they offer us ▪ which come to this ; they propose to cure good order by confusion . honest and safe they say they are ; and honest and safe we may believe them ; but we must first believe , that there 's no knavery in nature : for set mens consciences at liberty once , to think what they please , their hands will not be long restrained from executing those thinkings . never was a general freedom demanded , but for a particular design : nor was it ever granted , but the next proposition was equality . but they propose it here , it seems , as to prevent the fear'd enemies of our distractions . ] behold a drop fallen from the lips of prudence it self . are we in danger already and shall we be in less , when those we fear are in more power ▪ either the reason's naught or the design ; let them say whether . appendix . so far as open and clear dealing to their arguments , or justice to their meaning may acquit me , i think i owe them nothing ; and yet methinks i'm in their debt , unless i match their twenty reasons in favour of their propositions ; with as many against them . and which is more ; since 't is the multitude they court , i am content their friends shall be my judges . when i have done , 't is at the reformers choyce ; either by a reply to shew the little they have to say ; or by a more ingenuous silence , modestly to confesse that they can say nothing . tvventy reasons against their propositions . first , the design is dangerous , as presbyterian . for i do not find where ever yet that government was setled , but by conspiracy , and to the ruine of the supreme magistrate . ( with reverence to the reformed churches ; whose opinions in matters of faith may be sound , and yet the extraction of their discipline , vitious . ) 2. the proposers of this peace ( as they call it ) were the promoters of the late war : and by those very means did they destroy the last king , which they here offer as beneficial to this. 3. the very matter of their proposals , imports a denyal and usurpation of the kings authority . his majesty may not prescribe a set-form of worship : they themselves may for [ wedded , joyn'd ] &c. — stamp'd with the kings authority signifie nothing : but change them into married , conjoyn'd , &c. ] and the reformers seal to them , they pass for current . 4. their propositions are an utter disclaim of the episcopal order : for they oppose under pretense of conscience , all powers or faculties derivative from bishops : as canonical obedience , ordination , subscription , &c. 5. they press the king to act against his declar'd conscience : and to condemn the blessed memory of his father ; who dy'd because he could not grant , what they demand now from his royal successour . 6. the ground of their pretense , is scandal and unfitness for the ministry in the one party ; great holyness , ability , and conscience in the other , which to allow , were to make martyrdome , and loyalty scandalous ; and to give treason , faction , and hypocrisie , the credit and reward of holynesse . ( for that 's the difference betwixt those that ruin'd the late king , and those that perish'd for him , which two are now the question . ) 7. the very style , and manner of the addresse , is menacing , libellous , and mutinous : menacing , in the title ; [ a petition for peace . ] that is ; no peace without a grant. libellous , in the way , and purpose of it . a nameless , close , and defamatory invective against bishops . mutinous in the scope , and consequence ; 't is an appeal from the supreme power to the people . 8. the liberty they ask , extends to any thing they shall call conscience : and then what crimes , and villanies shall not passe for virtues , when every malefactour is his own judge ? 9. to give these people what they ask is to allow the reason of their asking : and at once to reward one injury , and justifie another . 10. they plead the peoples cause without commission ; and what the church styles schisme , they terme religion ; that , christian liberty , which the law calls treason . 11. 't is dangerous trusting of common vow-breakers , and most unequal to challenge absolute liberty , and allow none . 12. the grant of one unreasonable request , begets another , till at the last , it becomes unsafe to deny , by having parted with too much . 13. the late war began with a pretence of reformation : and with reformation are we now beginning again . it may very well be , that the same persons may intend the same things , by the same terms , and that they still propose to act by the same conscience : which if they do , in common equity and prudence , they are not to be admitted . if otherwise , till their confession is as publick as their fault , they are not to be believed . ( i speak of church-men more especially . ) 14. if really the common people be disaffected to the orders of the church ; surely these ministers that preach'd them into these distempers , deserve rather to be punish'd , than gratifi'd for so doing . and that 's the case . they themselves first stir up a factious humor in the multitude , and then they call that conscience , which is nothing else but a misguided ignorance of their own procuring . 15. while they pretend to reform bad laws , they destroy good ones ; noy , they oppose the very scope and benefit of law it self , common utility and concord : making their fickle and unquiet fancies , the rule of that authority , which better reason meant expresly for a curb of our licentious wandrings . 16. our reformers place the last appeal in the people ; an excellent contrivance , to make that party judge of every thing , which effectually understands nothing . 17. whereas they plead religion in the case , such a religion 't is , as the whole christian world cann't shew the fellow on 't : rather to justifie those outrages , which even humanity it self abhors ; than to admit those universal rights of government , which all men in society acknowledge , and submit to , but themselves . 18. a furious bustle they make with the silly people , for fear of popery . let this be observ'd , the church of rome hath gain'd more english proselytes ( ten for one ) during our presbyterian tyranny , than in proportion of time it ever did under our bishops . and still we lose ; ( i would i could not say ) with reason too : for what 's presbytery , but a more shameful and intolerable popery ? ( but all perswasions have their more moderate , and their violent parties . ) we talk of jesuits ; what is a jesuite , but a presbyterian papist ? or what a presbyterian but a reform'd jesuite ? 19. their propositions are an affront to the king , and a snare to the people . they ask leave to alter the common-prayer , and they take leave to destroy it . they offer a new form , and they desire it may be left to the minister's discretion which to use ; which being granted , the minister is left still at liberty to use neither . thus do they play fast and loose with his majesty ; ensnaring likewise the people with a lamentable pretence , that they cannot obtain , what in effect no mortal can understand . 20. let them now get what they ask , and they shall soon take what they please : for they onely desire , that they may do what they list , and then judge of their own doings . we all know what they have done , and call'd it conscience too ; so that their present talk of conscience , gives us no certainty of what they intend to do . wherefore 't is safer to refuse than trust them . let me be taken still to speak with reverence to authority : and truly i shall further yet subject my reason to my charity ; if any man will but do me the kindness to shew me onely one publick president , where ever a presbyterian faction , in a contest for power , and under no necessity , kept faith with any party . what were all articles and ties of honor , more then bulrushes , when they could gain by breaking them ? how much i loathe these brawling arguments , i might appeal to the whole practise of my life , wherein i never yet put pen to paper , to any man's dishonor , that was not a profess'd enemy to the king : nor have i ever printed the least syllable , but on a publick score . 't is now high time to end this tedious wrangle , which i must not absolutely quit , till i have given some reasons for engaging in it . first , i am ty'd by oath to the discovery of all conspiracies against his majesty , and by the oath i have taken , i judge this here in question to be a foul one . next , as a subject , i am bound to do the king all lawful service . thirdly , i look upon this office , as a small offering to my country ; 't is no great vanity , if i believe some weak enough for me to teach : and 't is a truth , that i as much desire to learn from others . fourthly , we are charg'd with ignorance and scandal , ( the presbyterians livery ) and i would have the world to know , that those of the censorious cut are not all saints and philosophers . i might add for a fifth reason , that general good allowance which my well-meaning weaknesses have found with the king's friends : from whose agreement of opinion , i receive great assurance and encouragement , in my poor undertakings ; and in their charity much honor. but all are not so satisfi'd : for at this instant i am inform'd of several mean designes upon my person , freedom , and credit . the first amounts to nothing . the next i look upon but as the boiling of some old rancorous humor against the king : — a dream perchance of forty-four again . for sure no other persons will condemn me now , but those that would have hang'd me then. as to the third , i 'm least of all sollicitous ; for perjur'd persons are no proof in law , and for the rest , i fear them not . it will be urg'd perhaps , what has this scribling fellow to do with the publick ? i cry ye mercy , gentlemen . you count it nothing then , after three prentiships spent in the royal cause , to be bespatter'd by those very persons that overthrew it ? this is the course of your implacable distempers : the cavaliers are abus'd , and the presbyterians complain . give me leave onely to offer ye two or three questions , and i have done . ( the first an old one , but not yet resolv'd . ) first , vvithout repentance can there be any salvation ? or , without confession and restitution , any repentance ? secondly , vvhy will not you swear to obey bishops , as well as ye covenanted to destroy them ? and why may not you as well be forc'd to take a lawful oath , as you forc'd others to an unlawful one ? thirdly , vvhy is it not as lawful for bishops to silence presbyterians , as for presbyterians to extirpate bishops ? one fool may ask more questions , than twenty vvise-men can answer . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47908-e1790 caveat , pag. 18. notes for div a47908-e2750 birds of a feather . the marks of the beast . nemo repente . cujus contrarium . notes for div a47908-e6670 the divine● petition for peace . pag. 1. had zimri peace ? johnson . the presbyt . demands . pag. 2. notes for div a47908-e8010 presbyterian reformation signifies abolition . fraud . usurpation . design , not conscience . the method of sedition . a petitionary menace . pag. 14. the divines exceed their commission . the kings proposal to the presbyterian ministers . the godly party . tender conscience● . page . 61. ibid. his majesties tendernesse abused . notes for div a47908-e12460 an arbitrary set-form . christian liberty . pag. 32.35.36 . ibid. pag. 46. christian liberty at the communion . pag. 55. ibid. pag. 56.57.58 . unchristian rigour . pag. 62.64 . consistorian tyranny . hookers ecclesiastical policy l. 5. s. 64. pag. 68.72.73 . concerning festivalls . ibid. pag. 74.78 : notes for div a47908-e13740 pastoral discipline . p. 82. pag. 80. pag. 81. open confession . for a traytor . a schismatick . an oppressour a murtherer . an hypocrite . a perjur'd person . this discipline necessary for the presbyterians . the method of the presbyterian faction . the marques of a presbyterian . notes for div a47908-e15450 page . 2. notes for div a47908-e15810 pag. 3. reas. 1. the duty of bishops . notes for div a47908-e15950 john. 10.27 . pag. 4. reas. 2. a sad compleynt . notes for div a47908-e16760 the presbyt . character . able . holy. faithful . laborious . peaceable . pag. 4. reas. 3. sorrow in a day of common joy unseasonable . notes for div a47908-e18560 the presbyterians laugh when they should cry . the old cause reviv'd . pag. 3. reas. 4. how great a part of the 3. nations suffer . notes for div a47908-e19340 the faction good at false musters . inconsiderable . pag. 4. reas. 5. the nature of the cause . page 5. ibid. pag 6. notes for div a47908-e19920 the ground of the reformers schisme . gal. 1.8 . 2 john 1.9 . rom. 16.17 . 1 cor. 14.40 . the manner of worship left to the church . conformity necessary . a queynt scruple . matth. 26.20 . matth. 26.39 . 2 kings 4.13 . their scruple is faction . pag. 6. reas. 6. the disproportion betwixt the things in question and the salration of souls . pag. 7. pag. 8. notes for div a47908-e22600 ceremonies are necessary to order . they oppose the power not the thing . tit. 1.5 . the presbyterians swear freely . who are factious . rom. 7.7 , 8. the consequence of presbyterian liberty . pag. 8. reas. 7. the nonconformists submit to all things necessary to salvation . pag. 9. notes for div a47908-e25470 things necessary to salvation . pag. 9. reas. 8. as well the mass-book as the common-prayer . notes for div a47908-e26210 pag. 9. reas. 9. the liberty of the ancient times . notes for div a47908-e26540 luke . 1 1.2 . a modest request . johnson . pag. 9. r. 10. the hazzard of refusing . notes for div a47908-e27640 presbyterians no protestants smectimnuus pag. 23. bishop hall's modest offer , pag. 3. ibid. pag. 4. pag. 15. presbyterian primitive episcopacy . hooker's eccles . pol. lib. 5. sect . 62. * smectymnuus . mr. manton's impression , pag. 51. spotswood hist. of scotl. lib. 7. pag. 514. page 10. reason 11. notes for div a47908-e31110 the church the judge . matth. 24.4 . matth. 24.24 . schisme turns to rebellion . pag. 10. reason . 12. notes for div a47908-e32870 the end of mans creation . objection . sol. peevish liberty . page 12. reas. 13. notes for div a47908-e34780 the reformers method . page 12. reason 14. page 13. notes for div a47908-e36440 the intellect not to be forced . page 13. pag. 13. reas. 15. notes for div a47908-e37390 pag. 14. reas. 16. notes for div a47908-e38000 do as ye would be done by . object . sol. the presbyterians case put . page 14. reas. 17. pag. 16. page . 16. notes for div a47908-e40110 a text wrested . the reformers unity . a subtle inference . page 18. reas. 18. notes for div a47908-e42610 the common enemy . great exemplar . pag. 447. pag. 18. reas. 19. notes for div a47908-e43300 psal. 37.36 . psal. 73.17 . psal. 37.39 . mat. 7.15 , 16. how to judge of mens hearts exact collect. pag. 494. note . the bishops adversaries . the holy thousands . the friends of episcopacy . page 18. reas. 20. page 19. notes for div a47908-e45170 rom. 15.1 . rom. 14.15 . plautus . history of the church of scotl. pag. 267. spotswoods hist. scotl. pag. 136. ibid. 137. dangerous posit . pag. 35. ibid. pag. 61. ibid. pag. 9. ibid. pag. 36. the scotch presbyterian eloquence, or, the foolishness of their teaching discovered from their books, sermons and prayers and some remarks on mr. rule's late vindication of the kirk curate, jacob. 1692 approx. 307 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 62 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35017 wing c6961 estc r10498 12534453 ocm 12534453 62829 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62829) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 311:8) the scotch presbyterian eloquence, or, the foolishness of their teaching discovered from their books, sermons and prayers and some remarks on mr. rule's late vindication of the kirk curate, jacob. calder, robert, 1658-1723. [4], 116 p. printed for randal taylor ..., london : 1692. dedication signed: jacob curate (pseudonym of gilbert crokatt and john monro) attributed to gilbert crokatt and john monro. "this work has been often wrongly assigned to robert calder, who may have edited some of the reprints"--halkett & laing (2nd ed.) reproduction of original in rutgers university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. -vindication of the church of scotland. church of scotland -controversial literature. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-10 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2005-10 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the scotch presbyterian eloquence ; or , the foolishness of their teaching discovered from their books , sermons , and prayers ; and some remarks on mr. rule 's late vindication of the kirk . it grieveth my soul to think , what pitiful , raw , and ignorant preaching is crowded most after , meerly for the loudness of the preacher's voice : how often have i known the ablest preacher undervalued , and an ignorant man by crouds applauded , when i , who have been acquainted with the preacher , ab incunabilis , have known him to be unable to answer most questions in the common catechism . baxter's cure of church : divisions , direct . x. follow not the pastors of this land , for the sun is gone down upon them ; as the lord liveth , they lead you from christ and the good old way . sam. rutherford , epist . 2. to his parishioners . london , printed for randal taylor near stationers-hall . 1692. to the r. h. p. and p. of the k ; the most g. and very g. p. of the present p. of the c. in scotland , e. c. my l. as there was never any book and patron more suited to one another , than this book is to your lp ; so there were never any reasons more satisfying than those that have iniduced me to this dedication : for , first , if in this incredulous age , some men should charge the following relatitions of any falshoods ; it were an injustice done to your lp , to pretend , that any man is so capaable to vindicate them as your lp ; who amidst the throng of so much ecclesiastick and civil busiess at court ( from which you are now fain to retire for case and refreshment to your wonted solitude in the country ) have been very constant and close in the study of those extraordinary books cited in this pamphlet ; and so unwearied a hearer of those wonderful preachers of whom i now treat , that you have every day heard them with joy for many hours together ; and never fail'd , with your own hand , to write those learned and elaborate discourses i have here published ; and many more of the like nature ; in which zeal ( to your glory and to the shame of other professors be it spoken ) you had no equal , but one reverend ruling elder , a bonnet-maker in leithweind . so that , my l ▪ this dedication is but only the offering to you some few of the rare sayings , and comprehensive sentences which grace and adorn those papers that your lp. has been at such pains to collect , and are still so careful to preserve ; and which you justly value more than all the rights and charters of your very oppulent and flourishing fortune . my l. the easie access which these high and mighty preachers have ever allow'd your lp. to their company , joyn'd to that vast experience which you have now acquired in the stile of the cura●es , by your allowing them so fairly and fully to make their defences at the council-board , gives you such a title to judge of the works of these contending parties , as ●o●e but your self can pretend to : your lp. knows well , that it 's in possible for the ablest curate or prelate amongst them all , to imitate the precious , powerful , soul-ravishing , heart-serarching elequence of those sons of thunder , kirkrone , rule , schilds , areskine , chrightone , dickson , &c. and that there is such a real difference betwixt their sermons and that of the prelatical party , that if the first be gospel , as your lp. is fully perswaded ; then it must be received by all men , for an unquestionable truth , that the gospel was never preached in scotland when prelacy prevail'd in it , as your lp. and the godly party you patronize , have often affirm'd : and tho' this were not evident to all that compare the works of the present professors with those of their opposits , yet your lps. simple word would pass in the world for a sufficient proof of it , lying , slandering , or the least known falshood being infinitely below such a true gentleman : nay , there is no heroick virtue more conspicuous in your lp , than your veracity , which hath so fill'd the minds and mouths of all who intimately know you , that it must needs one day make a considerable figure in the account of your lps. life , which cannot miss to see the light in a short time , being , that for those three years last past , you have so successfully laboured to furnish plenty of memoirs and authors for such a work . but , 2dly . some of the malignants , who have no tast for such spiritual sayings , as daily drop from the pens and tongues of the covenanted brethren , may accuse the books and sermons here cited of nonsense ; but for as ill natured as the world is grown , they must own , that your lp. has been very long , and very intimately acquainted with the truest and best nonsense ; so that being a complete master of it your self , it must be allowed that you are also a very good judge . besides , my l. the curates themselves cannot deny , but that your lp. is fully qualified to judge of the works of such learned men as are spoke of in this treatise ; if they consider your wonderful knowledge of , and great concern for the mother university at st. andrews , which had the happiness to be nearest to your lp , and to be your particular charge ; and the kingdom is not unsensible how you reformed and purged it throughly , with such unspeakable justice and impartially , that even aged gentlemen , drs. of divinity , and heads of colledges , some who had been your lordships own masters , and one your kinsman , had not he least regard nor respect from you , because of their wanting covenant grace , without which no man is valuable in your lps. eyes : let men but consider with what deliberation & forefight you did proceed , and what prudent and learned advice you did follow in providing for the education of the rising generation in that society ; and then they can never doubt of your being wonderfully qualified both to be a patron and a judge of this book . these considerations , joyned to that of your lps. unexpressible merit ( for which i want a comparison ) naturally led me to beg you would take the following flowers of presbyterian eloquence into your protection , as cordially as you do the anthors of them : if your lps. unknown modesty would allow it , i could tell the world in a few words , some of your natural and acquired endowments : to your courage and conduct which are equal , you have added such a success , as to raise the church and state of scotland to be the wonder and amazement of the world : such burning and unquenchable zeal ; such strange and unaccountable prudence , and unparallel'd piety hath appear'd in all your publick actions , that if others had but wrought together with your lp. in any measure , then i dare say ( as your lp. excellently words it , in your pious printed speech to the parliament ) a greater dispatch had been made of the prelatists , and many honest suffering ministers e're now had been delivered of their pinches ; and the enemies of the kirk and covenant had evanished , as they did lately from court , when your lp. condescended to appear in person at it : it is to you that the nation owes her miraculous deliverance from the idolatries of the creed , lords-prayer , and gloria patri : it 's your lp. that hath rescued us from the superstitions of observing christmass , easter , and whitsunday , and from all the popish fopperies of cassocks , close sleev'd gowns and girdles : it 's your lp. that enriched their majesties treasure with the revenues of fourteen fat bishops , and with admirable expedition have voided more than half of the churches of the kingdom ; and advanced such a set of preachers as it is certain , never flourished in any period of the church of scotland under any of their majesties predecessors ; and now that some malignant lords have been brought into the council again ; your lp. hath retir'd from it , bravely scorning to sit at the same board with the opposers of the cause . my l. tho' the times have been reeling and dangerous , yet your lp. has , by extraordinary management , put your self beyond the greatest reach and malice of fortune , for you have , indeed , deserved well of all parties ; k. james is obliged to thank you for the real service you have done him ; and k. william for your good will to serve his majesty : the presbyterian clergy own their good livings to you ; and the episcopal divines are bound to you , for advancing them to the honour of being confessors : the stubborn highlanders owe all their composition-money to your lp ; and the west country rabble were highly enriched by your lp's countenauce and protection : you scorn that malignant way of making your palace a cooks shop for strangers ; but tho' your commons be short , yet , it 's well known , that your graces are long ; at least after dinner , the full length of a curates sermon , and that is three quarters of an hour : there is one thing more that your lordship is most remarkable for , and that is , your daily practice of family duty ; it 's well known , that there have been more new creatures begotten in your lp's family , than in any other we have yet heard of ; and in this matter , such is your great goodness and humility , that you condescend often to allow to some of your servants , the paternal honour that 's known to be due to your lp. but all these , and many more such like extraordinary qualifications which the world admire in your lordship , are nothing to those supernatural gifts and graces which are so evident in all your actions , that you often take god to witness , that you never make one step without the special assistance and direction of the holy ghost . my l. these and other reasons ( that i now omit , since i hope this shall not be the last address of this nature ) makes me bold to give your lp. this trouble , and humbly to beg your protection to what you so much value , and that you would but once at least , grant the petition of , my l. your lp's most obedient , and most obliged servant , jacob curate . sect . 1. the true character of the presbyterian pastors and people in scotland . our blessed saviour , in his sermon on the mount , bids us beware of false teachers ; and tells us , that by their fruits we may know them : such fruits are not open and publick scandals , for then the simple multitude ( that measure religion by the sound and not by the sense ) could not so easily be deluded by them . it must be acknowledged , that the end of preaching should be the edification of the hearers ; the design of it being to perswade men to piety towards god , and charity towards one another , and to draw the image of god upon the souls of men. but it will appear from what follows , that the scotch presbyterians sermons have no such tendency ; for the preachers themselves ( who would have the world believe , that they only are the powerful , and soul-refreshing gospellers ) have not been industrious to draw the likeness of god upon the hearts of their hearers , but meerly to impress their own image there ; that is , they labour'd not to make good christians , but rigid prebyterians ▪ that i may not be thought to assert this without ground ( for i would not slander the devil ) i shall first give you the true character of the presbyterian pastors and people . 2. i shall say before you , some remarkable passages taken out of their own printed books , to confirm this character . 3. some special notes ( written from their own mouths ) as they preach'd them under the happy reign of k. charles ii , and since the late revolution . lastly , i shall give you some taste of that extemporary gibberish , which they use instead of prayer , and for which they have justled out , not only all the liturgies of the pure and primitive church , but even the lord's prayer it self , because it is an evident argument and pattern for christians praying in a set form ; and in all this i shall say nothing but what i know to be true , and what i am ready to make appear to be so , upon a fair and free tryal , if that may be had where presbyterians rule . in the first place , then i am to give you the true character of presbyterian pastors and people . i shall begin with the people , for they are truly the guides , and their pastors must follow them , whom they pretend to conduct . for the preachers of the new gospel , knowing that their trade hath no old nor sure foundation , they are forced to flee to this new and unaccountable notion , that the calling and constituting of ministers is in the power of the mob : now the world knows by too long and sad experience , that their mobile is not led by reason nor religion , but by fancy and imagination ; so that we may be sure when the election of ministers is put in their hands , they will chuse none but such as will readily sooth and indulge them in their most extravagant and mad humors : what ministers can be expected from the choice of a people void of common sense , and guided by irregular passions , who torture the scripture , making it speak the language of their deluded imaginations . they will tell you , that ye ought to fight the battels of the lord , because the scripture says in the epistle to the hebrews , without shedding of blood there is no remission . they are generally covetous and deceitful ; and the preaching they are bred with , hath no tendency to work them into the contrary virtues . they call peace , love , charity , and justice , not gospel , but dry morality only . i had once very great difficulty to convince one of them , that it was a sin for him to cheat and impose upon his neighbour in matters of trade , by concealing the faults of his goods from the buyer . he ask'd my reason : i told him , because he would not wish one to deal so with himself . that is ( said he again ) but morality : for if i shall believe in christ i shall be saved . i ask'd him , was not this christ's saying , whatsoever ye would that others should do unto you , that do you unto others ? yes , he said , that was good , but that christ , because of the hardness of the jews hearts spake very much morality with his gospel . the poor man spoke as he was taught and bred in the conventicles ; for it will be very long e're they hear a sermon upon just dealing , or restitution of ill-gotten goods ; and who knows not that despising of dominions , speaking evil of dignities , and rising in arms against the lord 's anointed , is with them but fighting the battels of the lord. one george flint , in the parish of smalholm , in the shire of teviotdate , was look'd upon as a very great saint among them ; and yet out of zeal against the government , he kept a dog whom he named charles , after the king ; and a cat which he named katherine , after the queen ; and another dog whom he named gideon , after the minister of the parish . they are a people that will not swear in common discourse for a world , yet they never scruple before a judge , any perjury that may seem to advance the cause , nor stand in their ordinary dealings to cheat for a penny ; nay , murther it self becomes a virtue when the work of the covenant seems to require it ; and the new gospel which they profess is so far from condemning lying , cheating , murther and rebellion , when committed to fulfil the ends of the solemn league , that many of these whom they reckon martyrs , have at their execution gloried in these crimes , as the sure evidences of their salvation . morality being thus discountenanced by the generality of that party , the poor people are thereby lock'd up in a cell of ignorance . this did clearly appear , when the laws , in the former government , discharg'd conventicles , the people being brought thereby home to the churches : when the ministers began to catechise them in the principles of the christian religion , they found them grosly ignorant ; for when they were desired to repeat the creed , lord's-prayer , and ten commandments ; they told they were above these childish ordinances ; for if they believed in christ , they were certainly well : and yet these ignorants would adventure to pray ex tempore , and in their families to lecture on the most mysterious chapters of ezekiel , daniel , or the revelation . a grave and good minister told me , that upon a certain occasion he desired a very zealous she-saint to repeat the creed : and that she return'd this answer , i know not what ye mean by the creed . did not your father , says the minister , promise to bring you up in that faith ? indeed did he not ( said she ) for i thank my saviour , that superstition was not in my father's time . what then was in your father's time ? ( said the minister . ) it was ( said she ) the holy covenant , which you have put away . whether was it the covenant of works or grace ? said the minister . covenant of works , said she , that is handy labour . it was the covenent of grace which was made with adam , and which all of you have put away . at night she went home , and a number of the sighing fraternity flock'd after , pretending to hear her pray : their family exercise being ended , she told them the conference that pass'd betwixt the curate and her , and they all concluded she had the better , and that she was certainly more than match for the ablest curate in that country . generally their conventicles produced very many bastards , and the excuses they made for that , was , where sin abounds , the grace of god superabounds . there is no condemnation to them that are in christ . sometimes this , the lambs of christ may sport together : to the pure all things are pure . nay , generally they are of opinion , that a man is never a true saint , till he have a sound fall , such as that of david's with bathsheba . the following narration of a well known truth shall serve for instance . a party of king charles ii. his guards being sent to apprehend mr. dav. williamson ( one of the most eminent of their ministers now in edenburgh ) for the frequent rebellion and treason he preached then at field meetings ; and the party having surrounded the house where he was , a zealous lady , mistress of the house , being very solicitous to conceal him , rose in all haste from her bed , where she left her daughter of about eighteen years of age , and having dress'd up the holy man's head with some of her own night cloaths , she wittily advis'd him to take her place in the warm bed with her girl ; to which he modestly and readly consented : and knowing well how to employ his time , especially upon such and extraordinary call , to propagate the image of the party ; while the mother , to divert the troopers enquiry , was treating them with strong drink in the parlour ; he to express his gratitude , applies himself with extraordinary kindness to the daughter , who finding him like to prove a very useful man in his generation , told her mother she would have him for her husband ; to which the mother , though otherwise unwilling , yet for concealing the scandal , out of love to the cause consented , when the mystery of the iniquity , was wholly disclosed to her . this whole story is as well known in scotland , as that the covenant was begun and carried on by rebellion and oppression . nor was the actor , who is at this day one of the chief props of the cause , more admired for his extraordinary diligence and courage in this matter , than for his excellent invention in finding a passage of st. paul's , to prove that the scandal of this was very consistent with the state of a person truly regenerate ; verily , i do not , said he , deny , but that , with st. paul , i have a law in my members , warring against the law of my mind , and bringing me into captivity into the law of sin , which is in my members . now according to the gloss which that whole party puts upon this scripture , saying , that st. paul here speaks of himself , and does not personate an unregenerate man , this defence of williamson's must be allowed to be good ; as also that the height of carnality is consistent with the greatest grace . even so the hereticks , in st. peter's days , wrested some things hard to be understood in st. paul's epistles , to their own destruction . there was among them a married woman near edenburgh , who had paid several fines for not going to church , yet scrupled not to commit adultery with one of the earl of marr's regiment , and the fellow himself : that was guilty , told , out of detestation to their damnable hypocrisie , that the vile woman had the confidence , in time of her abomination , to say to him ; o you that are in marr 's regiment , but you be pretty able men , but yet ye art great covenant breakers ; alas , few or none of you are godly . there are very many instances of this nature , but i shall only add one more which was old me by a gentleman of good reputation and credit , who himself confessed to me , with regret , that in the heat of his youth , he had been guilty of the sin of fornication with a gentlewoman of that holy sect ; he says , that being with her in a garret , and she hearing some body coming up stairs , she said to him , ah , here 's my aunt , i must devise a trick to divert her ; upon which she ●ell a whining and howling aloud , as these people use to do at their most private devotions , o to believe , to believe ; o to have experience , said she . and by that means she diverted her aunts further approaching , who instantly retired , commending her niece's zeal and devotion . the gentleman conceals the woman's name , out of regard to her honour and his own ; begs pardon for the sin , and tells it only to discover the abominable nature of their hypocrisie . they are generally deluded by persons that have but specious pretences to godliness . and such is the force , that a loud voice and a whining tone , in broken and smother'd words , have upon the animal spirits of the presbyterian rabble ; that they look not upon a man as endued with the spirit of god , without such canting and deformity of holiness . a person that hath the dexterity of whining , may make a great congreation of them weep with an ode of horace , or eclogue of virgil , especially if he can but drivel a little either at mouth , or eyes , when he repeats them . and such a person may pass for a soul-ravishing spiritualist , if he can but set off his nonsence with a wry mouth , which with them is called , a grace pouring down countenance . the snuffling and twang of the nose , passes for the gospel sound ; and the throwings of the face , for the motions of the spirit . they are more concerned at the reading the speeches of their covenant martyrs , yea such martyrs as died for rebellion and murder , than in reading the martyrdom of st. stephen , or any of his followers . a sermon of mere railing and nonsence will af●ect them more than christ's sermon on the mount ; and no wonder , for all they do is to affect the passions , and not the judgment . one mr. daniel douglass , an old presbyterian preacher in the mers , simple man as to the world , yet of more learning , ingenuity and good nature than most of them ; he was not long agoe preaching before the meeting of his brethren , and agoe annalysing a text logically , and very remote from vulgar capacities , yet so powerful and melting was his tone and actions , that in the congregation he spies a woman weeping , and pointing towards her , he crys out , wife , what makes you weep ? i am sure thou understandest not what i am saying ; my disourse is directed to the brethren , and not to the like of you ; nay , i question whether the brethren themselves understand this that i am speaking . several instances can be given of their strong delusions ; this is none of the least , that they take it for a sure evidence upon their death-beds , that it 's well with them , because they never heard a curate in their lifetime . for an indulged presbyterian , who is the author of the review of the history of the indulgence , tells us thus much , page 527 , and page 528 , that some of the leading people among the presbyterians , were of opinion , that baptism by episcopal ministers is the mark of the beast ; and the hearing of them as unlawful as fornication , adultery , or the worshipping the calves of dan and bethel : and i think that a curate can tell no worse tale of them , than this , which a presbyterian himself owns and declares to the world in print . i cannot here pass by what happen'd a few years ago , in the parish of tindrum in the south-west ; a person that was executed for bestiality there , in his prayers bless'd god , that for a long time he had heard no curate preach ; at which the hearts of some presbyterian saints began to warm with affection to him , and exprest so much charity , that upon that account they doubted not but that he might be saved ; and were sorry that he was not allow'd to live , because of the good that such a zealous man might have done . it is a well known truth in the parish of teviotdale , that two or three sighing sisters , coming to a man in prison , the night before he was burnt for bestiality ; the wholsomest advice they gave him was this , o andrew , andrew , andrew , all the sins that ever you committed are nothing to your hearing the cursed curates ; if you get pardon for that sin , andrew , all is right with you . a young woman in fife , daughter to a presbyterian preacher there , reading that of st. peter , christ the bishop of our souls , blotted out the word ( bishop ) and in the place thereof incerted presbyterian of our souls . and by the same spirit of biggotry , one of her zealous sisters in the same family , tore every where out of her bible the word lord ; because , said she , it is polluted by being applied to the profane prelates . instances of their madness and delusions might swell into an huge volume , but i shall only mention two or three which are commonly known . what greater instance of delusion , than that seven or eight thousand people should be raised to rebellion at bothwel-bridge , from laboring their ground , and keeping their sheep ; and that by sermons assuring them , that the very windlestraws , the grass in the field , and stars in heaven would fight for them : and that after the victory they should possess the kingdom themselves . o it 's the promis'd land , and you israelites shall inherit it : but in this they found their preachers to prove salve prophets . after their defeat , a gentleman told me ; that going to view the field , where the battle was fought , he saw one in the agony of death , crying out , ah , cheated out of life and soul : the gentleman inquired what he meant by that expression , ah ( said he ) our preachers , our preachers , they made us believe , that as sure as the bible was the word of god , we should gain the day , for that the windlestraws should fight for us . about the same time a person of quality returning from the west , with some of the king's forces , being necessitate to lodge in a country house , where there was but one woman , and she with child ; for the men and all that were able to run , had fled out of the way . the nobleman encouraged the poor woman , desiring her not to be afraid ; sent one upon his own horse for midwife and other women to attend her . the poor woman surprised and encouraged with this unexpected kindness , began to talk more freely , and said , sir , i see you that are kings-men are not so ill as we heard ye were ; for we heard that it was ordinary for you to rip up women with child ; but pray will you tell me , sir , what sort of men are your bishops ? they are , said he , very good men , and they are chosen out from among the clergy to oversee the rest of the ministers . but are they , says she , shapen like other men ? why ask you that , said he ? because our preachers made us believe , the bishops were all cloven-footed . there is scarce one of an hundred among the presbyterian vulgar , that will be either reason'd or laugh'd out of the strange opinions they have of bishops ; as particularly , that they will not suffer witches to be burnt , because ( as they alledge ) every bishop loses five hundred marks scots , for every witch that 's burnt in his diocess . nay , the generality of the presbyterian rabble in the west , will not believe that bishops have any shadows , being perswaded by some of their teachers , that the devil hath taken away their shadow as an earnest of the substance , for their opposing of covenant work in the land. i shall add but one instance more of the silliness of the presbyterian people , and that is of a certain person well known both in the north and south of scotland , for being not a degree and an half from an idiot , and to be a man that can scarcely read an english book . this person takes on him to be a preacher , and among presbyterian people has procured a great esteem to himself for a wonderful and rare gospeller , for having not the least degree either of natural or acquir'd parts , they therefore conclude him to have a large stock of grace , and to be a most heavenly man. he came lately to the mers , where he was never known before , and lodging on a saturday's night in a country-town , he caused call in the good people in the town to prayers . immediately the house was fill'd with a crow'd , then he lectures to them on the first of ezekiel , and he told them , that the wheel spoken of in the sixteenth verse , was the antichrist , and the wheel in the middle was the bishops and the curates ; for ( says he ) here 's a wheel within a wheel , just so the curates are within the bishops , and both of them within antichrist . then the wheels are ( says my text ) lifted up ; even so , beloved the bishops and curates are lifted up ; lifted up upon coaches with four wheels , just as sathan lifted up christ to the pinacle of the temple , but god will take the hammer of the covenant in his own hand , and knock down these proud prelates , and break all their coaches and their wheels to pieces , beloved , and lay the curates on their backs , so that they shall never rise again ; for the prophet says here , that when they went they went upon their four sides , and they returned not when they went , beloved : that you may see it very plain and clear , for tho' they may go out and persecute god's own covenanted people , yet they shall return falling upon their broad-sides , and get such a fall that they shall never be able to stand or return to persecute the godly , so long as they go upon their four sides , and are lifted up upon four wheels . the people said , they never heard such a sweet tongue in a gracious man's head. he spoke much against those that took an indulgence from k. james . the next day he told them , that the episcopal minister in the parish was his cousin , therefore he would go to church , and hear how he could preach . truly , sir ( says the people ) we shall go along with you wherever you go , albeit it be our ordinary to go to the meeting house in the parish . and that same very day he brought all the dissenters in the parish to the church . the people intreated him to deal with the minister to turn presbyterian , and promis'd to desert the meeting-house preacher , whom they ordinarily heard , and to hear the episcopal minister upon his conversion . he promised to deal very seriously with him : for that purpose , the next day he came to the ministers house , and after a few sighs and affected groans , he expostulates thus , dear cousin , what makes you own perjur'd episcopacy ? what have you to say against that office ? replies the minister . i have many arguments , said he , and one i am sure you can never answer ; and you will find it in psal . 45. 1. my heart enditeth a good thing : now is not this , says he , a plain argument agaist bishops ; for when will they endite good things ? the people wondered that the minister could not be perswaded by so clear an argument , and said , poor soul , his heart is heardened , he has not grace enough to believe and be converted . this account is proved before very many famous witnesses in the city of edinburgh . all i have told of them is truth , but the hundred part is not told . you may judge of the tree by these fruits ; and of what a delicate set of reformers we have at his time in the west and south of scotland . i come in the next place , to give you a true character of their preachers . and truly , to be plain , they are a proud , sour , inconversable tribe , looking perfectly like the pharisees , having faces like their horrid decree of reprobation . they are without humanity , void of common civility , as well as catholick charity , so wholly enslaved to the humours of their people , that they give no other reason why they converse not with men of a different opinon , but only that their people would take it very ill if they should . however , i fear there is something in it more , and that is , lest their ignorance should be discover'd ; for it 's certain , they have as little learning as good nature : and we have both felt and seen , that that is next neighbour to none at all . they have their souls cast into a different mould from all christians in the world. there is no church but they differ from , both in worship and practice : they have quite banish'd the use of the lord's prayer , and what ridiculous stuff they have foisted in for it , shall be told in its proper place , the smoothest reason that they alledge for their forbearing it , is , that the use thereof is inconvenient . this is dr. rule 's own reason in that pretended answer he has published to the ten questions concerning episcopal and presbyterian government in scotland . their famous preacher james kirktown , when one of the magistrates of edenburgh enquired why they did forbear the publick use of the lord's prayer ? told down-right , because it was the badge of the episcopal worship . i doubt not but many have heard long ere now of a conference that past betwixt my lord b ... and a ruling elder in the north. in short it is this , five presbyterian preachers , last year , appointed themselves judges , to purge two or three diocesses in the north. they took to assist , or to accompany them , some whom they call ruling-elders , one of whom entreated my lord b ... to further with his help the happy and blessed reformation , particularly by giving in complaints against ignorant , scandalous , and erroneous ministers , that the church of god might be replenished with the faithful : truly then ( saith my lord ) there is one whom i can prove to be very atheistical , ignorant and scandalous . at which the ruling-elder began to prick up is ears ; and pray you , sir , ( says he ) who is the man ? indeed ( says my lord ) i will be free with you , it is mr. james urquhart , one of your own preachers , who is come with you now to sit as a judge upon others ; and by witnesses of unquestionable honesty i can make it appear that he said , if ever christ was drunk upon earth , it was when he made the lords prayer . and i appeal to your self , who are a ruling-elder , whether or not this be blasphemy ? some other things of scandalous nature i can prove against him . o but ( says he ) we are not come here to judge our brethren , our business is with the curates . it is ordinary to hear their people say , that if christ were on earth again , he would think shame of that form , that they could make better themselves , and that he was but young when he compos'd it . all which blasphemies must needs be the effects or consequent of what they hear from their preachers . and as for the apostles creed , it is not so much as once mentioned at the baptising of infants ; for all that they require at baptism , is , that the father promise to breed up the child in the belief of the westminster confession of faith , and that he shall adhere to all the national engagements laying on them to be presbyterians . * here i cannot forget what mr. john dickson , preacher in the meeting-house at kelso , said once in a sermon ; ask ( said he ) an old dying wife , if she hath any evidence of salvation , she will tell you , i hope so ; for i believe the apostles creed , i am taken with the lord's prayer , and i know my duty to the be ten commands . but i tell you , sirs , there are but old rotten wheel-barrows , to carry souls to hell. these are idols that the false prelates and curates have set up , to obstruct the covenant and the work of god in the land. for reading the scriptures in churches , they have abolished that with the rest , and in place thereof , he that raises the psalm reads the sermon that was preach'd the sabbath before ; and for the gospel hymn , called the doxology , or gloria patri , they reject that as a superstitious prelatical addition to the word of god. a certain maid being lately catechised by one of these preachers , the first question he propos'd to her was , maggi , now what think you are the saints doing in heaven ? i know not , sir : o maggy , that is a very easie question , answer it , maggy . i think then ( said she ) they are doing that in heaven which ye will not let us do on earth ; what is that , maggy ? says he . they are singing glory to the father , son and holy ghost , sir. now that is your mistake , maggy ( said he ) for there 's no such malignant songs sung there ; you have been quite wrong taught , maggy , the curates have deceived you , maggy . they have no distinguishing garb from lay-men , and yet they took upon them to admonish the king's commissioner to their last assembly , for wearing a scarlet cloak , and told him plainly , that it was not decent for his grace to appear before them in such a garb ; upon which my lord told them , that he thought it as undecent for them to appear before him in gray cloaks and cravats . when the church of arrol was last year made vacant by the expulsion of the reverend and learned dr. niclson , the elders and heritors there , whereof many were gentlemen of the best quality met together , that according to the present law and constant practice of the presbyterians they might chuse and call another minister to be their parson ; after they had unanimously agreed , and sign'd , and sent a formal legal call to mr. lisk , a person of indisputable qualifications for the ministry , in which he has been imploy'd with great reputation for several years in the north , and one who has given signal evidence of his good affections to heir present majesties ; my lord kinnard , chief heritor , went with the rest to signifie their calling of mr. lisk to the presbytery ; at my lords entering into the place where the presbytery was sitting , he ask'd if they were the ministers of the presbytery ; do not you see that we are ? said the moderator . my lord replied , that by their garb no body could know them , and that their spirit was invisible ; now whether it was for this jest , or because they knew mr. lisk to be episcopal in his judgment i know not ; but this i know , that these grave new gospellers , rejected the call , in despite both of the heritors and of their own law , brought in a hot-headed young man of their own stamp and election . however , that they use no distinguishing garb , must be acknowledged to be very congruous ; for truly they are but laicks , and it will surpass all their learning , to prove that they are ministers of jesus christ , but meerly preachers sent and call'd by the people , who are generally but very ill judges of mens qualifications for the ministry ; hence their constant and vast heats and divisions about their calling of able men. the mobile ordinarily take their measures only from the appearances of things , and indeed a presbyterian preachers out-side is not his worst , for they appear commonly , though in lay-garb , yet in sheeps-clothing ; but as we have often formerly , so do we now , feel that they are inwardly nothing but ravenous wolves . now as to their sermons ( which is the main design of this paper ) they are still upon the government and the times , preaching up the excellency of their kirk-government , which they call christ , the crown , scepter , and government of christ . this was an old custom among them to preach up the times , and the neglect thereof they call'd sinful silence . when in the former confusions of the state they violently intruded themselves and usurped the government of the church , which they never had in settled times . in those days at a publick synod they openly reproved one mr. lighton for not preaching up the times . who ( saith he ) doth preach up the times ? it was answer'd , that all the brethren did it . the ( says mr. lighton ) if all you preach up the times , you may allow one poor brother to preach up christ jesus and eternity . but this was never , not is like to be the design of their sermons ; for , trace them in their politicks , morals , mysticks , and metaphysicks , you shall find them selfish , singular , and full of nonsensick rhapsodies , these perhaps may seem hard words , but an aethiopian must be painted black , and that 's no sault in the painter . for their politicks , there is no government under the sun could tolerate them , if they but act in other nations as they have done in scotland since their intrusion there ; to instance but in our times , did nor mr. cargill , one of their celebrated preachers , excommunicate all the royal family , the bishops and curates , and all that should hear them and adhere to them ? they , indeed , that affect the name of sober presbyterians disown'd these hill-men , particularly because they refused to join with them in thanking king james for the toleration , which he granted to them . and yet such is the disingenuity of these who would be called sober presbyterians , that they cry out that they suffered persecution ; whereas it was the cameronians only , whom they disown , that did suffer any thing : for these others were settled in churches by an indulgence granted by the king. against which indulgence all the sufferers , like true presbyterians , gave their testimony , calling it a meer brat of erastianism . what government could tolerate such ministers , as john deckson , whom i named before , who in a sermon preached by him in the parish of gallashiels , declar'd , that it was all one to sacrifice to devils , as to pay cess to king charles . the author of the review of the history of indulgence , one of the sober sort of presbyterians , tells , page 610. the same of a preacher of his acquaintance . i shall say no more of their sentiments concerning government , but only referr the readers to their printed acts of general assemblies , and to those covenants which themselves have printed , often subscribed and sworn , and which are now again , for the benefit of strangers , published in that excellent vindication of king charles ii. his happy government in scotland by sir george mac kenze , in which it's evident , that they plainly renounce monarchy and all power , but that of the covenanted kirk . as to their disposition to live peaceably , i appeal not only to their principles vented in these covenants and acts of their general assemblies , but also to the many private murthers , and open rebellions which they have been guilty of under every reign , since their first entry into britain . even in our own days , since 1666 , they have raised no less than three formidable rebellions , besides many lesser insurrections and tumults , wherein many christians have suffered . with what violence did they flee to arms , and persecute all who were not of their party , upon the occasion of the late revolution ; when , if it had not been for their indiscreet and fiery zeal , this kingdom might have been happily united to england : but what ever advantage such an union might have brought to the church and state ; yet , because it seemed to have no good aspect to the covenanted cause , therefore the motion of it , though offered , was industriously stifled , and that opportunity , which we can hardly hope to recover , quite lost . nay , under the present government , for which they in the beginning pretended to be so zealous , 't is well known over all the kingdom , that they were last year contriving by force , without any regard to authority , to have the solemn league renewed , and imposed after the old manner , upon all men , women and children ; and in order to this good end , many thousands of them , at field meetings in the west , conveened after their ordinary way , with bibles and musquets , psalm-books and rusty swords , and subscrbed a new association for raising of men , horse and arms , to advance the old cause , repurge the holy kirk , and make a thorow reformation in the land. but i shall take occasion by and by to give you some later and more evident instances of their neglect and contempt of their present governors . in the next place survey them in their learning , and you shall find that it lies only in the study of some anti-arminian metaphysicks , and in the practical divinity they pretend to draw from the heads of election and reprobation , whereby they preach men out of their wits , and very often into despair and self-murder . it 's generally known , that joseph brodie , preacher in forress in the time of the late presbytery , did in the presence of a very learned and eminent person , take occasion in the pulpit to speak of a poor man , who was then in such a desperate condition , that it was judg'd necessary to bind up his hands , lest otherwise he should cut his own throat , as he continually threatned ; of this desperate wretch the pious preacher above-named pronounced thus ; sirs , this is the best man in my parish , would to god ye were all like him ; he does truely fear reprobation , which most of you are not aware of . there is a common printed pamphlet compos'd and publish'd by a presbyterian preacher , concerning one bessie clarkson , a woman that lived at lanark , who was three years in despair , or to speak in their cant , under exercise . whosoever reads that pamphlet will find , that the poor woman's distemper proceeded only form their indiscreet preaching , representing god as a sower , severe and unmerciful being . it is known in the shire of teviotdale that mr. william veach murder'd the bodies , as well as souls , of two or three persons with one sermon ; for , preaching in the town of jedburgh to a great congregation , he said , there are tow thousand of you here to day , but i am sure fourscore of you will not he saved ; upon which three of his ignorant hearers , being in despair , dispatched themselves soon after . and lately in edenburgh mr. james kirkton , ( the everlasting comedian of their party ) one of their famous preachers in that city , praying publickly for a poor woman much troubled in spirit , said , a wholesome disease , good lord , a wholesome disease , lord , for the soul. alas , said he , few in the land are troubled with this disease . lord , grant that she may have many fellows in this disease . not only do they make their people distracted with such desperate doctrine as this , but moreover they incourage them in direct impieties . mr. selkirk preaching at musselburgh expressed himself thus , god seed no sin in his chosen ; now , sirs , be you guilty of murder , adultery , bestiality , or any other gross sin , if you be of the election of grace there is no fear of you , for god sees no sin in his chosen covenanted people . and this is consonant to an expression of mr. samuel rutherford's printed letters , hellfulls of sins cannot separate is from christ . in the parish of mr. macmath , minister of leswade , some of those who were lately the most active in persecuting and driving him form his residence ( even after he had the privy councils protection , and a guard assign'd him for his defence ) have since suffer'd violent deaths ; two of them prevented the hangman's pains by becoming their own murtherers . when the earl of lauderdale and sir george mackenzie dyed last year much about one time , the party who pretend to unriddle all the most secret causes of god's providence , called their deaths a visible judgment , for their being enemies to the good cause , altho' it be well known that both these honourable persons dyed of a natural death , in a good age , being both of them worn out with their great diligence in their king and country's service ( perhaps , indeed , their days were shortened , by seeing such firebrands able again to force themselves into the church , as had before ruin'd both it and the state , and were the scandal of christianity as well as disgrace of their nation . ) but when these abovenamed self-murtherers of the parish of leswade had divided judas's death betwixt them , the one hanging himself , the other ripping up his own belly , till all his bowels gushed out : the presbyterian preacher in that parish , holding forth next sunday , was so ready of invention as to find arguments from thence for the confirmation of the good cause : ab sirs ( says he ) nothing has befallen these men but what god had from eternity decreed ; and i can tell you , sirs , why he decreed it , indeed it was even because they had gone sometimes to hear the graceless curates . ah , sirs , ye may see in this judgment the danger of that sin , beware of hearing curates , sirs , you see it 's a dangerous thing , sirs , but i 'll tell you more yet anent this , sirs , this is a plain proof that the gospel has non been preached in this parish these twenty eight years , for in all that time you have no : heard so much as of one that had a tender conscience like these men ; but now when we begin again to preach the gospel , it 's so powerful , that it awakes mens consciences , and pricks them so at the heart , that they cannot bear it , nor live under it . and now i leave the world to judge , whether this sort of learning and manner of preaching , doth not stand in diametrical opposition to all religion and reason , and does not in its tenure and effects , appear to be indeed the doctrine of devils , and another gospel ; and yet by it our rabble reformation has been wrought . all true and solid learning , particularly antiquity is decryed by them , because in it there is no vestige , no not so much as any shadow of presbytery to be found ; to preach peace and righteousness ( tho' that be the design of the gospel ) yet since it does not answer the ends of the covenant , it must be condemn'd as temporizing , time-serving , and the pleasing of men more than god , who , they are sure , can never be pleas'd but in their covenanted way . morality with them is but old , out-dated , heathenish virtue , and therefore such a book as the whole duty of man , is look'd upon with wonderful contempt by them : frazer of bray , one of the greatest among them , professes downright , that there is no gospel , nor any relish of it in that book , and that aristotle's ethicks have as much true divinity as that book hath . and john vetch of woolstruthers says , that that book is too much upon moral duty . a certain lady of their stamp , getting it once into her hands , and hearing that it was a moral book , done by an episcopal divine , she made a burnt offering of it , out of her great zeal against episcopacy and morality . mr. macquire , one of their celebrated professors and preachers , in his preface to brown's book , entituled , christ the truth , way , and life , calls the people that are taken up with the whole duty of man , or any such books , a moralizing , or rather , says he , a muddizing generation . the most of their sermons are nonsensick raptures , the abuse of mystick divinity , in canting and compounded vocables , oft-times stuffed with impertinent and base similes and always with homely , course , and ridiculous expressions , very unsuitable to the gravity and solemnity that becomes divinity . they are for the most part upon believe , believe ; and mistaking faith for a meer recumbency , they value no works but such as tend to propagate presbytery . when they speak of christ , they represent him as a gallant , courting and kissing , by their fulsome , amorous discourses on the mysterious parables of the canticles ; and making christ and his gospel to be their own kirk government ; they have quite debased divinity , and debauched the morals of the people : this is evident , not only from their manner of preaching , but also from their way of writing most of their books , whereof some instances shall be given in the next section . some of them have an odd way of acting in the pulpit , personating discourses often by way of dialogue betwixt them and the devil . such ways were of old familiar to the monks , as appears from monsieur claude in his second part of the defence of the reformation , chap. 10. where he vindicates luther from an aspersion cast upon him by the church of rome . for , say the papists , luther professeth in his writings , that he had a conference with the devil concerning the mass , and that the devil accused him for being an idolater . to which luther answers , that he was then in ignorance , and that he obey'd his superiours . hence the papists conclude , that luther was the devil's scholar . but monsieur claude lets them see ▪ that luther spoke in a monkish stile , and that the stile of the convent did represent conflicts betwixt the flesh and spirit , as personal exploits with the devil : to prove this , he instances st. dominick , who says , that he saw the devil one night , in his iron hands carry a paper to him , which he read by the light of a lamp , and told it was a catalogue of his sins , and the sins of his brethren , upon which st. dominick commanded him to leave the paper with him , which was done accordingly ; and afterwards he and his brethren found cause to correct something in their lives . all that is said for this , is , that it is a romantick stile proper to the monks , and all that is meant thereby is this , that the devil could lay such and sins to their charge , their consciences did smite them , therefore they corrected what they found amiss . but such a stile did create wrong ideas in the litteral interpreters of such narrations : and it is like some of our reformers reading books of this nature , either thought such apparisions real , or that they affected the stile ; for it its reported of mr. robert bruce , one of our scotch reformers , that having studied the civil law , and going one day to the colledge of justice , to pass his tryals in order to commence advocate , he said , that he saw a great gulph in the close or court of the parliament-house , like the mouth of hell , and this diverted his entrance into the house , upon which he gave over the study of the law , and applyed himself to theology . whether the thing was litterally true , or whether the man had a disturbed imagination ( as good men may have ) or whether he affected the stile of the convent , and meant thus much buy it , that the imployment of a jurist was dangerous , and apt to lead men into such temptations as he feared might be too strong for him , i know not which to conclude ; but this i am sure of , that one mr. thomas hogg , a very popular presbyterian preacher in the north , asked a person of great learning , in a religious conference , whether or not he had seen the devil ? it was answered him , that he had never seen him in any visible apperance : then i assure you ( saith mr. hogg ) that you can never be happy till you see him in that manner ; that is , until you have both a personal converse and combat with him . i know nothing more apt to create a more religious madness in poor well-meaning people , that this sort of divinity , in which our presbyterians have quite out-done the senseless old monks . their principles and doctrine being , as ye have heard , opposite to morality , it will not be thought strange that the height of pride and rusticitie should appear in their conversation : the common civilities due to mankind , they allow not to persons of the quality , that are of a different opinion from themselves . to avoid and flee from the company where a curate is , as if it were a pest-house is a common sign of grace : to affront a prelate openly is a most meritorious work , and such as becomes a true saint : to approve and applaud the murtherers of the archbishop of st. andrews , is an infallible evidence of one thoroughly reformed . that the world may be satisfied of their behaviour towards ordinary men , i shall give you some late instances of their carriage towards those of the highest rank and quality ; the matters of fact are such as are known to be true by multitudes of people before whom they were acted ; and themseves have the impudence still to glory in them ; and yet i will not say , but some of the party may deny them upon occasion at court , as they do other things as evident ; for i know what metal their foreheads are made of . 1. then when their majesties privy council , by advice of all the judges conform to a standing act of parliament , and common practice , appointed a sermon upon the thirtieth day of january , 1690 : the council some time before sent a person of quality , one of their own stamp and kidney , to the commissioners of the general assembly , to desire them in their majesties and council's name , to appoint one of their number to preach before them in st. giles's church on that day , and to put them in mind that it was the anniversary for the martyrdom of king charles the first , and that a sermon proper for the occasion was expected according to the religion , law , and custom of the nation . the grave noddies of the assembly answer'd thus , let the council to do their own business , for we are to receive no directions from the state , nor to the take our measures from the council , especiallly in preaching anniversary-sermons . upon which they appointed shields , a cameronian , one of the most wild and violent of the hill-men , to preach in the tron-church , where-in they used to have weekly lectures , as it happened upon that day of the week , but where neither the lords of council nor judges were used to come . all that he spoke concerning the king's murther was this , ye sirs , perhaps some of you may foolishly fanoy that i came here to day to preach to you concerning the death of king charles the first : what ? preach for a man that died forty years ago ; if it be true what some histories tells of him , he is very mach wronged ; but if it be true what we believe of him ; and have ground for , he is suffering the vengeance of god in hell this day for his own and fore-fathers sing . the same shields as he was holding forth sometime before at edinburgh , said , that for ought he saw , king william and queen mary were rather seeking an earthly crown to themselves , than seeking to put the crown on christ's head. that is , in the conventicle stile , to settle presbyterian government . this same year again they peremptorily refused and despised the privy council's order , requiring them , according to a standing act of parliament , to preach upon that day . 2. inst . mr. areskme preaching in the tron church at edinburgh , the day after the king by open proclamation had adjourned the general assembly , said , sirs , ye heard a strange proclamation the other day , which i hope the authors of may repent some day : it brings to my mind , sirs , an old story of king cyrus who once set his hands fairly to the building of god's house , but his hand was not well in the work , when he drew it out again : all is well that ends well , sirs ; for what think ye become of king cyrus , sirs ? i 'll tell you that sirs ; he e'en made an ill end , he e'en died a bloody death in a strange land. i wish the like may not befal our king ; they say comparisons are odious , but i hope ye will not think that scripture-comparisons are so ; whatever you may think , i am sure of this , that no king but king jesus , had power to adjourn our general assembly . this was spoken so lately , before so great an auditory , that whatever rule may say in his next book , yet i think the author himself will not have the impudence to deny it . 3. when last summer their commissioners returned from king william in flanders , and told the general assembly , that the king had possitively told them , that he would not any longer suffer them to oppress and persecute the episcopal subjects ; and desired them in his name to acquaint the general assembly with his mind , that for the time to come they should proceed more moderately , otherwise he would let them know that he is their master . the moderators said openly , that if it were not for the great army he had with him , he durst not have said so to them ; and however , he had been wiser to have held his peace , for that they own'd no master but christ . when king william in january last desired them , by his letter to the general assembly , to re-admit into the exercise of the ministry , so many of the episcopal presbyters as should be willing to submit to and comply with a formula which his majesty sent to them , and appointed to be the terms of communion betwixt the parties : this proposal of peace and union , which moderate presbyterians might have been thought to have rejoyced in , was insolently rejected , and exclaimed against by all the assembly , except one mr. orack † . then the common discourse and preaching of presbyterians was . that king william design'd to dethrone king jesus ; that the prescribing to them any formula was an incroachment upon christ's kingdom , and a violent usurpation of his priviledges ; that any formula but the covenant , is of the devil 's making , and ought not to be tolerated by presbyterians . the moderator of the general assembly , in his prayer immediately after its dissolution , reflected upon king william as sent in wrath to be a curse to god's kirk . he and the whole assembly protested against the king's power to dissolve them , and before his commissioner disclaim'd all his authority that way : afterwards , to make their testimony ( that 's their word for treason ) publick , they went to the cross of edinburgh , and took a formal protestation after the old manner against the king in behalf of the people of god ( by which they intend their own subjects . ) the magnanimous earl of crawford vowed before the commissioners , that he would adhere to the protestation with his life and fortune , two things equally great and valuable . their ordinary doctrine and discourse in the pulpit and out of it , speaking of the kirk and king , is , deliverance will come from another hand , but thou and thy house shall perish . mr. matthew red , holding forth the new gospel at his kirk in north berwick , feb. 20th , 1691-92 , said , the kirk of scotland is presently under the same condition that david was , when he was so sore persecuted and pursued by saul , that he seemed to have no way left him to escape ; but then a messenger came and told saul , that the philistines had invaded the land ; this gave saul some other † tow in his rock , and by that david was deliver'd . this mr. red being that same night with another of his brethren at supper at a knight's house in that parish , told plainly , that by the philistines in his sermon , he meant the french. and both the new gospellers agreed , that the kirk of scotland could not now be otherwise deliver'd but by an invasion of the french to restore king james . this acconnt i had from a gentleman of good credit who was present both at the sermon and supper . mr. stenton , one of their noted preachers , said in an open company , the day after the assembly was dissolved , that they had appointed their next meeting in 1693 , hoping that before that time they might have another king who would allow them better conditions . they now lay great stress upon the prophesie of an old man in the west , who at his dying in 1689 , said , the perfect deliverance of god's kirk must come after all by the french , for this king william will not do it . and say commonly , that they brought in a dog for god's sake , and that he now begins to bite the barnes . this being their way of treating a king who has condescended to oblige them even to his own loss , and to the wonder of mankind ; what may their fellow-subjects , especially such as are not of their biggotry of opinion , expect from them ? that this is no new thing to them , nor the actings only of some few of the more rigid sort of them , is evident from their extravagant and constant course of rudeness to king james the sixth , and to both the charles's , whereof many instances are to be seen in their own books , some of them you may meet with in the next section . all the presbyterians profess , that the keeping of anniversary days , even for the greatest blessing of the gospel , is superstition and popery . for the modestest of them that ever spake last year against christmas , was frazer of bray , who preaching in the high church of edinburgh , in his ordinary turn upon that day on which christmas fell , all that he said was , some will think that i will speak either for the day or against it : to speak against it i see no reason , and to speak for it i see as little ; for why should we keep our saviour's birth-day , and not his conception . had this man been but acquainted with the liturgy of the primitive church , or of that in the neighbour-nation , he might have found that they keep annunciation-day for the conception , and this would have broke the strongest horn of his presbyterian dilemma . but for all the abhorrence that presbyterians have , and do profess against the observation of anniversary-days , yet they never missed to preach an anniversary sermon on mr. heriot , who built and indued the great hospital in the city of edinburgh ; the reason is , that for every sermon on heriot's commendation , they get five ponds , a new hat and a bible . if they could have made but the same purchase by preaching on christmas , it 's more than probable that they would have thought the annual observation of our saviour's birth , as little superstitious as that of mr. heriot's memory . but the disingenuity , hypocrisy , and covetousness of that party appears not only in this , but in many other particulars ; for who clamour'd more than presbyterians against plurality of benefices , which was never allowed nor practised under episcopacy in our kingdom , and now severals of them are suing for five or six ●tipends at once , viz. the great apostles of the new gospel , dr. bule , mr. john and mr. william vetches , mr. david williamson , john dickson . i cannot here omit a passage of mr. james kirkton , now a famous preacher in edinburgh , who held forth formerly in a meeting-house about three and twenty miles from it , in the parish of st. martine , within the shire of the mers , in which parish there was an episcopal minister that gave obedience to the present laws , but this kirkton by the act restoring presbyterian preachers to their former charges , out of malice against the episcopal minister , and covetousness to get the stipend of the place , * comes from edinburgh and preaches one sermon in the parish of st. martine , and returning some days after , left the church without a minister , by which means he obtain'd to himself the stipend of that parish , tho' he lived and preaches in the city of edinburgh ever since . there is another , mr. anthony murray , who has a considerable estate in dunsire , he ordinarly uses this phrase as a proverb , that he desires no more in the world but a bit and a brat ; that is , only as much food and raiment as nature craves ; and yet this very man that would seem so denied to the world , got himself into the possession of two fat benefices , viz. that of counter in which he never did preach , and that of dunsire parish , in which the regular pastor had served for the whole year , 1688 , and for the greater part of the year 1689 , and yet was not allow'd one farthing of the living for either : altho' when he was drove away he had eight young motherless children , and no bread for them , whereof murray it seems not having one child , had no sence at all . who cried out more against the covetousness of prelates , and complying ministers , than mr. john johnston , yet in the time of his suppos'd persecution , he made up two thousand and five hundred pounds sterling ; and to the certain knowledge of his acquantances he was two hundred pounds sterling in debt when he abdicated his parish . this same johnston being called to a dying gentleman in east lotham , who was always episcopal , ( but the call was by some phanatical friends , without the knowledge of the dying person ) johnston having come to his chamber , advances with many hums and ha's close to the gentleman's bed-side , and after stairing a while upon him , at last with a great groan he gave his judgment of his state and condition in these words : i see nothing there in that face , ah , i see nothing but damnation , hell and reprobation ! at which words , a merry man standing by , whispers in the ears of the said mr. johnston , he hath left you two hundred marks . mr. johnston at this changed his mind ( like the barbarians in the isle of malta , ) and says , but methinks i see the sun of righteousness rising with healing under his wings , sayng , son be of good chear , thy sins are forgiven thee . who cried out more against ministers scandals , than one balfour in the mers , and yet but a few months ago he fled for the sin of adultery himself . this among them is called but a slip of the saints ; but far less slips in others are aggravated into heinous scandals and crying sins , as that ought indeed to be esteem'd . what greater act of injustice than that done to mr. alexander heriot , minister of dalkeith , who gave all obedience to the civil law , and yet the presbytery of dalkeith permitted one calderwood , a declared enemy of mr. heriot's , and some others of his accusers , to sit as judges among them , and not only admitted , but also invited and encouraged two or three knights of the post to swear , that the minister had danced about a bon-fire the 14th of october 1688. and when it was made appear to the conviction of all men , that there was no bon-fires in the town upon that day , and that the town was never wont to use any such solemnity upon the occasion of that day ; all that the presbytery said , was , that they could not help it , for the matter was sworn and deponed , and and they behoved to proceed , having a call to purge the church . besides , their not having good notions of the gospel , nor of any good heathen morals ; one reason of their malicious and crabbed nature may be , that they never suffered affliction , for after they abdicated their churches in 1662 , they began every-where in their sermons to cant about the persecution of the godly , and to magnifie their own sufferings ; by this means they were pamper'd instead of being persecuted ; some of the godly sisters supplying them with plentiful gratuities to their families , and mony to their purses ; they really lived better then ever they did before , by their stipends . they themseves boasted that they were sure of crowns for their sufferings ; and that angels visited them often in their troubles ; and both were materially true . i know severals of them who got estates this way , and that grew fat and lusty under their persecutions . mr. shields , one of their honestest and best writers , being well acquainted with all that they suffered , and a great sharer in it , glories in this , that they were highly provided for in their greatest difficulties , and makes an argument for it of their being god's people : in his annalysis ( as he calls it ) on the 29th of deuteronomy , delivered in a discourse to the people on the preparation-day before they renewed the covenants , p. 10. l. 8. these are his words : tho' in the wilderness of prelatick , erastian , and antichristian vsurpations , we did not meet with miracles , yet truly we have experienced wonders of the lord's care and kindness , and for all the harassings and persecutions , &c. the poor wilderness-wanderers have look'd as meat-like and cloath-like a others that sat at ease in their houses , and drank their wine and their strong drink . the party finding such good fruits of their itinerary labours , continued to preach the unthinking mobile out of their money and senses , and well as out of their duty to god and man , receiving in the mean time , instead of cups of cold water , * many bowls of warm sack ; the true covenant-liquor , and the best spirit that inspires the new gospellers . by these means the malignity of their nature was rather kindled than abated ; the only men and suffered any thing , being the poor silly plow-men and shepherds in the west , whom the false teachers hounded out to die for a broken covenant : it 's true indeed that many such men being deluded into several rebellions , put the state under a necessity of defending it self , by punishing some of them , and killing others in battels ; but yet before the danger of these battels , the preachers were generally so wise as to save themselves , by running first ; for ad they been so honest as to have born but a part of these burdens which they imposed upon their proselytes , or so couragious as to have but shew'd their faces in the day of battel ( to which they always sounded the allarm by their sermons ) then it 's like we should not have been now infested with such swarms of these locusts as have over-spread our land , and again filled our king's chambers , as the frogs and lice of aegypt did that of pharaoh's . tho' upon certain occasions the more subtile and cunning presbyterians , knowing that no art can defend or disguise the unaccountable wildness and madness of some of their party , are forc'd , to disprove and condemn them ; yet they never fail to make use of the sufferings of these same wild men , to magnify that persecution which themselves pretend to have undergone , but had not the least share in . eminent instances of this we have in rule 's late book . to whom among other favours we owe this new distinction of wild and sober presbyterians . truly if the presbyterians had met with the same measure with which they formerly served the prelatists , if they had been used as they did good bishop wishart , whom they made to lye seven months in a dark stinking close prison , without the conveniency of so much as changing his shirt but once , so that he was like to be eaten up of himself , and the vermine which that nasty place produced ; its probable that by such severities ( which i am glad they suffered not ) they might have been brought to something of that good man's christian temper and disposition : and that this was very great , the worst of themselves were constrained to own , when upon changing of the scene , he being deservedly advanced to the bishoprick of edinburgh , was so charitable as to convey large supplies to such of them as were imprison'd for their notorious rebellion at ●entland hills , 1666 , and that without letting them know from what hand it came , nay his compassion to them was such , that he continued such presbyterian preachers as were any thing tollerable , in their churches and office ; without imposing on them the conditions of conformity which the law then required : but now presbyterian preachers , even those that are called the soberest , as we may see by their daily practices , and expressions , are highly galled , because they are not allowed to treat the bishops and other ministers of god's word , after the same barbarous manner that they formerly did , that is , hew them in pieces before the lord , as they were wont to phrase it , for they commonly compare bishops to agag , and those ordained by them to the amalekites . the episcopal ministers and rulers used all christian and discreet methods when they had power to gain and oblige the dissenters , and to save them from the penalties of the law. but now such is the ingratitude of some , even of those same presbyterians , whom the episcopal ministers had saved from the gibbet , to which the law had justly doomed them ; that they were the only persons that invented false stories , forged malicious lybels , and raised tumults against those very ministers who had been formerly so exceeding kind to them ; we have but too many instances of their rendering evil for good in this manner : and that which makes this the more strange and odious , is , that it is acted under a pretence to religion , and reformation , and that the giddy people are instigated to this wickedness by their preachers ; i shall trouble the reader at present only with two particulars to this purpose : mr. monro , parson of sterling , was lately lybelled and accused before the brethren of the inquisition , by one whom , as all the neighbourhead knows , he preserved from being hanged , when he well deserved it . and now , tho' the said parson monro has visibly baffled all the articles of his lybel to the disgrace of his ungrateful accuser , and of those preachers who openly prompted him to this villany , yet they daily molest and disquiet him , because of his constant adherence to the sacred order of episcopacy , which is the greatest fault his judges can accuse him of , except that of his possessing a good living , and that his parts and piety darken the whole presbytery , of which his parishoners being fully convinced , love him so well , that they resolve , cost what it may , they will not part with him as their minister ; and have therefore , to the great mortification of the presbytery there , joyntly signified so much to them under their hands . the other particular instance of this nature , shall be that of one ronaldson , a tenant in the parish of cranston , whom the orthodox minister there , mr. burnet , by his intercession with persons of quality , preserved from having his goods confiscated , and person banished ; after ronaldson by his signal disobedience to the law had exposed himself to that sentence : this kindness ronaldson then looked on as so great and surprising , that he often and openly professed he knew not how to be thankful enough for it ; he and his family constantly kept the church thereafter , and upon every occasion acknowledged the minister's singular favour , with all the signs of sincere gratitude ; but yet upon the new light of the late revolution , he appeared the most open and avowed enemy that the minister had : the minister justly surprised with this , challenged his many promises of continuing grateful . to whom ronaldson gravely replyed , that the thanks of his preservation was not due to him , but only to god ; who oft-times ( said he ) stirs up ill men to befriend his own people . this change was wrought upon the man , and this answer put in his mouth ( as himself sometimes owns and professes ) by frequent conferences with their preachers , who in their private discourses and publick sermons have assured him , that he is not to look to the instrument , but to the cause of his preservation . i shall shut up this head concerning the persecution they pretended to have suffered , with a remarkable note of a sermon preached lately by mr. daniel douglass , one of their great * mufties , now sirs , ( says he ) i will be even plain with you , and perhaps e'en more plain than pleasant , sirs , i 'le tell you now , sirs , its ordinary for us to cry out that we were persecuted under episcopacy , but we are yet living , sirs ; and why were we not hanged as well as others were , beloved ? it is e'en because we thought they did cast away their lives needlesly , and that we would not venture our lives for such matters as they ventured their lives , for i knew to meet with kindness both from the church-men and the states-men : and particularly i knew that the clerks of council and session would take nothing from us , but there are no such clerks now : for there is one gibbie eliot , sirs , that has no charity nor discretion , for if we were all made up of dollars , he would swallow us up ; pray god , sirs , to keep our purses from that false lown eliot . ingenuity is a thing they are not concerned about , for that 's but a branch of dry morality , below men so full of grace ; some young men among them that have had the advantage of being abroad are more affable , and in their conferences with men of sence , they ordinarily exclaim against the peevish sowr and unconversable temper of scotch presbyterians ; but yet these same sparks of the cause , sing to a quite contrary tune when they are in a collective or representative body . i have read of a certain monk who being wearied of the cloyster aimed at a vacant dignity , the possession whereof he knew would set him free : for this end he applied himself to every one of his acquaintances that had a suffrage in the election , and from every singular and individual person he received very fair and satisfying promises , bet yet he found himself still disappointed when they met together in assemblies for the election , whereupon he invites most or all of them upon a set day to dine and be merry with him . they that were invited knew that he was not in condition to make any competent provision for so many guests ; wherefore according to the usual custom of that fraternity , they sent each of them some material or other , proper to make up the feast ; some sent flesh , some fish of divers kinds , some sent butter , some cheese , some wine , and others oyl . all which he boyled in one kettle together , and his guests being conveen'd , he caused serve up that hotch-potch in several large dishes to them , so that every dish as they tasted it equally disgusted them : where upon they asked what manner of victuals it was ? he said it was just such as themselves had sent , all well boyled in a large kettle together . that , say they , is the worst meat in the world when thus jumbled together , but very good when every thing is dressed by it self . just so are ye to me , says the monk , you are very fair and kind , when single , and one by one : but i can find nothing worse than you , when you are all together . the presbyterians resemble the monks in this , as in many other things , for take them singly , and they generally condemn the methods and proceedings of their brethren , as rigid and severe , but take the same men met together in a presbytery , synod , or assembly , and the whole body is the most unpalatable and most unsavory hotch-potch in the world. and now to hasten to a close of this section , strangers may justly wonder that men of such temper and qualification , as ye have now heard the pretbyterian preachers to be , should have any followers . but this will not seem so strange to such as confider what multitudes of the rabble , crowd after jack bowels in his drunken fits , women and children are ordinarily led by noise and shew , tho' it were but of hobby-horses and rattles . and indeed the presbyterian preachers are only flocked after by such a herd , some out of a blind zeal and itch after novelty and change , some again loving to fish in the troubled waters of such confusions as are inseparable from presbytery , hoping thereby ●o mend their broken fortunes . and to palliate their want of sence , and greater faults , by a pretence to strict religion : others frequent them for sport and diversion , as men of little sence and less business run after stage-players and rope-dancers . sometimes ago these preachers were conversant only with shepherds , and a few silly women , laden with divers lusts , whose hot zeal had no knowledge to guide it ; the preachers then indeed admired themselves for persons of great gifts and learning , because of the esteem that these ignorant creatures had for them ; but now that they are brought to act in publick , and possess the pulpits of learned men , they are at a great disadvantage , for their better auditories expect solid divinity , rational and close discourses , and that being none of their talent , puts them quite out of their road and element , and hence it is that the people generally forsake and abhor them , and nothing but a few of the rabble frequent their best churches and preachers : so that now their own dear followers begin to complain and cry out , that christ did more good in the hills than he does now in the churches . and if they hold on at their usual manner of raving in pulpits , they cannot fail to render themselves as ridiculous and odious as they deserve , which they have made pretty good advances to already . they frequently upbraid curates , as deserted of the spirit , because they own that in the composing of their sermons they make use of books , and yet mr. david williamson , one of their ablest men , preaching before the parliament , on ps . 2. and verse 10. stole most of his sermon from herle's tripus of wisdom , and had the confidence to reprint the same at edinburgh . indeed the nonsence and railing of that sermon is wholly his own ; for none but himself ever pretended or presumed as he does there , that christ dyed a martyr for the presbyterian government ; because forsooth this inscription was written on his cross , jesus of nazareth king of the jews . i do not discommend the use of books , but the hypocrisie of these men , who give out that they preach meerly by inspiration and meditation , as mr. areskine did in a sermon which he preached lately in the tron church at edinburgh , his words were these , the curates goes to their books for preachings , but we go to our knees for our preachings . and yet such is the silliness of some deluded people , that they proclaim these for soul-refreshing and powerful preachers , and for men that , as they phrase it , have an inbearing gift , speaking home to their hearts : indeed make some people judges , we know presbyterian sermons will gain the applause . i remember the old fable of the cuckow and the nightingale , both contended who should sing sweetest , the ass because of his long ears is made judge , the nightingale sung first , the cuckow next , the asse's determination was , that truly the nightingale sung pretty well , but for a good sweet plain taking song , and a fine note , the cuckow sung far better . some who are not so well acquainted with the scotch presbyterian's manner of preaching and praying may , perhaps , think that matters are here aggravated against them , because things so very ridiculous were never vented by any former sect , as these i have and am hereafter to discover of them ; but they are too well known to be denyed among us : and that strangers may not think themselves imposed upon , i shall in the next section give the reader some little taste of their printed books , and leave him to judge from the ridiculousness of what they have deliberately published to the world that way , what extravagancy they may be guilty of in these extemporary ravings , which they mis-call spiritual preaching and praying . sect . ii. containing some expressions out of their printed books . and first for their sermons ; mr. william guthry at fenwick , hath printed one full of curses and imprecations , viz. will you gang man to the cursed curates ? gang , and the vengeance of god gang with thee : the cursed curates bids us side with them ; the devil rugg * their hearts out of their sides . the sermon in every page is to the same purpose . the people in the west are mightily taken with it ; and the author is held for a great saint among them , chiefly upon the account , as themselves phrase it , of his sharp pen against prelates and curates . mr. walwood , brother to mercurius , in a printed sermon on this text , if the righteous shall scarcely be saved , &c. says , among other as ridiculous things , these words , men think that every dog will win to heaven , but i assure you , it is a great matter to win there ; for noblemen that will be saved i believe there 's not twenty , i trow i doubled them : for gentlemen i could write them all in three inch of paper . ibid. men thought much when a part of the city of glascow was burnt , but for my part i would not shed a tear tho' glascow and edinburgh both were burnt ; and a great matter , they burnt the covenant . the best of their preachers were singled out to hold forth to the parliament , and the l. commissioner m. a person equally fitted to judge of ministers and statesmen , appointed such of these sermons to be printed , as he in his godly wisdom thought fittest for advancing the designs of omnipotent presbytery . these sermons are generally inhanced by the party , and preserved as infallible evidences of the great learning and piety of the new gospel professors , upon which account they are carefully kept from malignant hands and eyes : however , i once had the favour allowed me to read three of the choicest of them , published by williamson , rule , and spalding ; wherein they extol presbyterian government , with all the glorious epithets due to the gospel and the christian church , viz. christ's bride , his virgin , his spouse , his glory , his honour , his church , his precious remnant , his glorious elect , his pure people . god's house , tabernacle , dwelling place and sanctuary , his holy ark , his chosen generation , his dear children , his kingdom , his mountain , his jewels , his crown , scepter , and diadem ; in a word , the most obscure and darkest prophesies and revelations were all spoke with an eye to the present scotch model , tho' that be so new as never to have been heard of in scotland , or any other church before : and the presbyterians themselves will as soon prove that the high priesthood of aaron among the jews was a type of presbyterian democracy in the church , as shew any foot-steps , or the least mention of presbyterianism in any of the ancient monuments and records of the church , except they will say that christianity began with calvin ; and yet if you 'll believe the sermons of the former triumvirate , they that oppose the rigour of scotch presbytery are enemies to god and his cause , to christ and to his gospel , they are worse than heathens , they are philistines , which are not to be suffered to live in the holy land , * nay they that concur not to advance it to its former height , ( and that is above king and parliament ) not only their estates and lives , but their souls may go for it : you members of parliament who are not forward for this , you shall with jehoiakim , be buried with the burial of an ass : think but seriously what an epitaph may be written on your tomb , and what discourses may be of you when ye are gone , here lies a man that never was a friend to christ , or his interest , now he is dead , but he was an opposer and persecutor of christ of his truth and people . but dying is not all , what shall ye say when , ye shall be cited at the great assize , before the tribunal of christ , to that question , what justice and vote gave ye to we in my afflicted church , in the first parliament of king william and queen mary in scotland , was ye for me or against met ? spalding's sermon before the parliament , on 1 chron. 12. 32. p. 20. versus finem & p. 21 initio . mr. gilbert rule in his sermon before the parliament , on isaiah 2. 2. ( for their texts are generally out of the obscurest places of the old testament , ) takes it for granted , that the mountain of the lord's house there spoke of , is expresly meant of scotch presbytery ; which , he says , is terrible as an army with banners . this last , i confess , has often been found true in the most litteral sence ; but why presbytery should be called a mountain , i cannot so well say , except it be because it was exalted at ‖ dunce-law above the tops of the mountains , that is , monarchy and episcopacy , at which time the phanaticks and rebels were the nations that flocked unto it , and establish'd it upon the ruines of their own former oaths and obligations . but to speak in his own words , the exalting and establishing of scotch presbytery , ( for that 's the only true religion , ) the flourishing of it , is the means to advance the poorest and most contemptible people * to reputation both with god and all good men , yea , often in the eyes of them that are but moral and intelligent , tho' enemies , as is evident from deut. 4. 6. this is your wisdom in the sight of the nations , which shall say , surely this nation is a wise and understanding people : for what nation is there so great , who have god so nigh unto them , &c. now that no body might mistake , as in this he meant religion in general , and not scotch presbytery , he makes application particularly to the kirk in these words , if ye will set christ on high in this poor church , he will set the church and nation on high ; scotland hath in former times been * renowned and esteemed among the churches of the reformation upon this account : it may be an honour in after ages to your posterity , that such a man was active in that happy parliament that settled religion in the church ; yea , this way will render us more formidable to our enemies , and vnfriends to our way , * , than strong armies or navies could do . 1 sam. 4. 7. and the philistines were afraid , &c. fo● they said , that god is come to the camp . rule 's sermon before the parliament , p. 13. the plain meaning of this is , all the land and sea-forces of england and the confederates , can signifie nothing against their enemies , so long as they entertain or suffer amongst them these enemies of religion , the bishops . that famous man in his generation , mr. david williamson , preached before the reforming parliament on this text , be wise ye kings , be instucted ye judges of the earth , psal . 2. 10. i cannot but approve the choice of this text , because those kings had need be very wise indeed , that have to do with presbyterians ; and those civil judges must be stronger than the kirk , that will not condescend to be instructed by them in all things . in the former part of that sermon he divides and subdivides government so often , till ( as the presbyterian author , from whom he steals these ridiculous distinctions * , ) he at last divides the king's and judges from all power : it 's no new thing for some men first to distinguish the king's person from his authority , and then to divide his head from his body ; well , it 's granted by all hands , that such men are well acquainted with all the ways of dividing government . in the latter part of that sermon , the author speaking of presbyterial government , uses these words , which we easily grant to be peculiarly his own : it 's no light matter , ( says he ) it 's an ordinance of god , the royal diadem of christ ; he was a martyr on this head , for it was his ditty on the cross , john 19. 19. jesus of nazareth king of the jews . if this scripture do not prove that christ died a martyr for scots presbytery , i am sure there 's no other place either in scripture or antiquity that will. the next notes shall be from a sermon that is highly valued by all true presbyterians , viz. that which according to the author 's dating it , was printed the 40 year of our publick breach of covenant ; the year , as the author at the end of the title page describes it , wherein there was much zeal for confederating among men , but little for covenanting with god. in the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , and 5 pages , he compareth the scotch covenants to the covenant of grace , and to the covenants at horeb and in moab . in the 6th page he says , the covenant may be tendred and taken without the consent of the magistrate , but his after dissent or discharge cannot loose the obligation of it . page 9. he says , as israel in the wilderness , so have we had our marahs , and our massa's , and meribahs , taberahs , and kibroth hataavahs at pentland-hills , bothwel-bridge , ardsmoss , † &c. from this consideration he presses the renewing of the covenant . page 10. god's removing two kings who withstood the covenanted reformation , and the abolishing two wicked establishments , tyranny and prelacy , should stir up all lovers of religion to the duty of covenanting . page 12. all the meaner sort of all sexes and ages , wives and children , are obliged to this , tho' the primores & primates regni do not concur : if the children be not capable , parents are to engage for them . accordingly ( says he ) in scotland it hath been in use for faithful ministers , to take parents , engaged to the covenant , when they presented their children to baptism * . page 14. subjects are relaxed from their sworn allegiance to a king or magistrate , by his rescinding or disowning the covenant ; as is plain from the third article of the solemn league : but there is nothing that can any way enervate the sacred obligation of scotland's holy covenant , which still must stand in inviolable force . page 16. it is a covenant obliging not only the present , but the absent , and not only the absent in regard of place , but in regard of time : it obligeth all the children of israel , binds all posterity with annexation of curses to the breakers . page 17. it 's the foundation of the people's compact with the king at his inauguration : therefore as long as scotland is scotland , and god unchangeable , scotland's reformation in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , must be endeavour'd to be performed in a conformity to the covenant : the matter of it is moral , containing nothing but what is antecedently and eternally binding , albeit there had never been a formal covenant ; the ends of it are perpetually good . page 18. the express command from exod. 23. obliges to banish all covenant-breakers out of the land ; for the example of the popish , prelatical , and malignant faction in britain and ireland , the suffering them to dwell in the land , and to creep into places of trust , and especially the stupid submission to the restitution of church and state , and to the re-introduction of their wicked establishments , abjur'd by covenant , did gradually induce parishes and provinces to this dreadful sin of covenant-breaking . then in some subsequent pages he enumerates all the curses and plagues , national or personal , spoken of in scripture , as threatned with a special regard to the breaking of this covenant , and who can tell ( says he ) but the sword now drawn in scotland and ireland may avenge the quarrel of god's broken covenant . pag. 27. the breaking of the covenant is the most heinous of all sins : profainity of all sorts , hypocrisie , idolatry , adultery , treachery , pride , blood , and oppression , and all that ever brought down vengeance upon any generation recorded in scripture , or in any history , with these indeed , and the greatest aggravations of them , the land hath been polluted ; but chiefly that which incenses the anger of the lord , hath been , and remains to be breach of covenant , and all these abominations not simply because breaches of the law if god , but as under this special aggravation , that they have been and are breaches of the covenant , as is evident from deuterom . 29. 25. because they have forsaken the covenant of the lord god of their fathers . &c. * pag. 33. the great reason why men should renew the covenant at this time , and why those of the true presbyterian party did it in the end of 1688. they though it then ( says he ) expedient , as it is still , by renewing of these antient covenants , to declare what cause they would avouch and appear for , what king they would own , and upon what terms they would offer their submission to the present government then to be established , who had before declared their revolt from the former , and for this end to make this the band of their association . the same author , in his solemn confession of sins pag. 53. says most ingenuously , we and our teachers in a great measure complyed with , submitted unto , and connived , at the incroachments of the supremacy , and absolute power , both in accepting and countenancing the former indulgences , and the late tolleration . we have taken and subscribed oaths , and bonds , all which have been contrary to the reformation we were sworn to preserve . pag 54. we are obliged to confess the offensive carriage and conversation of many that have gone to england , who have proven very stumbling to the sectarians there . yea of late , many have embraced the toleration introductive of a sectarian multiformity , without so much as a testimony against the toleration of popery it self . the general toleration , which in its own nature tended , and in its design intended , to introduce popery and slavery by arbitrary and absolute power , hath been accepted and addressed for , by many of our ministers ; and countenanced , complyed , and concurr'd with by many of our people , without a testimony or endeavour to understand it . — many dregs of , popish superstition have been observed , popish festival days as † pasch , yule , and fastings eve , &c. have been kept by many : and prelatical anniversary days devised of their own heart , appointed for commemorating the kings birth days , as may 29. octob. 14. &c. who were born as scourges to this realm , being complied with by many , pag. 58. as it was our fathers sin to inaugurate the late king , after such discoveries of his hypocritical enmity to religion and liberty , upon his subscription of the covenant ; to when he burnt and buried that holy covenant , and degenerated into manifest tyranny , and had razed the very foundation on which both his right to govern , and the peoples allegiance were founded , and remitted the subjects allegiance , by annulling the bond of it ; we sinned in continuing to own his authority : when all he had was engaged and exerted in rebellion against god ; for which the lord put us to shame , and went not out with our armies at pentland hills and bothwell bridge . notes out of the hind let loose , printed 1687. which book is the great oracle and idol of the true covenanters . pag. 3. it 's observable how reproachfully he speaks of princes , and even of such as are now our kings allies , in these words , the protestants of hungary are under the tearing laws of that ravenous eagle the tyrant of austria : those of piedmont under the grassant tyranny of that little tyger of savoy . pag. 24. our first reformers never resigned nor abandoned that first and most just priviledge of resistance . nay nor of bringing publick beasts of prey to condign punishment , in an extraordinary way of vindictive justice ; e. g. cardinal beaton that was slain in the tower of st. andrew's by james melvin , who perceiving his consorts moved with passion withdrew them , and said , this work and judgement of god , altho' it be secret , ought to be done with greater gravity ; and presentnig the point of his sword to the cardinal , said , repent thee of thy former wicked life , but especially of the shedding of the blood of mr. george wisheart , which yet crys for vengeance from god upon thee : and we from god are sent to revenge it ; for here before my god , i protest that — nothing moveth me to strike thee , but only because thou hast been , and remainest an obstinate enemy agoinst christ jesus and his holy gospel ; of which fast , says my author , the faithful and famous historian mr. knox , speaks very honourably , and after the slaughter joyned himself with them ; yet now such a fact committed upon such another bloody and treacherous beast , the cardinal prelate of scotland eight years agon , is generally condemned as horrid murder . pag. 75. speaking of the king's defeat at worcester , he says , israel had sinned and transgressed the covenant . — having taken the accursed thing , and put it even amongst their own stuff ; therefore the children of israel could not stand before their enemies , but an army of them near 30000. was totally routed at worcester ; and the achan , the cause of the overthrow , was forced to hide himself beyond sea , where he continued a wandring fugitive in exile till 1660. false monk , then general , with a combination of malignants , and publick resolutioners , did machinate our misery , and effectuated it , by bringing the king home to england from his banishment , wherein he was habituate into an implacable hatred against the work of god. pag. 96. the covenant is our magna charta of religion and righteousness , our greatest security for all our interests . pag. 99. that same perfidious parliament fram'd an act for an anniversary thanksgiving , commemorating every 29th of may , that blasphemy against the spirit and work of god ; and celebrating that unhappy restauration of the rescinder of the reformation , which had not only the concurrence of the universality of the nation , but ( alas for shame that it should be told in gath , ) even of some presbyterian ministers , who afterwards accepted the indulgence ; one of which , a pillar among them , was seen scandalously dancing about the bonfires . — o holy and astonishing justice , thus to recompence our way upon our own head ; to suffer this holy work and cause to be ruined under our unhappy hands , who suffered the destroyer to come in , who had it in his heart , swell'd with enmity against christ , to raze and ruine the work , as he most wickedly did . pag. 110. the king gave us many proofs and demonstrations of his being true to antichrist , in minding all the promises and treaties with him , as he had of his being false to christ , in all his covenant-engagements with his people : for in the year , 1666. he , with his dear and royal brother the duke of york , contrived , countenanced , and abetted , the burning of london , evident by their employing their guards to hinder the people from saving their own ; and to dismiss the incendiaries , the papists , who were taken in the fact. pag. 123. at length the virulent traytor , james sharp , the arch prelate , received the just demerit of his perfidy , perjuries , apostacies , sorceries , villanies , and murders , sharp arrows of the mighty , and coals of juniper , for upon the 3d of may , 1679. several worthy gentlemen , with some other men of courage and zeal for the cause of god , and the good of the country , executed righteous judgement upon him at magus moor , near st. andrew's : and the same month on the 29th of may , the testimony at rutherglen , was published against that abomination of celebrating an anniversary day for setting up an usurped power , destroying the interest of christ in the land , and against all sinful and unlawful acts emitted and executed , published and prosecuted against our covenanted reformation ; where also they burnt the acts of supremacy , , the declaration , the act rescessory , for the burning the covenant . page 146. at length the king of terrours , a terrour to all kings , cut off that supreme author and authoriser of mischief , charles the second , by the suspicious intervention of an unnatural hand , as the instrument thereof ; wherein much of the justice of god was to be observed , and of his faithfulness verified ; that bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days : his bloody violence was recompenced with the unnatural villany of his brother , and his unparallel'd perjury was justly rewarded with the most ungrateful and treacherous monster of a parricide ; for all the numerous brood of his adulterous and incestuous brats , begotten of a multitude of whores , at home and abroad , yea , with his own sister too , he died a childless pultron , and had the unlamented burial of an ass : and for all his hypocritical pretentions to a protestant profession , he drunk his death in a popish potion , contrived by his own dear brother that succeeded him ; — passionately resenting charles his vow , to suffer the murder of the earl of ess●x to come to a trial , which was extorted by the reiterated solicitations of some , who offer'd to discover by whom it was contrived and acted ; which made the duke's guilty conscience to dread a detection of his deep accession to it : whereupon the potion quickly after prepared , put a stop to that , and an end to his life , february 6th , 1685 : of which horrid villany time will disclose the mystery , and give the history when it shall be seasonable . page 237. a prelate's depute is no minister of christ , but a curate is a prelate's depute , ergo. — that a prelate's-depute is no minister of christ , i prove not only from that , that a prelate , qua talis , is not a servant of christ , but an enemy ; and therefore cannot confer upon another that dignity to be christ's servant ; but also from this , that the scriptures allow no derivation of deputed officers , rom. 12. 7 , 9. page 255. never can it be instanced these twenty seven years , that the curates have brought one soul to christ , but many instances may be given of their murdering souls : hence these who cannot but be soul-murderers , may not be heard or entertaind as soul-physicians ; but the curates cannot but be soul-murderers , ergo. page 256. the meetings of the curates , for administration of ordinances in their way , the lord hates , and hath signally forsaken : therefore we should hate and forsake them . this is confirmed by mr. durhame , rev. 1. p. 55. page 259. hearing of curates reductively involves us under the guilt of idolatry , and breach of the second commandment ; therefore we ought not to let them dwell in the land , lest they make us sin , exod. 23. 32. we should destroy their very names out of the place , deut. 12. 3. jud. 2. 7. page 285. jus populi , cap. 16. ( says he ) make this one character of a tyrant , that living in luxury , whoredom , greed and idleness , he neglecteth , or is unfit for his office. how these sute to our times , we need not express ; what effrontery of impudence is it for such monsters to pretend to rule . p. 296. kings and tyrants for the most part are reciprocal terms . page 306. we own the obligation of our sacred covenants unrepealably and indispensably binding to all . but we deny that hereby we are bound either to maintain monarchy , or to own the authority of either of the two monarchs that have monarchized or tyrannized over us these twenty seven years past . in the covenants we are not bound , but only conditionally , tomaintain the king's person and authority , that is only upon the terms that he should be a loyal subject to christ , * and a faithful servant to the people , which he cannot be thought who does not cause all stand to their covenant-engagements , as josiah did , 2 chron. 34. but , alas , there was never a jostah in the race of our kings ; they rose up to the height of rebellion against god and the people , with heaven-daring insolency , not only breaking but burning the holy covenant . concerning owning of tyrants authority , p. 308. when monarchy becomes opposite to the ends of government , the contagion of it affects that very species of government ; and then the house is to be pulled down , when the leprosie is got into the walls and foundation . the people may make their publick servant sensible , that he is at his highest elevation but a servant : hence now when the species named in the covenant , viz. monarchy , is so vitiate , that it is become the instrument of the destruction of all the ends of that covenant , and now by law transmitted to all successors , as an hereditary , perfect , and perpetual opposition to the coming of christ's kingdom ; so that as long as there is one to wear that crown , ( but jehovah will in righteousness execute coniah's doom upon the race , jerem 22. ult . write this man childless , ) and to enter heir to the government as now established , he must be an enemy to christ : there is no other way left , but to think on a new model , moulded according to the true pattern . page 311. as he is not , nor will not be our covenantted and sworn king , and therefore we cannot be his covenanted and sworn subjects ; so he is not , nor can be our crown'd king , and therefore we cannot be his liege subjects , owning fealty and obedience to him . page 340. it will be found that there is no title on earth now to the crowns , to families , to persons , but the people's suffrage ; for the institution of magistracy does not made james stuart a king , no more than john chamberlain . page 375. kings must be like dogs that are best hunters , not those who are born of best dogs ; therefore dominion is not hereditary . page 389. the inferiour is accountable to the superiour , the king is inferiour , the people is superiour ; ergo , the king is accountable to the people . the proposition is plain ; for if the king's superiority make the people accountable to him , in case of transgressing the laws , then why should not the people's superiority make the king accountable to them , in case of transgressing the laws . page 411. in the fourth article of the covenant , we are obliged to endeavour that all incendiaries and malignants , &c. be brought to condign punishment ; therefore is it imaginable that the head of that unhallowed party , the great malignant enemy , who is the spring , and gives life to all these abominations , should be exempted from punishment ? shall we be obliged to discover and bring to punishment the little petty malignants , and this implacably stated enemy to christ , escape with a crown on his head ? nay , we are by this obliged , if ever we be in condition , to bring these stated enemies to god and the country , to condign punishment , from the highest to the lowest : and this we are to do , as we would have the anger of the lord turned away from us , which cannot not be without hanging up their heads before the lord against the sun , numb . 25. 4. page 412. by the fifth article of the covenant , we are obliged to endeavour that justice be done upon such as oppose the peace and union between the kingdoms ; abut this man and his brother have destroy'd and annull'd that which was the bond of these kingdoms union , viz. the solemn league and covenant . page 459. that form god save the king , now imposed , as it is found in the original , is only paraphrastically expounded , and most catachrestically applied to tyrants , being in the native sence of the words only , let the king live ; which as it is now extorted most illegally , so it can be render'd neither civilly , nor sincerely , nor christianly : it is a horrid mocking of god , and a heinous taking of his name in vain , contrary to the third commandment : if it be a congratulation , it is the more abominable , not only for the hypocrisie that is in it , but the blasphemy , in giving thanks for the promoter of the devil's interest , and the destroyer of christ's and the liberties of mankind . page 466. let us consider the person and matter for whom and for what , this prayer ( god save the king ; ) is extorted : either it is for the salvation of james the papist , or of james the tyrant ; now it 's not the will of god , that they that have , and keep , and will not part with the mark of the beast , should be saved ; for he is adjudged of god to drink the wine of his wrath , rev. 14. 9 , 10. we cannot pray for him as a christian , or as king , because he is neither ; and as a tyrant he can no more be saved that as a papist ; for , tophet is ordained of old , yea , for the king it is prepared , isai . 3. 33. now while he continues such , we must complain in prayers , not for his mis-government only , but for that he governs , and desire to be deliver'd from him ; for , considering what a man , and what a king he is , guilty of murder , adultery , idolatry , under the sentence of the law both of god and man ; we can pray no otherwise for him than for a murderer , adulterer , idolater ; we cannot pray that the lord may bless his government , for it 's his sin and our misery , that he is a governour , and his throne is a throne of iniquity . what form of prayer this author uses for the king , may be seen at the end of the notes of their prayers . page 482 and 483. these that now would impose bonds upon us , are such sons of belial as cannot be taken by the hand . there is one general argument that will condemn coming in any terms or bonds with that party that have broken the covenant , because such transactions are a sort of confederacy with the known enemies of the truth and godliness * mr. gillespy demonstrates that to be unlawful ; when in capacity , we should not suffer them to dwell in the land ; if we are not to be familiar with heathens , far less with apostates ; for the apostle lays much more restraint from communion with them than with pagans , 1 cor. 5. 10. and again , exodus 34. 12. all sacred transactions are discharged upon a moral and perpetually binding ground : and all toleration is prohibited , and all conjugal affinity . such compliances brought on the first desolating judgment , the flood , on the old world , gen. 6. when the godly conformed and incorporated with the ungodly crew . — the scriptures frequently disprove all confederacies , covenants , concord , and , without distinction , all transactions and unitive agreements with the men of belial , that overturn the reformation , p. 487. page 501. it 's clear from the form , the object , and from the ends of the covenant , which are all moral , and of indispensable obligation , that it is of perpetual and unalterably binding force , obliging the present and and all future generations . page 500. by allegiance and loyalty , can be meant nothing else , by our present governors , but an obligation to own and obey , and never to oppose the design of advancing tyranny ; and by peaceableness and orderliness , nothing else can be intended , than an obligation never to oppose either the present settlement , or future establishment of popery and arbitrary power , upon the ruines of the reformation , and our civil and religious rights and liberties ; whence they that take these oaths and bonds , in any other sence , look more to the liberties of worldly interest , than to the dictates of conscience , and by quibling evasions do but mock god , deceive the world , and illude the enemies , and delude themselves . page 505. the covenant is the foundation of the people's compact with the king at his inauguration , the fundamental law of the government , and among the very leges & regulae reganndi ; so that the rescinders of of it are chargeable not only with perjury but of treason and tyranny , in breaking and altering the constitution of the government , and are lyable to the curse of the covenant ; for they cannot rescind that , nor escape it's vengeance ; whereof we have a speaking-pledge already , in that the rescinder of these covenants was so terribly rescinded , and cut off by the hands of unnatural violence ; god thereby fulfilling that threatned judgment of covenant-breakers , that he that hath broken his covenant shall be brought to destruction ; and bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days : so charles the second got not leave to live out half of the days he projected to himself . page 508. to require men to subscribe to a declaration asserting that the national covenant , and the solemn league and covenant , were and are in themselves unlawful oaths , is to require men to enter into a confederacy against the lord , at which the heavens might stand astonish'd ; it 's an unparallel'd breach of the third commandment , and could no more be taken tin truth and righteousness , that an oath renouncing the bible . page 513. an acknowledgment of ecclesiastical supremacy resident in the king , is the most blasphemous usurpation on the prerogatives of christ , that ever the greatest monster among men durst arrogate ; yea , the roman beast never claimed more ; and in effect it is nothing else but one of his names of blasphemy , twisted out of the pope's hands by king henry the eighth , and handed down to queen elizàbeth , &c. by this many intolerable incroachments , made upon the liberties and priviledges of the church of christ , are yeilded unto ; as that there must be no church-assemblies without the magistrates consent , but that the power of convocating and indicting assemblies does belong only to him , that he may dissolve them when he pleases , and that his presence , or his commissioners , is necessary to each national assembly . page 516. to engage in bonds of living peaceably , is to engage in bonds of iniquity ; they are covenants of peace with god's enemies , whom we should count our enemies ; and hate them because they hate him , psal . 139. it 's more suitable to answer as jehu did to joram , what peace , so long as the whoredoms of thy mother jezabel , and her witchcrafts are so many ? than to ingage to be at peace with those who are carrying on babylon's interest , the mother of harlots and witchcrafts * page 658. for private persons to destroy and rid the commonwealth , of such burdens and vile vermine , so pernicious to it as tyrants are , was thought a vertue meriting commendation by all nations ; among the rudest nations this is a relict of reason ; as the oriental indidians have a custom when ever any persons run a muck , that is , in a revengeful fury take such a quantity of opium as distracts them into such a rage of mad animosity , that they fear not to assault and go thorow destroying whom they can find in their way ; then every man arms against him , and is ambitious of the honour of first killing him ; which is very rational : and it seems to be as rational , to take the same couse with out mad malignant mucks * , who are drunk with hellish fury , and are running in a rage to destroy the people of god. page 701. the exacting taxations for maintaining of the army , and the paying of subsidies , was and remains to be a consummating crimson wickedness , the cry whereof reaches heaven ; since upon the matter it exceeded the gadarens wickedness , and was short of their civility ; they did not beseech christ and his gospel to be gone out of scotland , but with armed violence declar'd , they would with the strong hand drive him out of his possession , in order to which their legions are levied with a professed declaration , that there shall not be a soul left in the nation , who shall not be slain , shut up , or sold as slaves , who will own christ and his interest . page 712. the paying of subsidies to the present goverment , is to surnish that party of the dragon's legions , in their war against prince michael and his angels , with supplies ; which no moral force can excuse , no more than it can do the shedding of the blood of their innocent children , or sacrificing them to moloch ; for no sacrifice they can offer to the devil , can be more real , or so acceptable , as what they declare by this ; being so direct not only in opposition to the coming of the kingdom of christ , but the deletion of his precious interests , and the giving satan such an absolute dominion in the nation , as that they who have made the decree , and all who put it in execution , practically declare thereby they have mancipate themselves to his slavery , and sold themselves to work wickedness in the sight of the lord : so likewise that all the rest of the nation may with themselves become his vassals , and in evidence of their opposition to christ , and in recognition to satan's sovereignty , and their subjection , they are appointed to pay these black meals . * mr. rule . the great scribe now of the party , in his second vindication of the church of scotland , owns at every turn , that there are many presbyterians in scotland , who are neither moderate nor sober ; and to these he imputes all the rebellions and murders committed by the party , and yet he calls the legal restraints , put upon these wild or mad presbyterians , ( for so they must be called , if they be neither moderate nor sober , ) cruel persecutions : now their whole pretended martyrology being only made up of these men , i would fain know whose martyrs such men were ; for the devil has his martys too . this is mr. rule 's best way of reasoning , for which i am apt to think there 's few of the party that will thank him ; it being most evident , that those whom he so much disowns and reflects upon , are the only true scotch presbyterians ; for whereas rule , and some few with him , who would be thought moderate and sober , have evidently deserted the old cause , and seem to sit down upon the lees of dutch presbytery , unto which they have basely degenerated , while these others tread exactly in the steps of their forefathers , and act in a close conformity to the covenants , and the decrees of the general assemblies ; which must be acknowledged to be the rule for scotch presbyterians , or else it must be confest that they have none . i shall leave the reader to judge which of these two are indeed the truest scotch presbyterians , by the account which one of their own famous writers gives of those whom mr. rule calls sober and moderate ; in the historical representation of the testimonies of the church of scotland , ( printed 1687 , p. 162. and downwards , ) speaking of the toleration granted in that same year by the king , he says , and truely too , that those who embraced it , acted contrary to the presbyterian principles of the church of scotland , particularly to the declaration of the general assembly , july , 27 , 1649 ; and contrary to the covenant . and on this head his arguments are infinitely beyond any that ever we have heard from mr. rule ; for ( says he ) this toleration is founded on soveraign authority , prerogative royal , and absolute power , which all are to obey without reserve . again , ( says he ) it comes through such a conveyance , as suspends , stops , and disables all penal laws against papists , and thereby everts all the securities and legal bulwarks that protestants can have for the establishment of their religion , making them depend only upon the arbitrary word of an absolute monarch , whose principles oblige him to break it : so they that accept this toleration , do thereby recognize a power in the king , to subvert all laws , right , and liberties ; which is contrary to reason as well as religion , and a clear breach of the covenants : by this toleration the papists are encouraged and encreased in numbers , the whole nation overflow'd with their hellish locusts , and all places fill'd with priests and jesuits ; yea , the executive power of the government is put in the hands of the romanists . — watever liberty this may be to some consciences , it 's none to the tender : it 's only a toleration which is always of evil , for that which is good cannot be tolerated , under the notion of good , but countenanced and incouraged as such : therefore this reflects upon our religion , when a toleration is accepted , which implies such a reproach , and the annexed indemnity and pardon , tacitely condemns the profession thereof , as a fault , or crime ; which no christian can bear with , or homologate by acceptance ; whatever some addressers , particularly the presbyterians at london , have blasphemously alledged , that god is hereby restored to his empire over the conscience : moreover , * ( says he ) true presbyterians can never closs themselves among them that are hereby indulged , viz. archbishops and bishops , all the prelatical and malignant crew , all quakers and papists , reaching also all idolatry , blasphemy , heresie , and truth ; making the professors of christ partners with antichrist's vassals . such a toleration is contrary to the scriptures of the old and new testament ; it 's like julian the apostate's toleration , designing to root out chirstianity ; it 's contrary to the confession of faith ; and therefore to accept this toleration , is inconsistent with the principles of the church of scotland , national and solemn leagues and covenants , and solemn acknowledgments of sins , and engagements to duties ; in all which we are bound to extirpate popery and prelacy , as inconsistent with the whole tract of our former contendings , and particularly with the testimony of the synod of fi●e , and other brethren , against cromwel ' s vast toleration and liberty of conscience . the worst of all is , ( says he ) that it 's further declared in that toleration , that nothing must be preached or taught , which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of the people from the king or his government : here is the price at which they ought to purchase their freedom ; a sad bargain to buy liberty and sell truth . but who can be faithful , but he must think it his duty to alienate the hearts of the people from such an enemy to christ ? what watchman must not see it his indispensable duty , to preach so that the people may hate the whore , and this pimp of hers : it cannot be but very stumbling to see the ministers of scotland purchasing à liberty to themselves , at the rate of burying and betraying the cause into bondage ; and thus to be laid by , from all opposition to antichrist's design , in such a season : the world will be tempted to think , that they are not governed by principles , but their own interest , and that it was not the late overturning of religion and liberty that offended them ; for if that arbitrary power had been but exerted in their favours , tho' with the same prejudice to the cause of christ , they would have complied with it , as they do now . mr. rule in his late book is highly offended with the author of the case of the afflicted clergy , for saying , that the presbyterians addressed and thanked k. james for this toleration in a fawning and flattering manner ; and yet our honest presbyterian author deals more roundly with them , pag. 173. his words are these , the addresses made thereupon , were with a strain of fulsome and blasphemous flatteries , to the dishonour of god , the reproach of the cause , the betraying of the church , the detriment of the nation , and the exposing themselves to the contempt of all . again , ( says he , pag 176 , 177 , 178. ) the address it self is of such a dress , as makes the things addressed for to be odious , and the addressers to forefault the respect , and merit the indignation of all that are friends to the protestant and presbyterian cause . — nothing could have been more cross to the real desires of the true presbyterians than this newly start-up opinion , that interest has led them to espouse . — there is nothing here sounds like the old presbyterian strain ; neither was there ever an address of this stile seen before from presbyterians : it would have looked far more presbyterian like , to have sent a protestation against the now openly des●gn'd introduction of popery , and subversion of all laws and liberties , which they are covenanted to maintain ; or at least , an address in the usual language of the presbyterians , who used always to speak of the covenants , and work of reformation ; but here never a word of these , but of loyalty to his excellent , to his gracious , and to his sacred majesty ; of loyalty not to be questioned ; an entire loyalty in doctrine a resolved loyalty in practice , and a fervent loyalty in prayers : all that they are sollicitous about , is not for the prerogatives of their master , or the liberties of the church ; but lest their loyalty be question'd , that they be otherwise represented ; all that they beseech for , is , not that the cause of christ be not wronged , or antichrist introduced by this liberty ; but that those who promote any disloyal principles and practices may be looked upon as none of theirs : and all the hopes they have , 〈…〉 great perswasions of his majesty's justice and goodness . here is a lawless , unrestrained loyalty to a tyrant , claiming and absolute power , to be obeyed without reserve ; not only professed , but solicitously sought to be the principle of presbyterians , whereas it is the principle of atheistical hobes . — this is not the presbyterian loyalty to the king , according to the restrictions in the covenants ; but erastian loyalty to a tyrant in his overturning religion , laws and liberties , and in protecting and incouraging all iniquity . this loyalty in doctrine will be found disloyalty to christ , in a sinful and shameful silence , that wrong is done to him . this loyalty in practice , is a plain betraying of religion and liberty , and lying by from all opposition to the destroyer of both . and this loyalty in prayers , for all blessings ever to attend his person and government , will be found inconsistent with the zeal of christians , and the cries of the elect unto god , for vengeance upon the supporters of antichrist ; nor consonant to presbyterian prayers in reference to popish tyrants ; it were much more suitable for them to pray , that god which hath caused his name to dwell in his church , may destroy all kings that shall put to their hands to alter and destroy the house of god , ezra ▪ 6. 12. page 178. 179. this address is so stuffed with sneaking flatteries , that it would more become sycophants and court parasites , than ministers of the gospel . — nothing but a rhapsody of flatteries , justifying all his claim to absoluteness , and engaging to demean themselves so , as that he may find cause to enlarge rather than to diminish his favours , which can be no other way but in assisting him to destroy religion and liberty : o what an indelible reproach is this for ministers , who pretend to be set for the defence of the gospel , thus to be found betraying religion . this is in effect not only flattery , but blasphemy , as great as if they had said . they resolved , by the help of god , to be as unfaithful , time-serving , and silent ministers , as ever plagued the church of god , p. 180. now the presbyterians who accepted this toleration , and made such bustling addresses of thanks to king james for it , are they whom mr. rule calls the sober presbyterians : and now i leave him to vindicate himself and them , from what is thus charged upon them , by one who is well known to be a true presbyterian , * and as such is at present own'd , and imployed in a considerable trust by the general assembly : and if we may judge from all the principles and practices of former scotch presbyterians , he is really a far honester presbyterian , than they who would now call themselves moderate ; and yet in contradiction to that title , persecute their reformed brethren with the greatest rigour and severity . to conclude this head , and to justifie what may be thought most severe in the character giver of presbyterians in the former section ; if we may believe the account the presbyterians of scotland have published to the world themselves , ( as i think they ought not to blame us if we do ) then the one half of our presbyterians are neither moderate nor sober , but wild hill-men , separatists , a robbing , lawless , ungovernable rabble , a mad people , head-strong traytors and rebels , that is , in a word , they are cameronians , vide first and second vindication , and further vindication of the church of scotland . the other half are betrayers of all religion , covenant-breakers , worldly , fawning , flattering court parasites , blasphemous , unsaithful , time-serving , silent ministers , and the greatest plagues of the church of scotland ; vide , hind let loose , banders disbanded . and even dr. rule , ( as he intitles himself , and is angry that others do not call him so too , ) in that defence of the presbyterians , which he writes by the order of the general assembly , calls the cameronians a people rendered mad , p. 91. and in the same page , speaking of the other party of presbyterians , says , i deny not but many of them put force upon their light. again , p. 118. they did hear renitente conscientiâ . and what is this to say , in plain terms , but that one party of presbyterians is without their wits , and many of the other without any conscience : now what may prelatists look for from such men , pudet haec opprobia nobis & dici potuisse & non potuisse refelli . there are some famous authors more , that are fit to have place here , because in their writings they discover the true spirit of the presbyterian new gospel , two of them own themselves to be present pamphleteers for the party , pretending , forsooth , to answer books too . the honestest and truest presbyterian of these two , shall have , as he deserves , the first place , that is the author of the brief and true account of the sufferings of the kirk of scotland , occasioned by the episcopalians , since the year 1660 ; london , printed 1690. in the very first page , he seems to be struck with astonishment at the thinking but of episcopalians , ( as he calls them , ) o ( says he ) their superlative impudence , their hellish dissimulation and malice : they imitate the devil himself , who first tempts , and then accuses , tho' it 's too visible that their consciences are past feeling , being seared as with a hot iron . when their hierarchy was restored , the devil , who seemed to be bound sometime before , * was let loose , the flood-gates of all impiety and wickedness were set open ; and hell did triumph in its conquests over the nation , and displayed its banner not only against religion , but even morality : which the prelates , and their adherents were so far from opposing , that they indulged the people , but especially the gentry , in their wickedness , as knowing that to be the only method to secure them on their side . well , believe but this new gospeller , and the scotch gentry , as well as clergy , are a rare sort of monsters , indeed ; for the best characters and softest words he bestows upon them , are these , they are godless miscreants , of the true aegyptian brood , infamous parracides , sorcerers , and incestuous apostates , infamous varlets , infamous villains , left to corrode their own viprous bowels with their inhumane fury ; the devil's instruments , fit onely to be stallions and pimps to bawdy-houses ; the episcopalian hireling preachers , with their infernal bawlings , the scum and refuse of the nation , they bore the characters of wickedness of their foreheads , liker pagans than professors , blood-hounds , children of hell , the tyranno-papa-prelatical host , the great papa-prelatical champion dundee , savage beasts in humane shape , a graceless untoward generation of prelatists , who use nothing but hectoring for reason , and cursing for argument ; ungodly episcopal brutes , that reprobate faction ; that limb of antichrist , and infernal locust , the apostate archbishop sharp , with a malice like his father the devil , that waspish formal prelate . — the generation of vipers , the episcopalian seed of the serpent , hectors and buffoons , the most obdurate , impenitent , spiteful , base , impudent priests , whose fathers were not good enough to eat with the dogs of their flocks , infamous , scandalous , lying , runnagates , &c. this is the way the scotch presbyterians use to argue and answer books ; and these are the sweetest flowers of our authors presbyterial rhetorick , that he liberally strows in every page of his book ; which being quite contrary to the spirit and genious of christ must be allowed to pass for new minted , superfine presbyterian gospel . well , so much for scotland , that 's his own country perhaps our author may be more courteous and civil to strangers . next then let 's see how he treats the other reformed churches : as for the church of england , he discharges most furiously against her in many places , viz. p 7. she is the worst constitute church in the world ; these tantivees , let their hyperbolical pretensions of zeal for religion and loyalty , be what they will , if the king but put forth his hand to touch them , they will curse him to his face ; * and rather than part with an inch of superstition , or a swinish lust , will , as the party have always done , lay a confederacy with hell and rome , as times past and present do evidence beyond contradiction . i wonder he did not add , and times to come ; for that would have been as true as the other . and again , p. 8. for the new upstart slavish doctrine of passive obedience , as the church of england had the dishonour to be the mother of it , she has also the ignominy to be the murderer , having basely cut it's throat , as harlots use to do sometimes with their spurious brood . * page 27. if the english clergy offer to assist the prelatical scots , as they ate readier by a thousand to one to do it , * than to swear allegiance to their soveraigns , it may arm the good women with their folding-stools once more against them ; as it did formerly in king charles the first 's time , when one of the bishops began to read the common-prayer , which she called popery * . pag. 28. is it not as lawful for the scots presbyterians , to pray against the english hierarchy as antichristian . as for the english clergy and prelates too , to plot , drink and plead in their sessions at the devil , against the scots presbyterie : and i believe they would pray against it also , but that they have not a form for it . to suppose , that the banihing the prelatical scots clergy was not encouraged by authority , is ignorance and sawciness ; for it 's plain , authority in scotland , has done what was proper for a civil government to do , viz. they have declared the hierarchy antihumane ; that is , contrary to the peoples inclination * : and , i suppose , are so good natur'd , to wish their neighbours were rid of it too ; and so much the rather , that they have so often found , and do still find them imposing sawcy intrigues against the kingdom of scotland , wherein , if they persist , it may perhaps , and let them blame themselves for it , prove as fatal to them as it did in the days of dr. laud. well , here 's a severe and open threatning , england then look to it . the scots presbyterians are sworn in their holy covenant , to reform britain and ireland , ( though it be by club law ) and let them but have power , according to their will , and they will soon visit you once more , for all your goods . pag. 29. the bishops are generally found to be against that which is for the nations good , and howsoever the late opposition which they made to the late king may be magnified , they seem quickly to have repented of it . but supposing they had continued stedfast , yet whatever good nature might have done , i am sure , justice would not have awarded them any thanks ; which will appear undeniably true , if we consider ( among many other things which he instances ) how most of the bishops opposed the reversing of the judgment of perjury given against : dr. oates , who did the nation more service than seven idolized stars , so many of whom are now turned dark lanthorns . nor can it ever be forgot , how many of the inferior clergy , following the conduct of their tripple-headed guide , advanced the interest of the tripple-crown , and some of them topping ones too , at the hour of death , grated with their slavish nonsensical doctrine of resistance upon the consciences of the noble hero's , and darlings of the people , the lord russel and duke of monmouth , upon the very scaffolds ; and if the contrary doctrine be damnable , as they alledged , then i am sure their church hath been guilty of damnable practices since * . this is the charity that the new gospel professors have to the church of england , which the whole christian world besides them , doth so justly honour and esteem , upon the account of their government , worship , doctrine , and practice , which their phanatical neighbours so maliciously censure and blaspheme . well , but ( say they ) the church of england is still labouring under much romish superstition and idolatry ; and which is worse , she is papaprelatical , nay , she is archipapaprelatical ; and that 's antihumane , in the new gospel phrase . but i hope they will be kind , at least , to their brethren of the presbyterian ▪ church beyond sea. are not the dutch and french , presbyterians ? is not the mother church of geneva throughly reformed ? no , no , they have never set up the solemn league and covenant for their standard : or to speak in the authors own words , pag. 27. they are strangers to the power of godliness , because not knowing how to pray , without they must have recourse to a form , which is as unreasonable and unnatural an imposition upon the strong , especially , on ministers , as would be the imposing of crutches upon the adult and able part of mankind , who can walk better without them . well , christ prescribed a form of prayer to his disciples ; the first , and all the succeeding ages of the church thought it not only convenient , but necessary to use forms in publick worship ; but , alas the disciples themselves , and all preceding christians , are but weak , unable infants , in respect of the adult , strong and covenanted professors of the new gospel in the west of scotland . the next famous author is mr. rule , who calls himself a doctor of medicine ( for they never pretended to have any in divinity ) in his second vindication of the kirk of scotland , he says , pag. 113. that it is an unfair , injurious , and false imputation , to charge the severity of the stile of this author upon the presbyterians , who he says , disown that stile , it being written by a cameronian , while they stood at a distance from the sober presbyterians ; however those whom he calls sober presbyterians , have never yet , by any publick deed , condemned that book , nor any other of the barbarities of these unsober cameronian presbyterians , but have , on the contrary , received them into their communion , without the least acknowledgment of any such crimes ; and dr. rule ( that i may not offend him ) calls them the zealous party , and represents them as pretty gentle , in that they made it their work only to deprive , and not to murther the episcopal ministers , pag. 125. altho' the doctor knows , that instances can be given of some ministers that were even murthered by that zealous party , not long ago ; and himself owns , in the beginning of his post-script , that five men and six women , presbyterians , came to the house of william ferguson , minister of kilpatrick ; and because he would not alter his manner of praying , and come out of his house , as they had charged him , they therefore invaded his house , tore off his cloaths , and beat him on the head and legs , which lookt but too like a design to murther him : several other things of this nature were so notorious , that his ridiculous way of disguising , when he cannot deny them , must needs satisfie the world , of the certain truth of the accounts that have been given by the eye-witnesses and sufferers in that persecution . upon which consideration , mr. pitcarne , a better writer , and as it appears , a much honester man , declined the vindicating of these late proceedings of the presbyterians ; not that he did not like the presbyterian cause , for he is through-paced that way ; but because , after he had examined the matters of fact for several months , as he had been enjoyned by the fraternity , he found it impossible to speak any thing in their vindication , but what the greatest part of scotland would know to be notoriously false ; wherefore , as dr. rule himself informs us , preface to his second vindication , parag . 5 , & 7. in the end of the same book , pag. 190. when this affair was committed to him , after many months he returned the papers to be answered , without any reply to them . but passing this , i wonder that the worthy doctor should , in his late book ( now cited ) exactly imitate that severe stile , which he and his sober party pretend to disown ; but , perhaps , he sees not this beam in his own eye , with which he must grant the soberest presbyterians to be justly chargeable ; because , as he himself is at great pains to inform the world , both in the beginning and ending of his book , the whole party committed that trust to him , when others had refused it : vid. preface , parag . 5 , and 7. pages , and second vindication , pag. 192. upon which account , not only the scurrilous railing , but all the untruths , contradictions , and nonsence , which abounds in every page , is justly chargeable upon the whole party , of which i shall give the world such a tast , as may be sufficient to make them judge of all the rest , which would be too tedious and nauseous here to insert . first then , as to scurrilous railing accusations , in the very first page of his preface , he calls prelatists , the seed of the serpent , whose enmity against the seed of the woman ( that you must know , is scots presbyterians ) as it began , so it must end with the world ; and that you may not mistake him , he avers after in the same page , that they use the old stratagems of satan ; and in the 2d . page he compares them to heathens , papists , yea , they are devils , both greek and syriack devils ; nay , they are jesuites , wo to posterity if they believe them , for then , to be sure , succeeding ages will turn absolute scepticks : he adds , it 's evident , that many of them regarded not the civil authority of the nation , and others , by their lewdness of conversation , made themselves unworthy to be in the holy function of the ministry , preface , paragr . 2. and in the book it self , page 1. he charges the authors of our late books , with malice , lies , railing , and guilty of the fowlest and falsest misrepresentations that the minds of men can suggest , enraged by being deprived of the occasion they once had to persecute their neighbours , the end to which they improved their lucrative places . page 4. mean spirits and mercenary souls , that imploy themselves in mendicant writings and practices ; — beyond the common size of slanderous malice , page 7. guilty of the highest impudence and sauciness , page 12. prelatital party eminent for spite , but hath neither truth nor charity to warrant it , page 21. they who know their temper , and the brow and way of those for whom they plead , will not believe their professions , their hypocrisie being shameful , and twisted with malice , page 23. the temper of episcopalians is by unmanly , as well as unchristian , shifts , tobuoy up their sinking cause , page 25. this historian's ignorant malice to be despised , judas iscariot was his predecessor , page 52. the contempt of the ministry came from the atheism and debauches of the episcopal clergy , page 64. and again , of an eminent divine , * he saith , that his words are like those of a mad-man , or of one raving in a fever , page 51. it would be tedious and nauseous to trace this his presbyterian eloquence , through every page , as he vents it ; or to shew how falsly and boldly he charges a whole sacred order of men , with the faults , which he supposes , and would have the world believe , some single persons among them , to be guilty of ; as that they are perfrictae frontis , nothing manifestly false can check their conscience and impudence : the whole party grosly ignorant , papising prelates , pages 126 , 131 , 133. spuing out the most spiteful venom that can lodge in a humane breast , page 136. impudence beyond jesuitical , page 142. they glory either in their having no principle , or that they can yield over the belly of conscience , to promote their interest with men , page 144. the differences betwixt us and them , are not reconcileable ; * a heap of lies , men that have taught their tongues and pens to speak and write lies , pag. 146 , 147. lies and calumnies , horrid lies , a broad lie , pag. 150 , 151. this which they now call a broad lie , past for a gospel truth among the presbyterians , an. 1648. * prelatical incumbents were scandalous , and unfit to edifie the people , and do rather harden them in wickedness , page 162. a whole fardel of lies , malicious representations , coupled falshoods , impudent and false assertions , brazen foreheads , page 166. prelates spend their short glass with gingling py-bald orations , page 168. bitterness , malice and contempt is suitable to the hislorical talent of many of the prelatical party : if the debauchery of prelates did not tempt people to count all religion a sham , it were well , page 173. he knows that his impudent assertions and lies can be discovered , and his villanie come abroad at last , page 178. a snarling cur , — a lying spirit doth possess the men with whom we have to do , * pag. 191 , 194. this is the meek , lowlie strain of the presbyterian new gospel , whereby the soberest of them , pretend to vindicate their own proceedings , and refute the writings of other men i leave the world to judge , by this way of defending the party , what their cause must be , and to determine , whether he who calls himself a sober presbyterian ; and says , that he was selected and appointed by the sober general assembly , to write in their defence ; be not indeed as black and foul-mouth'd , as the most rank and rigid cameronian among them all ; for my part , i can see no difference betwixt his stile and theirs , except this may pass for one , that mr. rule seems to have learned his stile from the coal-stealers in edenburgh , or at buckhaven , of which colledge only he ought to have been principal ; whereas the cameronians seem to have learned their stile from the shepherds and herring-fishers on the western coast , who , tho' they have more cant , yet they have less knavery than the former : if mr. rule should challenge me , as falling into the same fault for which i here blame him , because of some sharpness which he may apprehend to be in that character i have given before of the presbyterian preachers and people , yet that is only chargeable upon my single person , and not upon others of our party , for i neither do , nor pretend to write by a commission from them : and besides , he himself hath provided me with an apologie , viz. calling things by their true names , is not to be reckoned inconsistent with moderation and calmness ; a petulant and effronted adversary is not to be handled with that softness of stile , which is fit for such as are more modest , preface , paragr . 6 . but passing those flowers of presbyterian eloquence , let us examine in the next place , if this author makes any amends for his stile , by the truth and reason that he writes ; it would be tedious to trace him through every page , in which his nonsence , contradictions , and falshoods abound , and therefore i shall here mention only some generals . there is one principle suitable to the genius of the new gospel only , upon which much of his book is founded , and it 's this , do as ye have been done by ; by this he excuses the greatest barbarities of the presbyterian rabble , and often justifies their highest severities against episcopal ministers * ; it 's true in other places he condemns them , and says , he will not defend them ; but he seems not concerned shamefully to contradict himself at every turn : the people for whom he pleads are not so critical as to observe that , and for others he says , that he despises and contemns them : sometimes , if you 'l believe him , cameronians are zealous godly men , eminent for their suffering for christ ; by and by says he , they are a wild , ungovernable , desperate rabble , render'd mad by oppression : the sum of all is , revenge is a true presbyterian vertue , and contradiction mr. rule 's best : way of reasoning . preface , par . 6. these are his words : i have treated the adversaries i deal with as brethren , desiring rather to exeeed , than come short in civility , and fair dealing with them . but at the same time he takes the liberty almost in every page , to call those he deals with . of the seed of the serpent , devils , habitual drunkards and swearers , traitors that deserve to have their necks stretched , prophane persons , constant sabbath-breakers , horrid lyers and slanderers , men who beat their wives , and in their dealings are most injurious to men , having no conscience , p. 32. ministers who are opposers of christ , and his institution , and who harden and encourage the people in their sins , as may be read in the pages above cited , and many other of rule 's exceeding civil book , which being written by the design of the whole general assembly , it 's but natural and just to conclude , that this is the only way of scots presbyterian civility and fair dealing . again in the same preface , and parag . 6. he says , i build not on hear-say , or common talk , which is the best foundation of many of the assertions of my adversaries . and in the same page , these are his immediate preceeding words , the truth of matters of fact asserted in this treatise , is not to be taken from me , but from them who are my informers , few of whom i pretend to any personal knowledge of , therefore not my veracity is pledged , but that of others : if they have deceived , or been deceived , i am not to answer for that . what can a man believe of a book that 's usher'd in with such a doubting and contradictory preface ; if these were not mr. rule 's own express sayings , no body could well believe , that the whole faction could have singled out such a writer to vindicate them ; but falshood it seems has no feet , and lyars who have so little wit and memory , must needs be often intangled in their own snares . some of the church of england have medled far beyond their line in our affairs , tho' we be far from interposing in any of theirs , p. 16. only upon occasion we take the christian liberty that our predecessors have always done , of calling them superstitious , popish , and idolatrous in their worship ; and in their doctrine , scandalous for arianism , arminianism , socinianism , popery , and that turkish bow-string doctrine of passive obedience ; and that in their government they are directly contrary to christ's institution , to the design of the reformation , and to the holy covenant , being tyrannical , prelatical , yea and archi-papa-prelatical ; what we are bound to by the covenant , says he again , is not to reform them , but to concur with them , when lawfully called , to advance the reformation ; that is , wholly to overturn their church and state , as we formerly did by our own glorious gospel-methods of fire and sword , having a very lawful call from a godly party , who invited us to fight the battels of the lord against the mighty , the king who opposed reformation-work in the land ; and now ( says he ) its far from our thoughts to go beyond that boundary , in being concerned in their affairs , we wish their reformation , but leave the managing of it to themselves ; that is , till we find such a blessed occasion as those worthies of the lord , the reformers , did in 48. page 23. he says that king james abdicated the government , and that the parliament called it so ; if he knows any thing of those affairs , he knows that the parliament of scotland did nor give it that name , tho' that of england did : however , if he did abdicate , i would fain know how this consists with rule his concluding just before , p. 22. that his royal authority was taken away by the nation ; and with what he says p. 100. the nation laid him aside , and chused another ; this is the constant doctrine of scotch presbyterians , ( and they practice accordingly , ) that the people can give and take away the royal authority , can lay aside and chuse kings at their pleasure , vide buchan . de jur. reg. jus populi vind. lex . rex , and rule 's vind. now to use mr. rule 's moderate phrase in that place , some mens necks have been made to stretch for a less crime ; than to assert under an hereditary monarchy , that kings are or can be elected ; and it 's certain they are as little friends to their present majesties , as to monarchy , who would found their authority upon such a tottering bottom : nay , mr. rule in the name of the other presbyterians , tells plainly that they owe no allegiance to king william , but in so far as he supports presbytery , and that it would overturn the very foundations of his authority to restore episcopacy , for ( says he ) it is declared against in , the claim of right , as a grievance , and therefore cannot be restored without overturniing the foundation of our present civil settlement , p. 90. parag . 4 . and again p. 152. parag . 2. the convention hath voted episcopacy to be a grievance to the nation , and in the claim of right , made it a fundamental article in the government , that it should be abolished . now what 's the meaning of all this , but that the present government of , state must necessarily stand and fall with presbytery ? so that all their great boasts of loyalty to the present king , amounts to no more than this , no presbytery , no king william . page 36. par . 11. he says , most of the episcopal ministers who went out , were put out by their own consciences ; for they deserted their charges without either sentence threatning , or compulsion . and yet before that page 26 , parag. 6. he owns that the presbyterian rabble did persecute and drive them away . but that this is no more imputable to the presbyterians , than the drunkenness , swearing , whoredoms , and persecutions , * that we charge many of the prelatists with , are to be lookt on as the crimes of all the , episcopalians . and farther he excuses that rabble , because as he there avers , they were under the highest provocations imaginable to do what they did ; yea , to have proceeded to farther severities . and he adds out of the abundance of presbyterian sence , that these things were done in an interregnum ; which by the bye , can never possibly fall out in an hereditary kingdom * : and tho' he says we had then no church-government , yet himself knows the contrary , and that prelacy stood then established by many laws made in 27 parliaments , freely and legally elected in the most setled times , and that the prince of orange , who had then at the desire of some of the nobility and gentry , taken the kingdom under his protection , did by his solemn proclamation order all things in the church and state to continue as the laws had fixed them , till the convention of the states should meet : but says honest mr. rule , these enraged people were chafed in their minds , and having now potentiam , tho' not potestatem , therefore it was not to be wondered that they relieved themselves * ; that is , by rabbling the legal orthodox clergy . moreover , p. 161. he says expresly , that in galloway the incumbents were generally driven away ; but how all this is consistent with what he said before , viz. that they deserted without either threating or compulsionn , i leave the infallible assembly who imployed this author , to judge , and if they can , to reconcile what he writes in the following citations . page 34 , par . 10. speaking of the rabbling cameronians , he says , that they came into mr. skinner , minister of daly , his house , and after they had eaten , they went away without doing any prejudice to any in the family ; again p. 27. par . 10. he owns expresly , that those rabble-reformers by force took away the money out of the poor's box , from mr. russel minister at govan ; but says he , they did it with all tenderness ; and if you will credit those sacrilegious robbers , rule 's informers , both mr. russel and his wife were drunk : but that our author may prove himself and his book to be all of one presbyterian piece , he tells again , p. 29. par . 5. that the author of the case of the afflicted clergy , foully mis-represents the cameronians , while he speaketh of their eating and drinking at the expence of them whom they rabbled ; all the reports that we have of them , give account of their not laying their hands on the prey , esth . 2. 15. page 145. it 's better that england and scotland be two different nations , than that the institutions of christ should be thwarted , that they be made one . — may not two nations trade together , and be governed by the same laws , and yet bear with one another as to church-ways ? and may not also the west of scotland , and the other parts of that kingdom , trade together and be governed by the same laws , and yet the west not impose their kirk-ways upon the rest of the kingdom ? responde gilberte . the presbyterian government was settled by christ , p. 151. here he leaves it to the discretion of the reader , to judge whether this be a simple affirmation only , or an affirmation and oath conjoyned ; tho' the first may be his meaning , yet the latter sence seems most natural to the words , and in any other sence there is no truth in them : and indeed the arguments by which their preachers would perswade the people to this , are as ridiculous as the assertion it self ; for their ordinary cant is , beloved , we read in the word , that the apostles went up together , one did not go before the other ; there was no precedency amongst them , beloved ; and therefore it 's clear , that there was no prelacy in those days : and again we read , that honest paul ( they never call him st. paul , because he never swore the solemn league and covenant , ) left his cloak at troas : why , sirs , you see plainly from this text , that paul had not a gown but a cloak , for says the text , he left his cloak , it does not say that he left his gown ; never a gown had that precious man to leave , beloved , and therefore you may be sure he was no prelate ; for they , false lowns , have no cloaks but gowns . from these and such like arguments , our author allows no church but the presbyterian to be of divine institution , and at one dash he unchurches all the episcopal churches ; and yet says he , p. 154. presbyterians deny not papists to be lawful ministers . if he can but confute the learned dr. pearson's defence of ignatius ' s epistles ; or shew us from any authentick record , or received ancient historian , that presbytery was ever the government of the church , then we shall yield the cause , and believe , in spite of our reason , that all rule 's vain and empty boasts of this matter , are indeed well founded , that both parts of his contradictions are certainly true , and all the real foolishness of their preaching , solid arguments . pages 154 & 155. he racks his wit and cunning to evade and shift this notorious truth , that instead of fourteen bishops , which were formerly in the church , the kirk had new set up sixty : but in this matter all his quibles and sophisms ( and his best arguments are no more ) depend upon this supposition , that that parliament was the church , ( which is directly contrary to the fundamental principle of a spiritual power inherent in the kirk , altogether independent on the parliament , which has no power over christ's office-bearers , ) for it was that parliament in which there was not so much as one clergy-man , that impowered these sixty presbyters to govern the kirk , and restrained all the rest from that priviledge ; it was that parliament which took upon them to judge of the hability of these sixty , and of the inhability of other presbyters to govern : well then , according to his way of arguing here , it 's the parliament that , pro ecclesiae statu , can impower or restra●● presbyters , notwithstanding of their universal and equal priviledge to govern . indeed this parliament was excessively kind to mr. rule , and he for once will be civil to them ; and in contradiction to all the principles and practices of former presbyterians , they shall pass for the whole omnipotent kirk . page 156. we are for moderation , maugre all the reproaches cast upon us : the moderation of any party is best known by their practices when in power ; now when the presbyterians were last in power , all the evidences of their moderation were , the reeking of fields and scaffolds with the blood of princes , prelates , nobles , gentry , and commons ; the cries and tears of widows and orphans ; the groans of men imprisoned , banished , excommunicated , sequestred ; some cathedrals razed , and others converted to garrisons and stables , and the lesser churches made dens for thieves , in the most litteral sence : and now that they are in power again , all the evidences of their moderation , are rabbling , robbing , beating , wounding , imprisoning , and banishing of bishops , curates , wives , and children ; the stigmatizing and slandering innocent and good men ; invading the just rights of the king , and of his best subjects ; rendering whole countries destitute of any ministry , flying at every turn in the face of civil authority ; becoming false accusers and informers , and at the same time sitting as judges of men in office , and the next day intruding into their places * : this purging work as they call it , kirk moderation with a witness ; and to use mr. rule 's own words , it 's even as essential to presbyterians as rationality it self , which they pretend to be great masters of , tho' their scriblers be now and then delirious . page 157. speaking of the protestation made by some presbyters , against the king and the acts of parliament to assist and deliver him , when perfidiously imprisoned by the english rebels , he says it was no gross nor scandalous crime , but only a speculative opinion in a controverted point : this shews what is the opinion of mr. rule , and of the party that imployed him ; but how it consists with his telling the world so often in his two last books , that presbyterians do not take upon them to meddle in matters of state , nor to controul their civil governours ; i leave him to shew us in his next vindication : in the same page , and the following , mr. rule , vindicating the proceedings of the general assembly in this matter , says , that the fatal division about protestation and remonstrance , was through the mercy of god , not so much as mentioned among them ; and yet in the very next lines he says , that it was moved that the old sentence against the remonstrators should be revoked ; and the revoking of their sentence was confirmed by this meeting : — that mr. pitcairn , one of the reverend brethren , was dissatisfied with the determination of the meeting in that affair , and was a little hot about it , and spoke of entering a protestation against it . would any people but scotch presbyterians have imployed such a scribler as dare thus prophane the mercies of god , to justifie his own foolish and palpable contradictions . page 160. he grants that to make up their meeting , some presbyteries sent more than was customary or allowable , and yet it was a regular , lawful , general assembly ; and that they had none at all sent from other parts ; which parts were more than one half of the nation : and was not this a pretty general indeed , that included only the least part of the particulars * ? this is true presbyterian logic , and the author of it deserves well to be head of a colledge . in the same page he denies confidently , that presbyterians were wont to appoint their fasts on the lord's day ; whereas he might have , with at least as great shew of truth , denied that ever they fasted on any day : but his two reasons for the general assembly's appointing this fast on the lord's day , will render this whole matter as plain as a pikestaff ; first , says he , it was the harvest time , and to fast then on a week-day , would have been a high inconveniency ; well , we godly presbyterians , that are the children of the lord , may make bold with his day , rather than seem by religious exercises to incommode the people in their worldly interest . secondly , religious joy and religious sorrow do very well agree : and even so fasting and feasting at the same time may be very religiously and well observed by the godly . they that write contradictions must needs speak some truths , and mr. rule stumbles upon one that 's well known , pag. 161. where he says , we confess that planting work went more slowly on than purging work . well st. paul was a divine , and he was all for planting and healing ; dr. rule calls himself a physician , and he is all for purging and launcing . the presbyterians are always for purging work . now they are for purging the kirk : next have at the king council and houshold ; there must be some purging work there too . again , there are many malignant members , which like so many ill humours corrupt the body of the parliament , therefore that must be also purged : then the filthiness of the army ( by which reformation-work must be carried on ) that must be likewise purged ; and then that all the streams may be pure presbyterian , the fountains must be cleansed , the universities must be purged from the corruption of all ill-affected and suspected persons ; and in a word , to make a thorough reformation in the land , the whole nation must be soundly drenched , and purging work must go on in the land after the old presbyterian manner , so long as there remains either guts or brains in it . my lord c — d who is deservedly honoured by all the party . his godly parks and orchards are well planted already , and why then should the general assembly be any farther concerned about planting work ? purging work is their great business . there is another evident truth that mr. rule happens to deviate into pag. 188. viz. the worst of the prelaists would be readiest to profess repentance for conforming to episcopacy , which they who acted from a principle could not do . in this i heartily agree with him , and am sufficiently satisfied that that episcopal renegado , who professed such a repentance before their assembly , neither acted from any principle , nor can be supposed to have any conscience ; and we bless god that all the presbyterian interest , art , and industry , now that they have power , could not prevail with any but this one man , to prostitute his conscience to his interest , in such a base and scandalous compliance . i shall end my reflections on this author's sayings , with some short remarks upon the witnesses which he alledges to attest his assertions , and first in general i say of them in his own words , pag. 88. that they are the sworn enemies of the episcopal church * , and in a combination not only to defame them , but to root them out , and cut them off from the face of the earth ; and we have from the pamphlet now under consideration * , a taste of the veracity of the men with whom we have to do : if his witnesses make no more conscience of speaking truth , than he himself doth , then few thinking men will be moved with what they say . 2ly , of the witnesses named by the authors of our books , he says , they are mostly teste me ipso , the complainant is the witness , which is not fair . now all rule his evidences are by this exception to be rejected , for he himself , and all others that know them , are fully satisfied that those very cameronians , whom he names as the evidences to disguise and lessen the attested matters of fact of our late persecution , were themselves the principal actors of that horrid tragedy . since then it is not fair to admit parties to be witnesses , why should these cameronians be received as such in this affair ? again he saith , that ministers witnessing for one another derogateth much from the credibility of their testimonies ; but what say you to cameronian presbyterians witnessing for one another ? why , this derogates nothing from the credibility of their testimonoes , for they are not ministers , that 's one evident reason ; and moreover they are all men of strict conscience , a godly generation , and very faithful to their solemn league , the holy scots covenant . upon these considerations m. rule , defender of the new gospel-faith , would have the world receive the testimony of that cameronian rabble , as infallible proofs of what he asserts in his second vindication of the presbyterian kirk . and yet preface pag. 6. he says of them , that he will not pledge his veracity for theirs , that he pretends to no personal knowledg of but a few of them ; and that if they deceive , or have been deceived , not he but they are to blame for it . after all this , if neither bishops nor other ministers , neither laick , lords nor gentry , both of the scotch and english nation , must be allowed to have any credit , when they are brought by our authors to attest known truths , and matters of fact whereof they were eye witnesses ; then i beseech you , why should men receive that high character and testimony which mr. rule gives of himself , pag. 169 ? when he says , he did not only practice medicine , but likewise took the degree of doctor in it , yet never giving over the work of preaching frequently : this is a terrible man indeed , who , it seems , can kill both soul and body : he is far stricter to the covenanted work , than his brethren the presbyterians in england ; for they can upon occasion , for interest and other such holy purposes unite and joyn with independents , whereas he like a man of unmoveable conscience , withstood the temptation of having an independent congregation at aberdeen , when great offers of that charge were made to him there ; and in northumberland he suffered no small loss , because he would not fall in with that independent way . again , if you 'll believe himself , he hat no want of latin , and that he speaks false lattin , is false ; he is ready ( as he hath done ) to give proof to the contrary , and to compete with all such as pretend to it ; but when and where we must not know , till elias come . nay , besides all this , he hath an excellent hand at latin prayers , which he can make longer or shorter , as the occasion requireth , but never so short as some men alledge ; neither doth he use to pray very long in publick , even in english , and that 's more indeed than any other of his fraternity can alledge for themselves : long prayers serve the party for many great ends ; in them they can sound the alarms to rebellion , commend themselves highly , defame the king , rail against and revile malignants , raise and inflame the mob , vent false news and stories , and many other hocus tricks their long ex trumpry prayers serve for : moreover , mr. rule , to shew his parts , longs for an adversary like himself , i wish , says he , a sciolist would make it appear by a solid refutation , what ignorance i have discovered in my writings , i am ready to defend it * with all the probability the subject matter is capable of : but my mistakes , if i be in any , must not pass for proofs of my ignorance : if any momus will make his censure on the presbyterian government , it 's like mr. rule , the great atlas of the cause , or some for him , will give him a farther answer : just such another as this exceeding civil and fair vindication : and then , to conclude his own character , he assures us , that he exceeds all other presbyterians , both in his tenderness to the episcopal party , and in his argumentative way , rather than bitterness ; of all which the new gospel modesty and meekness , the candor , ingenuity , and argumentation that appears every where in his late books is a sufficient evidence . now for a man to say all this of himself , because no body else will , this sure is teste me ipso with a witness : , unless it shall be allowed , that gilbert may witness for rule , and rule again for gilbert ; that the doctor may witness for the principal , and the honest principal again , by way of requital , does the like kindness to his beloved doctor ; this is the presbyterian way of proving things by witnesses . mr. rule answers our books so throughly , that he imputes to the authors , as a fault in their method , every little escape of the printers about wrong numbering the pages * , which is frequently occasioned by sending one and the same book to several houses for the speedier dispatch ; however the alphabetical numbering of the sheets , ordinarily serves to help the misplaced figures ; but tho' mr. rule be often dabling about the press , yet it seems he either does not , or he will not know this . mr. rule , at last , to confirm all the contradictions and falshoods of his book , brings in mr. meldrum , one of his own kidney , and just such another scribler , as appears by his letter , page 195. where he says . that the prelatists way is to spread reflective pamphlets in england , keeping them as secret as they can in scotland , where the falshood of matters of fact are not known , and they might soon have their shame and lying discovered . none but a true scots presbyterian could have asserted this , for he himself too well knows , that his party , which domineers now in scotland , allows no episcopal pamphlets to be brought into , or dispersed in that kingdom , and that sometime before the writing of his letter , several hundreds of these pamphlets were , by the presbyterian party , seiz'd at berwick , to prevent their being dispersed in scotland ; and that contrary to all the rules of justice , and commerce betwixt the two nations , and to the great prejudice of the bookseller , these books are by the arbitrary power of presbyterians still kept up : but we shall allow mr. meldrum to be more candid in this than in his former dealings with us , if he will but now obtain to us , the common liberty of the press in scotland , and then we promise that he shall have a sight of all our pamphlets sine praetio aut praece , which now he says he cannot obtain by either of these means . page 196 ▪ none but a cameronian will assert , as mr. meldrum does , that the covenant is a sacred oath ; just as sacred as that by which the jews bound themselves to murther st. paul : the world is not now ignorant , how that covenant was by subjects , who had no shadow or authority , pressed upon their brethren in despite of the king , at the expence of much treasure , and many thousand lives and perjuries . page 197. he says , that the submitting of some , who had been ordained only by presbyterians , to be re-ordained by bishops , is scandalous : none but one of rule 's evidences would have said this ; the reformed french have been always justly reputed by all other protestants , for the great learning and piety of their ministers , and yet the most learned and pious of their ministers , at their coming into england , when they could have the advantage of being ordained by bishops , have chearfully not only submitted to it , but begged it of the right reverend fathers of the church : of which we have many late instances . the account he gives of his shufling and shifting about the oath of canonical obedience is very comical ; for he owns , that he subscribed a paper whereof he did not seriously consider either the words or the matter , and he thinks himself sufficiently absolved from that , because , forsooth , he was not present when that paper was read in the church , and by telling the people next lord's day , that he conceiv'd he had yielded to nothing but what he first offered , which they that know the matter of fact call canonical obedience ; for which , if you 'll believe him , he lamented several years ▪ after ; all which time he still continued both in his lamentations and canonical obedience together ; and now he says he 's obliged to those he calls his enemies , for giving him the opportunity to tell the world , that he repents of it . the other matters narrated in that letter , and in the book to which it is annexed , are only such as will at first view appear designed on purpose to disguise and smother evident truths , to extol and magnifie themselves and their party , as very innocent , godly , and candid men ; and to reproach and condemn all others as perjured liars and slanderers ; to all which , as they neither need nor deserve any particular answer , so i hope no body shall ever vouchsafe them the honour of it , and if they do , i wish it may have the good effect of opening some mens eyes . but there is no book so much admir'd by the whole party as samuel rutherford's letters , there one may see , the genuine stile of these new gospellers , the whole book is uniform , all of a piece , and speaks out in their own dialect the spirit of scots presbyterians , therefore i shall here set down some passages of it . epist . 1. to mr ▪ robert cunningham , he says , let us be faithful to him that can ride through hell and death upon a windlestraw , and his horse never stumble . epist . 2. to his parishioners . christ sought his black wife through pain , fire , shame , and the grave , and swimm'd the salt sea for her ; and she then consented and said , even so i take him . ibid. every man hath conversion and the new-birth , but it 's not leel * come by , they had never a sick night for sin ; when they go to take out their faith , they take out a fair nothing , or as we use to speak , a bleaflum * . epist . 3. to the professors of christ in ireland . it will be asked at every one of us , on what terms we here brook christ , for we have sitten long meal * free : we found christ without a wet foot , and he and his gospel came upon small charges . to our doors , but now we must wet our feet to seek him . ibid. christ will not bring before sun and moon all the infirmities of his wife . it is the modesty of marriage-anger , or husband-wrath , that our sweet lord jesus will not come with chiding in the streets , to let all the world hear what is betwixt him and us ▪ ibid. o that i had my fill of his love , but i know ill manners make an uncouth ▪ and strange bridegroom . epist . 5. to my lady kenmure . madam , why should i smother christ's honesty ? he looked * framed and uncouth-like upon me when i came first here , but i believe himself better than his looks , i shall not again quarrel with christ for a * gloom : now he hath taken the mask off his face , and saith , kiss thy fill . ibid. it 's little to talk of christ by the book and tongue , but to come nigh christ and hauss * him , and embrace him is another thing . epist . 11. to the vicount of kenmure . despair that ever i should win * to the far end of christ's love , there are so many plies in it ; i wonder what he mean , to put such a slave at the board-head , at his own elbow . ah! that i should lay my black mouth to such a fair , fair , fair face as christ's ; he got neither bud nor hire of me , it cost me nothing . epist . 12. to my lady kenmure . if there were buying , and selling , and blocking for as good again betwixt christ and us , then free grace might go play it self , and a saviour might sing dumb , and christ go and sleep . epist . 14. to john gordon of gordness . many a sweet , sweet , soft kiss , many a perfumed well smell'd kiss , and embracement have i receiv'd of my royal master . ibid. and now , whoever they be that have returned to their old vomit ( prelacy ) since my departure , i bind upon their back , in my master's name and authority , the long , lasting , weighty vengeance and curse of god ; in the lord's name i give them a doom of black and unmixed pure wrath , which my master shall ratify , except they timeously repent and turn to the lord. epist . 15. to my lady boyd . christ delighteth to take up fallen bairns , and to mend broken bones ; he is content that ye lay broken arms and legs on his knee , that he may spelk them . ibid. i think shame of the board-head , and first mess * , and the royal king's dining-hall ; and that my black hand should come on such a ruler's table . ibid. i know he hath other things to do than to play with me , and trinle an apple with me . epist . 17 to my lord lowdon . you come out to the streets with christ on your forehead , when many are ashamed of him , and hid him under their cloaks as if he were a stoln christ . epist . 19. to mr. huge m c. kel . o how many black counts * have christ and i rounded over together ? o how fat a portion hath he given to an hungry soul ? i had rather have christ's four hours , than have dinner and supper both in one from any other . epist . 20. to my lady boyd . i see now a sufferer for christ will be holden at the door as well as another poor sinner , and will be fain to eat with the bairns , and to take the by-board , and glad so . epist . 21. to mr. david dickson . i cannot get a house in aberdeen wherein to leave drink-silver in my master's name , save one only ; there is no sale for christ in the north , he is like to lie long on my hand , e're any accept him . epist . 27. to mr. matthew mowat . if i had vessels i might fill them , but my old riven * holely and running-out dish , ever when i am at the well , can but bring little away . alas , i have skail'd * more of god's grace than i have brought with me . ibid . i had not so much free gear † when i came to christ's camp as to buy a sword , i wonder that christ should not laugh at such a souldier . epist . 27. to earlston younger . i have seen the devil as it were dead and buried , and yet rise again , and be a worse devil than ever he was ; therefore , brother , beware of a green young devil that hath never been buried ; the devil in his flower is much to be feared : better yoak * with an old gray-hair'd , withered , dry devil , &c the saints in heaven are nothing but christ's forborn , beggerly dyvars * , a pack of redeem'd sinners . all christ's good bairns go to heaven with a broken brow , and a crooked leg. ibid. it 's a hard matter for a poor hungry man to win * his meat upon hidden christ , for then the key of his pantry door is a seeking , and cannot be had , but hunger must break through iron-locks : i bemoan not them that can make a dinn * and all . the fields adoe , for a lost saviour ; yet must let him hear it , to say so , on both sides of his head , when he hideth himself it standeth you hard to want christ ; and therefore that which idle onwaiting cannot do , misnurtered * crying and knocking will do ; christ will not dance to your daft spring * . ibid. at our first conversion the lord putteth the meat in young bairns mouths with his own hand . we love always to have the pap put in our mouth . ibid. if my creditor christ would take from me what he hath lent , i would not long keep the causey . i think it manhood to play the coward , and jouke * in the lee side of christ , and thus i am saved . ibid. i complain when christ cometh , he cometh always to fetch fire , he is ever in haste , hemay not tarry , and poor i ( a beggarly dyvar ) get but a standing visit , and a standing kiss , and but , how dost thou ? in the by-going . epist . 28. to alexander gordon of knockraig . o if i could be a bridge over a water for my lord jesus to walk upon and keep his feet dry . he can make a fair feast out of a black devil . ibid . if god were dead , and christ buried and rotten among worms , indeed then we might look like dead folks . epist . 34. to earltown . i would give him my bond under my faith to * frist heaven a hundred years longer , so being he would lay his holy face to my sometimes wet cheeks . epist . 35. to marion mac naught . christ , who is your head , hath win through with his life , howbeit , not with a whole skin . sometimes king jesus sendeth me out a standing-drink , and whispereth a word through the wall , and i am well content of kindness at the second hand , his bode is ever welcome , but at other times he will be messenger himself , and i get the cup of salvation out of his own hand , he drinking to me , and we cannot rest till we be in other's arms. epist . 41. to my lady culross ▪ o to be snattering and swimming over head and ears in christ's love ; blessed be my rich lord jesus , who sendeth not away beggers from his house with a * toom-dish . epist . 45. to john keanedy . it doth a soul good to get a * cuff with the lovely , sweet , and soft hand of jesus ; what power and strength is in his love , i am perswaded it can climb up a steep hill and hell upon its back , shame may confound and fear me once to hold up my black mouth to receive one of christ's undeserved kisses . ep. 50. to james bantie . the best regenerate have their defilements , and , if i may speak so , their * . draff-pock that will clog behind them , all their days ; if my lord had not given me his love , i would have fallen through the * causey of aberdeen e're now ; but for you that hunger ye shall be filled e're you go , there is as much in our lord's pantry as will satisfie all this bairns ; and as much wine in his cellar as will quench all their thirst : i shall tell you what ye shall do , treat him well , give him the armed chair , and the * board-head , and make him welcome to the mean portion ye have . ep. 51. to john stuart . that miscarried journey is with child to you of mercy and consolation , and shall bring forth a fair birth , and the lord shall be midwife to the birth . if our lord ride upon a straw , his horse shall neither stumble nor fall . epist . 53. to john stuart , oh if my lord will make dung of me to satten and make fertile his own corn-ridges in mount zion . ibid. god be pleased to take home in his house my harlot-mother . — o if her husband would be so kind as to go and fetch her out of the brothel-house , and chase her lovers to the hills ; but there will be sad days e're it come to that . epist . 54 ▪ to my lady busby . wo's me that bits of living clay dare come out to rush hard heads with him , and that my unkind mother this harlot kirk , hath given her sweet * half-marrow such a meeting . epist . 56. to mr. thomas garvan , i confidently believe that there is a bed made for christ and me , and that we shall take our fill of love in it . epist . 57. my * riven dish , and running-out vessel can hold little of christ jesus . ibid. it 's christ's wisdom that his bairns go wet-shod and cold-footed to heaven . ep. 63. to the earl of cassils , many now would go to heaven the land-way ( for they love not to be sea-sick ) riding up to christ upon foot-mantles , and ratling coaches , and rubbing their velvet with the princes of the land in the highest seats : if this be the narrow way i quit all skill to the way of salvation . ep. 89. to john kennedy . o that the courts fenced in the name of the bastard prelates , ( their godfathers , the popes bayliffs , sheriffs ) were cried down . — if this had not been i would have * skinked over my part of paradise for a breakfast of dead moth-eaten earth . ep. 92. to mr. david dickson . i have been these two sabbaths or three in private taking * instruments in the name of god , that my lord jesus and i have kissed each other in aberdeen ; who can blame christ to take me on behind him , ( if i may say so ) on his white horse thorow a water , will not a father take his little * dated davie in his arms , and carry him over a ditch or mire ; my short legs could not step over this lair ( or sinking mire ) and therefore , &c. ep. 108. to robert gordon of knoxbrex . i love to be kissed and sit on christ's knee , but i cannot set my feet to the ground , for afflictions bring the cramp upon my faith . ep. 118. to bathia aird . at my first entry hither , christ and i agreed not well upon it , now he 's content to kiss my black mouth , to put his hand in mine , and to feed me with as many consolations as would feed ten hungry souls , yet i dare not say he is a waster of comforts . ep. 121. to robert gordon of knocksbrek christ seemeth to leave heaven ( to say so ) and his court , and to come down to laugh and play and sport with a * daft bairn . i deny nothing that the mediator will challenge me of , but i turn it all back upon himself , let him look his own old * counts , if he be angry , for he will get no more of me . ep. 122. to earleston . there is a mystery of love in christ that i never saw , o that he would lay by the lap of the covering that is over it , and let my * greening soul see it ; i would break the door and be in upon him , to get my womb full of love . ep. 128. to mr. hugh henderson . christ shuffleth up and down in his hands the great body of heaven and earth , and kirk and commonwealth are in his hand like a stock of cards , and he dealeth the play to the mourners in zion . when christ has sleeped out his sleep , and his own are tried , he will arise as a strong man after wine , &c. if christ bud and grow green , and bloom and bear seed again in scotland , and his father send him two summers again in one year , and bless his crop , o what cause have we to rejoyce , &c. ep. 139. to mr. john mein . i see christ will not * prigg with me , nor stand upon stepping stones , but cometh in at the broad side without ceremonies , or making of it nice . ep. 141. to the earl of lothian . if your lordship and others shall go on to dive to the lowest ground and bottom of the knavery , and perfidious treachery to christ , of the cursed and wretched prelates , the antichrist's first-born , and the first-fruit of his foul womb , and shall deal with our soveraign , then your righteousness shall break thorough the clouds , &c. ep. 142. o for a long play-day with christ . ep. 145. mr. john ferguson . were is not that i am * dated now and then with pieces of christ's sweet comforts , i fear i should have made an ill * browst of this honourable cross . ep. 162. to mr. hugh mc kell . i will verily give my lord jesus a free discharge of all that i like a fool laid to his charge , and beg him pardon to the * mends . ep. 163. i tremble at the remembrance of a new out-cast betwixt him and me , but i find christ dare not be long unkind . ep. 137. to my lady boyd . nothing hath given my faith a greater back-set till it crackt again , than my closed mouth . ep. 139. to carletown . the lord hath done it , i will not go to law with christ , for i would gain nothing of that . the devil is but god's master-fencer , to teach us to handle our arms . ep. 198. to mr. john levingston . the devil cannot get it denied but we suffer for the apple of christ's eye , his royal prerogatives as king and law-giver ; let us not fear , he will have his gospel once again * roûped in scotland , and the matter go to vows to see who will say , let christ be crowned king in scotland : it is true antichrist stirreth his tail , but i love a rumbling and raging devil in the kirk , rather than a subtil or sleeping devil , christ never got a bride without stroke of sword. epist . 200. o hell were a good cheap price to buy him at . ep. 207. a kiss of christ blown over his shoulder , the parings and crumbs of glory under his table in heaven ; a shower like a thin may mist of his love , would make me green , sappy and joyful . ep. 214. go on as ye have worthily begun in purging of the lord's house in this land , and plucking down the stalls — of antichrist's filthy nest , this wretched prelacy , and that black kingdom whose wicked aims have ever been and still are to make this fat world , the only compass they would have faith and religion to sail by , and to mount up the man of sin , their god-father the pope of rome , upon the highest stair of christ's throne , and to make a velvet-church , &c. ibid. these men mind nothing else but that by bringing in the pope's foul tail first upon us , their wretched and beggerly ceremonies ; they may thrust in after them antichrist's legs , thighs , and his belly , head and shoulders ; and then cry down christ and the gospel , and up the merchandize and wares of the great whore. ibid. christ shall never be content with this land , neither shall his hot fiery indignation be turned away , so long as the prelate ( the man that lay in antichrist's foul womb , and the antichrist's lord bailiff ) shall sit lord carver in the lord jesus courts . the prelate is both the egg and the nest to cleck and bring forth popery ; plead therefore for the pulling down of the nest , and crushing of the egg. all that is meant here by christ , is presbyterian government . i shall conclude this section with some of their most remarkable principles and opinions concerning civil government . the presbyterians of late have talk'd much of their loyalty , but if they have any , it must be in contradiction to their principles : for proof of this i shall not trouble you with citations from private men , but appeal to their covenants and solemn leagues , to their constant doctrin as well as practice of resistance ; and some few instances i must not omit , taken from the acts of their general assemblies , and those books which have the general approbation of the party , in which they express themselves thus ; vnless men blot out of their hearts , the love of religion , and cause of god , and cast off all care of their country , laws , and liberties , &c. they must now or never appear active ( against the king ) each one stretching himself to , yea , and beyond their power ; it is not time to dally , or go about the business by halves ; nor to be almost , but altogether zealous : cursed is he that doth the work of the lord negligently . solemn and seasonable warning to all ranks , feb. 12. 1645. sess . 18. in another seasonable and necessary warning , dated july 27. 1649. sess . 27. they say ; but if his majesty , or any having or pretending power and commission from him , shall invade this kingdom , upon pretext of establishing him in the exercise of his royal power ; as it will be a high provocation against god to be accessory or assisting thereto , so it will be a necessary duty to resist and oppose the same . the author of the hind let loose * reflecting on these passages , says , these fathers could well distinguish betwixt authority and the person , and were not so loyal as now their degenerate children are ambitious to shew themselves stupidly stooping to the shadow thereof , and yet will be called , the only assertors of presbyterian principles . the presbytery hath the power of making peace and war , and the parliament ought not to enter into any war without them ; more than joshua did without the consent of eliazar . any vnion or engagement of the nation , to defend the king's person , honour , or prerogative , is unlawful , unless allowed by the presbytery . the presbytery alone knows , and it only can determine , what the cause of god is ; the king and parliament are not to be complied with , but in subordination to the covenant . the presbytery can counter-act the acts of the states of parliament , and discharge the subjects from obeying such acts as are imposed without the consent of the presbytery . act general assembly , aug. 3. 1648. act and declaration against the act of parliament , july 13. 1648. act general assembly , aug 13. 1650. tho' our saviour told his disciples , that his kingdom was not of this world , and that therefore they ought not to fight for him , yet that doctrine does not now oblige covenanted christians , for they may fight without , yea , and against the consent of the supream magistrate for the cause of god ; and a probable capacity to effectuate their designs , is the call of god to do it . jus pop. preface to the reader . naph ▪ pag. 7 , 8 , 16 , 159. not only is it necessary to resist the king by force , in defence of the solemn league and covenant , but also to resist king and parliament , when they pervert the right ways of the lord , and hinder the work of reformation : the crying sins of the land which we should confess with sorrow before the lord , are , that the graceless prelates and curates are not hung up before the sun , and that men should be so godless , as to assist the king in his distress , before he had satisfied the kirk by publick penance , for opposing the work of god in the covenant . jus pop. throughout . act general assembly , aug. 13. 1650. acknowledgment of sins and engagement to duties appointed and published , 1648. and again renewed at lesmachago , march 3. 1688. with accommodation to the present times . sect . iii. containing notes of the presbyterian sermons taken in writing from their mouths . at first i begin with one i heard from zetland , who preaching on david and goliah , he told the hearers , sirs , this david was but a little manekine like my beddle davie gaddies there but goliah was a meckle strong fellow , like the laird of quandal there ; this david gets a scrippie and baggie , that is , a sling and a stone in it ; he slings a stone into goliah ' s face , down falls goliah and david above him : after that david was made a king ; he that was keeping sheep before , in truth he came very well too , sirs : well said , davie , see what comes of it , sirs ; after that he commits adultery with uriah : nay , ( said the beddal davie gaddies ) it was but with uriah ' s wife , sir. in faith , thou art right , it was uriah's wife , indeed man ; said mr. john. one ker at his entring into a church at teviotdale , told the people the relation that was to be between him and them in these following words : sirs , i am coming home to be your shepherd , and you must be my sheep , and the bible will be my tar-bottle , for i will mark you with it ; ( and laying his hand on the clark or precentor's head ) he saith , andrew , you shall be my dog : the sorrow a bit of your dog will i be , said andrew . o andrew , i speak mystically , said the preacher : yea , but you speak mischievously , said and●ew . mr. william guthry preaching on peter ' s confidence , said , peter , sirs , was as stalliard a fellow as ever had cold iron at his arse , and yet a hussie with a * rock feared him . another preaching against drunkenness , told the hearers , there were four sorts of drunkenness ▪ 1. to be drunk like a sow , tumbling in the mire like many of this parish . 2. there is to be drunk like a dog ; the dog fills the stomach of him , and spues all out again , and thou john jamison was this way drunk the other day . 3. there is to be drunk like a goose : of all drunkenness , sirs , beware of the drunkenness of the goose , for it never rests , but constantly dips the * gobb of it in the water : you are all drunk this way , sirs , i need name none of you . 4. there is to be drunk like a sheep ; the silly sheep seldom or never drinks , but sometimes wets the mouth of it in the water , and rises up as well as ever ; and i my self use to be , drunk this way , sirs . but now , i see ( said he ) two gentlemen in the kirk , and gentlemen , you are both strangers to me , but i must vindicate my self at your hands ; i have here the cursedest parish that ever god put breath in , for all my preaching against drunkenness , they will go into a change-house after sermon , and the first thing they 'll get , is a meckle * cup full of hot ale , and they will say , i wish we had the minister in the midst of it : now , gentlemen , judge ye how i am rewarded for my good preaching . after sermon the clerk gives him up , the name of a fornicatrix , whose name was ann ▪ cantly ; here is ( saith he ) one upon the stool of repentance , they call her cantly , she saith her self she is an honest woman , but i trow scantly . mr. john levingstone in ancrum , once giving the sacrament of the lord's supper , said to his hearers , now , sirs , you may take christ piping hot ; and finding a woman longsome in taking the bread out of his hand , he says , woman , if you take not christ , take the * meikle devil then . one john simple , a very zealous preacher among them , used to personate and act sermons in the old monkish stile spoken of sect. 1. § 16. at a certain time he preached upon that debate , whether a man ▪ be justified by faith or by works , and acted it after this manner , sirs , this is a very great debate , but who is that looking in at the door , with his red cap ? follow your look , sir ; it is very ill manners to be looking in , but what 's your name ? robert bellarmine : bellarmine , saith he , whether is a man justified by faith or by works ? he is justified by works : stand thou there man. but what is he , that honest-like-man standing in the floor with the long beard , and geneva * coul ? a very honest-like-man , draw near ; what 's your name , sir ? my name is john calvin ▪ calvin , honest calvin , whether is a man justified by faith or by works ? he is justified by faith. very well john , thy leg to my leg and we shall * hough down bellarmine even now . another time preaching on the day of judgment , he told them , sirs , this will be a terrible day , we 'll all be there , and in the throng i john simple will be , and all of you will stand at my back ; christ will look to me , and he will say , who is that standing there ? i 'll say again , yea even as ye * ken'd not lord : he 'll say , i know thou's honest john simple ; draw near , john ; now john , what good service have you done to me on earth ? i have brought hither a company of blew bonnets for you , lord : blew bonnets , john , what is become of the brave hats , the silks , and the satins , john ? i 'll tell , i know no lord , they went a * gate of their own : well , honest john , thou and thy blew bonnets are welcome to me , come to my right hand , and let the devil take the hats , the silks , and the sattins . this john was ordinarily called fitch-cape and claw-poll , because in the time of preaching or praying he used to claw his head , and rub his callet . at a certain time he was called to preach in a neighbouring church , and his preface was in these words : sirs , i know what you will be saying among your selves the day , ye will say , here is fitch-cape come to preach to us the day ; but as the lord lives , i had a great deal of do e're i could come to you , for by the way i met the devil , he said to me , what now fitch●cape , whither are you going ? i am going , said i , to preach to the people of god. people of god! said the * foul thief , they are my people . they are not yours , thou soul thief , said i. they are mine , claw-poll , said he again to me : so the foul thief and i * tugg'd , rugg'd , and riv'd at one another , and at last i got you out of his * clooks : now here is the good that fitch-cape hath done to you ; now that ye may be kept out of his gripes , let us pray . another , lecturing on the first of job , said , sirs , i will tell you this story very plainly . the devil comes to god one day , god said , what now deel , thou foul thief , whither are you going ? i am going up and down now , lord you have put me away from you now , i must even do for my self now . well , well , deel ( says god ) all the ▪ world kens that it is your fault ; but do not you know that i have an honest servant they ▪ call job ? is not he an honest man , deel ? sorrow to his thank , says the deel , you make his cup stand full even , you make his pot play well , but give him a * cuff , i 'll hazard he 'll be as ill as i am called . go , deel ( says god ) i 'll yoke his honesty with you : fell * his cows , worry his sheep , do all mischief ye can , but for the very saul of you , touch not a hair of his tail. mr. robert blair , that famous presbyterian preacher at st. andrews , was very much thought of for his familiar way of preaching . he preached often against the observation of christmass ; and once in this scotch jingle ; you will say , sirs , good old * youle-day ; i 'll tell you , good old fool-day : you will say it is a brave haly-day ; i tell you , it is a brave belly-day ; you will say , these are * bonny formalities ; but i tell you , they are bonny fartalities . another enveighing against the vanity and gaddiness of women , spake thus ; behold the vanity of women , look to them , you 'll see , first a sattin peticoat ; lift that , there is a tabby petticoat ; lift that , there is a flanning petticoat ; lift that , there is a holland † smarck ; lift that and there you will see what they ought not to be proud of , that 's no very cleanly spectacle ; eve ( said he ) was never so vain , she sought no covering but fig-leaves . mr. simple ( whom i named before ) told , that samson was the greatest fool that ever was born , for he revealed his secrets to a daft * hussie . samson , you may well call him fool thomson , for of all the * john thomson's men that ever was , he was the foolest . i have a sermon of theirs , written from the preachers mouth by one of their own zealots , whereof this is one passage , jacob began to wrestle with god , an able hand forsooth ; i sirs , but he had a good second , that was faith ; faith and god gave two or three tousles together ; at last god * dings down faith on its bottom ; faith gets up to his heels , and says , well , god , is this your promise to me ? i trow i have a ticket in my pocket here ; faith brings out the ticket , and stops it in god's hand , and said , now god! is not this your own write ? deny your own hand-write if you dare ? are these the promises ? you gave me ? look how you guide me when i come to you . god reads the ticket , and said , well , well , faith , i remember i gave you such a promise , good sooth faith , if you had been another , thou should get all the bones in thy skin broken . mr. john welsh , a man of great esteem among their vulgar , once preaching on these words of joshua , as for me and my house we will serve the lord , &c. had this preface : you think , sirs , that i am come here to preach the old jocktrot faith and repentance to you ; not i , indeed : what think you then i am come to preach ? i come to preach a broken covenant , who brake it ? even the devils lairds , his bishops and his curates ; and the deel , deel , will get them all at last : i know some of you are come out of curiosity to hear what the whigs will say . who is a whig , sirs ? one that will not swear , nor curse , nor bann , there a whig to you : but you are welcome , sirs , that come out of curiosity ; you may get go e're ye good back again . i 'll give you an instance of it , there was zaccheus , a man of a low stature ; that is , a little * droichy body , and a publican ; that is , he was one of the excise-men ; he went out of curiosity to see christ , and because he was little , he went up a tree : do you think , sirs , he went to * harry a pyet's nest ? no , he went to see christ ; christ looks up , and says , zaccheus , thou' rt always proving pratticks , thou' rt no bairn now ; go home , go home , and make ready my dinner ; i 'll be with you this day at noon . after that , sirs , this little zaccheus began to say his prayers evening and morning , as honest old joshua did in my text : as for me and my house , &c. as if he had said , go you to the devil and you will , and i and my house will say our prayers , sirs , as zaccheus and the rest of the apostles did . another time preaching in east lotham , he told them the great danger of hearing the curates , in these words ; sirs , if ever you hear these rogues , you will cry out at the day of judgment , o arthur-seat fall upon us , o pentland . hills fall upon us : the grass and the corn that you see growing there , will be a witness against you ; yea , and that cows horns passing by , will be a witness against you . another preaching about god's sending jonah to nineveh , acted it thus , did you never hear tell of a good god , and a * cappet prophet , sirs ? the good god said , jonah , now billy jonah , wilt thou go to nineveh for † ald lang syne ; the deel be on my feet then said jonah : o jonah said the good god , be not ill natured , they are my people . what care i for you or your people either , said the cappet prophet ; wherefore shall i go to be made a lyar in my face , i know thou will have mercy on that people : alas , alas , we † bide not the tenth part of that bidding ; yet when we come to you , i fear we 'l find you like ephraim , a cake unturn'd , that is , it 's stonehard on one side * , and ‖ skitter-raw on the other . another preaching in the west , near a mountain called tineock , cried out in a loud voice thus , what think you , sirs , would the curates do with christ if they had him ? they would e'en take him up to tintock top , cut off his head , and hurle his head down the hill , and laugh at it . another in the south of teviotdale in his sermon said , our neighbour nation will say of us , poor scotland , beggarly scotland , scabbed scotland , lousie scotland , yea , but covenanted scotland , that makes amends for all . one preaching against bishops , expressed himself thus , sirs , at the day of judgment christ will call the prelates , and he will call one of the falsest knaves first , and say , come hither , sirrah , he will not call my lord , do you remember how you put out † sike a sweet saint of mine upon such and such a day ? sirrah , do you mind how you persecuted one of my precious saints that was preaching my word : come , come , sirrah , stand there at my left hand ▪ thou and the devil shall together even now . there is nothing more ordinary among the generality of their preachers , than to tell that christ did not set his foot in scotland this eight and twenty years ; or this , i brought a stranger to you now , and a very great stranger indeed , this many a year ; would you know who it is ; it is christ , sirs , † hadd him fast then , for if once he get out of scotland again , it 's like he 'l never return . it is very well known in perthshire , that one of their rabbies preaching a● st. johnstone , or thereabout , a little before the battel of killich ankie , upon these words , resist the devil and he will slie from you ; he begins very gravely after this manner , ( humph ) my beloved , you are all here the day even for the fashions cause , but wo● ye who is amongst you the day ? even the meikle horned devil , tho you cannot see him , yet i do : i see him , sirs , by the eye of faith ; but you 'l say , now that we have him here , what shall we do with him , sirs , ( humph ) what way will ye destroy him , some of you will say we will hang him ; ha , ha , my beloved , there are not so many tows in all the parish as hung him ; besides , he 's as light as a feather . what then will ye do with him ? for he will not hang. then some of you will say , we will drown him . ( humph ) my beloved , there is too much cork in his arse , he 's as souple as an eel , he will not sink . others of you will say we will burn him , na , na , sirs , ye may scald your selves , but ye cannot burn him , for all the fire in hell could never yet singe a hair on his tail . now , sirs , you cannot find a way among you all to kill him , but i will find it ; what way will this be , sirs ? we shall even shoot him . wherewith shall we shoot him ? we shall shoot him with the bible . now , sirs , i shall shoot him presently , so ( presenting the bible as soldiers do their musquet ) he crys out , touff , touff , touff . now he is shot , there lies the foul thief as dead as a haron . some eye-witnesses report of another that was to give the sacrament of the lord's supper , such as they can give , and having got into the pulpit , he looks about him , and says , sirs , i miss somebody here to day , i miss christ here the day , but he promised to be here the day , i think he will be as good as his word : however i will go out and see if he be coming ; he at this went out of the pulpit ; and staying out some little time , he comes in and tells them , now , sirs , christ is coming , i saw him on his white horse coming to you : now what entertainment will you give him ? i will tell you , sirs , will ye get among you all but † one pint of faith , a gill of grace , and a * mutchkine of sanctification , and this will make a good morning draught for him . in the mers there was a communion given lately , and as it is ordinary , there is a discourse for every table , one of the preachers that 's most cried up for his eloquence , said , you that are wives ye will be saying ordinarily when ye meet , cummer , have ye spun your yarn yet ? but alas , i fear there are few of you that have spun a wedding-garment for christ the day . but christ will be among you and see who is his well busked bride , he 'l say to them that have not on their wedding-garment . is that nasty slut there my bride ? shame and lack fall that bride : go nasty slut , † sway'd away to hell. it is ordinary among some plebeians in the south of scotland , to go about from door to door upon new-years eve , crying hagmane , a corrupted word from the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies the holy month. john dickson holding forth against this custom once in a sermon at kelso , says , sirs , do ye know what hagmane signifies ? it is the devil be in the house ; that 's the meaning of its hebrew original . another time he told his hearers what an idolatrous church the english church is , for lay two eggs in a dish , and the one is not so like the other , as the church of rome and the church of england are to one another . i know a minister that went purposely to hear this man , and declared upon his real truth , that he held out a nonsensick rhapsody for an hour and an half time on the third of matth. this is my beloved ▪ son in whom i am well pleased : all the graces of the spirit ( said he ) are mysterious , faith is a mystery , there is a faith that is not saving , but that 's no mystery ; i believe if i should ask any of you whether or no ye believe the words that i read to you , you will all say ( humf ) we all believe that ▪ sirs , the devil does more , and yet he is not saved , nor like to be in haste . this is a passage of our saviour's transmigration , sirs , ( says he ) it tells how our blessed saviour was reform'd like an angel of light , when his disciples saw that glorious sight , they were all like a country man that had never tasted outlandish wine before , the wine runs up into his head , and makes him dizzie ; so the disciples were dizzie , the 17. v. they knew not what they said ▪ t that is they were dizzie . from the words we learn this note of doctrine , that christ he is lovely , o he is lovely , o he is lovely . first as he is the son of god , 8. prov. v. 15. by me kings reign and princes decree justice : that is lovely christ hath authority over all the kings of the world : the great turk can do nothing without him . the meikle deel and the black pape can do nothing without him . there were a pack of deels limbs a year or two ago here , and they thought forsooth all would be their own , and now lovely christ in his providential providence is like to disappoint them all , and who kens but they 'l come begging pease and pottage at ours doors yet . christ is lovely as he is mediator , cut him all in pieces from head to foot , every bit of him is lovely . they 'l tell you now the young prince is banished britain , but i 'le tell you of a young prince that has been banished britain these 28 years by the incoming of the perjur'd prelates and drunken curates ; lovely christ is that young prince , and now he is like to come back again to get his crown : o take him now , now when he is coming with a whip in his hand to scourge out the cursed curates , &c. this was preached in the parish of smallum in teviotdale , and the effect of this preaching followed the next sabbath , for the rabble came and pulled the minister out of his pulpit in the time of his sermon . one mr. thomas ramsay in mordington within the shire of berwick said in a sermon upon the foolishness of preaching , these words : there are two sorts of preaching , sirs , there 's a gentlemanny preaching and a common manny preaching ; for gentlemanny preaching they 'l feed you up with peny whistles , or * nigg-nayes-bonny wallies : at which he perceived one of the commons laugh . he points out to him , and said , man , do not that think to * gull one of god's ministres that way , lift up your bonnet off your face , think no shame of your shape . i tell you , sirs , there is gentlemany preaching and commonmany preaching . i will give you commonmany preaching , sirs , i will give yon milk●pottage , and this will make you bony fat and lusty in your journey to heaven . ye † ken sirs , ye ken , to my great grief , i may say ye ken no : but i tell you there is gentlemany preaching , and a commonmany preaching . there are three sorts of men that despise commonmany preaching , first the politician . 2. the gallant . 3. the ignorant man. first , for the politician he will go twenty miles to hear a gentlemanny preaching , what cares he for commonmany preaching ? 2ly , for the gallant give him a glass of wine to drink , and give him a lady to kiss , and what cares he for preaching ? 3ly , for the ignorant man give him a ‡ cogfull of † brose to his belly , and a pair of * brecks to his arse , what cares he for preaching . a little thereafter he saw a little child looking to and fro , he said , sit still little rogue , else i 'le cut a lug out of your head , sirrah . o the glorious days of the gospel , the very † wie-ones , were then so serious that they would * rugg christ out of my heart , but now they are all baudy faced , they look as if the curates and their mothers were † over great . this was written from his own mouth , by a person that is ready ▪ to declare the verity of it , were he to die just after . mr. john veach in wool struthers in a nonsensical and incoherent discourse , at the opening up of a presbyterian synod at jedburgh , said , that one duty of ministers was not to preach close and neat discourses ; his reason was this , men use not to bring the spits and the racs to the table , when they bring the meat to it . there are many in edinburgh who heard mr. james kirkton in a sermon concerning joseph and mary , say , the first night , saith he , that they met together , he laid his hand on her belly , and found her with † bairn ▪ the honest man turn'd very angry , and would have put her away , as any of us all would have done , had we met with the like ; and who is it that ever would suspect that the holy ghost should have another man's wife ? another time he told his hearers , that they might make a lesson out of every thing that occurred to sense ; you may , faith he , get a good lesson out of a goose-turd , for it is black at the bottom , green in the middle , and white at the top : the blackness at the bottom let 's us see the blackness of hell ; the greenness in the middle lets us see the vanity of the world ; and the whiteness in the top lets us see the joys of heaven : and this good lesson ( sirs ) ye will find in a good turd . now , sirs , i would have you pray to him that sits upon the white-end to keep you from a black end . one mr. john ▪ hepburn , lecturing on the second psalm , told , tha● there was a dialogue betwixt the father and the son in heaven , the son said , father will you give me my portion now ? your portion , son , said the father , indeed shall you ; thou hast been a dutiful son to me , thou never angered me in thy days ; what portion will you have , son ? will you give me poor scotland , saith the son ? scotland , said the father , truly thou shalt get poor scotland . and he proved that it was scotland he sought , from the 8 ▪ ver . i shall give thee the outmost parts of the earth for a possession ▪ now , sirs , scotland is the outmost part of the earth , and therefore it was given to the son for a patrimony . one mr. mosman in newbotle , past this complement upon himself in a sermon , all the world knows that i am a learned man , a judicious man , and a man that can clear the scriptures well ; but there are some in the parish that have not such thoughts for me ; as for them i pity them , for they must be very silly . at that time he was preaching against taking god's name in vain , he told , o sirs , this is a very great sin , for my own part i rather steal all the horned † nout in the parish , before i took god's name in vain once . one mr. robert steidman in caridden , told once , that the people of god had many doubts about their election , for proof of this , see ( says he ) the 2. cant. v. 16. my beloved is mine , and i am his . another time he told , that the best of god's saints have a little tincture of atheism for a plain proof of this you , may see , says he , psal . 14 ▪ 1. the fool hath said in his heart that there is no god. another time he tells , that christ was not proud nor lordly , for he rode upon an ass , which is a † laigh beast , and wherefore think ye did he this ? it was , sirs , for the conveniency of the old wives that followed him , that he might * kuttle in the gospel in their ears as he went along . one mr. murray , marrying a couple , called the man , the head , and the woman the tail : in the name of god then , says he , i joyn head and tail together , sirs , let no man ever separate them . the same person preaching at haddan , said , christ is a great stranger to you these 28 years , but i have brought him to you the day , sirs , and if ye will have him , i will take him with † horning and caption for you . one mr. shields , preaching at borthwick , said , many had religion the day , but would have none the morn , their religion was soon gone like a womans virginity . one wedderburn , preaching in irvin , said , lord , we have over * foul feet to come so far benn at heaven , but yet as broken a ship has come to land . mr. rutherford preaching at jedburgh , said , these 28 years the grass is grown long betwixt jedburgh and heaven . mr ▪ william stuart preaching lately in forres upon these words , our god is a consuming fire , said , sirs , i will explain these words in a very homely manner , there was a godly man of my acquaintance , sirs , he had a young bairn that was dying , and he comes to him and said , sandy , now my cockie , believe in god now , for ye will not live long : no , no , said the bairn , i will not believe in god , for god is a boo , but i will believe in christ , for he is sweet , dady , and he is good . now ye may by this see , sirs , that god without christ is a boo. boo is a word that 's used in the north of scotland to frighten crying children . mr. william vetch preaching in linton in teviotdale , said , our bishops thought they were very secure this long time : like willie willie wastel , i am in my castle , a the dogs in the town dare not ding me down . yea but there is a doggie in heaven that has dung them all down . another preaching of the dialogue betwixt god and adam after his fall. adam ( said he ) went to hide himself , god comes to him , and said , where art thou , man ? i am † courring here , lord : i 'le hazard * twa and a plack , saith god , there is a † whap in the kape ede , has thou been at * barne-breaking ede , come out of thy holes and thy bores here ede . mr. james kirkson told several times in his sermons at edenling , that the devil had his kirk-government as well as god , and would ye ken what a government it is , indeed it is a presbyterian government , for he has his minister and his ruling elder ; his minister is the pope , and his ruling-elder is the king of france . the same man once speaking of the evils of the tongue , said , your tongues , sirs , are as foul as a dog's tongue when he licks † skitter , before god it 's true : but do not take this out of the house with you , sirs . mr. matthew selkirk preaching against keeping of days , said , they that keep † yule-day , * sirs , deny that christ came in the flesh , and are rank jews ; & they keep that day in commemoration of j. caesar the chief of the jews . mr. hugh kennedy moderator of the general assembly , being about to christen a child in the colledg-kirk , looked about him , and said , look sirs , and see the devil painted in that bairns face , but we shall do the best we can to conjure him out . i shall shortly nail his lug to christ's trone , till from a calf he grow up to an ox to draw in christ's plow . mr. arskine in the tron-church , said , that the work of the lord is like to be ruin'd , for there are two sorts of people that have taken their hands from the work of the lord. first , the malignants that never laid their hands to it . 2ly , the court-party : but you lasses and lads put your shoulders to that work , take a good lift of it , for it will not break your backs ; and ye can never use your backs in a better work . one mr. robert gourly preaching on the woman of canaan , how our saviour called her a dog , told , sirs , some of you may think that our saviour spake very improperly , for he should have called her a bitch ; but to this i answer , a dog is the masculine or feminine gender , there is a he-dog and a she-dog . but you will ask why did he miscall the poor woman , and call her a dog ? there are god's dogs and the devils dogs , she was god's dog , not the devil's dog. mr. sheilds in a sermon at aberdeen , told the people , the only way to hold a fast † grip of christ , was to entertain him with three liquors in three sundry * bickers , you must have a pint of hope , three pints of , faith , and nine pints of hot , hot , hot burning zeal . one mr. strange preaching on act , 2. 37 , 38. before several ladies of the best quality of our kingdom , they were pricked at their hearts , said , some of you are come hither the day to get a prick , i fear few of you have gotten a prick , but some of you may get a prick within a short time . and seeing some laugh , he said , do not mistake me , sirs , it is not a natural prick i mean , but a prick at the heart . i mean not the pricks of the flesh , but the pricks of the spirit , the sweet prick of conscience . one mr. james wilson now in kirkmeddon in galloway , told , that faith had wonderful effects , for by faith noah saw the deluge before it came . but i will tell you a far more wonderful effect of faith than that , john the baptist saw christ through † twa wymbs , was not that a clear-ey'd little one , 〈…〉 one mr. melvin being sent by the presbytery to the parish of monzie in struthern , to prepare the people by a sermon for receiving a presbyterian minister in the place of mr. drammond , a person of great learning , who was deprived at the false suggestions of a weaver in that parish , ( whom he saved from the gibbet in king charles 2d's time ) the said mr. melvin lecturing on this text , touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harm , said , the kings and the great folks , and the cursed bishops , for sooth were seeking to destroy god's own people , but as sturk as they were , god is starker , and bad them bide back , bide back , ( pointing with his finger ) this is my folk , they are none of your folks , and so god keeped his own poor people , sirs , except some few that were hanged ; but oh sirs , it 's a sweet , sweet denth to go off the gallows to god for the holy covenant . but for these cursed bishops and curates , sirs , that were leading many poor souls to hell this long time , sirs , ye see they are now put out ▪ they are put out , yea they are e'en trampled under our feet . this is attested by a person that then lived within two miles of the place , and heard him . mr. areskine in the trone-church proposed in a sermon , what is the new man ? he made this learned answer in a melancholy long tone , it is the new man. mr. kirton lately in the church he possesses at edinburgh , began his sermon thus , devil tuke me soul and body . the people startling at the expression , he anticipates their wonder with this correction , you think , sirs , this a strange word in the pulpit , out you think nothing of it out of pulpit ; but what if the devil should tuke many of you when ye utter such language ? another time preaching against cockupps , he told , i have been this year of god preaching against the vanity of women , yet i see my own daughter in the kirk even now have as high a cockupp as any of you all . another time giving the sacramens of the lord's supper in crummond , at the breaking of the bread , he told the participants , take , eat , sirs , your bread is baken . and that was all the form he used , as one of the communicabsts told me the day after . a presbyterian preacher in the parish of killpatrick easter , above glasgow , in whose parish there is one captain sanderson , a church of england man , who is looked on there by them as a rank papist , he once went to church to see their way . the preacher seeing him in church , took a † fourteen our of his pocket , and held it up before the congregation , expressing these words , here i take instrument in the hand of god , that tho a man be pardoned of all his original and actual sins , yet if he neglect to 〈◊〉 our fasts he shall never go to heaven . the preacher owns what he said and did . and the captain desires the thing to be published in his name , he being ready to justifie it upon any occasion . mr. william moncrief , in summer last , preaching in the church of 〈◊〉 in fife , the first thing he pretended to prove , was , that all his hearers were atheists and reprobates ▪ and having demonstrated that , as he said , from that psalm on which he lectur'd : he proceeded next to his sermon on this text , now it the accepted time , now is the day of salvation ▪ on which he said , the jews had their now , and the papists had their now , but ah now they have no now , for the gospel is for ever hid from their eyes . scotland , poor scotland had a gracious now in the glorious days of the covenant , when christ was freely forced upon them ; but alas , this land breaking the covenant has brought darkness upon it , for many years last , but yea god had been pleased at lust to shine through the cloud of prelatical , which is worse than egyptish darkness , and to give us another now ; that is , to offer us again his covenant , and the foundation of it , it gospel , for which ye are all heartily to be thinkful , for this is your now. and would ye know now how to express your thankfulness , i 'll even tell you now , ye must do it by banishing out of the covenanted land , all the enemies of god , the prelates , the curates , and all their adherents : ye must not converse with them , but 〈◊〉 them hip and thigh ▪ ye must 〈◊〉 the philistines quite out ; ye must hate them , and persecute them , and 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 of damnation ; ● for if ye neglect it now , your now is past for ever ▪ now , sirs , ye must not think this strange doctrine , for i can prove it by plain scripture , for did not god frequently command his people , to cut off the 〈◊〉 root and branch ; and did not david positively hate and curse the profane and wicked who were god's enemies ▪ but ye'll say to me , sirs , that christ desired us to loveour enemies : that 's true , indeed , but there 's no word of god's enemies there ▪ mark that , beloved ; tho' we love out own enemies , yet we are bound to hate god's enemies ; that is , all the enemies of the covenanted 〈◊〉 : this was heard by several sober and judicious persons , who were heartily sorry to hear the scriptures so basely perverted , who immediately after the sermon wrote down this account , tent them to me attested under their hands . about two years ago mr. shields , who is chaplain to my lord angus's regiment , being with the said regiment at the town of pe●●● , and hearing that the colonel to an english regiment , which had been in that town the week before , had made his chaplain to read the english service upon the sunday before , in the church to his souldiers 〈…〉 shields upon this occasion thought to ra●● nightly again●t the church of england and its liturgy ; among other things he said , that there was no difference betwixt the church of england and the church of rome , but that the one said mass in english , and the other in latin ; and that upon the 〈◊〉 they were both indeed equally idolatrous ▪ and ye know , sirs , that according to god's law , all idolaters should be stoned to death ▪ alas ▪ all the water in * tay will not be able to wash away the filth of that idolatry , with which the walls of this kirk was last sunday defiled ▪ ah , the service boo● was 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 it smell rank and strong of the old whore of babylon . mr. kirkton preaching in his meeting-house in the castle-hill of edinburgh adduced several instances of the poverty of the people of god ; amongst others , he had this remarkable one , brethren , says he , criticks with their * frim frams and whytie whaties , may imagine a hundred reasons for abraham's going out of the land of caldea , but i will tell you what was always my opinion , i believe abraham , poor man , was forced to run out of the land of judea for debt . another sunday , before several gentlemen , who told me the story so soon as they returned from church , preaching on the allsufficiency of god , he told his hearers , that they might make out of god what they pleased , hose , shoes , cloaths , meat and drink , &c. one , says he , may have a good stock , but he cannot get in out of his friends hands when he needs it ; he must pursue him first before the * lords of the session ; registrat his bond , get a charge of horning , and at last take him with caption ; but no man ever needed to registrate god's bond , or take him with caption , except jacob , who took him once with caption at the side of a hill , and he got a broken leg for his pains . once in the monthly fast-day , i heard him my self discourse to this purpose , after he had read his text , which if i rightly remember , was , in that day i will not regard their prayers nor their tears , &c. in speaking to these words , says he , i shall shew you five lost labours , three opportunities , three fears , three woes , three lamentations , three prophesies , and a word about poor scotland : for the three fears , the first is a great fear , and that is , lest this king give us not all our will. the 2d . is a very great fear , and that is , if we should get all our will. i fear we should not make good use of it . the 3d fear is the greatest of all , but i must not tell you that fear , sirs , for fear it should fear you all to hear it . all the town knows that this is true , and that he never preaches but after this ridiculous manner . i heard one mr. selkirk in a sermon he preached in the church of inverask . say , sirs , drink , whore , and debauch , and run * red wood through the world ; yet , if you have but as much time as take hold of christ in your last gasp , i shall pawn my soul for yours . it may seem incredible , that one who ever heard of christianity , should have used such an expression ; but it made such an impression on the peoples minds at that time , that i believe there is hardly one of them who have forgot it to this hour ; and consequently , all of them will be ready to vindicate the truth of what i here relate . one preaching in preston-pans , upon joshua 's making the sun to stand still , resolving to make a very learned discourse , began thus , sirs , says he , you 'll may be , ask me how joshua could make the sun to stand still ? to that i answer , it was by sisting of the motion of primum mobile , commonly called the zodiack-line ; but as to the quomodo , it 's no great matter ; but that the story was true , we have reason to believe from the heathen writers ; for it was told by them for a , base baudy tale , how jupiter made a night as long as two , that he might got a longer time to lye with alemena . mr. arskine in the tron-church , preaching on these words , cry aloud and spare not ; told his people , there were three sorts of cries . there is the cry of the mouth , says he , psal . 104. the young lions roar after their prey , that is , with their mouth . the cry of their feet , i will run the ways of thy commandments , that is the cry of the feet : and the cry of the eye , they looked on him and were lightened ; that 's the cry of the eye : if we would go to heaven , we must not only cry with our mouth , but likewise with out hands , feet , and eyes . the same mr. arskine said in another sermon , what , sirs , if the devil should come with a drum at his side , saying , hoyes , hoyes , hoyes , who will go to hell with me , boys ? who will go to hell with me ? the jacobines would answer , we 'll all go , we 'll all go . mr. james kirkton , preaching on jezabel , said , that well-favoured whore , what became of her , sirs ? she fell over a window , arse over head , and her black bottom was discovered , you may all guess what the beholders saw , beloved , a black sight you may be sure . one mr. mair , a presbyterian preacher , son to mr. john mair , the episcopal minister in towch , being desired by the father to preach for him ; the son said , he would or could not preach in their churches , because they were polluted , but was content to preach in a fire-house . this was provided for him , and the company ( whereof his father was one ) being convened , he said , i will tell you a sad truth , sirs , you have been driven to hell in a coach this eight and twenty years , and that old stock , my father ( pointing to him ) has been the coachman . mr. kirkton in october last , preaching on hymns and spiritual songs , told the people , there be four kinds of songs , profane songs , malignant , allowable , and spiritual songs , profane songs , my mother sent me to the well , she had better gone her self , for what i got i dare not tell , but kind robin loves me . malignant songs , such as , he , ho , gillichrankie , and the king enjoys his own again ; against which i have not much to say . 3ly . allowable songs , like , once i lay with another man's wife : ye may be allowed , sirs , to sing this , but i do not say , that ye are allowed to do this , for that 's a great deal of danger indeed , lastly , spiritual songs , which are the psalms of david ; but the godless prelates add to these , glory to the father , the wrost of all i have yet spoken of . the same kirkton , in march the year before that , in a sermon upon come into me all ye that are heavy and weary laden ; expressed himself thus , christ invites none to him but those that have a great burthen of sins upon their back ; ay but , beloved , ye little ken what christ is to day ; what crafts-man do you think him now ? is there none of you all can tell me that , sirs ? truly then i must e'en tell you ; would you ken it now ? in a word then , he 's a * tell you ; would you ken it about to day , have ye any broken hearts to mend , bring them to me , and i 'll soder them ; that is , give them rest , beloved , for that 's the words of my text. mr. arskin , in january last , holding forth in the tron church concerning noah's ark , said , that the wolf and the lamb lodged most peaceably together in it ; and what do you think was the reason of this , beloved ? you may think it was a strange thing , and so indeed it was , sirs , but it was done to fufil that prophecy of isaiah , sirs , the wolf and the lamb shall lye down together ; there 's a plain reason now for it , sirs . on sunday , in january last , immediately after the king had recommended to the general assembly , a formula , upon the subscribing whereof , by the episcopal presbyters , he desired they might be re-admitted to the publick exercise of the ministry , i heard one mr. webster , a noted professor of the new gospel , lecturing upon psal 15 on the 1st verse , he said , that none but god could answer the psalmist's question there , and therefore , said he , it does not belong to any earthly king , prince , or potentate to determine who should be officers in god's house , or to prescribe terms of communion to his kirk : on the 2d verse he said , that it was necessary for god's people to walk uprightly ; that is , said he , never to betray the cause of christ's kirk for sear of great men : our way is god's own way ; and sure to stand stiff to that , is the best way to please god , and even great men , at the long run : on the 3d verse he appealed to the consciences of his hearers , if scots presbyterians were not a holy , harmless , innocent , sincere , modest , and moderate people , and whatever is said to the contrary , but lybels , lies , and slanders : on the 4th verse he said , that the prelates , curates , and malignant counsellors are the vile persons spoke of there , and whom all the fear god are bound to contemn and despise ; especially ( said he ) because they have sworn to the hurt of the kirk , in taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , the test , and the oath of canonical obedience , and now think to expiate all this , by subscribing a bare foolish formula , because king william , forsooth , has sent it to us ; as if the presbyterians ought to admit or allow any form but the covenant . about that same time , i mean , in january last , mr. fraser of bray , at edenburgh at the new kirk , pretending to preach upon this text of the revelation , there was joy in heaven , michael and his angels fought against the dragon and his angels : michael and his angels , why no good christian can doubt , but by this we are to understand christ and this kirk ; and by the dragon and his angels is plainly meant , the prelates and curates : you see from this then , sirs , betwixt whom this war and this fighting was in heaven ; and since they fight in heaven for this cause of the kirk , why should not we fight for it also upon earth ? what needs our kirk be affraid of kings , they are but men ? but we have christ to fight for us , and we are his , his angels , and must fight with him till we destroy the dragon prelates , and their curate angels . ah , sirs , ye read ( says he ) that this dragon's tail swept down a third part of the stars of heaven ; i have a sad thing to tell you now , sirs , alas , this dragon's tail has swept the north of scotland , for few or none of christ ministers are to be found there . the same frazer of bray preaching at a conventicle in the beginning of king james his reign , began his discourse thus ; i am come here to preach this day , sirs , in spite of the curates , and in spite of the prelates their masters ; and in spite of the king their master ; and in spite of the hector of france , his master ; and in spite of the pope of rome that 's both their master ; and in spite of the divil that 's all their master . sect . iv. containing some few expressions of the presbyterian prayers . mr. james kirkton said once in his prayers , o lord restore our banished king , lord restore our banished king ; do not mistake my meaning , lord , it is not k. james whom thou hast rejected that we seek ; it is king christ , that has been a stranger these many years in poor scotland . it is reported of mr. robert blair at st. andrews , that he had this expression in his prayers , lord , thou art a good goose , for thou art still dropping . and severals in the meeting-houses , of late , have made use of it ; to which they add , lord thou rains down * middings of blessings upon us . mr. anderson , a phanatick preacher in perthshire , in a prayer , said , good lord , it is told us , that thou knows a proud man by his looks , as well as a malignant by his works ; but what tilt thou do with these malignants ? i 'll tell thee , lord , what thou wilt do , even take them up by the heels and * reest them in the chimney of hell , and dry them like bervy haddocks : lord take the pistol of thy vengeance , and the mortar-piece of thy wrath , and make the * hairns of these malignants a hodge podge , but for thy own bairns , lord feed them with the * plumdames and raisons of thy promises , and e'en give them the spurs of confidence , and boots of hope , that like new * spean'd fillies , they may * soup over the fold-dikes of grace . a learned divine of that sett , at pitsligo , in his publick prayer , this last summer , said , o lord , thou' rt like a * mousie peeping out at the hole of a wall , for thou sees us but we see not thee . mr. william moncrif ( whom i named before , pag. — . ) after his sermon is summer last , at largo in fife , in the intercession of his prayer , said , o god establish and confirm thy church in scotland , and defend her from her bloody and cruel enemies popery and prelacy ; o lord prosper thy reformed churches of portugal and piedmont , and of the rest of the low countries ; and carry on thy work which is begun in ireland ; and sweet , good lord , finally begin and carry on a work in england . mr. shields preaching near dumfreis , in his prayer for k william , said , good lord bless him with a stated opposition in his heart to the antichristian church of england , and with grace to destroy all the idolatry and superstition of their foolish and foppish worship ; and bless all the people of the land with strength , zeal , and courage throughly to reform the state as well as the church , in these kingdoms ; that they may be untied in the bond of the solemn league and covenant , and purified according to that pattern in the mount , which we and our posterity are all sworn to . mr. john welsh pray'd . lord we are come hither , a pack of poor beggers of us the day , alms to the poor blind here , for god's sake , that never saw the light of the gospel ; alms to the poor deaf here , that never heard the joyful sound ; to the poor cripples that have their legs , the covenant broken by the bishops . lord pity thy poor kirk the day , poor woman , sad is she ; lord lend her a lift , and god confound that filthy bitch , that gumgal'd whore , the whore of babylon . one mr. hustone said , lord give us grace , for if theu give us not grace we shall not give thee glory , and who will * win by that , lord ? one b●rlands in gallowshiels , a blasphemous ignorant blockhead , said in his prayers before sermon , lord , when thou was electing to eternity , grant , that we have not got a wrong cast of thy hand to our souls . another time praying at jedburgh , he said , lord confound the tyrant of france , god's vengeance light on him ▪ the vengeance of god light on him , god's vengeance light on him : but if he be of the election of grace , lord save him : lord confound the antichristian crew in ireland ; indeed , lord , for the great * man time heads them , god knows we wish not his destruction , we wish him repentance of his sins , but not the rest : as for the crew of the church of england , that 's gone in to fight against them , they are as profane a crew as themselves , lord ; but thou can make one man destroy another for the interest of the people of god , and to give gods people elbow-room in the land. one who is now a head of a colledge , and is look't upon by the party as their great advocate and oracle , in a publick congregation at edenburgh , 1690 ▪ in his prayer had these words , which one that heard them , and immediately committed them to writing , shewed to me ; o lord give us , give us , good lord ; but lord , you 'll may be say to us , ye are always troubling me , what shall i give you now ? but , lord , whatever thou says , we know that thou in thy hart likes such trouble ; and now i 'll tell thee what thou should give us lord , i 'll not be greedy nor * misleard now , lord , then only give us thy self in earnest of better things . good lord , what have ye been doing all this time , where have you been this 30 year , what good have ye done to your poor kirk in scotland , that has been so many years spurgal'd with antichrist's riding her ; she has been long lying on her back , and sadly defiled ; and many a good lift have we lent her ; o , how often have we put our shoulders to christs cause , when his own * back was at the wall : to be free with you , lord , we have done many things for thee that never enter'd in thy noddle , and yet we are content that thou take all the glory ; is not that fair and kind . it 's true , good lord , you have done * gelly well for scotland now at last , and we hope that thou hast begun , and will carry ony thy work in england , that stands * muckle in mister of a reformation ; but what have you done for ireland , lord , ah poor ireland ; ( then pointing with his finger to his nose , he said ) i true , i have nickt you there , lord. o god , thou hast bidden us pray for kings , and yet they have been always very troublesome to thy kirk , and very * fasious company ; lord , either make them good or else make us quite of their company : they say that this new king thou hast sent us , takes the sacrament kneeling , and from the hand of a bishop ; ah , that 's black , that 's fowl work ; lord deliver him from papary and prelacy , from a dutch conscience , and from the hardheartedness of the stewarts , and let us never be * trysted again with the bag and baggage of the family , the black band of bishops to trouble and lord it over thy church and heritage . good lord , send back our old king of poor scotland , restore him to his throne and dignity , to his absolute power and superemacy , from which he he hat been so long and so unjustly banished : lord , you ken what king i mean , i do not mean k. james , na forsooth , i do no mean him , i mean , lord , you ken well enough wha i mean , i mean sweet k. jesus , that 's been long kept out of this his own covenanted kingdom , by the bishops and godless act of supremacy . lord i have many more tales to tell you , and many sad complaint to make of our governors and great men , and of the malignants and dundee's men ; and many pardons to ask for a broken covenant and a backsliding ministry , but i must refer them all till you and i be at more leisure , and i will not end without that old musty prayer that they now call our lords . mr. robert kenedy , brother to the very learned and moderate hugh kenedy , the moderator of the general assembly , once praying at a conventicle at chidsdale , said , lord grant that all the kings in the world may fall down before thy son , and kiss his soles not the pope's soles , &c. no nor his stinking * panton either . mr. boyd , the famous preacher in chidsdale , finding in the forenoon , that severals of his hearers went away after the forenoon sermon , had this expression in his afternoon prayers . now lord , thou sees that many people go away from hearing thy word , but had we told them stories of robin hood or davie lindsay , they had stay'd ; and yet none of these are near so good as thy word that i preach . another praying against church government by bishops and curates , said , lord , will thou take the keys of thy own house out of the hand of those thieves and hirelings , and make them play clitter clatter upon their crowns till they cry maw again — ( he pronounced the word maw like the noise of a cat ) for thy locks have got many a wrong cast since they had the keys . about the beginning of march 1689 one prayed for a presbyterian election of members to the parliament in the city of edinburgh in these words : good god now when christ's back is at the wall , put it in the heart of the townsmen to chuse george stirling and baillif hall. another prayed , lord thou hast said , that he is worse than an insidel that provides not for his own family ; give us not reason to say this of thee lord , for we are thine own family , and yet we have been but scurvily provided for of a long time . another praying after the baptism of a child in the city of edinburgh , said , lord bless and preserve this young calf that he may grow an ox to draw in christ's plough . mr. areskine praying in the tron-church last year , said , lord have mercy on all fools and idiots , and particularly on the magistrates of edinburgh . another imprecating ( as is very ordinary with them to do ) said , lord give thy enemies the papists and the prelates a full cup of thy fury to drink ; and if they refuse to drink it off , then good lord give them * kelty . mr. john dickson praying for grace , said , lord dibble thou the kail-seed of thy grace in our hearts , and if we grow not up to good kail , lord make us good sprouts , at least . mr. linning cursing the king or france in his prayers , said , lord , curse him , confound him , and damn him , dress him , and guide him as thou didst pharaoh , senacherib , and our late king james and his father . one frazer a young fellow preaching in jedburgh , after sermon blasphemously inverted the blessing thus , the curse of the lord jesus christ , and of god the father , and the holy ghost be upon all them that hear the word and profit not by it . mr. arskine in the tron-church prayed , lord be thou in mons , mons , mons , be thou in mons , good lord , meikle need has mons of thee , lord , for now they that be confederates we hope they may be made covenanters . bring the sworn enemy of the solemn league the tyrant of france to the place whence he came , and cause his dragons shoot him in his retreat , that he may cry out with julian the apostate , now galilean thou hast overcome me . one mr. james webster was admired lately at my lord arbuthnet his zealous patron 's table for this grace before meat , out of the boundless , bankless , brimless , bottomless , shoreless ocean of thy goodness we are daily foddered , filled , feasted , fatted , and half an hours discourse to the same purpose . mr. kennedy before the late assembly in which he had the name of moderator ; said in his prayer , lord , moderation is commended to us by the king , we all know it 's a vertue that 's sometimes is useful . lord , but i cannot say that that which they call moduration is so convenient at this time for thy people and cause , for even to be free with you , good lord , i think it best to make a clean house , by sweeping them all out at the door , and casting them out to the * midden . their famous scrib rule in a prayer , not at sermon , but upon another occasion as publick , a little after the dissolution of the general assembly , expressed himself thus , o lord thou knows that christ's court the general assembly ought to protest against usurpers upon christs kingdom , but if we had known that king william would have been angry with us in earnest , and if the brethren would have followed my advice , we should have pleased the king for this time , and taken christ in our own hand * till some other opportunity . the moderator chrighton immediately after the assembly was dissolved , praying , ( amongst many other reflexions upon the king and his counsellors ) said these words , o lord thou knows how great a surprizal this is to us , we lookt upon king william at his first coming among us to have been sent in mercy for deliverance to this poor kirk , but now we see that our deliverance must come from another hand , good god grant that he be not sent to be a plague and a curse to thy kirk . hind let loose by mr. shields , pag. 468. i conclude this head , says he , with that form of prayer that i use for the king , o lord to whom vengeance belongeth shew thy self , lift up thy self thou judge of the earth , render a reward to the proud : lord , how long shall the wicked , how long shall the wicked triumph , shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee , that frameth mischief by a law , the mighty and terrible god destroy all kings and people that put their hand to alter and destroy the house of god ; overturn , overturn , overturn this throne of tyranny , and let it be no more until he come whose right it is . these are but a few of many thousand instances that might be given of that ridiculousness , profanity and blasphemy which the scotch presbyterians daily use in their preaching and praying ; and tho strangers may think it incredible that men professing religion or reason , should thus debase and prostitute both , yet they who are unfortunately bound to converse with , and hear them frequently , cannot be but sadly sensible that all that 's here charged upon them is but too true , and that many of the worst expressions they are daily guilty of , are purposely here omitted , lest by such obscene , godless , and fulsome stuff , the ears and eyes of modest readers should be nauseated and polluted ; which if these opposers of truth and religion should deny , there are thousands in scotland of the best quality and reputation ready to attest , by their oaths and subscriptions , as shall be made appear in a 2d edition of this book , if the clamors of the party extort it , and very many are willing to join in this who were not long ago their great friends , and have many of their sermons and prayers in writing , which they are now willing to expose , having fully discovered the vile hypocrisie and pharasaick professions of that faction ; but this trouble we can hardly suppose that the presbyterians will put us or themselves to , because it 's not probable that they will deny what they so much glory in , viz. this extraordinary way of preaching and praying , which they think an excellency and perfection , and call it a holy familiarity with god , & a peculiar priviledg of the most refined saints . some may perhaps think this collection was publish'd meerly to render these puritans ridiculous ; but it 's plain enough to such as know them , that we have not made but found them so , we hope that our discovering their snares may prevent some mens being intangled , with them , they ▪ compass sea and land , and are fully as zealous as their predecessours to make proselytes to their party , and new gospel . now the general intent of the collectors of these notes , was that they might stand like beacons to fright unwary strangers from these rocks upon which so many have formerly made shipwrack both of faith and good conscience . alas it 's but too too evident what havock and desolation these pretended reformers have made in the church and state , gods name , honour and worship is profan'd , the gospel exposed to the scorn and contempt of its enemies , the more modest and honest heathens and turks ; the flood-gates of impiety and atheism are set open , the foundations of all true piety or policy are overturned , and all regard to things either sacred or civil quite destroyed by these , who as the royal martyr * speaks , seeking to gain reputation with the vulgar , for their extraordinary parts and piety , must needs undo whatever was formerly setled , never so well and wisely . i wish ( as the same royal author did ) that their repentance may be their only punishment , that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of publick liturgies hath already produced , they may restore that credit , use and reverence to them , which by the ancient churches were given to set forms of sound and wholsome words . * and thou , o lord , which art the same god , blessed for ever , whose mercies are full of variety ▪ and yet of constancy ; thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants , nor despisest renewed affections joined to constant expressions : let us not want the benefit of thy churches united and well-advised devotions . keep men in that pious moderation of their judgments in matters of religion , that their ignorance may not offend others , not their opinion of their own abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devountly use to help their infirmities . and since the advantage of error consists in novelty and variety , as truth 's in unity and constancy , suffer not thy church to be pestred with erros , and deformed with undecencies in thy service , under the pretence of variety and novelty 〈◊〉 nor to be deprived of truth , unity and order , under this fallacy , that constancy is the cause of formality . lord keep us from formal hypocrisie in our hearts , and then we know that praying to thee , or praising of thee ( with david and other holy men ) in the same forms cannot hurt us . evermore defend and deliver thy church from the effects of blind zeal and over-bold devotion . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35017-e480 me was but last year sent to agent their affairs at court. * though mr. rule . who defends the new gospellers by denying their prints , and by palpable vntruths , seems to disown this in his second vindication of his kirk . yet much honester presbyterians affirm it , and glory in it . vid. covenants with acknowledgment of sins and engagement to duties , renewed at lesmahago . 1688. et hind let loose . † a person who was well educated , and justly esteemed at st. andrew's vniversity . † that is in english some other fish to fry . * charity it self cannot put a better construction on so foul an action . * the name of a ridiculous and rebellious book emitted by them in k. charles the second's time . notes for div a35017-e5580 * tear. notes of printed sermons before the parliament . * spaldin's discourse to parliament . ‖ the hill on which they first drew up their army against k. ch. 1. * such the scoth phanaticks are indeed . * the glorious days of the covenant . * that is true blue presbytery . * herle 's tripus . † three notable rebellions raised by the presbyterians against k. charles , the second . * mr. rule denies this in his late book , altho' himself and every man acquainted : with the doctrine and practice of the kirk , knows it to be very true . * compare this with making presbytery the foundation of the present civil government , without which he says it cannot subsist . second vindication , pag. 9. at the end . † easter , christmas , shrove-tuesday . * mr. rule upon the matter affirms the same second vindic . p. 90. * compare this with the late assembly's refusing , at the king's desire , to admit of any of the episcopal clergy with them into the exercise of the ministry . compare this with the presbyterians now denying the power to the king of dissolving the assembly . * vpon this consideration the late assembly refused at k. w.'s desire , to receive the episcopal party into any terms of peace or communion . * all that are not true covenanters . * taxes . * alsop and other london pesbyterians address to k. j. * shields chaplain to my lord angus's regiment , one of their famous authors and preachers . * that was no doubt in the peaceful and godly days of the holy covenant : but how seem'd the devil to be bound then ? why , it was after the new gospel way , he was bound in the chains of blood , murther , and rebellion ; being surfeited with those sacrifices , he seemed to lay himself down to rest , leaving all his drudgery upon earth to be performed by his covenanted agents . * the presbyterians indeed ordinarily prevent the king 's putting forth his hand against them , by assaulting him first . * the great design of the new gospel to decry passive obedience , and to blaspheme the church of england . * the english clergy , who scruple to swear , shew , that they can patiently suffer , and therefore are not concerned at what presbyterians threaten ; the devil can go no farther than his chain reaches . * and so do all the new gospellers . * by the same argument , the protestant religion must be antihumane in france , italy and spain ; and the christian too in all the grand seignior's vast dominions . * every thing that 's not agreeable to the new gospel must be slavish , nonsensical , and damnable . * loved and honoured by all but presbyterians . * and yet they own the same religion with us pag. 1. l 3. * the authority of their assemblies above that of king and parliament . * well ranted rule . * preface parag. 6. at the end , and p. 26. &c. * this is the civil style that he promised to exceed in , pref. par . 6. * where in the sense of the law the king never dies . * 't is no new thing for presbyterians to think power a sufficient call to act illegally . * as mr. rule himself did . * just like the roman catholick church , an vniversal particular . pag. 167. * witness their many covenants , and engagements to that purpose . * rule 's 2d vindication of the kirk . * even tho' it be solidly refuted by a sciolist . * vid rules 2d . vindication , pag. 88. & 177. * honestly come by . * a sham . * rent . * strange . * frown . * hugg . * get. * dish . * accounts . * rent . * spilt . † goods . * engage . * bankrupt debters . * yearn . * noise * ill manner'd . * foolish song . * sculk ▪ * give him credite . * empty . * a box. * sack full of grains * streets . * table ●ead . * husband . * rent . * toped over . * in the hand of a notary . * fondled darling . * foolish child . * accounts . * longing . * higle . * pampered . * breding . * over and above . * put to auction . * pag. 80. notes for div a35017-e17620 * distaff . * beke . * large dish . * great . * hood . * trip. * knew not . * a course . * nasty . * pulled and haled . * clutches ▪ * sound bang . * kill . * christmass . * gay . † smock . * foolish wench . * hen-peckt men . * beats . * dwarfie . * rifle a magpies-nest . * pettish . † old kindness . † wait not . * intreating . ‖ thin dung of young children . † such . † hold. † two english quarts . * english pint. † haste . * childrens toyes and rattles . * to flout . † know. ‡ deep dish . † a strong porrage . * breeches . † little children . * pu●l . † too familiar . † child . † neat or cattle . † low. * whisper . ‖ letters of arrestment . † absconding . * nesty . † absconding * two-pence half-penny . † all 's not well . * mischief doing . † thin dung. * christmass . † hold. * wooden cups . † two wombs . † piece of money . * the name of a great river which washes the walls of that city . * trifles . * raise on action before the judges , and arrest him . * stark mad . * tinkar . notes for div a35017-e23600 * dunghils . * smoke . * brains . * pruins . * weaned . * jump * little mouse . * gain . * king james was then in ireland . * ill mannered . * when he could not stand without a supporter . * pretty . * much in need . * troublesome . * encountered . * slipper . * another cup full of it . * dunghill . * run a tick with him . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the ordinance against the common-prayer-book . * king ch. his most pious and pertinent prayer . the english presbyterian and independent reconciled setting forth the small ground of difference between them both. an english gentleman, a well-willer to the peace of his country. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a38477 of text r220208 in the english short title catalog (wing e3113a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 230 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 62 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a38477 wing e3113a estc r220208 99831630 99831630 36095 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38477) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36095) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2125:11) the english presbyterian and independent reconciled setting forth the small ground of difference between them both. an english gentleman, a well-willer to the peace of his country. [2], 140 p. printed for edward brewster at the sign of the crane in pauls church-yard, london : 1656. other editions of this work are attributed to "an english gentleman, a well-willer to the peace of his country". reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng presbyterianism -england -early works to 1800. a38477 r220208 (wing e3113a). civilwar no the english presbyterian and independent reconciled. setting forth the small ground of difference between them both. english gentleman, a well-willer to the peace of his country 1656 37669 172 110 0 0 11 0 104 f the rate of 104 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the english presbyterian and independent reconciled . setting forth the small ground of difference between them both . london , printed for edward brewster at the sign of the crane in pauls church-yard . 1656. the english presbyterian and independent reconciled . the great , long , and heavy troubles brought upon the three kingdoms under the late king's dominions complained of in the discourse and a meditations of the book called [ the kings pourtrayture , ] have had other causes from whence they originally did spring , and have derived their being from a more antient date of time , than of what the author of that book complaines of the king's complyance , and giving way unto the death of a lord , a favorite of his mentioned in that book , when as the late jealousies between the king and his party on the one side , and the court of parliament on the other grown into civil broils , and having for many years disturbed the peace of his kingdomes , cannot be ascribed to any other visible motive , than to a more generall and universall one at first , iniustice and oppression practised where no power was able to resist , for if as the b wise man observes , righteousnes exalts a nation , sheweth also how the king's throne may be established ; by the rule of contraries , iniustice overthrows a nation , and by his listening unto the wicked his throne is thrown down . the next motive whereunto the continuation of these troubles mentioned in that booke may be ascribed , is unto the violence and heat in the prosecuting their severall interests , upon the one party's mis-apprehending the subject of the quarrell , both parties pretending to the preservation of the common peace , and severally setting forth the justice of their cause , the reason and equity of their proceedings , which hath produced so much sedition , strife , and faction , that untill in more of all sides a right and perfect understanding be had , the common-wealth is likely to remain , as a long time it hath , in a languishing and sad estate : severall discourses have been vented , diverse bookes of an opposite sort each to other published to vindicate and cleare the one , to calumniate and traduce the other party , when as there is but one truth and justice , which both parties challenge to be theirs , laying the iniquity and wrong-doing to their adversaryes charge . a scrutiny made into the falshood and counterfeit glosses practised by the one , an equitable acceptation of the just interest and pleading of the other , a serious and true examining the various writings on either part , what hath passed in the transaction of their affairs might stint the quarrel , the observing how the one party in their declarations have unjustly and deeply charged the other of severall crimes and misdeamenours , thereby wronging their own proceedings , in the manner of their dealing , might convince the adversary , and consequently put a speedy period to this contention . when about eleven years since , the king c from the urgency of his own affairs ( as is given out in his behalf , ) from indeed his contesting with his subjects of scotland , about their endeavouring to defend their antient constitutions , summoned this parliament , and by his writ confined it to such a time and place , when the matters were debated there , the convention being full and free , so by himself acknowledged , that which seemed displeasing and not consonant to his will , was attempted to be made frustrate by his power ; which the parliament being sensible of , and foreseeing future and forcible attempts to be made upon their priviledges , sought on the other side to maintain their power and rights , to relieve their fellow subjects suffering under the late oppressions offered by the ministers of justice against the peoples liberties against the known & fundamental laws ; the infringing of which added to the late jealousies entertained by our neighbouring nation the scotish , and divers of the english nation , was in most mens judgment , the first ascent to these divisions . oppression , injustice in the king his party first , then their contending to defend and excuse themselves , to accuse and retort on the parliament and their party the guilt of their own demeanor , wherein when they could not prevaile , their desire and pursuit of making good their accusation encreased the division to this height ; how and by what degrees it went higher , what projects and practices to get the upper hand , follows in this narration ; in the resenting which , all men seemed engaged either in affections and tacite wishings , or in action , some to the one , others to the other party , most unto that which they conceived was ordained , and then convened to preserve peace and justice , which by the other had been not long before disturbed . not by the way , that it is thence inferred that the parliaments cause was therfore the better or more just because the most and greatest part of people then sided with them , or that the king's parties cause is so now , in that so many are faln off from the pa●● . and that party , some upon dissenting in opinion , others grudging at , without duly weighing the reasons of the parliaments actings , most indeed troubled at being subject to their power & government , by reason of the impositions & taxes , wch . for a time they do lie under & repine to pay not looking back to the first occasioners of the war , but fondly conceiving , because they feel not the fury of a prevalent hostility & war , that therefore there is no war ; but because the people , the wiser sort at least , long since knew the benefit and use , the dignity & necessity of that court as the supreme judicatory of the kingdom , therefore the antient authority thereof to be maintained , the power and priviledges not to be infringed or violated , they knowing the end wherefore that court was instituted at first , by an ancient , necessary , and wholesom * law of giving redresse to grievances in a common-wealth ; of what quality the persons assembled by solemn writ should be , directing how they were to be habited , to defend their country against all force opposing them , as by the d emblem of valour required in them it may appear . and no question if the kings of this realm have deputed none to place of iustice , but e meunltz valiantz as king edward the 3. expresseth it , none but such are to defend & serve their country in the highest place of judicature . that as to this present parliament the king himself in his f answer to a declaration sent him from both houses of lords and commons doth confesse and allow them a full and iuridicall power to iudge and determine the most doubtfull , high , and weightiest crimes , and causes , although he seems to limit it again by particular cases , and regularly brought before them , acknowledging withal g together with the lords and commons assembled at oxford ) the privileges of parliament to be so substantiall and entire a right , that the invasion of the liberties of either house , as the course of parliaments was then , & heretofore held , was an iniury to the other , and to the whole kingdome . in severall his messages returned unto their propositions , he repeats and confirms the same judgement of and concerning their full and ample power , being lawfully summoned , and by a law consented unto by himselfe in full parliament , not to be dissolved unless by their own consent : notwithstanding which , severall attempts of force and violence were offered , as far as his and his parties power could extend it self , to the dissolving it , by contending to divide and scatter them , accusing the remaining part of the members sitting in the house at westminster of being rebells , so being divided , to account no other of the parliament at westminster , than he did soone after the pacification made with his scotish subjects , of the parliament in scotland , terming them h [ the divided members of that distracted parliamentary body remaining at edinburgh ] so that as to the parliament of england , it must be confessed , that he meaned not what he expressed , in allowing to them that lati-tude of power and priviledges , or that his party hath since prevailed with him to renounce that judgement , which he declared to have had of them . that the contentions at the first sitting of the house were upon the point about matters of fact , what things were done , what projected to be done , how the king and his ministers of justice had demeaned themselves since the beginning of his reign , how many oppressions of severall kinds had been offered by them , how they had offended against the known lawes in an arbitrary way of government , which being disputed by all men as they conversed together , or within themselves , a division could not be avoided , but must break out into contrariety of opinions and affections , consequently into partyes and engagings as their judgements should direct , some likely to adhere unto the king , contending to make him absolute , to doe whatsoever he pleased , others contending on the other hand to have him govern according to the lawes as bound by his oath , the result from out the differences betwixt them both , could be no other than for the one party knowing what of late had passed , to endeavour a redresse , to consult a remedy against the like exorbitances , withall that there was no other visible power in being to emulate and check a king 's except a parliament's , i the power and priviledges of which court in rivalship with the kings have been many wayes manifested in the actings and contestings betwixt their powers . in the present contention betwixt which , it is not so much what hath accidentally fallen out in the progresse of this war , as what hath been actually and intentionally attempted to be done , which foments the quarrell , or decides the controversy , that this parliament in contending to maintaine their power , their friends and assistants against their enemies confronting them ▪ was by an high hand interrupted and opposed ; and if we take our neighbour nation the k scots their judgment in the stating the occasion of this vvarre , and the enemies designe , this parliament was for no other reason called then to give the king relief and aid against their comming into england ; this the occasion of the league and union betwixt us and them . on these and the like grounds , they knowing what had been attempted against their nationall lawes and rights , foreseeing what the event was like to be in case they did not bear with patience , knowing also in what condition the english at or near that time were , what declarations the king had published against some , what severe courses he had taken against other members of the parliament of england , which the historian notes the dejected people were enforced to endure with patience , and to allow against their own reason ; the scots considering withall , that if of themselves they made resistance without the aid of friends they were too weak a power , that if they delayed their course for remedy too long , their friends and strength might have been prevented , and knowing before hand that there are but two remedies applyable to the approach of dangers [ prevention and recovery ] the first the right hand rather the heart of policy , the other the left and after-game , they begun before any preparations made for or against a vvar , with sending to the parliament of england a iustification of their proceedings , intreating them to be wary in vindicating their own lawes and liberties , to frustrate the designs of those evill counsellours who had procured this parliament for no other end than to arme the king with warlike supplies against his scotish subjects , and by that warre to enslave if not to ruine both nations ; that after many violations and dissolutions of parliaments in england , this was not to redresse grievances , but to be so over-reached , if they were not carefull and couragious , that no possibility should be left for the future redressing any ; that so dangerous practises might be well suspected when at the same time a parliament was denyed to scotland ( although promised on the word of a king ) granted to england when not expected , and obtruded upon ireland when not desired . the rise of all which was from the anger which the scots knew the king conceived against them for some particular acts of theirs charged with disloyalty , as ( without recounting all other differences and jealous●es betwixt him and them ) that they refused and declared against the messages sent them to receive the service-book obtruded on them ; for which as for vindicating themselves from the like charged disloyalties , they were accused by the king to have wrote a l letter to the k. of france , imploring his protection , as weary of their obedience to their owne king ; for which disloyall letter ( as it was termed ) a chief m peer of theirs was imprisoned and condemned to dye . that the pacification had and made to take away all differences past , and which might ensue betwixt the king , the english and the scots , by the prudent and joynt advice of a select committee of english and scotish lords , as to remove all jealousies betwixt both nations , was , soone after it was made , sco●ned and slighted , the scots then complaining in their informations made unto the english , their friends and brethren , of many injuries they had received since the pacification made , and contrary to that agreement . this was the condition of the scots , these the very words of their remonstrance , that the union and brotherly league , entred into by both nations , was no otherwise construed than an invitation in the one , and invasion of n forreiners in the other nation , and howsoever the charge in the 7. articles , exhibited against the 5 members of the house of commons , and one lord of the house of peers was laid to those few onely , yet probably it had reached many other of the english nation , had not the first assault of violence in the kings party miscarried as it did ; but wherefore were those articles exhibited against those members , and the king attempt in an hostile array to seize their persons in the house of commons which when he could not effect he was blamed by some of his neerest friends for not seizing some others in their stead as hath been credibly given out , so that nothing was properly to be laid to the charge of those six , when as the same crimes were to be fitted to any other in the house ; the articles charged on them are elsewhere mentioned by a gentleman who hath writen the history of the parliament of england , and those six gentlemen charged to be ringleaders in the committing severall treasons but how justly ? in every designe and purpose there is some more activity in one , two , three , or more than in the rest , and every conpleated act is first the conception and motion of some few individuall persons , than the consent of the rest , if the first motioners of such a designe shall for their forwardnesse without any advantage to themselves , be therefore accused of treason , and in a violent way pursued , and when their persons could not be met with others of their fellow members were to be seized in their room , it could not but strike at the root of the subjects liberty the power and privileges of parliament : so many sad and direful notes could not but portend a war against one or both nations , as time and opportunity should best serve to manage the design in hand , or else the parliament , knowing themselves to be a free and full convention , in all parts a parliament , both in the substance and form , summoned by the kings writ to meet , &c. as in the circumstance of time and place , must submit to the will and pleasure of an o incensed king , so to be dissolved , or awed at pleasure , or to have boundaries put upon their acts and counsels , by such as they knew to be corrupt , and would have removed from the king , to the end his throne might be established ; which desire of theirs was on the other side counterpoised by a factiously framed and superstitious maxime amongst his favourites , that if a king will suffer men to be torne from him , he shal never have any good service done him : so that in this doubt and perplexity , whether the parliament should submit , desist , or act according to their trust , they thought it neerly and necessarily concerned them to provide for their own & the kingdoms safety , for the publick welfare , some of their members being impeached and charged , two kingdoms provoked and m●na●ed , the p third also likely to bear a part in the broils of the other two , the king himselfe jealous and displeased to see the parliament ( then at distance with him in transaction of matters concerning the three kingdomes ) petitioned and appealed unto , termed in an envious and scornfull way by some of his party omnipotent , others murmuringly upbraiding that it was idolized , himself as it were neglected and left out , none or seldome addresses made to him , which by the author of the q {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is with much indignation urged , that some few of the members of the house were more looked on as greater protectors of the laws and liberties than the king , and so worthier of publique protection . hence it was that the parliament had a narrow path to tread between their hopes to regain the kings lost favour after many evidences of his anger poured forth , and their hazarding the ruine of those principles , whereon they did first engage , that they thus acting knew well that their cause was just , their war defensive , as was at the beginning of these troubles by a r gentleman of good abilities , in an excellent speech of his , delivered to that purpose , setting forth the enemies series and succession of designes to interrupt the parliament , as first by awing and taking away the freedom of it by an army , then actually assaulting it , and with the sword to cut asunder the onely nerves which strengthens and knits together the king and people , the people amongst themselves , and the whole frame of government in one firme and indissoluble knot of peace and vnity ; that the parliaments taking up arms was to defend onely , to repell the force , and violence practised by a few of the king's side at first , afterwards to provide against the mischief which his party heightned through rage against the parliament , pretence of loyalty towards the king , might severall wayes intend ; that their resisting his and his parties practices was then judged and discoursed to be for no other end then to maintain their own just privileges in order to the maintenance of the lawes and liberties of their fellow subiects ; that for these familiar reasons here ensuing no man would imagine that they d●● intend an offensive warre , to engage the subjects one against the other , or the king against themselves ; an instance thereof may be fully seen in these particulars following . i. first , for that they could not but foresee that the consequences of a war , falling ou● betwixt a people oppress●d , a court of parliament provoked , and a king displeased , ſ ( counsell and duty on the one being recompenced with indignation and reproach on the other side ) would prove calamitous and sad , but on which side the calamity would fall with greatest force & fury very uncertain , when as besides the two parties immediately engaged one against the other , a middle and neutrall part worse a● wel in the t kings partyes accompt as in the u parliaments , would fall in as opportunity should serve . ii. that it being presumed the aim and counsells of the parliament , and all men else ●●ing for peace and justice , a war once waged would hinder and destroy their aims , & produce more overtures for discord more fresh supplies for quarrelling , in the prosecuting which , many unexpected chances would fall out to increase the discord , as in the controversies between man and man , he who hath not been so forward and visibly active for them unto whom he did adhere , as in every particular opinion of theirs concurrent with them , shall be traduced and accused by them also for a neutrall or an enemy , when as men not at all assisting have therefore been by the one party convicted neutralls and thereupon pronounced w forsworne . iii. that amidst their hopes of conquering , there would not be wanting discontented and seditious humors even out of their own first party to traduce and vilifie their proceedings , if not consonant to their particular humours and fantasies , that those humours would be fed and animated by the first and common enemy on purpose to divide and weaken the prevailing power . iv. that divers other consequences likely to result from war would prove harsh and irksom to a people born free and governed under laws and peace , as that the soldiery and prevailing power knowing their own opportunity and strength , would be apt to intermeddle with private interests , or at least the people would be jealous of it , to the perver●ing justice and trampling down the lawes , which in a time of peace distristributes to every man his iust right , so that the people would not onely want the blessing of peace , but grow subject to the oppression , charges , and injuries incident to a vvar. v. the parliament could not but foresee that in case a vvar were to be waged , their own countrey-men both officers and private souldiers must fight it out , souldiers of fortune when they have gained , will sometimes desist their undertakings and leave off the service . vi . that the english were unaccustomed to war , and by reason of their easie and soft way of breeding not fitted to the discipline and managing thereof , neither able to endure the hardship and duties of a vvar , howbeit experience hath otherwise proved it . vii . that the english gallantry and their courage unacquainted with the conditions of a warfare , and the temper requisite to a souldier , might make them upon every discontent as apt to mutiny and resist as fight . viii . the parliament could not but be sensible withal of their fellow subjects , that the apprehension of engaging would carry with it a sad aspect , all men unwilling to and wary how they did engage , that if they did engage the engaging parties on either side when they see the face of a vvar inevitably approaching , would and must for their better strength and union betake themselves to what policy , pacts and leagues they could , defensive and offensive , as to bind themselves and friends by vow and covenant , which being to consist of severall heads and parts to be without much study or delay framed , for fear of their enemies gaining time on them could not be so exactly and entirely devised , but might admit of a doubtfull sense , how to be understood , in part or in the whole , so consequently divide the covenanters within themselves . ix . that when they should have gained a power , they must to maintain the same , engage and enforce all men to acknowledge and conform unto their power , thence hazarding the repute and censure of becomming usurpers over their fellow-subjects , of exercising an arbitrary and tyrannicall power over the peoples estates and consciences . x. they could not but withall know that which side soever should prevail both sides would be losers , the king and kingdome vast sufferers in the losse , as they in an humble and dutifull x message , although contrariwise interpreted , did in the sadnesse of their hearts foretel the king . xi . that in this war the prevailing power would be to seeke ( to carry an even & well tempered hand ) how to deal with the vanquished their own countreymen , and mistaken fellow-subjects , for 't was a misunderstanding which first made the rent between them , scorn to acknowledge and retract their errour widened and continued it ; amongst which doubtings if they did inflict too heavy a punishment , either pecuniary by mulct , or corporall by imprisonment , 't would seem unjust and harsh from the conquerour , being of their own nation , and keep off the hopes of reconcilement and re-union ; if too gentle and remisse , 't would leave and allow the conquered a power and means of recovering their power again . xii . that if the parliament should in any degree prevaile , there would want no policy or stratagems to disturb and interrupt their further prevailing , all falshoods , impostures , counterseitings , semblances of friendship , of busines & commerce to be practised against them and their successe , as by forrein tenders from abroad , private addresses here at home , all from the same dis-affected and troubled fountain , moved and stirred by the enemy on purpose to divert their thoughts and counsels , to retard and hinder their progresse and successe . xiii . that above all in the doubtful events of war as it was likely to fall out betwixt persons offending on the part hating to be reformed , and a court of parliament on the other , chosen and set apart to redresse grievances in a commonwealth , offendors would apply themselves for refuge to the king a supreme power , whom if he did protect , y ( making thereby the offendors faults his own ) would without dispute revert to his dishonor , and consequently beg●t a jealousie and difference betwixt him and his people ; and if the parliment should take ill his protecting them , there would issue a contest kindling and preparatory to a war , thence if the king engaged , and the parliament resisted or fought , they could not hope if they were subdued to avoyd the charge of high-treason , nor think it an easie thing in the first beginning of their strength to prove conquerours over a king seated a long time in an ancient monarchy , invested with many advantages of power , and guarded with courtiers , friends of all sorts , servants , and favourites , all of which had their retinue also and traine of freinds to assist in case of needing such : besides , the king if resisted and opposed , and thence a war fall out betwixt him and his subjects , they could not hope soon , or suddenly to overcome him , but the war must be of some continuance , the seat thereof in the bowels and best parts of the kingdome , nor to be onely an intestine war at home , but forreign forces to be expected from abroad , for that the king to maintain his cause would endeavour to engage other kings in his quarrell to take part with him upon this suggestion , that their subjects by the example of his may doe the like , how treasonable and dangerous a president it is for subiects to rise in armes against their king : when as unto them who have known the state and government of other kingdoms , the case between other kings and their subjects is far different from this both in the manner and frequency of his offendings ( as the charges and remonstrances of both houses of parliament published to the world have declared ) touching his actions and demeanour during or neer the time of his whole reign as also , in the condition and quality of the government of this kingdom different by many notes of distinction limited from all other throughout europe ; all states and kingdomes having their peculiar laws , constitutions , forms of government , degrees of subjection in the governed : this having been no absolute but a limited and mixt monarchy , where the king was ( as a great z lawyer takes his dimension ) singulis maior , universis minor , &c. wherefore if amongst other nations , our neighbouring a kingdome by reason of the commotions and civil broyls in it shall as some of them do object , that the subiects of this having taken up arms against the kings parties attempts and force , have infected the subiects of that kingdome with the like disposition and designe of disobedience and rebellion ; 't is answered , the government of that differs in their laws , manners , constitutions , and policies , as much from this as two christian kingdoms may in theirs ; and as to the matter of freedom the old received saying mentions the different wayes of government betwixt us and them , betwixt the king of that realm commanding on his part whatsoever he pleaseth , and the subjects obeying on theirs , in that it is commonly said , howbeit with too acute and bold a censure , that their king is asinorum rex , the king of england hominum ; for no other reason than that the people of the one are subject and obedient to the will and arbitrary government of theirs , the people of england pay a known and limited obedience by the lawes , which the king is alike sworn to keep by his practice in his own person , and by his power to maintaine it towards others , as the people to obey . the lawes , customes , and constitutions of england as a b noble prince and peer of france observes , are of another forme of government differing from all other nations , some being free-states , others simply and absolutely monarchies , having power , and as they think also right to inforce and conform all under them to slavery and vassallage . xiiii . that if the parliament notwithstanding these attempts and practices against their power should prevail , they would and must to keep up their power , lay taxes and payments on the people , who when the war did seem or was neer an end , their complaint would be , and that with repining and murmuring [ the war is ended , the taxes and payments yet continued ] not considering that it is of as great concernment to keep as to gaine a victory , nor sensible of the quiet and safety which through the counsel and vigilancy of the higher powers they doe enjoy , and other countries infested with the like civil wars doe want , when as the parliament in case of their prevailing were to weigh withall the doubts and dangers attending them , the care , jealousie and fears which no men but would avoid the troubles of , and such as they must be subject to untill the conquest be fully made , the cares against the surprizall of their enemy , the jealousie of friends proving false , or falling off , the feares of losing what they should gaine ; all these being passive more serious and anxious than the hopes of the adverse part , feares more deeply seizing and disquieting the conquerours spirits especially whilest their victory is accompanied with study and thoughts of mercy towards the conquered , hopes in the vanquished being more bold and active , raising thoughts working still how to recover what they have lost . xv . again , they could not but consider that in a war with them , the king their enemy would have some of his party fit and able to inveigh and declaim against them as being rebels for contending with him , wherefore in case of the parliaments prevailing untill a full conquest made , they being subject to the charge of rebellion , treason , and accused thereof , as by several edicts and declarations published it hath fallen out ; and that the king with the help of his c chronicler hath in a continued tone named them the rebells at westminster , perjured , and nothing since of pardon to assoil them from such guilt to repeale such censure , could not but expect to be dealt with by their enemies thirsting after revenge and conquest with vices of as sharp an edge to revenge and wound as with dissembling , treachery , falshood , perjury , whilst the parliament and their friends are in the state of traytors , as the kings party counteth them , and nothing done by him to clear them from such guilt , t is held but just to recompence treason with treachery , forswearing with forswearing , and all held honest means in order to the chastising rebells , and good enough to be practiced against the power of traytors , casting and scattering the seeds of those vices even amongst the parliaments own friends , to divide them within themselves , to cut asunder the tyes and ligaments which should strengthen their accord , that being weakned they may be overcome at last ; so the dissembling , fraud and art which the loser practiseth as his means of recovering his loss , may teach the winner as his means to keep what he hath got , xvi . that all disasters and evils , whether sicknesse , dearth , or what calamities soever happening through and by reason of such numerous bodies as an army consists of , what enormities and errors committed or suffered either in church or state , an army can by their strength defend , and justifie , none daring to question them , so all the evils and injuries done to be laid to the charge of the present power , which governs and rules no better in the peoples account , thence reckoning all the disasters of the war to flow , not looking on the first occasion and authors of the war . neither doth the peoples regreet and iealousie cease in this surmise , for that moreover there are to be agents and officers belonging to , and providing for an army ( receivers , expenditors , treasurers ) others , too many to be here recited , who in troubled waters will bring in to their private banke what is to be raised for the publique use , and that the warre and calamities thereof are protracted through their corruption and privy gainings . xvii . that in a battle fought which side soever should prevaile , there would fall ou● enough to disturbe and divide the thoughts of either side ( the conquered and conquerour ) fears and doubtings in the conquered , whether they should wholly yeeld unto the conquerour , or entertaine hopes of recovering their losse againe , pride and insolence in the conquerours dividing them likewise into variety of opinions what course were fittest to be taken for their next atchievement , the distractions thereof have sometimes overthrown an army , the commander in chief being not at al times present nor his judgment at any time infallibly certain to direct , and when a d victory shall be gained , which naturally is proud , and by pride comes contentions , emulations , and variances in actions as well as in opinions , the conquerors strength would be thereby weakned , and thence in danger to be lost . xviii . that untill a compleat and full conquest made , which could not be without much pressure , and heavy sufferings on the vanquished , without charge and payments layd on all , enemies , friends ( enemies in being fined for their delinquency , friends burthened by reason of their expence and charge in the publique service , of providing for the common peace , for the maintenance of the souldiery and the like ) an army was to be continued and maintained to prevent insurrections here at home , inroads and invasions from abroad , that the army was to consist of multitudes of souldiers , those multitudes would have their severall humours and opinions tending to divisions , consequently to the destruction and ruine of the whole , that without an extraordinary care to please and satisfie them in their demands , there would be mutinying , revolting , and inconstancy in the private souldiery for want of judgment to discern for what they fought . xix . that if the conquerours power should at any time abate , before a full and totall conquest made , he would be put to it what course to take to encrease it againe , forcing and impressing men to fight in a cause so intricate , as unto some it seemed then , and for a long time controverted as this hath been would prove harsh and irksom and would meet with resistance in a people made and born free , unlesse their pay and reward be answerable to , yea beyond their meritings . xx . that in the confusion of a civill warre , many dissentions and emulations upon true or misapprehended grounds , would fall out amongst the orders and ranks of men , to disturb and overthrow the degrees and dependencies each on other , according to their severall and respective qualities , all begetting and fomenting an universall distraction throughout the kingdom , not easily to be allayed in the heat and preparations to a warre , untill a deliberate and true examining the misunderstandings which the fury of a war begun would scarce endure , should set it aright . xxi that if new and sub-divisions should fall out amongst themselves in matters of judgement or opinion , and thence contentions grow , the prevailing party would be to seek how to deale with those who formerly had been their friends , and heretofore assisted them in their greatest wants , but since by reason of new dissentions have discontinued their affections acting and labouring against their proceedings , whether in point of gratitude they should forbear to punish them as their adversaries , or in point of safe●y take such a course as may best defend and secure them , and themselves also , from the common enemy . xxii . that a vvarre , the longer it continues , the more cruel and desperate it would grow ; for that , when as one party hath prevailed , and afterwards the victory comes againe to be disputed , the successe grow doubtfull , the prevailing power must , and with good reason would , punish their adversaries with a severer hand , the adversaries out of foresight thereof would be the more sedulous to prevent , the more active to provide against such severity , so the contention between them would become the more extream . xxiii . that , in the summe of all , a vvarre although of a short continuance would produce more mischiefs , more sects and schisms , more disorder and disturbances in a commonwealth , than a peace restored againe , although of many years growth would recover to its former temper . so many anxieties , so much evill incident to a civill war , could not but keep wise men from harbouring the least thoughts of leavying one , yea to say more on the parliaments behalfe , and their desires of peace , after the war was waged , and to prevent the effusion of more blood , their offering and accepting treaties , have manifested the same ; that when in thei● battails fought , they were at the highest tyde of successe , they did not refuse to treat , nor when at the lowest ebbe forbeare to fight . these prudentiall reasons incident to , and consequent on a warre , and to wise men obvious to have been foreseen could not but induce them to decline a warre , yea deter them from levying one , these might withall together with many more which might be added hereunto , and put into the ballance with the objections offered by the kings party [ to prove the parliaments designe of overthrowing monarchy , which they could not doe but by a warre , ] will outweigh the objections , and imprint in all men who shall impartially look into the beginnings and progress of this war an undoubted knowledge of the parliaments just actings , and these reasons of foresight together with what hath past , might satisfie all knowing and discerning men that if the parliament did intend to levy a war against the kings evill councellours , the kingdomes e pests and vipers , rather then they should be borne down in their just defence , they did not intend to levy one against the king who had as many friends to adhere unto as the parliament had enemies of many sorts offendors interested and obnoxious persons to confront and oppose them in their proceedings . the reasons being now set forth which might give assured satisfaction to the reader of the parliaments aversenesse from a war , of their desires for peace , it is to be equally considered what may be brought in by way of opposition against the applying them rather to the parliaments interest than to the kings . if it be retorted as an objection against the parliament and their friends , that the kings party being discerning and prudent men , might have made use of the self same reasons for their declining a warre also being of the like prudence and foresight : 't is answered , they being invested with a ful and ample power of the king and his adherents it might breed in them a greater confidence of prevailing , and so were not to be conceived to apprehend so many doubts and fears in their undertaking a war as the court of parliament did . the chief matter of objection which their enemies give out whether published in print or discoursed onely is that three or four gentlemen of quality of popular note as they render them before the beginning of this warre , chosen members of the house of commons together with a baron of the realme , a peer of the house of lords , dwelling in neighbouring counties each to other , and sojourning before the beginning of these troubles with a f gentleman a neighbour and friend of theirs did there conspire or contrive the overthrow of monarchy , to alter the frame of government with intent to act against the power and person of the king : if neither of these contrivances or intents appeared by any discourse , letters or other acts of theirs , the objectors shew more spleen against those gentlemen then reason in drawing a prejudicial conclusion against the parliament from their owne feigned or mis-conceived premises . many the like objection may be devised and whispered on purpose to traduce the cause and persons now opposed , but unless the truth were proved , and the inference better framed , the objections are of little use . did not the parliament suffer more through divisions within themselves , then by such arguments and inferences used by their adversaries , such like calumnies could not hurt them ; for that they have now got the upper hand they seem notwithstanding to divide anew , with apparance and approach of danger to both the divided parties , the one leaning on a covenant which party supposeth it to enjoyn and hold a presbyterian form of government , the other contending for a kinde of independency , as 't is called , yet it is to be presumed that neither the independent which seems a privative , nor the presbyterian a positive forme , can as yet during these distractions be firmly and throughly established , such contentions may unhappily beget a quarrel to the overthrow of both upon their conquering , which will be held rather an event of the conquerours good successe than from any self-wilfull humour , many on either side being sober and discerning gentlemen , which division if it should continue , what may be guessed to be the event thereof , that for the sake of a few dissenting in opinion we should fall out within our selves , or that a neighbouring nation of late our friends and fellow-sufferers g whose aid and union might have been of mutuall security and use to us both should fall out with us or we with them , and so imbroil two kingdoms at the least in an irreconcileable war about differences in opinion , about termes meerly notionall , about opinions strange and unknown to them ( in the first war they knew for what they fought ) about a form of government , which hath not nor can take root until the warre which confounds and overthrows all government be ended ; the direct and certain issue in the tryall of the first contention betwixt the king and parliament was whether the king having by his creatures actually invaded the subjects liberties ( the other differences in church and state are collaterall accidentally emergent out of the grand difference about the first and more principall ( viz. ) the subjects liberty ) the court of parliament should sit as scepticks to look on onely without purposing or endeavouring to redresse the same , or to be so confined in their consultations and resolutions , as their enemies should prescribe , or the extreamest of all , be so driven to new councels , to extraordinary high and severe proceedings , to courses seldome practised , ( the passages and quality of the persons with with whom they had to deal being weighed withall ) as where the disease is imminently dangerous the mischief desperate , the cure must be answerable , or the whole body perish for want of a timely and prudent remedy to be applyed : the parliaments actions if therefore rigid and severe as to their enemies , if variable and uncertaine as to their selves may in these streights and exigencies whereunto they are driven and forced for safety be dispenced with : it seems to fare with them as with seafaring men in a boysterous storme who are fain to steer their vessell , which way they may best secure their fraught and charge , sometimes northerly sometimes plain north , sometimes northwest , sometimes northeast , sometimes plain south , sometimes north againe , so from one cross point unto another having still the harbour and end of their voyage in their eye , so with them encountring with such uncertainty and variety of oppositions from their enemyes , ( yet all meeting in one center to the subversion of their power and strength ) such non-conformity & dissention even amongst themselvs & friends that they cannot yet act within a direct , certain , and constant compasse , to please all lookers on , their ayme and end notwithstanding may be one and the same [ the defence of the lawes , the peoples liberties , and the maintenance of the supremest law the peoples safety ] yea their edicts , orders , and ordinances devised and made in jealous ▪ and troubled times cannot well be free from all exception , many of their adversaries being knowing and prudent men if their animosity and height of spirit would give way to the exercise of their knowledge upon their consulting and conferring their observations to what they have known and read can no doubt frame exceptions against the parliaments proceedings , as the acute and more witty sort can deride and make sport at them in their looser jests and poems : neither will any man imagin that in the fiercenes and heat of preparations for a war , when their chief thoughts of providing to assaile and to defend were most attentive and wholly taken up , that then they could devise so punctually exact and perfe●t laws and ordinances as perpetually to bind , or such as no specious objections might be urged against the consonancy of some of their late ordinances to former and wholsome lawes ; yet whilst their endeavours are to maintaine and defend the main principles ( viz. ) god's honour , the subjects liberty ( the one in danger to be born downe , the other by severall arbitrary act● of power invaded ) and the laws and ordinances for maintenance of both by the same power made in-effectuall and neglected : when the parliament in defence thereof saw how they were interrupted in their proceedings how compassed about with a potent enemy surrounded with many advantages of power and policy to bend his forces against them under the calumny of being rebellious subjects they were to provide alike how to preserve and secure by all possible means what he did attempt to overthrow ; wherein they could not tread so even and precise a way in making all their acts and ordinances as to be free from being quarrelled , with , that no reasons might be framed and arguments raised by such as were likely to prove their adversaries against some of such their ordinances yet the intent and ultimate end of their undertaking may be one and the same [ the preservation of the lawes , the maintenance of the chief and supremest law the peoples h safety , ] wherein if they shall faile or not be able to make it good , we know by some late years since experience how barbarously and cruelly their enemy's malice did shew it self against them as being reputed rebells , in case he shall recover his power againe , how a desperate revenge added to will second his first and furious cruelty , and to crown his glory , as for the better exalting his pretence he shall impute it unto gods justice saying [ it is the lord's doing ( it may be his suffering it through their divisions ) and it is marvelous in our eyes that he hath wrested the sword out of our enemies hands and put it into ours , for no man he will say can think that rebellion as he takes it shall for ever passe unpunished ] th●n when he hath regained his power , he will not want arguments from his own , nor from a neutrall party siding with him upon his conquering , to bring whom he pleaseth within the compasse of treason and rebellion to make the parliament mens persons and acts his i sport and scorne , those proclamations of his lately accusing and proscribing many of both houses of parliament as guilty of high treason , with other edicts of his to be revived , those sentences and judgments seriously denounced against them and their proceedings , the scoffs and flouts jestingly pass'd on the parliament and their friends and by the wi● and power of their adversaries made good against them whey they have lost their power ; which power is visible yet , their strength not shortned , the great difficulties the fierce conflicts which they have wrestled with , the revolting of their friends , the multiformity of opinions amongst themselves might have have abated their successe and weakned their strength , had not an almighty hand supported them amongst those difficulties , never so many stratagems policies and falshoods practised by an enemy to impaire the parliaments strength to advance his own , but that the god of truth hath discomfited and dispelled them all , in which whither ●he hath done it in favour to the justice of their cause , or in his fore-knowledge of their enemy's malice to be avenged if he could have got the upper hand , i leave to the judgment of the cryed up k author who hath more fitly observed that gods wise providence often permits what his revealed word approves not , then he hath suited his resembling of the parliaments successes to prosperous winds filling the sailes of pyrates to iustifie their pyracy , when as the giving or denying victory and courage in the day of battle is a more immediate and effectuall work of god's almighty power acting and taking an especiall care in the affairs of war . the reasons l offered against the covenant directory and negative oath are learnedly penned if as appositely applyed : to the two first , let the scots maintain what they were the first contrivers of themselves , yet thus much may be said on their and our part joyntly that the signification of the termes [ tyrant and king ] being opposite ( although in m homers time the word tyrant was taken in the better part ) the one the desolation , the other the n foundation of a people , both nations declaring and accusing the king of tyranny neither of them could think that the frequent petitions in the common prayer book for and in the king's behalfe were to be used by his people , himself being in open arms against them : the common prayer book was confirmed by a statute law in a princes time who at the beginning of her reigne having redeemed the protestant religion out of the bondage of popery and superstition did by her piety and prowesse keep her people in peace and plenty , and therefore might deserve their prayers when and as often as the liturgy prescribes . the ordinance for laying aside the service book for enjoying the directory is an act of their present iudgment who have done it , as the arguing against the directory from oxford is an act of theirs which they so represent as if their after-iudgement and second thoughts might admit what for the present they have reasoned against , who with a cautious modesty have argued and styled it their present iudgment : if positive lawes be subject to alteration and repeale , ordinances which bind only for the present may likewise be , so then a set form of prayer may be resumed and used according to the orthodox and true church discipline admitting also the most principall and necessary parts of divine service prescribed in the liturgy . so the negative oath , that none shall assist the king against the parliament and his people , &c. where a thing is commanded or forbidden by any powers , the withstanding and doing contrary to the command of such powers is a transgression punishable at their pleasure and discretion , whether it be by fining , imprisoning , according to the degree of the offence , wherefore the urging cap. 11. hen. 7. seems not applyable to the condition of this present quarrell ; for admit that neither of the three ( viz. the covenant , the directory , the negative oath ) be in the judgement of the convocation at oxford , and of many others free from being excepted against ; as that neither the covenant nor negative oath are to be imposed upon the subjects , yet the distinction being made between the times of peace and these of warre takes off from the value of the exceptions : where two parties are extremely opposite , each party striving to make good their interest , if the one may impose what oathes they please as the kings party did at oxford , to enjoyn all within their power ( whether satisfied in their consciences of the truth therof or no ) to swear that he was a just , pious and protestant prince , the present powers may enjoyne what they think fit in their prudence and knowledge of him to abrogate this latter oath , and to forbid the assisting him in the convocation house at oxford their examining the ordinance for enjoyning all the three particulars forementioned , they should as wel have examined the reasons of the ordaining them , they should have premised and stated the occasion the beginning of the warre how it came to be waged by whose means on which side the offensive , on which the defensive was ; for to measure the thing enjoyned by the particular events , by the subsequent and emergent actings , as what hath since fallen out , what hath been done what required to be done , is no good or adequate rule : had the matter occasioned been more suitable to the occasion , their exceptions against those ordinances had more availed their cause . the urging the transgression of a known law ( viz. ) the 11 of hen 7. 18. [ that none that shall attend upon the king & do him true service , shall be attainted or forfeit any thing ] fitteth not this present case , neither do they who urge the same , rightly examine the occasion and ground of enacting it , the parliaments imprisoning fining their enemies , is no transgression of that law if rightly and formally understood , and wherefore t was made ; the reason of enacting that law is to be weighed , it was not with the late king as with henry the seventh , the late king had no forraigne or domestique vvarres , none stood in rivalship with him for his crowne , he came in peace and by a lineall succession to it : when that law was made in the eleventh of henry the seventh his raigne and after his conquest made , many the like lawes were made in severall parliaments from his first comming to the crown in relation to the security and attendance upon his person meeting with a rebellion in the kingdom of ireland , mutinous and male-contented subjects in the kingdom here , ready to bid battell to him , the parliament called when that law was made ( therefore styled by a learned o writer a parliament of warre being indeed in substance a declaration only of a war against two potent kings charls the eighth of france & iames the fourth of scotland two neighbouring enemies of henry the seventh ) and then enacted with some statutes conducing thereunto as the severe punishing mortpayes and keeping back souldiers wages by their captaines , the like severity for the departure of souldiers without licence , strengthning of the common-law in favour of protections for those that were in the kings service , and setting the gate open and wide for men to sell and morgage their lands without fines for alienation to furnish themselves with money for the war , and lastly the voyding all scottish men out of england ; so the reader may observe wherefore that statute so much urged against this present parliament and on the kings behalfe was enacted which also the aforesaid writer judgeth to be more just then legall , more magnanimous than prudent , his reason was that it was both agreeable to reason of state that the subiects then should not enquire of the iustice of the kings title or quarrell , as also to good conscience that whatsoever the fruits of war were , the subiects should not suffer for their obedience , besides it did the better take away the occasion for the people to busie themselves to pry into the kings tytle or quarrell for that however it fell , their safety was already provided for , withall it could not but greatly draw unto him the love and hearts of his people because he seemed more carefull for them then for himself , the writer excellently disputes the quality of that statute setting forth the reason for , the inconvenience against the making it , observing also that it did take off from his party that great tye and spurre of necessity to go victours out of the field co●sidering their lives and fortunes were put in safety and protected whether they stood to it or ranne away , concluding the force and obligation of the law to be in it self illusory as to the latter part of it by a precedent act of parliament to bind and frustrate a future ; whenas a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude it self neither that which is in nature revocable be made fixed ▪ no more then if a men should appoint or declare by his will that if he made any latter will it should be void . the quality of the statute it self being considered as to the imprisoning fining some of the kings party for adhering unto for taking part with him against the knowne and fundamentall lawes seem to be of no use to the present quarrell betwixt the late king and the people , that objected statute seeming temporary only , whereupon the aforesaid writer concludes with this aphorisme that things that do not bind may satisfie for the tim● . but to returne to the occasion of this warre , how unhappily continued how easily the terms of dissention now in being are reconcileable how petty a difference there is betwixt the two tenents of independent presbyterian is easy for any man to know who shal enquire into the quality of either , of what growth settlement and extent they are , the one the presbyterian not ripe enough as yet to be established , neither the times now fit to entertaine a fixt or established forme of government to bind all sorts of men , many having been left at liberty whether they have or will take the covenant , many who have taken it thinking themselves not obliged forthwith and in all parts to keep it having for some cause discovered since their taking set it aside : the other the independent a seeming rather then a certain abdication or totall renouncing all government or for ever , the lord general and his army called independents ( but why let them that call them so answer for it ) have solemnly p declared against such disorder and non-government : there are t is to be believed some adhering to the parliament other of the same sort belonging to or having been of the army that desire an independent and unlimited power which neither derives its beginning nor receives its bounds from the magistrate which kind of humour the parliament neither q approveth nor admitteth of . there are some besides styled independents and many of them may haply desire to shake off that heavy yoake of government which growne through the corruption of manners and indulgency of times into abuse exorbitancy and oppressings doth gall and heavily presse their fellow subjects necks not by an easy or ordinary course to be taken off ; yet the granting these proves not that the parl. maintains or which is lesse allowes disorder or non●government in a commonwealth , the division between them two presbyterian and independent was handsomely hatched and as cunningly carried on by the common enemy on purpose by dividing to overcome them both , or as is before observed , it befell through their pride of conquering : the main and originall difference first in dispute between the kings party and the parliament's arose from matter of fact which brought in this dispute or question ( amongst other things ) unto whose charge the deluge of blood spilt in this warre is to be laid : the parliament hath declared , that it is to be l●i● at the king and his parties doores : for instance sake , the bloud-guilty and horrid act of hindring the relief of ireland whereby thousands of his protestant subiects have been slain , which holds the three heretofore united kingdomes in a languishing and sad estate even at this day , the one divided against the other and many of the people of all three despairing to enjoy their former p●ace , the parliament instancing first in his sparingly an● too late proclaming their enemies rebells when the rebellion first broke out , by signing commissions to the chief actors in the rebellion , r the generall assembly of the church of scotland sending unto him a serious admonition to that purpose , and charging him therein to be guilty of the shedaing the ●loud of many thousands of his best subiects ; the parliament of england their commissioners at the ſ treaty at uxbridge urging as to the warre in ireland his disapproving the subscriptions of the adventurers and officers of the army imployed for the relief of his protestant subjects there , by meanes whereof the course intended was then diverted , his making a cessation with the rebells which had it not been in the time of their greatest want and the forces imployed against them not drawn off , they might in all probability have been ere this subdued and the war even finished , instead thereof it is protracted , that kingdome having been by the prowesse of his t predecessours kept entire united unto and a u member of this state of england is by his and his party's abetting it put into a condition and even invited to invade and conquer this , and what was wanting to be further acted by himself and his councell is now set on and continued by his party , hindring the supplyes and forces sent over by the parliament to reduce the rebels , raising and fomenting a new warre between us and the scots to divert the forces intended for the relief of ireland , that by a warre with scotland the english may be lesse enabled to prosecut● their design in ireland . that the commissioners sent by the two houses of parliament for the better supply and encouragement of the army in that kingdome , were discountenanced and commanded from the councell there where the prosecution of the war was to be managed . the houses of lords and commons in the debate with the king about the affairs of ireland sent him word that his message then sent to them wherein he chargeth them with false pretences and a purpose in them to divert large sums of money collected from the english from the proper use to which it was intended , was an high breach of the privilege of parliament , and upon that occasion they declare many particulars of their care for the reliese of i●eland and the kings hindring it . those particulars there expressed are as followeth , they declare that this bloody rebellion was first raised by the same counsell that had before brought two great armies within the bowells of this kingdome and two protestant nations ready to welter in each others blood , which were both defrayed a long time at the charge of the poor commons in england , and quietly at last disbanded by gods blessing on the parliaments endeavours ; that this designe failing , the same wicked counsel who had caused that impious warre raised this barbarous rebellion in ireland and recommended the suppressing thereof for the better colour to the parliaments care who out of a fellow-feeling of the unspeakable miseries of their protestant brethren there , not suspecting this horrid plot ( now too apparent ) did cheerfully undertake th●t great worke , and doe really intend and endeavour to settle the protestant religion and a permanent peace in that realm , to the glory of god , the honour and profit of his majesty , and security of his three kingdomes : but how they have been discouraged retarded and diverted in and from this pious and glorious worke by those traiterous counsells about his maiesty will appear by these particulars . they there mention the sending over at the first of twenty thousand pounds by the parliament and that good way found out to reduce ireland by the adventure of private men without charging the subiect in generall , which would probably have brought in a million of money had the king continued in or near london , and not by leaving his parliament and making war upon it so intimidated and discouraged the adventurers and others who would have adventured , that that good bill is rendered in a manner ineffectuall . they mention that when at the sole charge of the adventurers five thousand foot and five hundred horse were designed for the relief of munster under the command of an english w lord , and nothing was wanting but a commission to enable him for the service , such was the power of wicked counsell that no commission could be obtained from the king , by reason whereof lymrick was wholly lost and the province of munster since in very great distresse , that when well-affected persons at their own charges by way of adventure had prepared divers ships and pinnaces with a thousand land forces for the service of ireland , desiring nothing but a commission from his maiesty , that commission after twice sending to york for it and the ships lying ready to set saile three weeks together at the charge of neer three hundred pounds a day was likewise denyed , and those adventurers rather than to lose their expedition were constrained to goe by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of parliament , that although the lords iustices of ireland earnestly desired to have some pieces of battery sent over as necessary for that service , ●et such command was given to the officers of the tower that n●ne of the kings ordnance must be sent to save his kingdome , that a prime engineer and quarte● master generall of the army in ireland and in actuall imployment there against the rebells was called away from that important service by expresse command from the king , that a captaine comptroller of the artillery a man in pay and principally imployed and trusted here by the lord lieutenant of ireland for providing and ordering the train of artillery which was to be sent to dublin , and who had received great sums of money for that purpose , was commanded from that employment and trust to serve the king in this unnaturall war against his parliament , and when the parliament had provided many hundred suits of cloaths and sent them towards chester , the waggoners that undertook the carriage of them were assaulted by the kings souldiers lying about coventry who took away the clothes , that three hundred suits of clothes , sent likewise by the parliament for ireland towards chester were all taken away by the kings troopers under their captain allowing it . as likewise that a great number of draught-horses prepared by the parliament for the artillery and baggage for the irish army and sent to chester for that purpose , being there attending a passage were then required by the king for his present service in england , whose forces were so quart●r●d about the roads to ireland that no provision could pass thither by land with any safety , that two other captains the the admirall and vice-admiral of the ships appointed to lie upon the coast of ireland , to annoy the rebels and to prevent the bringing ammunition and relief from forreign parts were both called away from that employment by the kings command and by reason of their departure from the coast of munster to which they were designed , the rebels there have received powder ammunition and other relief from forreign parts . by which z particulars say they it may seem that those rebells were countenanced there to assist the enemies of the parliament here especially considering that those confident rebels have presumed very lately to send a petition to the king entituling themselves his majesties catholique subjects of ireland , complaining of the puritan parliament of england and desiring that since his majesty comes not over thither according to their expectation they may come into england to his mai●sty . these are the charges whereof both houses of parliament have in these very words accused the king and cannot look back to retract their charge : and what , at the beginning of this warre , was imputed to the kings evill counsell as their crime in seducing him to an arbitrary and tyrannicall way of government , to the countenancing if not the promoting this rebellion of the irish , even now mentioned , to the refusing to signe the proposition tendered to him by the two houses of parliament as the onely and necessary means for setling a firm and well-grounded peace ( with other of the like kinde which might be instanced in ) the houses out of tendernesse to his honour would have remitted as to him , being willing to abstract and sever his personall acts from the acts of such his counsell : yet he refuseth not to excuse his counsell nor positively or seriously denieth those charges as to himself , only jestingly declines the particular presumptions wherewith he was charged of his privily countenancing that rebellion in ireland as not worth the answering ; withall whereas the kings party argue to have the king himself excused , his counsell blamed for his mis-government , they must as well distinguish betwixt his counsell before the warre and his counsel since the war began and limit it to whom of that his counsel were his seducers : so the distinguishing before the war began , between the kings own acts and those of his evill counsell seems to be of no value whereby to excuse the king , and wholly and in a generall way to charge his counsell indefinitely named [ his evill counsell ] igno●ely spoken who they were , neither assigning or setting forth ( as the arguers in the particulars should for the better compleating their apology for the king ) who the super-intendent and president of that counsell was : besides , the king contending on the one hand to rescue and protect whom the parliament on the other did contend to punish , it was a matter of no small difficulty to discern and judge by the understanding how an abstract and separation might be had betwixt the king and that his counsell they mutually and strenuously contending to assist and defend one another . the question therefore by way of argument betwixt the kings party and the parliaments as between the commissioners imployed on either side to treat , admits now no verball or written answer to or denying ; it is to be determined by no other umpire then the sword , and what the two opposite parties have a long time strove for , the one defending their cause in their books and writings by vehemency and height of wit , the other theirs by solid and substantiall prudence seems to be left to the conquerour to determine . what the odds is betwixt their writings because controverted by either side which party doth declare and argue more prudentially the reasons of their severall undertakings in this quarrell as which party the kings or the parliaments have writ more sufficiently and substantially concerning the subject of their proceedings in this warre , whose writings and declarations have been more true , whose most seditious and false , which party hath in their severall books been most seriously and truly charged and accused of offending , which more genuinely and sincerely have argued , let the reader judge : so because there may not want fuell for contention 't is debated concerning the actions of violence and terrour to the people on either part ( the kings and the parliaments ) which did act with more cruelty by putting all sorts of people to the sword , spoyling , consuming with sire laying wast houses , villages , towns , 't is known that a a county not farre distant , scituate in the chiefest part of the land gives testimony of consuming by b fire against the one in a sad record . as to the writings on either side where the one hath propounded and objected what the other hath answered , for instance sake take three or four here following for the rest . first the letter to the governour and councell of war at bristol ( that city being then a garrison for the parliament ) from the lord lieutenant-generall of the kings forces c requiring the governour and councell there to forbear the putting to death the two citizens , threatning withall to retaliate the like judgment and execution upon some gentlemen of the parliaments party kept prisoners by the kings with the resolution and answer of the governour and councell to such message . the quality of which answer is forejudged already and replyed unto in d print to be an insolent pamphlet with other words of scorne , which letter and answer being here set down , the reader may discerne the difference between the weight of either . patrick earl of forth lord etterick , and lord lieutenant-generall of all his majesties forces . i having been informed , that lately at a councell of war you have condemned to death robert yeomans late sheriffe of bristol , who hath his majesties commission for raising a regiment for his service , william yeomans his brother , george bourchier , and edward dacres , all for expresing their loyalty to his majesty , and endeavouring his service , according to their allegiance , and that you intend to proceed speedily against others in the like manner ; do therefore signifie to you , that i intend speedily to put master george , master stephens , captaine huntley , and others , taken in rebelion against his majesty at cyrencester , into the same condition . i do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust judgment to execute any of them you have so condemned ; that those here in custody master george master stephens and captaine huntley must expect no favour or mercy . given under mine hand at oxford this 16th . of may 1643. forth . to the commander in chief of the councell of warre at bristoll . the answer of this letter was as followeth . nathaniel fiennes governour , and the councell of warre in the city of bristol . having received a writing from your lordship , wherein it is declared , that upon information of our late proceedings against robert yeomans , william yeomans , and others , you intend to put master george , master stephens , captaine huntley and others into the same condition , we are well assured that neither your lordship , or any other mortall man can put them into the same condition , for wh●ther they live or dye , they will alwayes be accounted true and honest men faithfull to their king and country and such as in a faire and open way have alwayes prosecuted that cause , which in their judgment guided by the judgement of the highest court they held the justest ; whereas the conspirators of this city must both in life and death carry perpetually with them the brand of treachery and conspiracy ; and if robert yeomans had made use of his commission in an open way he should be put in no worse condition then others in the like kind had been ; but the law of nature amongst all men , and the law of arms among souldiers make a difference between open enemies and secret spyes and conspirators . and if you shall not make the like distinction we do signifie unto you that we will not only proceed to the execution of the persons already condemned , but also of divers others of the conspirators , unto whom we had some thoughts of extending mercy . and doe further advise you , that if by any inhumane and un-souldier-like sentence , you shall proceed to the execution of the persons by you named , or any other of our freinds in your custody that have been taken in a faire and open way of warre , then sir walter pye , sir william crofts and colonell connesby , with divers others taken in open rebelion and actuall warre against the king and kingdom , whom we have here in custody , must expect no favour or mercy : and by gods blessing upon our most just cause , we have powers enough for our friends security without taking in any that have gotten out of our reach and power , and although divers of yours of no mean quality and condition have been released by us . given under our hand the 18th . of may 1643. nathaniel fiennes president . clement walker &c. to patrick earl of forth lord lieutenant-generall . secondly e that from the marquesse of argyle and sir william armine commissioners from both kingdomes of england and scotland , fully and in few words delivering their intentions and reasons for the summons sent to the governour of carlisl●a garrison for the king , with his answer to them , full of words , pregnancy of wit and iealousie , reiecting their summons , and some of his party derogating elsewhere from the worth of f one of the commissioners . a g third of no great length the reader hath it in the very words sent from both houses of parliament to the king , with his parties descant and scornfull comment on the same . the message sent from both houses of parliament to the king . vve the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of england taking into our consideration a letter sent from your majesty dated the third of march instant and directed to the lords and commons of parliament assembled at westminster , ( which by the contents of a letter from the earle of forth unto the lord generall the earl of essex we conceive was intended to our selves ) have resolved with the concurrent advice a●d consent of the commissioners of the kingdom of scotland to represent to your majesty in all humility and p●ai●ness● as followeth . that as we have used all means for a just and safe peace ; so will we never be wanting to d●e our utmost for the procuring thereof : but when we consider the expressions in that letter of your majesties , we have more sad and despairing thoughts of attaining the same then ever ; because thereby those persons now assembled at ox●ord who contrary to their duty have deser●ed your parliament are put into an equall condition with it , and this parliament co●v●ned according to the known and fundamentall lawes of the kingdome ( the continuance whereof is established by a law , consented unto by your majesty ) is in effect denied to be a parliament , the scope and intention of that letter being to make provision how all the members ( as it is pretended ) of both houses , may securely meet in a full and free convention of parliament whereof no other conclusion can be made , but that this present parliament is not a full and free convention of parliament , & that to make it a full & free convention of parliament the presence of those is necessary , who notwithstanding that they have deserted that great trust and doe levy war against the parliament , are pretended to be members of the two houses of parliament . and hereupon we think our selves bound to let your majesty know that seeing the continuance of this parliament is setled by a law ( which as all other law●s of your kingdoms your majesty hath sworn to maintain , as wee are sworn to our all giance to your majesty , those obligations being reciprocall ) we must in duty and accordingly are resolved with our lives and fortunes to defend & preserve the just rights and full power of this parliament ; and doe beseech your majesty to be assured , that your majesties royall and hearty concurrence with us herein will be the most effectuall and ready means of procuring a firm and lasting peace in all your majesties dominions and of begetting a perfect understanding between your majesty and your people , with●ut which your majesties most earnest professions and our reall intentions concernign the same , must necessarily be frustrated . and in case your majesties three kingdomes should by reason thereof , remain in this sad and bleeding condition , tending by the continuance of this unnaturall warre to their ruine , your majesty cannot be the least nor last sufferer . god in his goodnesse incline your royall breast out of pitty and compassion to th●se deep sufferings of your innocent people , to put a speedy and happy issue to these desperate evills by the joint advice of both your kingdoms now happily united in this cause by their late solemn league and covenant . which as it will prove the surest remedy , so is it the earnest prayer of your majesties loyall subjects , the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of england . westminster the 9th . day of march . 1643. grey of wark speaker of the house of peers pro tempore . william lenthall speaker of the commons-house in parliament . the kings parties apprehension and comment on the letter in these words . whosoever considers that this should be a letter from subjects might well think it very unbeseeming language in them to call his majesties earnest endeavours for peace but professions , and their own feigned pretences most reall intentions , but much more wonder at that menacing language , that his majesty cannot be the least nor the last sufferer ; which expressions from subjects in arms to their soveraign , what dangerous construction they may admit , we are unwilling to mention . thus much for the kings parties comment on the letter . one other intercourse of messages between both parties of a latter time . the summons sent by the committee of both kingdoms to the governour of newarke for surrendring that towne and fort . the h summons expressing perswasive and valid reasons to surrender it , the governour rather his secretaries answer full of good language , courage and strength of wit , wherein mentioning the kings letter sent the 23 of march 1644. unto both houses of parliament , he urges the kings granting graecious conditions , and proves it , in that he would disband his forces dismantle his garrisons &c. he who penned the answer recites not all the kings proposalls , as that he would have withall his friends pardoned , the sequestration taken from off their estates and the like : either he saw not the kings whole letter , being he recites but one part only , or else he smiles in his sleeve , thinking by his reserved comment on the letter to satisfie the committee there and the whole kingdom besides of the kings gracious inclination in that letter , whereof the answerer reciteth but one part : the offering those promises which he mentions and commends the king for , seems like sathans contracting with our saviour in the gospell who tells him of large gifts to give him all the kingdomes of the earth and the glory of them , but on what condition ? on such as christ his purity and immunity from all sin could not accept viz. to fall downe and worship him . the kings letter was easily to be understood by any who shall read it collectively and all together but not a part only , as of disbanding his forces dismantling his garrisons with other the like gracious proffers made ; but on what condition are they made ? to have his friends pardoned and their sequestra●i●ns wholy taken off . such manner of collective speaking being conditionall the one is not expected to be done on the one side , if the rest be not performed on the other . the answerer 's mentioning so much of the letter as may serve the turn in reciting the kings gracious promise leaves out on what condition the promise is made : the condition annexed to the promise frustrates the vertue of the promise , for that which the answerer calls gracious in the kings letter of disbanding his forces , if nothing else were to be expected are in every mans iudgement as in the answerers gracious indeed , but that the kings expects to have his friends pardoned the sequestrations wholly taken off from their estates , were by the parliaments giving way to the revoking their own iudgments to accuse themselves of injustice-doing to put them whom they accounted offenders and their enemies into as good or better condition then their own friends , the answerer if knowing the kings whole letter and would contract it into parts reciting only that which serves his turne , the committee being presumed solid and understanding gentlemen would questionlesse follow the dictates of their own iudgment without replying to the answerer . for an handsome dialect and height of wit which haply may delight some readers but cures not the distempers and calamities of a civil war , nor satisfies the serious expectation of unbiassed spectators or actors in these tragedies , it is confessed that the assembly at oxford and their party in their quarters there having the more facete and nimble wits with the help & influence of the youth and schollers there , not ripe enough nor versed in the laws & policies of a state , may seem to exceed the parliament and those whom the parliament imployes in their expressions , but let the books on either side be examined by the test of reason and prudence , the reader will soon discern the difference and these foure remarkeable messages instanced in may decide the contest , none other of all their conflicts of that kind being more opposite each to other , nor any of their messages reciprocally sent more disdainfully rejected on either side then these foure above-mentioned . the convocation house at oxford urging a violation of that statute 11 hen. 7 before recited , and in page 31 of their book ( viz. ) that [ none that shall attend upon the king and do him true service shall be attainted &c. ] therefore requiring the people by vertue of that statute to assist the king contrary to the negative oath imposed by the parliament in these words [ that i will no● directly nor indirectly adhere unto or willingly assist the king in this cause or warre against the parliament nor any forces raised without the consent of the two houses of parliament . ] the words [ assisting him ] are made use of only without the termination or qualification how or on what termes ; neither the people nor the parliament ( the representative of the people ) in henry the seventh his time would have made or consented to a law made noxious to themselves : if henry the seventh had severall wayes oppressed his people and afterwards taken up arms to maintaine his oppression , the parliament would questionles have forborn the enacting such a law , the title whereof especially relating to the doing the king true service ; wherefore unlesse true and lawfull be contradictory terms which no man will suppose , that statute was not so fitly applyed in opposition to the negative oath , neither doth the objectour takeing out only the word assisting and confining it to such a contracted sense as may serve his turne , satisfie the impartiall reader weighing and examining the tenour of the statute and wherefore it was enjoyned . but to the reasons of the presbyterians and their parties deserting their first judgment if so they have , it may be rather judged to be a fencing and tryall of wits in an argumentative way of discoursing only , then any setled revolting from their first opinion . they are well read in the good mans character who will not be afraid for any evill tydings , his heart standeth fast and will not shrink untill &c. which suiteth well with the beginning of their covenant , that they will sincerely really and constantly in their severall places &c. sincerely and really that is with all truth and faithfulnesse , constantly which is without defection or falling off on triviall dissentings in judgment and opinion : the arguments they have lately taken up against the residing part of the parliament and the army , the maintainer of their power , and next under god the preserver of our peace , are none of the more eminent sort of the presbyterian parties nor like to theirs , rather from a more willfull and weaker sort . the house of parliament being grown thin by their first dividing , is by the presbyterians deserting it become more thinne , the more weake it is through their defections the more need it hath of being supported by their returne . as for the force which they and their sub-divided party urge to be offered to them by the army their servants , an high affront and breach of parliament privileges , both parties presbyterian and independent seeme to be forced alike though not in an equall degree of strength and number yet in a strict and closer tye of policy and prudence by and through an extream and inevitable necessity for the preservation of themselves and their fellow subjects , neither they nor any of their party can devise or act a means how to s●ttle such a course as may prevent a totall confusion or the overthrow of those who have already prevailed by the sword , nor to still the common enemy and avenger ; but if he being hard driven should by treaty or other unsafe way of setling a peace have prevailed he had been left at liberty to do his pleasure : in treaties or like wayes of parleance what security could he have given or would he have kept commensurate to the safety and welfare of many thousands engaged in this quarrell to the avoidance of those dangers and jealousies administred by him ? the example of henry the third of england is memorable for his complyance and giving way unto a treaty , his signing articles to perform the treaty , but when he had by that recovered his power againe kept none of them . but to the presbyterians arguments , and their paralleling the kings offering a force to six members of the houses of parliament to the force offered unto the e●ected and repulsed members by the army : the king might by an usurped authority break in and do whatsoever he pleased , to grieve and vex whosoever should not submit to his will , to exercise a regall power above the lawes from assuming unto himselfe by a strong selfe conceipt an unlimited soveraignty & transcendency of might in nothing to be resisted , to awe and force this present parliament and all future parliaments ( in case he had any purpose to summon any more ) to his beck as t is probable . not long after , by the like menacing and imperious act of proclaming those gentlemen i traytors who either obeyed not or refused to conforme to his present will : there was no necessity but his sole will to force all those who complyed not with him to save and rescue his creatures from the hand of justice ; and whether there be not now a stronger necessity then before the great and universall engagement of many good and deserving men , let all men judge . in that the presbyterians take it ill that their servants ( so the army stile themselves ) should force their masters , they are not simply and precisely servants immediate , many of them their equals as being members of the same parliament and commanders and officers in the army , the private souldiers commanded and led by them ; or the army relatively unto them as iurors in a tryall of right at westminster before a number of iudges ( for so the parliament are although the resemblance holds not adequately as to an army and to a iury ) let a mayor part of the iudges incline or direct which way they please yet an upright iury will find according to the evidence in being : the evidence in this case is the certainty of knowing and recollecting things past , the foresight of things to come , which induceth them to bring in such verdict as may render all things iust and safe : for when it shall happen to be debated which ought to be prefered , the privilege of parliament or the safety of a kingdom every one can judg which ought to sway the ballance . againe admit 〈◊〉 army to be their servants ( yet properly they are servants unto those from whom they receive their pay , that is from the kingdom and the representative thereof , neither from the presbyterian nor independent party ) in a mixt and joynt government where more then one commandeth and a mutuall consent had betwixt the governours that the people to be commanded shall obey the discreeter party , they mutually consent that the people shall be directed by the wiser of the two ; there it is left to the election and discretion of the people which of them to pay obedience unto : it skills not in a governing and politick body ( consisting of many ruling and all consenting in the maine ) which is the major part or which is to be obeyed , unlesse that major part will do the work themselves without the help of those whom they do employ : that part rather it should seem most fit to be obeyed , which acts and endeavours ( without respect had to the majority ) in the more prudent watchfull and safe way , so t is no disobedience or affront offered by their army , where obedience may be dangerous to the obeyers , to the parliament party of what kind soever and their adherents . the quarrell is not between a power of a momentary and slight concernment on the one side , and a vanishing and light obedience on the other , but a long and throughly controverted contention between two powers upon the issue whereof the safety and welfare of the two kingdoms doth rest , and besides that , on which the correspondencies observations and commerce between them and most forreigners throughout the christian world ( looking on the passages of our affairs and giving judgment thereupon ) depends . it may seem as the design is driven on a contention tripartite , handsomely devised and with a great dexterity of wit carried on by the common enemy , in that some of the kings party prefer the presbyterian before the independent , some the independent before the presbyterian , k ha●ing both yet they give good words unto and comply with the more discontented and weaker party untill by their cunning artifice they overcome them also , so in this leger de main and sleight of wit blow the coals of dissention betwixt them both , those of the presbyterian can look for no other then polyphemus his courtesie to be of those last to be devoured . the presbyterian out of zeal for the maintenance of his cause not foreseeing what danger might befall by his dividing fondly conceives that either the war is ended , therefore he may now safely divide from those with whom he heretofore hath joyned or that his cause for the covenant sake is so good that to maintaine his tenent he sticks not at the endangering himself and his friends , nor that the enemy having his friends and instruments up and down in all corners of the realm will and can keep those two partyes now in difference at that distance that they shall not be able to joyn their forces again to conquer him : where it is not meant to involve all presbyterians in the same tenents or intents , counsells and affections , for 't is to be believed there are a considerable party amongst them who rightly apprehend the true state of the controversie between us and the scots , and cannot but foresee that a compliance with the scots as matters now stand would prove pernicious to the english nation as well to themselves as to the independents so termed , for notwithstanding any pretended difference betweene them they cannot well avoid the danger of joyntly suffering if by their dividing the publique and common safety be deserted . besides as to the major and minor part of members sitting in the house or secluded , or voluntarily absenting themselves from the house , so that the greater number are absent as the presbyterian reckoneth , he must take heed of that objection least he open an old wound long since salved up ( through gods blessing on their successe ) and that objection be made use of against them all of both houses , and against that authority whereby they have at any time acted since the contention first began betwixt the kings party's claim to their parliament at oxford , and the parliament party's claim to theirs at westminster ; for if the kings party did rightly calculate their numbers which were in both houses of lords and commons l 258. either personally sitting or absent upon imployment for the king , that number exceeded that of those sitting at westminster , so that the argument for the maior part of the number of members presbyterially affected and that way covenanted , against which ( viz. the covenant ) the king friends have learnedly as yet unansweredly m argued is no safe or prudent argument at this time to be used , ( however the covenant and the reasons for keeping it are abetted and seconded in an elaborately written letter by the london . ministers ) least they helpe their first and common enemy to rowse an objection which hath a long time slept for the maintaining their parliament at oxford , for , by the way , had those ministers employed their pains in answering that book first , which indeed was worthy of and required an answer to have cleared the question , their letter might have been better credited and more universally received , which book had it come sooner to the publique view and before the universall entring into the covenant , many had been drawn for the reasons therein expressed from taking the covenant . the ministers in that their letter much insist on the protestation taken may 1641. wherein the protesting is for the maintenance of the kings honour , person and estate , yet the end ( at which all matters of weight doe aime ) is the preservation of religion , lawes and liberties . the maintenance of the kings honour , &c. is but a piece of the protestation , the sum , full sense and scope thereof the preservation of religion and lawes . the principles which were first engaged upon and protested for if rightly cast up but two in chief , the securing the protestant religion , the primum quaerite , the preservation of the laws and peace , the * chiefest law the peoples safety , the other principles are subservient onely , and fall in by way of complication and dependency upon those two as the means unto the end . the well weighing the protestation might have confined and setled the unresolved and doubtfull thoughts of man in what the end and aime of the protestation was , a promise to fullfill as much as in us lies the commandements of the first and second table of the law directing our duty towards god and man , the severall parts in the protestation tending in the sum to the maintenance of gods honour , the kings , the subiects right and liberty , no one part thereof if rightly applyed and understood crossing another , and therefore how comes it to passe , that the protestation being one and the same , the course of mens affections should be thus divided into factions and part-takings , or that some should be of opinion , that [ to maintaine the kings honour , person and estate , is to adhere unto him in this present warre in what he shall command ? ] even because they doe not equally weigh each part of the protestation ( viz. ) the defence of the protestant religion , the power and privileges of parliament , the subiects right and liberty , for by the protester's observing all , the king is best observed and truliest , his honour and promises being engaged to maintaine the latter three , when as every one who took the protestation did in his thoughts endeavour and intend according to his power to make him a soveraign lord of a free and flourishing people , the kings protestations concurring with and tending to that end , so the protestation taken all together is best observed and kept . to the protestation for the defence of the protestant religion , every one who takes it is not immediately and specially bound by vertue of his vow to n extirpate and remove all papists or to offer violence to their persons , that is above the power and liberty of every common person , neither is wishing well alone and sitting still a sufficient discharge of the protesters duty of vowing to endeavour : endeavouring is a progressive motion and the protesters neglecting and supine failing to endeavour can be no better reckoned of in these divided and subtile times then the * historian did of those souldiers who dreamed of their enemies votis & seden●o debellari posse , or what the * prophet doth of the aegyptians , that their strength was sit●ing still : a perfunctory and neutrall slackness in the protester satisfies not the precept which god himself enjoynes , when thou vowest a vow unto the lord , thou shalt not bee slack to pay it , and wherein many have not only deserted this their vow but endeavoured against the same , others contemplatively onely and remisse as not endeavouring at all but with close and cautiou● reservations keep off their endeavourings thence become wiser in their owne eyes then their fellow subjects , their abstruse and close demeanour being like caius cotta his ( observed by the * oratour , ) who to carry on his ambition and private interests did outwardly comply with all sides , concealing and reserving the affections of his heart to his best advantage : the passive and faint observing of the vow and protestation in some , the acting contrary to it in others is a sinne which god is justly angry for , the neglect of which vow as wee may justly feare ( to use the very words of the o divines ) open one flood gate the more to let in all these calamities upon the kingdom . wherefore if he who hath taken this protestation and shall solemnly observe the same shall foresee or hath cause of suspition to believe that the protestant religion is or was when he took the same in danger of declining , and that the papist was then p connived at and countenanced by higher powers ( for the question is not about the certaine and actuall bringing in of popery , but touching the pregancy of suspition ) if the protestor adhereth to that party which promiseth to defend the protestant and opposeth that which countenanceth the popish , his protestation is then truliest kept , a promise or vow the more pursued the more fulfilled ; in like manner to the other part of the same protestation viz. the maintenance of the kings honour , every one who takes the same is not thereby bound to comply assent unto and obey the king in whatsoever he may command whether unlawfull or unjust , or to think all his attempts and actions iustifiable throughout ; this were indeed in the highest degree and seemingly to honour him but in a more serious and as truly a loyall way of his being honoured by his subjects is when they or those who are put in place and auhority over them shall enquire into and provide against all things incident to his dishonour , when they shall endeavour to suppresse all astronts which may be offered to his dignity : this though a more remote and lesse flattering , yet a more stableand certain discharge of duty in honoring him . to the covenant , the q preamble prefixed thereto points at the sense thereof in these words . vvhereas a covenant for reformation and preservation of religion , the maintenance and defence of lawes and liberties hath been thought a fit and excellent means to acquire the favour of almighty god towards the three kingdoms of england , scotland and ireland , and likewise to unite , and by uniting to strengthen and fortifie them against the common enemy of the true reformed religion peace and prosperity of these kingdoms . and in the covenant it selfe wherein the noblemen , barons , knights , burgesses , ministers of the gospell and commons of all sorts in the kingdoms of england scotland and ireland do swear , that they shall sincerely really and constantly through the grace of god endeavour in their severall places and callings the preservation of the reformed religion . secondly , that they shall in like manner without respect of persons endeavour the extirpation of popery , prelacy , &c. thirdly , that they shall with the same reality and constancy in their severall vocations endeavour with their estates and lives mutually to preserve the rights and privileges of the parliament , and the liberties of the kingdoms , and to preserve and defend the kings majesties person and authority in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdomes . fourthly , that they shall with all faithfullnesse endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shal be incendiaries , malignants , or evill instruments by hindering the reformation of religion , dividing the king from his people , or one of the kingdoms from another , and them to bring to publick tryall . fifthly , that iustice may be done upon the willfull opposers of the firme peace and union betwixt the kingdoms . sixthly , that they shall in this common cause of religion liberty and peace of the kingdoms assist and defend all those that take the covenant , and shall not suffer themselves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination perswasion or terrour to be divided or with-drawn from this union or conjunction . the objection which some men make that the late engagement doth crosse the covenant at least one article thereof [ of defending the kings person and authority ] it seems not so if we go further to what his person and authority is to be defended , and observe the whole article , the current of the covenant being for the preservation of religion , the liberties the peace and union betwixt the three kingdoms against papists prelates disturbers and opposers of such peace r in divers cases it canot be denyed but the obligation of an oath or covenant doth cease , as when we swear homage and fealty to our lord and superiour , who afterward ceaseth to be our lord and superiour , then the formal cause of the oath is taken away , and therefore the obligation , sublato relato tollitur correlatum . admit that the three kingdoms had been in imminent danger of invasion from a forrein enemy and the subjects should for the defence thereof enter into a solemn league in these words , whereas a league and covenant for strengthning the three kingdomes is thought a safe and necessary means conducing thereunto , that they will resist prevent , and bring to publique tryall all wilfull opposers of the safety of the said kingdomes , with sowe other subordinate clauses and branches in the covenant as namely , that they will maintain the chief governour of them in his just power &c. let it be the king himself or some other supreme power equal to the king , although the king were to be valued as king david's people did value him at the price of ten thousand of themselves , yet if there be a greater price at stake and the chief governour be false to his trust in government , that thereby the safety of many hundred thousands be in jeapordy , that his design be probably such as to make his way through the shedding the bloud of many thousands for compassing it , and rather than fail , engage the kingdoms each against the other to the destruction of all three ; it cannot be thought a breach of the covenant in the covenanters to remove the governour , when as the more principall matters to be secured are in danger to be destroyed : the resemblance may be fitted in a case of a narrower orbe : if souldiers in a town of garrison for the better security of the town shall enter into a league and covenant to preserve the magazine thereof , to keep witho●t making away or suffering to be made away the arms and ammunition belonging to the garrison , to defend the governour thereof ; if notwithstanding this their oath and league , they shall suspect revolting in the governour , a failer of his trust whereby to turne the arms and ammunition against the garrison and the inhabitants to the detriment and destruction of the town , so that upon good causes of suspition of their governours breach of trust they remove the magazine and arms , they withstand and resist the governour , it is no violation of their oath , for what they swore was in order and relation to the most considerable part of what they were to maintain , viz. the defence of the town and garrison , without staying untill they had too late made a perfect and full discovery of the governours revolt and falshood ; if the king hath given cause of suspition of maintaining ſ popery , prelacy , or of disturbing the peace of any of these his kingdomes , it is no breach of the whole covenant to provide against the endangering of what they have covenanted more principally to secure : the question is not of the king his enjoyning , his immediate and actuall bringing in of popery ( for then his own protestant party would have failed him in the maintenance of his cause and quarrell ) nor of his upholding and adhering unto prelacy , which the t scots have so much withstood and laboured to extirpate , but if he had not by his power , favour , or other personall relation working strongly on his affections given cause of just suspition of maintaining the one ( viz. ) popery , of his taking part and favouring the other , prelacy , if he had shewne any dislike he had of prelacy , any condiscending or propension to the abolishing it , according to the u covenant ( which he hath beene often implored to take ) inhibiting it , if he had not had a great influence on the archbishops and bishops ( and if the author of that book be to be credited ) they protection and incouragement from him , one of them avowing these contentions and the warre to be bellum episcopale as hath been given out that the warre was intended and waged against bishops , and the hierarchicall government ) and had they not had tuition & support from his exercising a more powerfull authority then their ordinary and meaner friends could have supplyed them with , there had not so much bloud been spilt in this quarrell : so the substance and drift of the covenant , one part of the article being [ to defend the kings person and authority ] is not crossed by taking the engagement of late enjoyned , if duely weighed . admit that the letter of the preamble to the covenant did in the covenant●rs sense comprehend the kings heirs and successors , yet still the maine and principall parts of the covenant are to be observed in order to the preservation of the protestant religion , the subjects liberty , the peace union and safety of the three kingdoms ; so that if his heirs and successors shall be discovered and known to tread in their predecessour's steps , he having given cause of suspition of his endeavouring to overthrow them all , the covenanters could not both maintain the honour of his heirs and successours , and yet in the common cause of religion , liberty , and peace of the kingdoms withstand as they w protested they would , all opposition to bee made against the same , and what they could not of themselves suppresse they would doe their best to prevent and remove . the scots our covenant-brethren cannot but confess that the words [ preventing and opposing ] in the covenanter with his large expression of bending his whole force and power carry an universall and greater latitude then to take away the present power of the fathers person , or that the covenant should continue only for his life time , seven years , and the term of life being by common repute in men's commerce equivalent each with other : the covenant ( neere half so many years in framing ) no doubt was made and entred into to remain for longer then for so soon an expiring term as a mans life , to provide against his future and successive power , to take the paines of removing danger out of the fathers reach , and leave it in the sonne or any of his successours being of the fathers temper and laying his cause to heart could not be thought a task worthy of so solemn a league and covenant , or the industry which both kingdomes have taken to settle their peace and liberties . as to that part of the covenant [ that they had then no intention to diminish the kings just power and greatnesse ] they might intend no lesse untill they saw they could not overcome him by humble applications and dutifull addresses , by their reasons , declarations , and messages , setting forth the wrongs and injustices acted by his ministers of iustice , the mischiefs and dangers whereunto his kingdomes were exposed unlesse he returned and hearkned to their councels and joyne in redresse of such grievances ; yet notwithstanding those faithful & humble expressions , that they could not discerne any con●iscending to such pe●tions , any acknowledgment of his former errours , any placable or propitious heart towards his parliament and people , any purpose in him to signe those propositions as the only and necessary means for setling a safe peace long since tendred to him joyntly and unanimously by the parliament then sitting , whether presbyterians or independents as they are called , yet not concluding or providing what was to be done in cased he did refuse ; but instead of sorrowing for what he had done his refusing to signe those propositions and contrary to the x articles of the large treaty agreed upon , gracing and preferring to his nearest secrecy and trust a person proclamed guilty of high tre●son , charging still and banding against the parl. one of the supremest and greatest councells for weight and number in all europe , retorting on them , and highly and with a scornfull vanity demanding in lieu of the propositions sent to him counter-propositions of his parties devising to be sent to them , contending to lay the deluge of blood spilt in this warre at their doors and theirs alone , ever seeking by a covert and restlesse ill-will one way against the y place receiving them , by traducing and rendring it ( one of the most famous cities of christendome ) guilty of high treason , and thirsting to make the citizens wealth their enemies prey , another way by contending against the parliament it self and their z friends assisting them , to undermine their power , they thought the covenant not like an almanack out of date as the a ministers within the province of london doe smilingly object , rather like an obligation where the obligor is left remedilesse through the obligee his fury and oppression , disabling him from performing his conditions ; b one part of the covenant then being , that they had no thought or intention to diminish the kings just power and greatnesse , another part ( when they presse the covenant-taking , the maintenance of the peace and union betweene the three kingdoms ) they would bring to justice all without respect of persons who did or should wilfully oppose the same or hinder such peace or union , so that if the king did by himself , by his friends and followers by his example awing other men from taking the covenant or did by any power or commission whether to defend himself or offend his opposites act or abett whereby the peace became disturbed one kingdome engaged against nother , the parl. could not according to their covenant preserve his power and greatnesse , and punish such without respect of persons as did willfully oppose the peace and union ( as is before observed ) comprehending within that universality of [ without respect of persons ] him and all who did adhere unto or take part with him , so that the covenant the parts whereof seem to be hetreogeneous and inconsistent within themselves , and therefore not perfectly and exactly to be kept is either newly to be molded , or which is more probable if he had had power to carry on his purpose , the war to continue between the covenan●ers and the non-covenanters , many thousands of men neither having nor through the kings example willing to take the same . by the observing the passages and times when the covenant was made and tendered , what since hath happened , impartiall men will judge that there was no fraud or failing of syncerity in the parliaments proposall of the covenant before , nor any backsliding or levity since in preferring the main end ( which was and still is the publique safety ) before any of the clauses supposed and set down as conducible to the covenant . the great quarrell of prophane and ignorant persons against the uniforme current of the holy scripture , of an higher concernment then an humane covenant , is acutely taken up by a learned * writer , distingue tempora & reconciliantur scripturae , in answer unto those who cavill against the scriptures as if the texts thereof were dissonant and repugnant each to other , as if gods word ( most certain and infallible in it self ) were contradictory to it selfe : distinguish between the time of the covenant taking four or five years before the time of bringing the king to tryal , observe the limitation in the particle of the covenant [ that they had then no intention to diminish the kings just power ] in opposition to unlawfull and arbitrary , and you will find that the covenant could not be so well and safely taken or that it is not so heinously broken as some of the covenanters give out . but to the objections against the army and the pow●●s establishing it , that in adhering to them is to trust to an arm of flesh , so all sublunary and earthly powers are but arms of flesh , and it doth not therefore follow that those that do set forth the army do put their confidence in them further then god is pleased to give a blessing to their endeavourings . secondly , that independency admits of all irreligion , heresies , &c. the proposition is not well proved , in that some particular souldiers others well-wishing to the army do devise and publish strange and unsound tenents and opinions , which is not to be imputed to the governing part of the army , to the court or councel of parliament , neither is a present ●ure forthwith to be applied in all parts and places where they are vented ; the army and their party have enough to doe to prevent and provide against the power and policy of their enemies without an overhasty endeavouring to suppresse the schismes and errours of every one of their adhere●ts . the complaint against heresie and schismes abounding is just , seasonable , and most sit that the herefies should be suppressed both to settle the discipline and government of a reformed church as to remove and take away all occasion of scandall and quarrellings between us and other nations , but how and when ? every thing to be done in its order and appointed time ; the complaint was long since made , and it was foretold of old , that heresies must be , the apostle gives the reason , that the sound and approved truth may be known and differenced from fond and received heresie , the ground and seminary of broaching them may be ( besides the common and inbred corruption of pride and falshood which mankind is prone unto ) that so many sorts of men in many places doe despise and speak against the scriptures although they be the infallible rule of our christian faith . in disordered and licentious times caused through the distractions of a civill warre , it may fall out as a * father of the church complained it did in his , of scripture teachers , of expounders of the misteries in divinity cited by a learned divine upon the words of the apostle charging the unlearned and unstable for wresting the scriptures to their own destruction ; whose presumption ( the divine tells us ) is enough to produce any schisme or heresie , sola saith he scripturarum ars est quam sibi omnes passim vendicant , hanc garrula anus hanc ●elirus senex hanc sophista verbosus ( he might have filled up the measure of his complaint by discovering many other sorts of unlearned people intruding into the holy mistery of divinity ) hanc universi presumunt lacerant docent antequam discunt ; every one presuming upon his parts and gifts to be a teacher and interpreter of scripture whereas practitioners in other arts can keep themselves within the the bounds of their own profession ; the times are now for reforming and the parliament is sedulous therein wherefore there must be persons to informe and instruct qualified with knowledge for that office : the divine gives the reason why the unlearned are so bold , namely the want of abilities to discerne the strength of the objections which may be made against them : by the unlearned is not meant he who hath not read a multitude of au●hors but he who taking upon him to divide the word of god is raw and unexperienced , or if he hath experience wants judgment , to make use of it ; the anguish that these rash presumers bring unto the discreeter sort of brethren cannot but be great when being convinced of their unsound o●inions for the maintaining that which with much boldnesse and open falshoods they have averred they pretend the authority of the word , and whatsoever conceipt is begotten in their heads , the spirit of god to be presently the author of it , when as learned and judicious men , in whom the lord hath put wisdome and understanding to know how to worke all manner of worke for the service of the sanctuary like bezaleel and aholiab refuse much of the stuffe which is offered them . scripture is given to all to learne , to teach to interpret only to a few : it is the voice of god confessed by all that the sense is scripture not the words , it cannot be therefore avoyded but that he that wilfully strives to fasten some sense of his owne other then the nature of the place will beare must needs take upon him the person of god himselfe , and to be an indicter of scripture : no scripture is of private interpretation , there can be but two certaine and infallible interpreters of it , either it selfe or the holy ghost the author of it , it selfe doth then expound it encouragement to the study and increase thereof by their favour and respect shewn unto the universities and colledges where it is most properly to be acquired and had , for which they were instituted at first and are renowned equally to the best seminaries of learning throughout all europe , the parliament having for the c most part exempted them from any charge or tax for raising mony towards this war , by giving way unto and placing painful and sober governours in the severall societies of the universities to reduce them to their former temper of acquiring learning and good manners , that what the fury and fiercenesse of the war was likely to demolish and destroy , is yet recoverable by the care and industry of their governours , that whereas there is a disproportion and antipathy between science ( a soft , milde and tender habit ) and a war ( a privative and destroying judgement ) there is yet by gods blessing left a possibility and meanes of a regresse from a warre ( and garrison of souldiers in * one of them ) to an acquisition of sciences and learning : neither doth the parliament for ought we see neglect or disesteem the universities or other seminaries of learning , or take away the endowments of colledge● ( as their enemies give out ) in that some of the most learned of the schollers there are dispossessed of part of their estates for their disaffection , or because that able men of the universities and elsewhere are sequestred for a time by reason of their constant prejudice and ill will against the parliament and their proceedings , the parliament knowing such to be interested and not long since seasoned by the enemy , ( garrisoning in one of the vniversities ) and devising yet to contrive their overthrow to let in the king's power againe : they could not be ignorant of the discontent and envy borne towards them by divers of the more ripe and learned of the clergy to see the church preferments and dignities which they aimed at to be taken away , how apt withall to engage the younger sort of schollers in this their cause by seasoning them with the same leaven of discontent , without consid●ring that what was bestowed and instituted at first by pious d founders for the encouragement of learning , study and good uses many of them did betray to luxury and ease , which the parliament not knowing how otherwise to correct or moderate , and foreseeing such corruption to be so incorporate into their prelaticall and ca●hedrall calling that amidst these oppositions and distractions threatning the ruine of three kingdomes occasioned chiefly by reason of a corrupt and prelaticall clergy ( as the e estates of 2 of the said kingdoms have observed ) they knew no other remedy to be applyed then to alienate those endowments , to dispose of them to other uses . the work of reformation being in hand , and preaching the gospell the instrumentall means thereof , no man will judge such an emulation or ill-will to be in a prudent laity intending to reform towards a learned clergy the means of reforming , that the one should discountenance or bring down the other , the clergy such as the apostle would have them be , blamelesse , have h remonstrated and protested for the contrary . rather the kings party with the presbyterians , most adhering unto him now , seem to give way to many practises tending to irreligion , although not directly and immediately unless by those of the popish faction , yet remotely and consequently whilst they so earnestly contend against the opposite party called independents that they would rather submit unto a turk or jew then to be mastered by that party ; for the presbyterians weakning them and themselves also by striving each with other , help the enemy into a power to subvert that which some of the kings party have heretofore aimed at , and hath been the first object of this quarrell , religion . the emulation and discontent of which parties ( the kings and those of presbyterian ) grows out of a fear to be overcome , ( adversaries convinced are prone to revenge and envy ) and that appears from the judgement and censure the kings party have passed against the parliaments , in the punishment had the kings prevailed they would have condemned them to , for of the moderate sort of the parliament and their friends they hold them unskillfull , i vulgar spirited , weak and seduced men for siding with the people ( as they term ) it and their multitudes , the more eminent & active sort traitors , periured all , yea the neutralls too for not offering to defend the king according to the oath of allegiance , the parliament party having a more moderate and milde judgment of the king's , knowing many of them restlesse and implacable as yet , judging others mistaken onely , misapprehending the cause in hand or to have been led away through ambition & aspiring thoughts to adhere unto the king , whereupon they have accordingly passed by the errors and transgressions of the kings by an easy mulcting them giving way unto their enjoying their estates and fortunes , so that if the judgment at the first had been no worse , no more rashly and erroneously passed against the one then it was against the other party , the war had soon been ended and a peace restored . by the kings parties large exten●ion of which oath in not offering to defend the king they may bring many within the compasse of perjury , the king holding himselfe bound to maintaine the lawes by his supreme power to t●ke vengeance on evill doers ( without which he may think he bears the sword in 〈◊〉 ) as the subjects are to their allegiance , the obligation is reciprocall as the two houses of parliament when allowed to be and styled by the king himselfe a parliament , with an unanimous consent observed in their message sent unto him else-where recited in this discourse ; if the king may dispence with his oath from which the author of the k {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} presumes to discharge him , as that the author is so far from thinking the maiesty of the crown of england to be bound by any coronation oath in a blind and brutish formality , and that the king reckons himselfe accomptable to none but god , which the parliament objecteth as a maxime and ground for any tyranny , the enacting lawes are of no value as to the king , and then the question is how far swearing allegiance is to the subject ( as the oath was therefore and then imposed ) which is next to be discussed . to the oathes of supremacy and allegiance obje books seditiously printed and privately dispersed abroad to discountenance and depresse the parliaments cause to extoll and magnifie their own , obtruding their writings on such authors as they please ( all to affect the reader ) sometimes on the adverse part to render them the more d●spicable and ridiculous , sometimes on their own friends to make them the more applauded and famous for their actions or sufferings , as by that one more remarkeably for the king in his name it may appeare , of which it may be said as it was of sampson that it did his enemies more hurt upon and by the occasion of his death then he could doe when he was alive ; namely and to instance in one of his parties acts amongst the rest their publishing the posthume book called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by some men reputed to be his , though unlikely since by the parliaments declarations and proofes convicting him of severall crimes it is made appeare unto those who shall impartially read and judge the transactions mutually passed betwixt him and his accusers , either that the book and those applauded tracts and meditations in it are none of his , or that his party by setting forth that book in his name , would have him act the part of an exquisite hypocrite in representing such devotions as most of all should consist and be wholly taken up in a serious and reall sincerity so that the tytle of that book might be both literally and morally as to the king himselfe or to him who personates such conceptions in his name , be entituled the image and pourtraiture of a counterfeit rather than the pourtraiture of a king , the falshood and imposture resting on them alone who thus dresse and sets him forth . whosoever shall read the parliaments often declarations and charges against the king set forth since the beginning of this war , not denyed or answered by any of his party , saving in a recriminatory and scoffing way calling the parliament and their acherents rebells ; or who shall read the n history of the parliament of england , summarily reciting what the lords and commons have accused the king of , his countenancing and giving way to the rebellion in ireland , setting downe at large the strong presumptions against him for his countenancing it ( although eloquently excused , and in a fine and pious language denyed by the author of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) his averseness from calling parliaments , cannot but acknowledg that book , o whatsoever the fair and plausible flourishes in it do pretend of the kings inclining to and desiring parliaments to be falsly and injuriously charged on him , few or none so indulgent to his cause as to beleeve the whole booke both for matter and forme to be of his owne penning , however they may thinke some part of it to be his ; falsly , because they cannot but know how p unwillingly and seldome he called any , how q oft he did dissolve or attempt to dissolve them when they were called , notwithstanding the great necessity of that court for the propagation and maintenance of justice that it drew on a r law yet in force to call a parliament every year , in that through the discontinuance of them , through the often dissolving them in the time of his reigne , and his declarations published against some of the members of either house , the historian reports the deiected people were forced to read with patience and to allow against their own reason : whence the reader may observe an answer to an objection which the kings party makes r that the parliaments party did begin the preparations for a war before the kings . the people 't is true were discontented and greived at the exactions and oppressions practised in the time of his reign , they held themselves destitute of any means of redresse , and therefore might harbour heart burnings , and thoughts of rising but could not devise or thinke of any course towards the preparations for a war , the power of the county being in every sheriff of the severall shires , and lords lieutenants and their deputies , many other subor●inate officers of the kings upon the first summons given from him to them in a readinesse to suppresse and check the people in case they should but move or stir up commotions to the likenesse of a war ; neither could they build upon the strength of any power to levy war on their behalf , a parliaments strength they sadly and long since observed was of too frail and uncertain a fabrick for them to trust unto , as being awed and dissolved at pleasure , so that if they had no thoughts of levying a war wanting the opportunities & means of prevailing if they had entertained such thoughts , the first offering of hostile attempts and acts will lye upon the kings parties accompt ; his aversenesse to call parliaments , his awing and dissolving them when called , often and long before any preparations could be thought of for a war may satisfie the objection : when as ( to adde to the probability of some of his parties hostile and warlike preparations ) it hath been observed that some of his friends knowing themselves obnoxious and questionable for their tenents & demeanours when time should serve , have long since before this parliament was called , fortified and furnished their houses in divers parts of the klngdome with armes and ammuni●ion , no other notice taken til of late then of adorning them for strength and splendour , which with some small addition became strong garrisons for him ; the parliaments friends had none or not so many holds so soon or suddenly to be fortified for their defe●ce : the most wise and happy of ſ kings could tell us by his own practiced policy that it is not the first blow that makes the war invasive ( for that no wise power would stay for ) nor the voting a war to be defensive , as the t scots have theirs which makes it so , but the first provocation or at least the first preparations towards a war . injuriously charged on the king in that the author and reader also if a friend to him and would have the book reputed his , doe unawares and as it were against their will wound his honour , and render the manner of his death the more unchristian then otherwise it might be judged , when whilst the life is mortall , they make the vices of dissembling and uncharitablenesse to be surviving and immortall mo●ions : the reporting it to be the kings seems besides to blemish the credit of those penitentiall expressions therein , derogating from the serious retired and solid parts wherewith he was endowed , then doubtless free from the affectated words whereof the book is full in defence of the manisold actions of his incident to this war , many of them too weakly excused to be his although in an handsome way of writing ( to possesse the belief of men ) obtruded on him by indeed the author of the booke , of divine and wholsome councell left in his name to his sonne might gaine a beliefe of what was vehemently suspected to the contrary [ that the fathers heart was seasoned with the like principles according to the councell given unto the sonne ; ] and as to the time of that councell given , there are none but have observed that the fears of the growth of superstitious tyranny in the peacefull times were y only and a long time more then those of the growth of anarchy easy to be let in amongst other disturbances and distractions through the licentiousnesse and confusedness of a civill warre , and wherefore is that councell given ? as if the parliament did intend or had brought in anarchy or devised to root out all government ; no calumny whereby to render them and their proceedings odious and detestable , is of extent enough to serve and satiate their enemies appetite : the parliament in their prudence and experience might discerne a reason for the changing the monarchical into some other form of as much conducement to the maintenance of peace and justice : but z what that religion is which the author enjoynes the prince unto whether opposite to popery or schisme ( this like weeds in corn choaking and hindring its growth , that like mildews blasting and destroying it ) he defining not makes it seem do●btfull to the reader , for presently after he would have the prince his iudgment and reason to seale to that sacred bond which education hath written in him ; let a computation be had of his young years how in his infancy uncapable of discerning the differences of religion before this warre began , where and with whom he hath lived these eight or nine years since it began , all men will not believe that to be the reformed protestant religion which is there enjoyned him ( take it in its purity or as the corruption of times hath fashioned it ) the prince is vehemently suspected to goe in a contrary diameter to either as to those instructions given him by the author , by what is reported of his having favoured and entertained at his court the greatest and most known papists , forraigners of all parts , setting aside his protestant and native english : and howbeit he seems now for a tyme to comply with the protestants and other of the scotish nation and they reciprocally with him , his constant and certaine ayde is yet kept up , his interest maintained by the kings catholick subjects in ireland , as they terme themselves in favour to the prince , so that what at the beginning of these warres was acutely urged as a witty and plausible fallacy of the papists taking up arms for the protestant cause is at this day marveled at , the name changed , only as that the papists in ireland take armes to defend a protestant prince in scotland : all which considered the prince cannot be thought to take those instructions to be truely and genuinely the kings or little observes them as the kings . that which should have beene expunged out of the booke to make it the more admired his is that one passage ( strange amongst the rest ) about the authors challenging the parliament for discovering the letters taken at naseby fight even now mentioned , unlesse it were ill taken by the author in the kings behalfe that the naming his friends assembled at oxford in the nature of a parliament [ his mungrell parliament ] as himselfe stiled it , should be disclosed together and liberties of a free-born people or presumptuously shall take part with the subverters of the same , although in a small degree of oppression and e●action ( the lawes having their metes and limits to bound out unto every man his owne ) are in the judgement of a learned b prince no better than pests , vipers and traytors to a kingdome , whence it might be mervailed at , but that the parliament hath with clemency passed by the transgressions of their mistaken country-men and fellow subjects without any heavier censure then fining them , that the violating the ancient law of magna charta so industriously and religiously preserved by their ancestors , and above thirty severall times confirmed in parliament ( to use the very words of the lords and commons assembled at oxford in their c declaration printed there ) should be objected against the parliament sitting at westminster , to be a bold & avowed transgression of the laws and liberties of the people , as if the parties of those lords and commons were altogether free from the like transgressions ; so they may in like manner object a violating the late kings grant to the petition of right , when they and their party are ( setting aside the justice of the ●ause on either side ) as culpable as the parliaments party are . the pillaging the earl of stamfor●'s house in leicestershire by the kings party commanding there an undoubted and notorious felony by the letter of the law , all his souldiers guilty of the same : the storming by day and night the breaking into the marquesse of winchester his house in hantshire by the parliaments party the highest degree of burglary : many the like hostile acts may be instanced in on either side , but how ? in the heat of war in the pursuit of conquest , each party striving who should overcome and destroy their enemy . one other passage in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as unjustly and improbably delivered is considerable ( viz. ) the plausible reasons d given of the kings going to the house of commons with so many armed gentlemen , which as the author sayes was no unwonted thing for the maiesty of a king to be so attended especially in discontented times . the times were not then so discontented as that unheard of and horrid act might have made them at that time , had but the hand of one desperate caitiffe given fire to his pistols ready cockt , the house of commons being neer full and equall in number to the forces prepared against them , no man knows how disastrous and fatall the event had been : neither could the king justly fear to be assaulted by any in the house as the author intimates , none in the house within being armed answerable to the kings guard without : the author thinks he hath handsomely palliated that attempt under colour of the kings standing in need of a guard , rendring those his attendants there short of his ordinary guard , but whether he meant short in number or in a daring and forcible array he declares not . many other passages as improbable as these are the discourses of the booke too tedious to recite , the examining and search whereof is besides this purpose : it seems to have little of the king , it hath elegancy of wit enough and affectation of expressions to be applauded inconsistent with a sound and christian wisdome whereunto his present condition was to be fitted , and charity enjoyns not to think it his , when full of so ma every three years presumes an expiration of that parliament which enacted it , and the king binding himselfe not to dissolve this without their own consent implies a consummation of such matters and acts as were to be handled and dispatched within the time before the trienniall was to commence ( which could not well be done by reason of the oppositions and affronts offered to blast their meetings and retard their councells ) otherwise a trienniall parliament would have began before the present parliament should end : besides every future parliament could not but expect an over-awing power to shake and dissolve it at pleasure , wherefore the care and taske of this could be no lesse then to make sure and valid their power and station , which if it be or had been borne downe what security could be had in the power and stability of trienniall or future parliaments . the kings forbidding papists to fight in his quarrell , is in that his answer to the lords and commons well expressed , and might give seeming satisfaction to the protestant party had it been as well observed , for if that be true which is credibly reported , of the soule and unheard of misdemeanour to the affront and scorne of the protestant religion committed by his party ( part of the northerne forces and styling themselves the queens army ) at the storming a g garrison towne in wiltshire , with many other acts of his and his party in countenancing papists charged on him by his people , was no good evidence of his inclinations to the protestant : and how by his catholique subjects , as they are ambitious to style themselves in ireland , and desirous they may be so recorded , and by the queens party and army here , shall his disavowing papists be made good ? her opinions and demeanour destructive to protestantis●●●e , together with the ayd of an obnoxious and discontented party here at home to affront the parliament and their proceedings in favour to the king when tyme should serve , being no good arguments to prove his constancy or sincerity really to performe what he promised and professed : the scots having a previous sense gave the english notice hereof to intreat them to be wary &c. least if they were not carefull and couragious they might be over reached as in the beginning of this discourse is set forth at large , which the parliament revolving and from their owne observation and experience tender also of the great trust which the people had reposed in them , were not willing to put it to the hazzard whether the king would make good his promises , which if he did not , the sad return which they must have made to the people of their trust had been they could not have thought it would have so fallen out : personall promises and tenders of grace are not compensatory nor an adequate discharge from reall injuries : which promises when againe objected , the season of offering them may be retorted as an answer to the objection as when they were promised ( viz. ) when he saw his prerogative acts scanned and enquired into swelling above the bounds of law and justice , when divers of his friends and favourites questioned and even convicted of high and capitall enormities , and that he could not otherwise rescue them from the hands of justice then by engratiating himselfe with the people by telling them of such lawes made for their ease and benefit untill he had gained then their fellow subjects did or could have discovered any darke or secret contrivances of such intendment or conspiracy against his person deeming all others of a narrow capacity ignorant and dull spirited , they were too blame to conceale the plot , the manner and means of effecting it ; they had opportunity encouragement & liberty enough , when his party were with him at oxford , and then and there accused the parliament sitting at westminster of many treasonable designs , when ( the quality of the persons accusing being considered the heinousnesse of the crimes wherewith the accused were charged ) the accusers would leave no means unattempted to enhance their power , to make good their accusation for the iustice sake of their owne proceedings : which heavy charges devised by them could not be the iudgment of them all , to censure those of westminster trayteurs &c. it was most likely to be the pride of some few thirsting to overcome , and taking upon them to be dictatours of law and treason , who t is probable forced and drew on the rest ( present then and unawares of what sad consequences might follow ) to partake of their own crimes and errors : so then the case is briefly thus , the kings party have in their declarations charged the parliament and their party of high treason , which party of the kings to make good their charge have striven and done their utmost to improve their own to consume the parliaments strength , as by inviting both forreigners and natives to come to their assistance , yea h neutrals too , under paine of allegiance forfeiting and breach of oath : the parliament have on the other side to defend themselves and friends from such guilt the neutrals also from the censure of allegiance forfeiting as much contended to abate and take away the kings parties strength : so both partie comming as it were to joyne issue in the tryall , there is likely to be no further dispute concerning it then what the sword shall determine . the next treason wherewith the parliament stands charged is the making a new great seale counterfeiting the kings ; the reader may observe the justnesse of such charge , the great seale an instrument of state i whereby iustice is derived and distributed to the people , as the kings party at oxford have confessed , being surreptitiously and vafrously taken away from the parliament the representative body of the people , contrary to the trust reposed in the keeper of the same , the making a new one cannot be rightly judged counterfeiting within the meaning of the * statute : counterfeiting is a close & cover act against the knowledg and privity of a superiour and lawfull power damnified by such counterfeiting ; nor is every thing which is made to the mould by which t is made a simply counterfeiting . the quality of the offence is discerned in the manner of the offending and the making a law commonly relates to some precedent crime or fraud ; now no man will believe that it is anywhere to be found upon record whereon to ground a law , that a king and parliament have at any time made use of a great seale to crosse or thwart each others actings . many other accusations of this kind are charged on them as disturbers of the peace , authors and fomentors of this they call rebellion : wherefore lest these severall charges heretofore denounced against them should by the enemy's recovering his power againe be hereafter made good obedience to their power , they require no more then what the apostle enjoyns , let every soule be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god ; the powers that be are ordained of him , and whereas they have enacted and declared that all men in offices of trust and qualified shall promise to be true and faithfull to this commonwealth wherein they live , and from whence they hold and enjoy their welfare , requiring afterwards a subscription and engagement of fealty unto the commonwealth as it is now established without a king or house of lords , the peoples subscription thereunto is no more , if small matters may hold resemblance with greater , then tenants of a mannour unto a lord thereof , unto whom without disputing the right and title they promise their present fealty : if the lord unto whom they have heretofore done homage be disse●sed by a stronger then himself , take it either of right or power , the tenants are to pay their homage to the lord that is . it is not to the power already past or that which is to come but to the powers that be , unto which subjection is to be rendred . the name as the office of a king hath been an ancient continued and supreme title before and since the conquest , his single person subject yet to passion error faylings , through which he may more expose his kingdoms unto dangers then a councell of parliament can well be thought to do : a parliament hath been a discontinued and intermitted court howbeit of l supreme authority and honour , within the power of any wicked or impious king , if any should happen to reigne , to be held on or dissolved at pleasure , untill by a law enacted by the late king's consent , this was not to be dissolved unlesse they pleased : wherefore the people leaning rather on the one ( the king ) being of a setled being , and who could reward or punish at his will : then on the other ( the parliament ) of a more unstable being , and heretofore dissoluble at the pleasure of a prince , the parliament judged it fittest to take away his power and office , lest by vertue of such power he might dissolve , convene at pleasure , and so awe their next convention , as to repeale and make null the laws and acts of this . the inconveniences may be many discovered by their prudence which the state of common-wealths in a monarchy may be subject unto , when princes in their usurpingly absolute and monarchicall estate , abusing their power trust and liberty , have become tyrants over the lives and liberties of the people , ass●ming moreover so much unto themseves or having been flattered by their creatures to believe , that they are gods on earth , as some of the roman emperours did arrogate unto themselves , that their power is so vast , so soveraign that the people were ordained for their behoof to doe and pay obedience in whatsoever they shall command , not the king for the m peoples good , that kings were accountable to none but god for whatsoever they doe , as of late 't was threatned , that the kingdome hath its power and being from the king , when as a grave n divine by his reading , proves that the king hath his power from his kingdome , therefore his authority , further illustrating upon the point , that howbeit [ power and authority ] be tearmes sometimes confounded , if distinguished makes clear the matter , for authority is a right and lawfulnesse to command obedience , such as all governours and magistrates have more or lesse ; but power is a lawfull ability to force obedience , where upon command it is denyed : one may have a just and lawfull right to command that wants a compulsive power to restrain from committing sinnes , as to enforce mens duties , others may have strength to force ( commonly called power ) that wants authority to command ; and power is that which in all government bears the sway : wherefore in the scripture rom. 13. it is taken concretively for the governours and magistrates themselves , which have powerat command to force obedience to their commands . now there is no doubt but the king hath full power to command according unto law all such as are subject to him by law ; but if upon command obedience be denyed , whence hath he lawfull power to enforce obedience ? whence hath he power to make good his authority but from the people ? he cannot have it from himsele being but one man ; to keep a strong guard of some of his people to impugne and force the rest , must needs produce commotions , insurrections , and a civill war ; the * philosopher and others who write of policy , will tell you it is tyranny , nor is such ability potestas but vis , violence not power because unlawfull : when vis and potestas or vis and jus doe clash and skirmish , the consequence is dangerous : to keep an army on foot continually under other pretences thereby to affright and force the subjects is little better , therefore the kings power must needs come from his own peoples hands and strength , and from the same people must come his authority : if any other should give him authority which were not able to make it good by power , it were given him in vain , nor were the people bound to make that good which themselves gave not ; whence he hath his power then , from thence he must needs receive his authority , even from the kingdom . notwithstanding which , admit what the kings party would have , that the kingdome hath its power or being from the king , that kings as nursing-fathers are worthy of much honour , yet where they lay waste their soveraignty by oppressing their people , by exercising a tyrannicall power over their estates & lives , where they embroyle their kingdomes in such a war , as the doubtfulnesse of the successe hath protracted it for many years , the continuing it hath consumed the estates and appall'd the hearts of most of his people ( no man knowing yet the worst and end thereof ) they cannot expect power , being , and welfare from such a king : the danger of the continuing therof consists in this , that howbeit there have been heretofore civill wars betwixt the king and subjects of this nation , none like to this , consider it either in the manner for the beginning and continuance of it , for the opposite and crosse engagements even beween the nearest friends , between brethren of the same bloud , betweene the father and the sonne , between equalls in all degrees and faculties ; amongst some really and with vehemence pursued , amongst others ( though opposite in judgement and opinion ) yet so linckt in relative affection each to other , that their actings and contendings seem rather a mutuall agreement with their friends of the opposite part to serve each others turne , then a true and reall discord , to the end that which of the parties shall prevaile , the prevailer by such mutuall contract shall be able to helpe the conquered : and that which seems strange in the quarrell , the most unhappy to the protracting it , is the violence and heat in many of the opposites shewne in their contrary arguings and assertions one to the other , as that the taking up of arms in the defence of the laws and liberties was judged by the one side to bee lawfull and necessary , condemned on the other to be trayterous and rebellious , the same act could not be lawfull and trayterous too ; the difference onely is as a long time it hath been , concerning the severall objects and matters in dispute , as how peace hath been forfeited , how lost , now on what terms , and by what means to regain and secure it when regained : the kings party say ( the more moderate from a reluctancy of heart , and unwillingness to be conquered , others of a fiercer spirit to be avenged on their adversaries ) the surest and next way to peace is in the prince his enjoying what his father had , faintly believing , that he will be avenged only on those who were the authors & contrivers of his fathers death , that he will passe by with a generall act of oblivion , all other of the people by a light fining , or putting them to compound for their estates . the parliament having in their wisdome and experience discerned and foreseen the danger which the common wealth they and their friends are thereby subject to , are of a contrary minde to what the kings party doe give out , they doe foresee ( and know that it concerns them to provide against ) that the prince will not onely rest there to be avenged for his fathers death , he will remember his owne being kept out , and as it were exiled from out the kingdome whereunto he aspires , and hath engaged so many against this . the scots in maintenance of the kings party's judgement contend to aid his sonne the prince , but whether for tho covenant as their motto's doe professe , or against through a mis-understanding it , or through willfull blindness , their actions doe declare and are here expressed : they give out that they have brought the prince to repentance for his fa●hers sinnes and for the sinnes of his family , but that their prince doth threaten not many moneths before , requiring aid to be avenged for his fathers death , and yet to repent and to be humbled for his fathers sinnes seems inconsistent : but doe they mean the prince in his person only or his party ? they should withall have brought to repentance all the king his fathers party , else their covenanting to prevent and oppose seems to be of little use , the meaning of [ preventing and opposing ] carries with it a further progress of motion , then to intend onely the person of the king then living ; the repentance which they speak of , if it should prove feigned and dissembled [ the heart is desperately evil , who can know it ? ] and thereby the safety of many thousands engaged in this quarrell swallowed up , the too late his partyes construction , as to offend : whosoever shal look on in a conflict betwixt two opposite parties , his affections questionlesse incline ( whatsoever his actions are ) more to the one party then to the other : so neutrals such as have not acted for the king , being already by his party adjudged guilty , are subject to the censure , & may be brought in within the compasse of the prince his meaning , for if upon the late king his parties good successe in some victories obtained when they kept garrison at oxford they in the high tide of triumph construing their fellow subjects demeanour in relation to the king , spared not to bring in all neutralls , if the prince shall come in conquerour , what shall be judged and who reputed principalls , who accessaries ( which is all one if it were treason ) to his fathers death ? when as the charge of taking away his life forraigners and strangers beyond sea reckon to be a nationall and the peoples act , because the parliament is the representative of the people ; for they not knowing the reason and exigency of matters here , account it not an act only of the iudges , advocates , and officers deputed for his tryall , but include the whole english driven on first by the scotish nation , the english more manifestly in that divers of their friends and agents being employed beyond sea for making good the amity and correspondence betwixt them and other states and nations , have been barbarously and inhumanely murdered by the enemies party , severall affronts and indignities offered them , all to disgrace , lessen , and discourage the parliament and their actings : so that it concernes both nations ( the english and the scots ) rightly to apprehend , and rather to have continued in their mutuall league then be led away ( as the scots have manifested themselves to be ) by the power and ambition of the greater ones , to engage one against the other : the english have sufficiently expressed their averseness from a warre with the scots , their readynesse to afford them ayd in their greatest wants , and cannot now be thought forward , unlesse provoked to invade their country , or if they do to be gayners by it , what the scots may by invading this , all men know who know the condition of theirs and ours , how sterile the one , how fruitfull the other country is ; the setting us and them at variance , the differences and dissentions between us now , flow̄ frow one common source , to wit the enemy his wiles and subtilty , who wants no stratagem to bring this contest betwixt him and us into a fresh debate , both by secret and covert acts at home to promote sedition and division amongst those whom he would overcome , as by open acts and solicitings abroad to pursue his attempting to bring in any forraign force , how wild or barbarous soever they be , how hard to get them out againe out of this plentifull nation , yeelding them all provisions all habiliments of warre to strengthen themselves in this , as to provide for their next attempt elsewhere after they have destroyed and harrased this , not knowing how to distinguish between presbyterian , independent , and royall party , and this to be driven on by him and his accomplices ( in an hazardous and uncertaine way ) out of revenge and thirst to regaine unto himselfe his power againe , long since forfeited through his mistaken loyalty , certainely through disaffection to his native brethren of the same nation , or without considering ( which wise men should ) the price of peace which cannot be had without a war , mony being the sinewes and support thereof ; the country-man grudgeth not to pay for seed expecting a plentifull harvest , nor the tenant to contract with his landlord to disburse great summes for an estate in reversion for his posterity , yet the laying out mony by either of them , for that without which the countrymans harvest nor the tenants estate can fall out joyously , is irksome to them both . the frequent exception which the people make by way of comparison between the payment of ship-money in the late kings time , and the impositions and taxes now required , comes fitly to be answered : better ( say they ) that the payment of ship-money should have continued and the like illegall taxes demanded beyond and above the power of law , easier to be born then so much bloud spilt , then such vast summes of money spent in the maintenance of this war , and the people thereby impoverish'd : the parliament confesses and allowes as much , that of two evils the lesser is to be chosen , where of necess●y one must happen , as in case of inevitable necessity that wisdom and industry cannot prevent : if otherwise , necessitas non excusat quae potuit esse non necessitas , as a learned * writer of the church acutely argues ; when that a king his treasure or revenue sufficeth not for the common good , as when the realm is invaded , or any notable rebellion of the subjects shall happen , such an invasion or rebellion as is not procurata , not simulata , but verae gravis manens , the king then by the common opinion of the civilians may impose new taxes in requiring aid , although out of a parliamentary and common way . the answer to this exception is made good resembling it to one of the same kinde ; it were better that a man should receive a wound from a stronger then himself , and afterwards be assaulted and affronted a second or third time , yea even untill he be maimed ; then , although in his own defence be killed ( for so it may happen upon his resistance-making ) it had bin better for him to have endured those and many more affronts and wounds as the lesser evill of the two , then by striving & repulsing them to lose his life , but where the one might have been avoided , no necessity of the other to have hapned , the exception seems invalid : again if a man having an estate in fee , in land or otherwise , free from any charges , taxes , tallages , annuities or the like , and a firm and undoubted title to the same , rather then he will suffer a rent-charge although of a smaller value to be unjustly and wrongfully paid out of it through the oppression of an adversary stronger then himself , demanding such a rent , wil doe his best to defend , yea peradventure at a greater expence of money then the rent-charge may amount unto : nor is his failing to maintain his title an impeachment to the credit of it , no more then it is an advantage to his adversaries right being of ability to oppress his tenant weaker then himself ; there was no necessity of levying shipmoney when it was required , first from the maritime places and countries , which when they did submit unto , was generally paid throughout the whole land , and for divers years continued , and wherefore when the english had commerce , trade , and correspondency with all other nations without interruption or hostility ? wherefore the for standing out longest against his & his fathers power , the presbyterian next for his opposing & contending with it at first , the neutral for his double minded and ambidextrous carriage , and upon an inquiry had who have subscribed the late engagement which the greater and more considerable part of the whole nation have , to punish the subscribers or put them all to their sute for pardons : at what rate ? that the price of purchasing shall both gratifie his friends forraigne and domestick and defray the charges of the warre , that not all , but seize and become lord of the peoples estates and lives by way of policy and prudence to keep and prevent them from committing the like rebellion as t is ●armed , that they may not have wherewithall hereafter to leavy a warre for the maintenance of treasons , that the same may not be said of them as the kings party in their indignation said at the beginning of this warre of the city of london [ their wealth was the occasion of this war by consequence of the ruine of this nation . ] lastly this may be seen in the summe of all , that if the prevailing party in any division shall divide according to their varying judgments , then subdivide , after subdivide againe , there will be no end of such dividings , untill their number and their friends bee reduced into few or none , and shattered in pieces as their enemies would have it , even as dust before the wind ; for instance sake , the kingdome did at first divide into a party for the king , another for the parliament , the parliaments party upon their conquest did divide into two sorts , the one called presbyterians , the other independents , the presbyterians if they shall prevail may divide into a scotish rigid presbyterian and an english presbyterian of a milder test , and to be new molded to the conquerours fashion : if the independent shall prevail they may rend into new sects and divisions , and the prevailing party in such sects may divide again , so there will be no end of dividing till all be scattered and lost . the emulations , part-takings , and dissentions now on foot and spreading farre , give to the enemy's indefatigable & restless malice new hopes of recovering his power again , that through these conflicts the deciding this quarrel may come again to be debated & the cards new shuffled , be taking advantage of the presbyterian's●iscontent and making use of his power mingleth interests ' is to be seared , as the state & kirk of scotland have likewise done to promote the design in hand , joyning with him in this particular against subscribing the engagement , where the kings party may seem to have the better colour to quarrell with the subscription because that thereby the kingly power and office are excluded , their task is therefore to disswade , to argue against subscribing ( whether they doe subscribe or no themselves ) on purpose to keep in the fuell of emulation and contention in these distracted times , yet 't is to be believed that many of themselves subscribe , whether against their will and to avoid the penalty of not subscribing , and so the more active and eminent sort of their party may peradventure be privily dispenced with for their subscribing , in case they come at any time after to be questioned for it , knowing then how to excuse themselves by one common plea of submitting rather unto , then to be undone by their enemies and the kings , but how justly do they plead thus when as the parliament judgeth it in most of them to be an outward onely and feigned conformity to their present government , an enforced submission to the engagement , and so passe it by without punishing any for refusing ? they knowing withall that the engagement is so commonly received , so easily swallowed by the enemy and his party , that many of that party are nothing the worse thought of by them for refusing , nor many other the better for their taking it , their affections little knowne or measured , by either taking or refusing . but why the presbyterian so much against subscribing , in opposition to the party which he calls independents , or in favour to the late king , or to the prince his son and his surviving party ? the author of the * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the kings name remembers and observes the demeanour of them both , that the presbyterian did hunt for that which the independent caught in hunting , viz. the overthrow of the king in person or in his monarchicall estate , and the prince in his messages before recited , remembers how they have both behaved themselves : the presbyterians being against subscribing is not in respect to the house of lords , nothing in the covenant to deter them from subscribing as touching the leaving out or holding in the lords , whom no part or article of the covenant includes or comprehends . briefly to understand the reason of enjoyning , taking or refusing it , which is now become a disputable theame , the exception against the taking is either in the manner , the formall reason , the scope and intention of those who enjoyned it or the matter enjoyned , as to the first , the reason of enjoyning it seems no other bond and yet then what the parliament & their friends did about 8 years since of entring into a covenant for the better streng●hening and 〈◊〉 fi●mly binding all men together in a religious and civill union , that seeing dividings in opinion and dissentings in practice are fatall to the conquerour , union and accord to the conquered , the parliament contends to bring all men into one form of civill government to one unanimous judgment , whereby after the p uniting of their minds , a restraint of hands and ceasing from further contentions might ensue to the begetting a firme and lasting peace , opposition in affections begets the like in actings and endeavourings , especially in a civill warre where men of eminent and active spirits , zealous for and fond of their own opinions an● bold to vent them , when subdued by arms and convinced by reason shall resolve into revenge and fury and become restlesse in their attempts even to the hinderance of an ensuing peace untill they and their party may gaine what they have lost . the engagement now enjoyned and tendred seemes more easy to be observed , more uniforme then the covenant , the * covenanters protesting in one place that they will desend the kings person and authority in the preservation of the true religion and peace of the three kingdoms ; in other places , that they will really sincerely and constantly , without respect of persons , endeavour to bring unto condigne punishment all such as shall oppose and disturbe such peace , if a king shall sweare to governe according to the lawes of the land as the late king did , the oath is no longer to be understood an oath then the lawes have being ; [ to govern ] taking it without an addition is an indefinite and indeterminate act ; [ to governe according to the lawe ▪ ] a qualified and limited one in the termination of his oath : the termination in the covenant [ for the preservation of the true religion liberties and peace ] is the reason and formality of that and of other articles of the covenant ; a covenant or promise to preserve the kings person , without setting down wherefore or to what end , is a short and indeterminate promise unlesse the intent or finall cause of such promise be expressed : wherefore if the king as the lords and commons have often charged him , be guilty of the blood spilt in these his kingdoms , the covenanters could not , both defend his person and authority , * and yet bring to publique triall th●●uthors of the effusion of that blood and to bring them to that condigne punishment as the degree of their offences should require or deserve as is elsewhere mentioned . as to the matter of the engagement [ to be true and faithfull to the commonwealth as it is now established without a king or house of lords ] what is the exception against the subscribing this ? the king being dead , and least the prince ( his sonne ) or any other of his family , shall pursue what he hath threatned , the revenge of his fathers death , the parliament hath thought it fit , yea necessary , to exclude him as a king from the supremacy of this government , the competition being betwixt a monarchicall forme of government [ a government by a king ] and a mixt of aristocraticall and oligarchicall , or of a common-wealth without a king : if the former be admitted viz. a monarchicall the power of government then descends unto the prince ( the late kings sonne and heire ) so the presbyterian having entred into a covenant chiefly and principally for the defence of the protestant religion , the subjects liberties seems to waine those parts of the covenant entred into for defending them , if now that the father is taken away they admit the sonne treading in his fathers steps ; unlesse the making and taking it were in●ended onely to inure and remaine in force for the term of one mans life : wherefore the powers that be have good cause to be jealous of such as reject the latter form , embracing a monarchicall one , as complyers with the late king and prince , and weary of submitting and adhering unto them . wherefore the states enjoyning the engagement is no matter of chance , as a thing which may be required to be done or let alone , of none or a slight concernment devised or instituted to little or no purpose , when conducing as far as at the present they judged it might avail to the discovery of mens affections , it conduceth likewise to the settlement of a peace and union : for whilst the mindes and judgments are no more unanimous , the contentions in this war will hardly cease . the choice of taking and refusing should likewise be of a judicious and sober inquiry , as who doth enjoyn , and to what purpose t is enjoyned , not that therefore we should so refuse because we have suddenly and rashly resolved so to doe , a fault incident to yong wits , hot and fiery spirits , or because we see learned and eminent men in other kindes of knowledge , able indeed to lead weak and unstable spirits captive unto theirs , do refuse , but on good deliberation and well weighing wherefore the state hath required it . they in their enjoyning the engagement insist not , nor is there cause they should , so much on the value and efficacy of polite learning and knowledge , take it either in languages arts or academick faculties , or ●n the judgment and discretion of such men as have read a multiplicity of authors , or are as m●ses was , skilfull in all the learning of the aegyptians , as on a sober studied and well grounded prudence ballasted with observation and experience ( all which the learned may likewise have ) governing and guiding the safest way to a selfe-preservation and welfare of a common-wealth . besides the novity , the unexpectednesse of the engagement now enjoyned , other discontents and heart-burnings are whispered and cherished by the common enemy insinuating and seditiously giving out , that the nobility are unthankefully and indignely dealt withall as being detruded from their rights and privileges of sitting in the house of parliament as peers , to joyne with the commons in the debate and handling the affairs of the commonwealth , withall that those lords who have been active and assistant both in their estates and countenance to promote the good of it during these distractions may think themselves neglected and ill rewarded if now debard from their ancient and native liberty of voting in the house : the reason of the parliaments enjoyning of the peoples subscribing to this engagement , rests upon the issue of these questions , whether from irela●d so erroneously misled and malev●lently affected towards england by a two-fold antipathy both of nation and religion and so impetuously set on by three severall parties the royall popish and prelaticall , there be not an evident approach of perill to england in case the english be not some way cemented and unt●ed , ( as the engagement now in question aymeth at ) and with a joynt vigour to subdue them , and to keep them under when subdued ? whether through and by reason of these distractions england be not in danger of losing their ancient rights and claims their credit and privilege of commerce and traffique which heretofore they have had with other nations ? whether scotland not remaining in the same condition of amity and brotherhood , as in their league and covenant with england they at first united in , but rather revolting from it , it be not necessary to make up that breach by a closer union amongst our selves and against them , when as it appears , without recounting the particular actions falling out betwixt the parliament and army betwixt divers and private members and officers of both , as what this or that particular person by himselfe or by the instigation of some few hath done contrary and against the directions or command of his superiours , that the scots have in the maine broke with us ? for instance sake , in the article of the large * treaty betwixt us and them granted and confirmed by the late king ; and wherein ( amongst the rest ) they having covenanted and declared against popery and prelacy which the king and his party hath countenanced and favoured and now endeavouring to hel● his sonne into his fathers power that then he may make good his favour towards papists and prelates would excuse themselves and quarrell to assigne the breach of covenant to us , but how justly let the reader judge : their insisting on a pretended loyalty clears them not in the judgment of any who since the beginning of these troubles have observed their motions their demands and treaties , neither doth their literall leaning on the words in that article of the covenant [ to defend the kings person and authority ] excuse their guilt , the kings person and authority being but one and an halfe part of that article , the sense and drift of it makes it up , which the english according to the end and meaning do pursue in the preservation of the true protestant religion , the liberties and peace of the three kingdome &c. now that they give out and threaten to come in an hostile manner into england under their apologeticall and specious pretence of fighting against the sectaries thereof , of repressing schisms and heresies when as they have nothing to do with our doctrine and discipline ecclesiasticall or civill , when as our own divines can do better service by their tongues and pens for the suppressing schismes and heresies then can be expected from the scots their swords and arms , which if we may speak by experience are by the continuing this warre more like to increase them both in number and power , then to suppresse or lessen them in either , and for the english laity none or a very few and inconsiderable number of them doe tolerate heresies and sects , as is elswhere set forth in this discourse : moreover when the english have shewn their aversenesse from a vvarre with them , q their tender and compassionate thoughts towards them when they were at the lowest ebbe , and they expecting the like measure of friendship and brotherhood from the scots according to their motto and profession [ to deal as they would be dealt with ] have assisted them before , and even at the beginning of these troubles when they suffered most , when by their applying themselves to the king for redress they could have none , the english was their only ayd and best support . the last question then falls out , whether whilst these matters be in dispute we may rest secure from an hostile invasion from them or other forraigners ? whether by these unnecessary disputes and dissentions here at home the commonwealth be not in danger to lose that in a short time which hath cost so much treasure industry and blood ? for the powers that be , once shaken and becomming weake will soon fall , most men being apt to lay hold on the r politicians advice [ not to leane on a weak and to●tering wall ] the judgment and knowledge of deciding these questions rests in the prudence and experience of the state , who after a long time casting and consulting what was fittest to be done , what the safest course to be taken for the strengthning and support of a firme and present government have resolved upon an universall engagement in such manner and forme as to their wisdomes seems most expedient , and they have accordingly declared and ordained , that they knowing the justnesse of their cause , ought in relation to the present security and maintenance of their power , to the preservation of a firme and lasting peace , to use all expedient and lawfull means against the violence and restlesse opposition of their enemies ; none they judge so safe as by an engagement and subscription thereunto , which if throughly weighed crosseth no former vow either of protestation covenant oath of allegiance or supremacy , the subscriber only promising to be true and faithfull to the commonwealth as it is now established without king or house of lords ; not the oath of allegiance or supremacy as is before observed if you look into the reason and end of enjoyning the said oa●kes ; nor the pro●estation taken 1641. for the maintenance of the kings honour person and estate ; nor the covenant taken 1643 for the preserving his just power and greatnesse , where his honour and power are transitory and personall capacities during life , dying with his person without further respect had unto his successors : so the taking the engagement commencing since the time of the king his death , is no breach either of covenant or protestation taken for him in the time of his life , nor by the words [ now established without a king or house of lords ] are the nobility excluded for ever from their privileges as to succeeding parliaments if the wisdome of the state shall so admit and these continued divisions beget not an universall ruine taking away the succession of parliaments , all order and government to be hereafter had , nor from an envy or neglect had by the house of commons to degrade the lords or lay their honours in the dust as hath been of late seditiously given out ; for so the gentry of which the parliament themselves consists , being in the next ranke to the nobility may fear their turn is next to be thrown from their station also , & al become levelled , such suggestions questionlesse are infused by the enemy's factours into the gentry's ears to draw away the affections of them also as well as of the nobility , to set on those ancient ranks of men against the parliament and their proceedings , endeavouring indeed to turn the hands and hearts of all men against them , but that the persons and estates of such of the lords as have assisted the court of parliament in the time of their extremities may hence be preserved from ruine , which in case the enemy should get the upper hand they must be subject to , and cannot therefore in their serious and prudent thoughts but confesse that safety and preservation are as valuable as order or honour is . did the engagement crosse the above-named oaths , the refuser might plead the tendernes of his conscience , that having taken those oaths which to his present judgement doth deter him from subscribing to the engagement , he cannot without dispencing with his conscience so subscribe . the subscriber from the tendernesse of his observes and builds on the apostles precepts , let every soule be subject to the higher powers , againe , submit unto every ordinance of man for the lords sake : he holds withall gratitude to be a morall act of conscience , and therefore thinks he may , nay , that he is bound to promise fidelity to the power from whence be receives protection and enjoyes his safety : so it seems strange that amongst men of the same uprightnes and integrity many of either party being conscientious and honest men , one party should take , another should refuse , and that the same guide of conscience conversing about the selfe same object should tend and lead to contrary ends and actions : conscience is a certain and uniform habit of the mind of man , and therefore cannot erre in a contrary diameter ; as at the first entrance into this warre the kings party did pursue their cause as the parliament did theirs , each of them imploring gods blessing according to the iustnesse and righteousnesse thereof , which could not be iust on ether part when their undertakings were contrary and crosse each to other : it seems as strange that divers of either party acknowledging gods goodnesse trusting on his help should from contrariety of judgments and courses each to other hope to succeed in that they expect from him , a blessing upon their endeavourings ; he is the same , knowes no change , nor faileth them who trust in him : none so wicked but will confesse that he is good and gracious , but for any to expect that through his blessing through his goodnesse which they take not the proper course for in prudence sobriety and obedience , or faile in that which he hath ordeyned for conveying unto us what we look for at his hands , it is rather a tempting then a trusting on him : conscience else may be defined a perswasion of the mind that such or such a thing is sinne , that therefore we are unwilling and afraid to commit the same for feare of displeasing a great and all-seeing majesty : sinne is a transgression of the morall law , subscribing is no breach of it , the act of subscribing or not subscribing may proceed from a disposition or indisposition to do or refuse what our will doth prompt us unto : neither is it so much conscience in the taker and refuser both , in respect of some t is to be feared a passion or selfe wilfull humour governed and directed by a carnall and selfeseeking policy , neither is it a matter of small difficulty to distinguish betweene the naturall and spirituall inclinations of a man : it is not betweene taking and not taking the engagement amongst us as betweene eating and not eating meats amongst the christian romans , where as to the eating and not eating the aposte judgeth it a matter of indifferency as to them that were so divided concerning meates and thereupon ordereth let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not , which he doth to take away the occasion of secondary differences which might grow betwixt them , to preserve the common peace , to take away all scandall and division ; there was nothing there enjoyned as to the eating or abstaining from eating ; it is not so between submitting and not submitting unto authority as to the lawes and policies of a commonwealth , for whereas submission to every ordinance of man for the lords sake is required and here the powers that be enjoyne the same , obedience being a conscientious duty better then sacrifice the indifferency seems to cease and is become a duty ; and there the conscience swayes the ballance rather unto that side which obeyes , then unto that which resists authority : so the continuation of the quarrell rests in subjection on the one hand to , in resisting on the other hand the higher powers , & the process of this war lies on their score and theirs alone who when they have erred and are convinced shall not acknowledge and retract their errour , which can be no injury or disrepute to the sober and lowly minded . the wisest of * philosophers maintaines that no injury can befall a wise man , his stout and resolved heart keeps off the sto●ms of calumny when weaker ones do feare and shrinke under every gust of reproach and censure , so that if the convicted party shall redeem their errour by confessing it , the vanquishing forbeare to glory as some have over-hastily boasted in their extraordinary successe of a finite uncertaine and vanishing condition ſ rather then in the equity and iustice of their cause of a more durable and lasting station , t or in the flattering and pleasing our selves with the divisions falling out amidst our enemies abroad concerning their counsells and commands , rather in studying to compose and reconcile our own at home , the warre might soon be ended , and the god of peace own us as of the number of those unto whom he hath promised * the blessing of peace . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a38477e-110 a in the meditation upon the second treatise in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} b proverb . c see the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ☞ * edw. 3. cap. 25. d with swords girt on their sides , &c. see the form of the writ in the crown office . e mr. lambard in his eirenarch lib. 1. cap. 6. f see his answ . to a declaration sent from both houses , may 1642 g see the two declarations entituled , the declarations of the lords and commons of parliament assembled at o●ford , with the specious frontispices of the one touching a treaty . other concerning their endeavors for peace . print . march 1643. h in his declaration concerning his proceedings with his subjects of scotland , since the pacification in the camp near berwick , printed 1640 , pag. 38. i namely in that recorded in the chronicle of richard earle of warwick his answer unto king henry the 6th , who directing his privy-seal to discharge him of his governourship of callis , the earle refused , alleging . that it was granted him by parliament , whereunto if it be answered , that that might be a personall contumacy in the earl , nothing proving the validity of that court , the reply may be , that the authority of parliament hath been of so large an extent , that some kings of this realm have been by act of parliament confirmed , as edw. the 4th , some with their wife and issue dis-inherited of their right to the crown , as hen. 6. the lawfulness whereof not at any time questioned , and when the tytle to the crown hath been disputed , it was by authority of that court setled , and the crown entailed , as they in poll●y and prudence thought sit . speeds chronic. in the life of hen. 6. edward 4 , & 5. k see the scots remonstrance printed 1640 ▪ cited by master . thomas may in his history of the parliament of england , written 1647. l cited and complained of by the king in the same d●clararation against his scotish subjects , for inviting forrein forces into this kingdome , page 55 , 56. see the letter it self in the same declaration , signed by seven of the principall of the nobility of scotland . m the lord london , see his answer . n see in the kings name , the authors accompt of them , how in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} he keeps in memory , that the scots we●e the first that began the kings troubles , in the treatise of his leaving oxford , and going to the scots , and elsewhere in severall places of that book . also in the declaration printed on the kings behalfe at oxford , 1643. pag. 23. suggesting an intent in them to confound the government , and alter the laws of england . the marquesse of montrosse declareth how they began his troubles , ( viz. ) by dispersing their apologeticall pamphlets ( as he termes them ) through great britaine before the troubles began , and before their comming with an army into england : see a book entituled , the history of his majesties affairs under the conduct of the marquesse , in the years 1644 , 1645 , 1646. page 3. o amongst other motives to his a●g●r about the earl of strafford's death , which whether he would have avenged on the party who condemned him , may be guessed at , in that an unknown author in his name , severall times repents the injustice of that act , to which he was forced to yeeld complyance , for which sin , as the author mentions it , the king and his kingdomes have felt long , great , and heavy troubles . see the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the treatise concerning the earl of strafford , and the marquesse of mo●trosse his declaration set forth 1649 aggravating the same to incense the king and his party against the scots , expressing in it their disloyall practices , breach of duty , covenants , calling them traytors , &c. p see the kings gratefull acknowledgement of the affection and loyalty of his irish subjects in offering to supply him with preparations , &c. together with their persons and estates , even to the uttermost of their ability , to reduce his dis-affected subjects of scotland to their obedience , desiring withal it may be recorded as an ordinance of parliament , and to be printed as a testimony of their loyalty to all the world , and succeeding ages , in his declaration since the pacification , pag. 63. which could not but stir up the scots to seeke protection and assistance from their fellow subjects and friends wheresoever , whom the king calls his dis-affected subjects , and how he doth secern them from the rest is hard to judge , when as the whole and most considerable part of that kingdome did by their pacts and counsels at their assemblies h●ld , withstand and resolve to withstand divers of his messages obtruding on them such matters as made against the peace of their church and kingdome . q in the third treatise . r mr. d●nz . hollis his speech , june 1642. ſ see the message s●nt from both houses of parliament to the king , & his parties receiving it , mentioned in this book . t see the declaration of the lords & comm●ns assembled at oxford , printed there 1643. u see the remonst●ance sent out of scotland , 1639. w see the same declaration ibid. x see it cited in the declaration printed at oxford 1643. pag. 13. y mr. john heywood on the life of hen the 4th . z bracton lib. 4. a france . b see the duke of rohan in his treatise of the interests of the princes and states of christendome , calling england a little world set apart as having nothing to do with other princes , &c. c mercurius aulicus . d victoria naturâ insolens & superba est cicero . e king james his speech in parliament , 1609 f in norththamptonshire . g sir francis bacon on the life of hen. the 7th . h nulla tam sancta lex est quam non oppo●ceat , si salus populi post●let , urgeatque necessit●s , mu●are . bodin lib. 4. de repub. i see the parliaments remonstrance 1647. k in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} treatise 28. upon the vote of non-addresses . l in the book stiled the present judgment of the convocation held at oxford . m cal●ing j●piter ( amongst the rest of t●e heathen gods ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . n {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} quasi {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . o sir francis bacon on the life of hen. the 7th . p in the remonstrance dated nov. 1648. pag. 6. q see the declaration of the lords and commons in answer to the scots commissioners dated the fourth of march , 1647. r see the breviary of the history of the parliament of england , pag. 112. ſ see the objections and answers at large in the relation of the passages at the meeting at vxbridge 1644. printed then at oxford . t hen. 2. ● . eliz. u the law book cas●s give the reason why the bringing counterfeit money into england out of ireland is but misprision of treason although the bringers know and utter it quiae hibernia est membrum angliae . dal●on iustice of peace in cap. de high treason . w the lord w●a●ton . z see these charges mentioned by the two houses of parliament against the king in m● . may his history lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 118. a berk-shire . b twyford , o kingham , ●arringdon . c see master may his history of the parliament of england mentioning the demand and answer . d in the book of an unknown author called the state's martyr . e see the message and answer . f see the history of the kings affaires in scotland , &c. where the historian speaking of the marquesses m●n●●osse and argyle , the generalls of the two opposite armies in the kingdome of scotland he highly ex●olls m●ntrosse and as much reviles and derogates from argyle , rendring him in many passages of that booke a 〈◊〉 spirited so●ld●er and a knave , when as in other mens judgements he had when he was so depraved otherwise proved himself . g see it cited in the oxford declaration pag. 1● . h see the kings letter march 23. 1644. and the committees summons in aprill following . i see the proclamation in the kings name set forth 1642 ▪ accusing many gentlemen serving as knights and burgesses for their severall and respective count●es to be tray●ors and their persons to be seized on as rebells . k see the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in treatise 17. on church-government . l see their declaration printed at oxford , march 1643. towards the end of the book . m in a book styled [ the presen● judgment of the corvocation at oxford , dated june 1647. ] which if weighed with the arguments in the letter written by the london ministers to the lord fairfax and his councell of war , dated january 1648. in behalf of the covenant and the keeping it the reader will soone discern the odds . * suprema lex salus populi . n see the exhortation to the taking the covenant for reformation and defence of religion , &c. * livy . * isaiah . * cice●o : o see the exhortation of the assembly of divines to the taking the covenant printed feb. 1643. p see the lords and commons instructions for taking the covenant . the unanimous judgment of most part of the kingdome observed by their severall peti●ions at that time presented especially that of the gentry and trained bands of the county of essex presented to their lord lieut. the earl of warwick . likewise sir benjamine rudyard his speech in the beginning of this parliament about popery countenanced . see master may his history , lib. 2. chapter 6. page 15. q see the ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament with instructions for taking the covenant . r mr. alexander henderson in his reply to the kings first paper . ſ see the essex petition before cited . t see their commissioners judgement and intentions concerning . episcopacy , declaring prelacy to be the cause of all our broil● . in their papers dated 24 feb. 1640. u see the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in severall treatises ( viz. ( upon the listing & raising armie● against the king , upon the covenant and elsewhere . w see the 6. article of the covenant . x see the articles pag. 16 demand 4 granted by the king 1641. viz. that none should be admitted to his councell or attendance but such as should be approved by both kingdoms . y see the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} treatise 4 and elsewhere in that book , his parties constant 〈◊〉 towards the city of london and upon all occasions of his part●s naming it some of them have termed it a rebellious city , a magazine of arms and ammunition raised against their king , reproaching it with scornfull nick-names as they pleased . z see their declaration printed at oxford 1643 pag. 14 15. against the suggested irregular and undue proc●edings of the common-councell the represen●ative of the whole city . a see in the letter of the ministers their notice taking of the parliament and armies conceipt had of the covenant , page 8. b see his parties opinion of the covenant and the taking of it in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} pag. 113 , 114 , 115. whether and how far it is to be kept how little uniformity in the taking or keeping it , and for what purpose in the authors judgment framed at first , how ambiguous and hard to be understood , how much mistaking or dissembling in the making it at first , or mis-representing by those who like it no● , that howbeit one part thereof is that they had then no intention to diminish the king's just power and greatnesse , the authour in the king's name conceives that it was made and intended against the king as in many places of the treatise against the covenant the kings party complaineth . see also the kings declaration since the paci●i●a●ion against the scots and the covenant pag 8 which opinion of his see confirmed in the marquesse of montrosse his declaration set forth 1649 as in a b●ok called the history of the kings affairs in scotland before cited , pag. 6. * pa●au● . * st. ierome . c see their acts and ordinances for raising contribution-money towards the warrs throughout all counties exempting the universities and other colledges from such payments . * oxford . d see the like observed in the consecration of the bishops of england , written by mr. mason sometimes fellow of merton colledge in oxford in his ep●stle to the archbishop of canterbury . e see their remonstrances since the beginning of this war . h see their remonstrance before cited . i see the declaration of the lords & commons assembled at oxford &c. printed there 1643. p. 24. 26. 27. k in the trea●ise concerning the kings retirement from westminster n written by mr. tho. may , 1647. beginning at pag. 6. unto pag. 46. o see the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} treatise 1. on the kings calling the parliament . p mr. may his history . q mr. hollis his speech . r see the 36 statute of edw. ● . r see the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} treatise to upon their seizing the kings magazines forts navy and militia . ſ hen. the 7. t in their apology printed soon after the ●ngl●sh army went toward scotland . y tantum res 〈◊〉 c●m qu 〈◊〉 satell●ith , 〈◊〉 pontific is 〈◊〉 . iewel in apolog. eccles. anglican . z the speedy and effectu-suppressing errors and schisms is charged on him . b k. iames his speech before-mentioned . c see the oxford declaration pag. 19. d in the treatise concerning the kings going to the house of commons to surprise the five members . g marlboroug● ▪ decemb. 1642. h see the oxford declaration page 26. 27. i see the same declaration page 11. * 25 edw. 3 l sir edward cooke his collections concerning the authority of the parliament in the fourth book of his institut . m quanquam principes sunt ex numero {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} tamen natura & temporis ratione prius sue● int subditi princ pes ve●o ( nisi qui tyrannidem usurpârint ) non naturà ut pat●es sed suffragio subditorum gratia constituti s●nt i●de illud domini apud daniel 4. 32. scias quod dominetur altissimus in regno homin um & cui volue●it dabi● illud . ex qu● sequitur non regum causâ subditos nasci , sed reges commodis subditorū inservi●e debere . bucan. institut theolog. tractat. de magistratu . thomas 1 part 1 samma theolog. quest . 9. art. 3 & 4. n the author of the peoples plea , * aristotle . * tertullian . * treatise 26. p master lambards eirenarch , cap. 2. in his tract on king edw. the third his writ directed to the high sheriff : of kent for the proclaming peace , where he speaks first of u●iting minds , then of restraining hands as a meanes for the preservation of the publick peace . * see the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} upon the covenant . * see the covenant . * pag. 16. demand 4. q at the defeat given them by montrosse at kilsyth eve● to the ruining the state of scotland when the lord fairfax the english generall and other commanders in chief wrote to the earle of leven the scottish generall that they accounted the calamities of scotland to be their own , and would willingly adventure their owne blood for the scots as for the english till the enemies of the three kingdoms were fully vanqu●shed . see the breviary of the history of the parliament of england . r noli in caducum parietem inclinare ▪ lipsius politic. * in sapientem non potest cadere injuria . seneca . ſ see the exhortation for and touching the taking the covenant annexed to the covenant printed . 9 february , 1643 t commonly discoursed in the diurnalls and occurrences printed in aprill and may 1651. * psal. 19. interest mistaken, or, the holy cheat proving from the undeniable practises and positions of the presbyterians, that the design of that party is to enslave both king and people under the masque of religion : by way of observation upon a treatise, intitutled, the interest of england in the matter of religion, &c. / by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. 1661 approx. 285 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 96 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47873 wing l1262 estc r41427 31355330 ocm 31355330 110404 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47873) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110404) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1744:15) interest mistaken, or, the holy cheat proving from the undeniable practises and positions of the presbyterians, that the design of that party is to enslave both king and people under the masque of religion : by way of observation upon a treatise, intitutled, the interest of england in the matter of religion, &c. / by roger l'estrange. l'estrange, roger, sir, 1616-1704. the second impression. [16], 173, [2] p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1661. advertisement: p. [1]-[2] at end. imperfect: print show-through. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng corbet, john, 1620-1680. -interest of england in the matter of religion. interest of england in the matter of religion. presbyterianism -controversial literature. church and state -england. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-01 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion interest mistaken , or the holy cheat ; proving from the undeniable practises and positions of the presbyterians , that the design of that party is to enslave both king and people under the masque of religion . by way of observation upon a treatise , intituled , the interest of england in the matter of religion , &c. by roger l'estrange . the second impression . aug. de civ . dei. nullo modo his artibus placatur divina majestas , quibus humana dignitas inquinatur . london , printed for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane . 1661. to the honourable hovse of commons assembled in parliament . most honourable , to begg your pardon , or protection , were to suppose a fault , or hazzard , but in this dedication finding neither , i shall waive that formality : humbly submitting what i have to say ; my reasons , and my self , to your authority , and wisdom , without more prologue , or apology . there is a faction which under the note of presbyterian , seems much concerned to stickle against bishops , & church-rites , on the behalf of tender consciences . their writings and opinions , are with great freedom , craft , and diligence , dispers'd throughout the nation ; to the great scandal of the true church , and the encouragement of those of the revolt . but this is yet the least part of the mischief , or in effect of their design : their ayme being to tumultuate the people , and make a partie against the civil power . indeed their pamphlets wear the face of church-disputes , and modells ; but he that reads them through , and marques them narrowly , shall find the king's authority the question . that the late war against the king was lawfull ; is a position common to them all , and this they publiquely maintain , as the main basis of the cause . by which assertion , they cast the bloud , and guilt upon his majestie ; make his adhaerents traitors : place the supreme authoritie in the two houses : subject the law to an ordinance : the government , to a faction : and animate the schismatiques to serve his majestie in beeing as they did his father . this is the drift of their seditious libells , and of their projects too ; if any judgement may be made upon their strict conformity of argument , and methode , to those that first embroyl'd us . how farr this matter may require your care , becomes not me to meddle : i thought it might be worth your honours knowledge , and led by an opinion of my duty , this state of the affair , ( such as it is ) i doe most humbly lay before you . his majesty had no sooner set foot upon english ground , but swarms of pestilent papers were in a readiness to enterteyn him . some of the sharpest of them , i delivered to several members of that session , with the stationers name for whom they were printed , ( smith , at the bible in cornhill , croftons agent ) but all too little to suppress them . one passage is this that follows ; speaking of the limited power of kings — this may serve to justify the proceedings of this kingdom against the late king , who in a hostile way set himself to overthrow religion , parliaments , lawes and liberties . hand in hand with this pamphlet , came forth smectymnuus ; reviv'd , and recommended by mr. manton : and since that time , some hundreds more of the same stamp , whose common business 't is , by affronting of the law , and flattering of the rabble to cast all back into confusi●n . among the many other actours of religion , i find not any man playes his part better , then the author of that treatise which hath extorted this : who indeed , abuses the people in very good terms . some hasty observations i have pass'd upon him , in favour of the easie , and deceivable vulgar ; which prailties i submit to your honours charity ; but the main equitie of the cause , i hope , will stand the test of your severest justice : for doubtlesse much is due to the late king's honour , as well as to his blood. and somewhat ( with submission to your wisdoms ) may be allow'd to his partie : at least sufficient to protect them from popular contempt , and the infamous lash of every daring libell . i dare not trust my self further with my own thoughts , and yet i take them to be such as very well consist with the duty of your honours most obedient and humble servant , roger l'estrange . to the good people of england . the cm mon good is the common pretence of all seditious combinations : and it is no new thing for a crafty faction to impose upon a simple multitude , empty appearances , for truths and reason . but our reformers scorn to stop at this dull , general method of confusion . the law of god must be subjected as well as that of the nation ; we must call treason , loyalty , and commit murther as a point of conscience . no lesse than this is hinted in the presbyterians justification of the scotish league and quarrel : nor have they any other aim , than by procuring an allowance of that war , to make way to another . to this end , they disperse their poysonous infusions into all quarters of the kingdom , under those very forms of piety , and tenderness , by which they first betrayed us : and by those very means do they now prosecute afresh their first intentions . that is , they labour to promote the cause , by scandalous and rank invectives , against the church , and stirring up of tumults to reform it : by a loud pharisaical ostentation of their own holyness , & a sour churlish censure of all others : by sharp and sawcie aspersions upon the royal party , and by reflections yet more bitter and audacious , upon his sacred majesty , and his murtherd father . to see these libells passe with freedom , and impunitie , as if they were authorized : and to observe what foul mistakes are grounded upon these grosse allowances , to the kings disadvantage , and all without controll or confutation . this , and no other reason ( so god blesse me ) that is ; of private passion , or animosity of temper ) hath drawn this honest folly from me . i reckon it my duty to my prince and country , to my own honour , and to the oath i have taken , where ever i find a publique enemy to discover him : and being thus commissioned , both by authority and conscience , i proceed . the benefit of this treatise is directed to the people , and the design of it is onely to lay open the presbyterian juggle , that in one age they be not twice deluded by the same imposture . my arguments are drawn from their own practises , and positions : from presidents of former times ; ( cartwright and his disciples ) from what hath passed within our own experience ; from what these very men have done , and from the very logique of their own writings , what they professe , they do intend to doe . as the delusion is apparent , so is the justice of discoursing it . can it be thought , that by the act of pardon , his majestie ever meant to subject all the sober and legal interests of the nation , to be worried by a faction ? who of the royal party charges them ? or if they did , what has the law done to offend them ? or say the law be sharp against them , his majesties unparalell'd mercy has by his royal grace taken off the edge of it ; hazzarding himself to preserve these unthankfull people , which are now practising upon that authoritie , that saved them . and i beseech you what is the goodly subject of the controversie ? the presbyterian discipline forsooth ; and ceremonies of mystical and humane institution . touching the former ; st. augustine tells us , that aërius turn'd heretique upon the misse of a bishopprick . ( the first assertor of church-parity ) i am affraid some of our reverend clergy are sick of his disease ; for their design is not so much to convert bishops into presbyters , as to make every presbyter a bishop . and then for ceremonies ; they teaz and chafe the common-people into a pettish scruple , that would be well and quiet enough without them . they make their consciences like skittish jades , that boggle at their own shadowes , and start into a precipice to avoid a feather . they tell us too of number , and press their importunities in the name of many thousands of the good people of the nation ; so did the kings insolent judges , and with as much truth the one as the other . let it be further noted , that in this case , the factious and schismatical clergy are but ( with reverence ) bawds to a state-faction . a tumult for religion , is within one step of rebellion . nor do they only shape their loose opinions to their lewd purposes , but by all secret arts and practises , they form their parties . but here i am confin'd . — all i design is only a fit caution to all well-meaning subjects , not to believe their eares against their reason . if they can adde one syllable , of weight , to what they have already promised , and broken , i 'le give my self up to the partie . this is not yet to cast a general blot upon all persons of that judgement , nor to excite any unquiet thoughts toward the rest : but only to present a modest , and an usefull warning to the people . so far am i from a desire to move any distemper , that i do positively affirm , should the king ( which is impossible ) pick out of all his subjects those very persons , who upon twentie years experience , have proved through all extremities how much they love his cause and person , above their lives and fortunes : should , i say , these be pick'd out by his majestie , and marqu'd for slaves to those that with an equal zeal and steadynesse have opposed him ; our dutie were the same yet . severitie , and kindnesse may move us as men , but not as subjects : obedience to kings being a divine precept , and not subjected to those accidents which work upon our passions . nor shall this sense of my own clearness betray me yet to a surprize ; for i fore-see a thousand mischiefs may befall me , and all which either private malice , or open and bold prejudice can cast upon me ; i am provided for . to those of the presbyterian perswasion that truly love the king , i bear a more then ordinarie respect , because it is a more then ordinarie virtue , and for the rest , i care not . i am not now to learn the temper of the rigid presbyterians . they did me once the honour to condemn me , almost at mid-night , by a pack'd committee , and without a hearing ; well-nigh four years they kept me in newgate upon that account . this was a pretty tast of their good nature . i do not now complain , but i confesse , it would have pleas'd me as well if the bishop that christens still by the directory , had chosen some other chancellour , instead of my judge advocate : — but i desire only to make a sober use of these mistakes ; the king knowes nothing of them . god preserve his majesty , convert his enemies , & comfort his friends . farewell . the holy cheat : proving , from the undeniable practices and positions of the presbyterians , that the design of that party is to enslave both king and people , under the masque of religion , &c. if the authour of the interest of england , &c. had meant fairly to the question , he would as well have told us the good of bishops , and the ill of presbyters , as he hath done the contrary , and never have concluded for , or against either , from the best actions of the one , and the worst of the other . at least , a man would think this partiality of method , might content him without the further service of those little arts he uses , to aid , and recommend his undertaking . the present state of things , he represents quite other then it is : and raises thence a political expedience of doing this , or that , — of linking interests , — never considering , that he himself creates that interest , and gives affairs the face of that expedience . page the 16. he laies his ground-work , in these following words . among the various dis-agreeing parties within this kingdom , which seem to render it an indigested mass of people ; two main ones appear above the rest , of so large an interest , that if by any means they might become no more twain , but one ; they would take in , and carry along the whole stream and strength of the nation . and these two are the episcopal and presbyterian parties , each of them highly laying claim to the protestant religion . and undoubtedly whilst these two remain divided , the kingdom of england , and the protestant religion is divided against it self . this dis-union is removed , either by the abolition of one party , or by the coalition of both into one . the former , if supposed possible , cannot be accomplished , but by violent & perillous ways and means . the latter is brought to pass by accommodation , or mutual yielding . moreover , there is a third way imaginable , toleration indulged to the weaker side . in which of these ways lies the true interest of the king and kingdom , is the greatcase of the time , and the subject of this discourse , which presumes not to inform his majesty , but in subordination unto his declared moderation and condescention , endeavours , by shewing things as they are , to convince and perswade interessed persons , that the pacification begun for this interim may be entire and perfect , and fully setled for perpetual unity . observation let it be here observed , first , what the difference is ; next , betwixt whom ; in the third place , the danger of it ; and lastly , the expedient to remove it . it seems , the episcopal , and presbyterian parties , united in religion , cannot agree yet about discipline : and while these two remain divided , the publick is in danger . from hence results the interest of mutual yielding — ( his coalition of both parties into one ) upon which hinge moves the whole frame of his design ; and in two pages , he gives the presbyter possession of his claim , deciding with exceeding ease , the case of king and kingdom . opinion is a great mistress : for that which he so magisterially lays down and challenges , appears to me mis-stated , and worse managed . i must confess , his reduction of all other interests under episcopal and presbyterian , is , in some sense , no ill dichotomy , that is , intended of the two main parties , whereof , the one's against the law , the other for it : but why the single presbyterian should be esteemed the ballance of the nation , i cannot comprehend . if they are so , they should do well to cast their cause upon a popular vote , and try the issue by the poll. for quiet sake , no matter , many or few , there may be equity where there wants number . we 'l rather see in point of right what 't is they insist upon : which , if exemption from episcopal authority , in things indifferent , and of humane institution . we must plead judgment of discretion too , as well as they : a freedom , and capacity to distinguish betwixt a scandal given and taken ; betwixt a dis-conformity proceeding from conscience , and from passion ; where the dissent proceeds from conscience , a toleration clears that scruple : but our good peoples liberty consists in burthening others , as well as freeing themselves , and that 's intolerable . how many strange indecencies are here , one upon the neck of another i first , here 's the minor part imposing upon the major : secondly , a novel , and vulgar imagination , bearing down an apostolical institution : thirdly , a private opinion , contesting with a solemn , and publike sanction : and finally , the subject of all this earnestnesse , in their own phrase , is but a very accommodable difference . from what i have said , i am perswaded that severity to the pertinacious presbyter , is the true interest of this nation , allowing yet indulgence to the conscientious . well , but our authour tells us , that abolition if possible , is perillous , and toleration only an imaginary remedy . is not this to intimate that the party makes less conscience of a tumult , than of a ceremony : and to argue the necessity of complying , from the danger of refusing ? what would these people do if they had power , that are so bold without it ! and yet our politician makes it the kings interest to close with them . he means perchance , according to the covenant : the coalition , there , of all schisms , and heresies into one interest , was of great reason , and important service to the commune work : but we are now advising how to settle not to disjoynt a government , and to incorporate dis-agreements , were to begin upon a principle of confusion . as the case stands with us , in my weak judgement , persons should rather be indulg'd , than parties . my reason is this , some individuals of that perswasion , have done his majesty some service , but ( to the best of my remembrance ) the entire party , never any . yet one reflexion more . allow these people all their askings , in what concerns their discipline , will they rest quiet there , without a further hankering after more ? ( the legislative power perhaps ; the militia ; — or some such trifle ) i am the more suspitious , because i do not well remember , where ever that party was satisfied with less than all. nor need i look far back for instances to justifie my fears ; but having in some measure hitherto discovered his foundation , we 'l forward now , and see what work he makes upon this sandy bottom , taking his title-page in my way , for , to my thinking , he stumbles at the threshold . — it runs thus . the interest of england in the matter of religion , unfolded in the solution of these three questions . i. qu. vvhether the presbyterian party should in justice or reason of state be rejected and depressed , or protected and encouraged . ii. qu. vvhether the presbyterian party may be protected and encouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor disobliged . iii. qu. whether the upholding of both parties by a just and equal accommodation , be not in it self more desirable and more agreeable to the state of england , then the absolute exalting of the one party , and the total subversion of the other . written by j. c. observation i would fain know what is meant by , the matter of religion , as it stands here related to civil interest ? doctrine it cannot be , for that were to advise a yielding upon a principle of policy , in opposition to a rule of conscience : subjecting interest of religion , which is eternal happiness , to reason of state , which regards but temporal convenience . if it be discipline , what 's that to the interest of england ? our settlement depends upon a due obedience to the establish'd law ; not the encouraging of froward humors , by an audacious and mis-govern'd zeal , under pretext of conscience to affront it . let authority reform , and private persons either obey , or suffer ; we are to answer for our own faults , not those of the government . and in fine , if the hill will not come to mahomet , let mahomet go to the hill. after a pleasant breviate of the story of our late troubles , handsomely penn'd indeed ) in his tenth page he takes his biass . at length ( says he ) a full tide of concurring accidents carries him ( the duke of albemarle , then general ) to a closure with the sober part of the parliamentary party , who from first to last intended onely a reformation , and due regulation of things in church and state , but abhorred the thought of destroying the king , or changing the fundamental laws of the kingdom . observation i thought the act of pardon and oblivion had quieted all animosities , and silenc'd all discourses of this quality ; but 't is , it seems , the interest of england in the matter of religion , to keep the quarrel waking ; and by asserting the proceedings of the two houses in the late war , to engage this king within the danger of his fathers president . to be as free with the authour , as he is with his majesty , i 'le put his meaning in a little plainer english. beside the grand division of the nation into a royal and a popular party ; that party which he here calls parliamentary , is again split ; and under this subdivision are comprised , those which did actually destroy the king ; and those which by good fortune , did it not . ( presbyterians , and independents . ) the sober part , ( meaning the presbyterian ) he justifies from first to last , even to their very intentions . ( i must tread warily , for i am here upon a narrow and a slippery path . ) not to dispute the gentlemans intuitive knowledge ; we 'l rather modestly believe that they mistook their way , then he , their meaning : for certainly , the murther of the king , was not the onely unlawful violence acted upon that sacred person , and he that stops there , does as much as nothing . i would not touch upon this subject , were i not bound by oath , and duty , to discharge my soul , in what concerns the honor , and the safety of my prince . can the first cause asserted by both houses , in opposition to his late majesty , be justifi'd , and not the king condemn'd ? and is not the honor and safety of his majesty that now is , concern'd in these indignities upon his murther'd father ? what was then lawful , is so still : and he that but implicitly charges the last king , strikes at this. the text will bear no other sense without a torture . but i shall by-and-by , compare him with himself . in the mean while we may explain one presbyterian by another . douglas , in 1651. preach'd the kings coronation-sermon . which since his majesties return , is over and over again reprinted . a king ( says he ) abusing his power , to the overthrow of religion , laws , and liberties , which are the very fundamentals of this contract and covenant , may be controlled and opposed ; and if he set himself to overthrow all these by arms , then they who have power , as the estates of a land , may and ought to resist by arms ; because he doth , by that opposition , break the very bonds , and overthroweth all the essentials of this contract and covenant . this may ☜ serve to justifie the proceedings of this kingdom against the late king , who in an hostile way set himself to overthrow religion , parliaments , laws and liberties . i think this needs no comment , — about the same time , smectymnuus was revived by mr. manton , ( a most auspicious welcome doubtless to his majesty ) wherein five champions of the cause take up the cudgels against one bishop , on the behalf of scandalous pamphlets , and tumultuary petitions against episcopacy . this is the naked truth , what ever the jolly priest may tell the reader , of the * faction against which they dealt . five orthodox divines , he says , were the authors . four of the five i shall not mention , the fifth was marshal , of whose divinity , a taste ; that by the sweet agreement , we may the better judge of mr. manton's . in a letter printed 1643. arguing for the authority of the two houses , page 14. thus. let every soul in england be subject to king and parliament , for they are the higher powers ordained unto you of god ; whosoever therefore resisteth king and parliament , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . the man was no conjurer , yet he had wit enough , when presbytery went down , to court the rising interest ; and ' though the common-prayer was an abomination , to marry his daughter by it , for fear of after-claps . but i suppose 't was huddl'd up , as 't is in mr. manton's church , that no man might be able to make oath 't was not the directory . if the case had been concerning * the allowance of christian burial to a gentleman that was quartered for his loyalty . or to determine in the great point of the late kings death , ( upon an anniversary fast ) whether or no 't was murther : truly considering the potent arguments brought on both sides , 't is possible that mr. marshal would have contented himself ( as well as his neighbours ) barely to put the case , and leave the point at last undecided to his auditory . not to spend time , and paper needlesly , the whole stream of the disciplinarians runs this way : onely perhaps more or less bold , and open , according to the present strength , or weakness of the faction . but to return : can any thing be more gentle , then a reformation , and due regulation of things in church and state ? ( words smoother than oyle , yet are they very swords . ) first , to reform , and regulate , belongs to the supreme magistrate ; if they intended that , they were to blame . now to take it in a qualifi'd and softer sense ; 't was a due regulation they intended . to put this general notion in more intelligible terms ; upon this point depends no less then all that 's dear to every honest man. the dignity of the king , the liberty of the subject , the freedome of parliaments , and the honor of the nation . god knows my thoughts , i do not envy any man , either the benefit of his majesty's mercy , or the blessing of his favour , that hath the grace at last not to abuse it . i look upon his royal act of pardon with reverence ; and upon every soul within that pale as in a sanctuary . but yet i do not understand a pardon for one rebellion , to be a dispensation for another ; nor how the argument lies from fact to right . under these two words , due regulation ; thus much is comprehended , ( waiving less differences and greater . ) 1. the transferring of the power of chusing great officers , and ministers of state ; from the king to the two houses . 2. all matters of state in the interval of parliaments must be debated , and concluded by a counsel so chosen , and in number not above twenty five , nor under fifteen ; and no publick act esteemed of any validity , as proceeding from the royal authority , unless it be done by the advice and consent of the major part of that counsel ; attested under their hands . and these too sworn to the sense of both houses . 3. the lords and commons must be intrusted with the militia . 4. his majesty may appoint , but the two houses , or the counsel ( in such manner as aforesaid ) must approve of all governors of forts , and castles . lastly , no peers hereafter made , must sit , or vote in parliament , unless admitted thereunto by the consent of both houses . upon these terms ; his majesty shall be supported , in honor , and plenty ; by his most humble and faithful subjects , who have in their thoughts and desires nothing more precious , ( next to the honor and immediate service of god ) than their just , and faithful performance of their duty to the king , and kingdom . this is the due regulation they intended : ( for sure they meant what they proposed , to our late soveraign . i speak not this , of persons , but of the gross of the party ; nor to reproach that neither , but to remove a scandal from the ashes of that blessed martyr , and to direct a reverence towards his successor . what provocation have these restless people , now to revive this question : but an unruly impotency of passion against the government ? this is their way . in generals , they justifie from first to last , the presbyterians cause . the multitude , they look into particulars : and from those injuries which the late king suffered , draw inferences dis-honourable , and dangerous to this . in the next periode , me-thinks he falls upon a non-sequitur . the re-admission of the secluded members , ( he says ) did necessarily draw after it , the restoring of king , lords , and commons , according to the antient constitution . not necessarily ( under favour ) according to the antient constitution : ( i will not say nor probably : but ) there were two shrewd blocks cast in the way . the first , in the militia ; where no commissionated officer was to act , that should not first acknowledge in these words , viz. i do acknowledge and declare , that the warre undertaken by both houses of parliament in their defence against the forces raised in the name of the late king , was just and lawful ; and that magistracy and ministery , are the ordinances of god. the second , was in the exclusion of the royal party from the next choice , as followeth . resolved , that all and every person who have advised , or voluntarily aided , abeited , or assisted , in any war against the parliament ( since the first day of january 1641. ) his or their sons , unless he or they have since manifested their good affections to this parliament , shall be uncapable to be elected to serve as members of the next parliament . now how a choice thus limited in the house , and principled in the field , should necessarily set us right , does not to me appear ? perhaps it was the most the time would bear : but god forbid , that declaration charging the guilt , and blood of the late war upon the king , should stand upon record to future generations . who ever affirms that war was lawful , does beyond question meditate another ; not to say more than needs , it blasts the memory of the late king , and upon the king that now is , it reflects many mischiefs , subjecting both his dignity and person , to his fathers hazards . it administers argument for a new war ; and shakes the very foundation of royalty . grant that , the act of oblivion is on the wrong side ; if the king was in fault , the presbyterians must grant the pardon . from the clear reason of the matter in it self , and from the obvious consequences ; beside that justice which both king and people owe to the ashes of a father and a soveraign , it seems to me of high concern , to counter-state that declaration , and place the militia of this nation now in such hands , as will acknowledge the late kings quarrel was defensive . i am the bolder in this particular , because i find the faction pressing beyond both modesty and reason , upon this bottom . where majesty it self is affronted , it were a second injury to allow the servant better quarter than the master . but they are very exact and careful in this particular : as will appear in what follows . after a dreadful earthquake , shaking all the powers of the kingdom , and over-turning the very foundations , and after a new frame of things erected standing for divers years , and seemingly stated for perpetuity , the regal family and government is raised up again , not by the power or policy of that party , who fought under the banner of his late majesty in the wars , between him and both houses of parliament ; but by the restless desire of the nation , and the vigorous actings of the city of london , with the concurrence of the secluded members of the long parliament , in conjunction with that renowned person , who then held the power of the sword. let it be noted here , that ( by his confession ) the war was between the king and both houses of parliament . now to that party who fought under the banner of his late majesty . ( whom he might have spared for the general 's sake . ) truly , considering what havock hath been made of them , by slaughters , extrajudicial sentences , plunders , sequestrations , imprisonments , banishments ; shipping them away into plantations , &c. — and this for twenty years continuance . 't is no great wonder to find some abatement of their power . but to affirm that they contributed nothing to his majesties restauration , is very unkind , and something rash. the nation did , ( he says ) the city of london , and the secluded members of the long parliament ; but not that party . ( a pleasant and phantastical dis-junction . ) this way of barely affirming , and denying ; crying one party up , and the other down , and proving nothing , is neither mannerly , nor prudent . how comes this man of metaphysical inspection , that reads the very thoughts of the presbyterians , and seems so well enformed in all the actings of the royal party : how comes he by this wondrous insight and intelligence ? does he not find that all he says is nothing , unless he can see things invisible , and prove negatives ? is this the work of the spirit of pacification ? or will he tell us , in the holy dialect , that 't is the enmity betwixt the seed of the woman , and the seed of the serpent ? so far were we , ( for i write my self of that party ) from this unfriendly and unchristian temper of dis-uniting , that we declared unanimously against it , binding our selves by all that 's sacred , to an eternal union with all parties , in order to the restauration of his majesty , all differences apart ; of what degree or quality soever . in this , we had an eye to the king's interest , and to the nation 's ; for it referred both to his majesty's return , and to a lasting peace ; the former being facilitated by that conjunction of interests ; and the latter , provided for by a conciliation of affections , to be wrought by suppressing all motions toward revenge in the one party , and the fears of it in the other . it had been good manners to have met us half way ; but truly high discretion , as well as common equity , to close with us , and entertain the offer . but far from this , we do not onely get not one good word , but many a bad one : such , as those people that will never leave the king , are to expect from such as do not love him. our adversary talks much of the gospel . is it a gospel-precept , to render evil for good ▪ what i have shewed already , that the kings party did , amounts to somewhat more than nothing . we 'l see a little further , allowing yet to all that acted in that work their share of glory . the duke of albemarle was the leading card , then in the head of an army , better dispos'd to his command , than design : and to him the honest part of the city and nation were no ill seconds . but till he had tasted and tri'd them , he did well to walk warily : and rather take the middle and safer way , of gratifying all interests then on foot , than the more positive , and hazardous , of disobliging any two parties , in favour of the third . for there were then three several interests in play : the king 's , the presbyterian's , and the phanatique's : the royal party press'd for a free choice and convention , without prelimination . the presbyterians urg'd a re-admission of the secluded members . the phanatiques , they were for filling up the house , according to such qualifications as the rump should resolve upon . the course the general steer'd was this ; — the rump continued ; the secluded members returned ; and the royallists were satisfied with the assurance of a new choice soon after . his excellence acting in this affair rather as a conciliator , than a party , and in order to a settlement , giving things the best consistency they would then bear . but had the antient stock of royallists no hand at all in this procurement ? it never came to blows , so that the matter rests upon the effects of policy and counsel ; whereof our undertaker cannot give any absolute account ; nor shall we in our just apology , exalt our selves , and cry , we brought the king in . that 's presbyterian language . we did not drive him out , we 'l say ; and that we joyn'd with many thousands , as honest as our selves , in duty to restore him . whether there was place for action , and to do the king a service that way , we never articled for offices or rewards , but without further care of interest , persu'd our duties . in fine the loyal part of the nation was animated by the same soul , joyn'd stocks , and counsels : and many thousands of brave fellows that never saw the king , were forward and ambitious to die for him . i could say what was undertaken by the old royal party , particularly , in hewson's scuffle , ( and indeed where not ) but that it casts a slur upon some of his majesty's new friends . this however , those lads of the city , that would have done the work without more ado , had they not been muzzl'd by some of their mungrel magistrates , that din'd with the mayor , and supp'd with the committee of safety : those honest people will , if need be , bear witness for us , and in like manner the whole nation , that by action , counsel , writing , we did all that was possible in the business . neither does what i have delivered in defence of the royal party , disagree with his majesty's testimony of the other , in his gracious speech to the house of peers for hastning the act of indempnity : which yet our author cites against us . my lords , if you do not joyn with me in extinguishing those fears , which keep mens hearts awake , and apprehensive of safety and security , you keep me from performing my promise , which if i had not made , i am perswaded that neither i nor you had been now here : i pray you let vs not deceive those who brought vs , or permitted vs to come together . observation the king does not there say so much who brought him in , as who permitted his restoring ; implying , that he was fain to condition for that too ; but withal , a great earnestness to perform his promise . had but this gentleman considered as well what the king said at the passing of the indempnity , as at the hastning of it , this wrangle would have been saved ; i 'l do him the service to mind him of it . i do very willingly pardon all that is pardoned by this act of indempnity , to that time which is mentioned in the bill . nay , i will tell you , that from that time to this day , i will not use great severity , except in such cases where the malice is notorious , and the publick peace exceedingly concern'd . but for the time to come , the same discretion and conscience which disposed me to the clemency i have express'd , which is most agreeable to my nature , will oblige me to all rigour and severity , how contrary soever it be to my nature , towards those who shall not now acquiesce , but continue to manifest their sedition and dislike of the government , either in actions or words . and i must conjure you all ( my lords and gentlemen ) to concur with me in this just and necessary severity ; and that you will in your several stations , be so jealous of the publick peace , and of my particular honor , that you will cause exemplary justice to be done upon those who are guilty of seditious speeches or writings , as well as those ☜ who break out into seditious actions : and that you will believe those who delight in reproaching and traducing my person , not to be well affected to you and the publick peace . never king valued himself more upon the affections of his people , than i do ; nor do i know a better way to make my self sure of your affections , than by being just and kind to you all ; and whilst i am so , i pray let the world see , that i am possessed of your affections . thus far the ground-work , now the goodly structure . his majesty thus brought back to a willing and free-spirited people , by their own act , beholds his undoubted interest set forth to his hand , and made plain before him ; which is no other , than a well-tempered and composed state of affairs , both religious and civil , in all his dominions , by the abolishing of former differences , and the reconciling of all reconcileable parties ; and especially of those grand parties , which ( if made one ) do upon the matter carry the whole nation . and this his majesties wisdom hath already observed , in that excellent proclamation against vitious , debauched , and prophane persons , in these words , [ that the reconciliation and union of hearts and affections , can onely , with god's blessing , make us rejoyce in each other , and keep our enemies from rejoycing . ] and this is the earnest expectation and hope of the religious , and well affected to the publick tranquillity , that the king , our supreme head and governor , whose gracious disposition doth not suffer him to cleave to any divided part of his subjects , and to reject others that are alike loyal , will , as a common father , protect and cherish all those that are found capable and worthy , and become our great moderator by his authority and wisdom , to lessen differences , and allay animosities , between dissenting brethren , which already agree in the main points of religion . having hitherto asserted , that those who fought under the late king's banner , were not his majesty's friends ; and that those who fought against it , ever were ; he proceeds now to a conclusion suitable to his premises , and states the interest of the king in favour of that voluntary mistake : directing an accord betwixt all reconcilable parties , and an indulgence toward all those that are found capable , and worthy . in both ( and in all ) cases , the presbyterian himself must be the judge : and then we know what will become of royallists and bishops . the kings friends have ever had the honor to be divided ( by these people ) into persons popishly affected , evil counsellors , and loose livers ; and it is evident , that they design , under these limitations of reconcilable , capable , and worthy , to cast all such as conscientiously , and frankly adhere to monarchy , and episcopacy , out of the terms of their pretended pacification . all those that they find capable and worthy , and esteem reconcilable , shall be admitted . now to the question . 1. quest. whether in justice or reason of state the presbyterian party should be rejected and depressed , or protected and encouraged ? observation it would be first agreed what 's meant by the presbyterian party : we 'l weigh the justice and reason of the proposition after . his own remarque upon it is not amiss . as concerning their true character , the notation of the name whereby they are called , is both too shallow , and too narrow for it . the word presbyterian hath not sufficient depth to go to the root of the matter , nor breadth sufficient to comprehend this sort of men . that form of ecclesiastical government by parochial and classical presbyteries , provincial and national assemblies , is remote enough from their main cause , and those firm bonds that make them eternally one , in respect whereof many that approve a regulated episcopacy , will be found of their number . observation 't is truly and well said . their cause is not the form , but the exercise of government : for they like well enough to have that power themselves , which they condemn in others . nor do i doubt but that many of them approve a regulated episcopacy ; that is , a presbyter in a bishop's seat , where the office appears regulated by the person , as 't is in a regulated monarchy ; where the king 's subject to the law , and the law to the two houses . but i condemn not all , that wear that character . the wise , and honest few of that denomination , who keep themselves within the terms of duty , and the question ; such as can talk of the church , without disturbing the state ; and debate their private opinions , without giving publick scandal : for these , i have much charity , and reverence , and wish as great a tenderness toward them , as they themselves desire . but where i see a bold seditious faction , bidding defiance to the civil magistrate under the churches colours : i find not any thing so sacred in the name of presbyterian , as to protect a turbulent party assuming that appellation . it will be urg'd , that they do as little justifie the seditious , as i condemn the sober presbyterian . but to agree that point , i 'l prove , that the same party , for whom they plead , and against whom i engage , are no less enemies to the king , and people , than to bishops : and , which is more , from their own practises and positions , i 'l make it good . yet one would hardly guess this from their following character . as concerning their main and rooted principles , they admire and magnifie the holy scriptures , and take them for the absolute perfect rule of faith and life , without the supplement of ecclesiastical tradition ; yet they deny not due respect and reverence to venerable antiquity . they assert the study and knowledge of the scriptures , to be the duty and priviledge of all christians , that according to their several capacities , being skilful in the word of righteousness , they may discern between good and evil , and being filled with all goodness , may be able to exhort and admonish one another : yet they acknowledge the necessity of a standing gospel-ministery , and receive the directive authority of the church , not with implicite faith , but the judgment of discretion : they hold the teaching of the spirit necessary , to the saving knowledge of christ : yet they do not hold that the spirit bringeth new revelations , but that he opens the eyes of the understanding to discern what is of old revealed in the written word : they exalt divine ordinances , but debase humane inventions in gods worship , particularly ceremonies properly religious , and of instituted mystical signification : yet they allow the natural expressions of reverence and devotion , as kneeling , and lifting up of the hands and eyes in prayer ; as also of those meer circumstances of decency and order , the omission whereof would make the service of god either undecent , or less decent . as they worship god in the spirit , according to the simplicity of gospel institutions , so they rejoyce in christ jesus , having no confidence in a legal righteousness , but desire to be found in him , who is made unto us rigteousness by gracious imputation : yet withal they affirm constantly , that good works of piety towards god , and of justice and charity towards men , are necessary to salvation . their doctrine bears full conformity with that of the reformed churches , held forth in their publick confessions , and particularly with that of the church of england , in the nine and thirty articles , onely one or two passages peradventure excepted , so far as they may import the asserting of prelacy , and human mystical ceremonies . they insist much on the necessity of regeneration , and therein lay the ground-work for the practise of godliness . they press upon themselves and others the severe exercise , not of a popish , outside , formal , but a spiritual and real mortification , and self-denyal , according to the power of christianity . they are strict observers of the lords day , and constant in family prayer . they abstain from oathes , yea , petty oathes , and the irreverent usage of gods name in common discourse ; and , in a word , they are sober , just , and circumspect in their whole behaviour . such is the temper and constitution of this party , which in its full latitude lies in the middle between those that affect a ceremonial worship , and the heighth of hierarchical government on the one hand , and those that reject an ordained ministery , and setled church-order , and regular vnity on the other hand . observation here is much said , and little proved ; onely a pharisaical story , of what they are not , and what they are ; that they are not as other men are , and their bare word for all . the tale is well enough told to catch the silly vulgar , that look no further then appearances : but to a serious person , how gross , and palpable is the imposture ! in the main points of doctrine they fully agree with the nine and thirty articles : and 't is but peradventure , that they differ , in one or two passages , so far as they may import the asserting of prelacy , and humane mystical ceremonies . ] behold the mighty subject of an holy war ; the goodly idol , to which we have sacrific'd so much christian blood . can any man imagine this the true and conscientious reason of the quarrel ? or that the middle way our presbyter steers , betwixt phanaticism and popery , is the just measure of the case : but hear him on , and he 'l tell ye , the party is numerous as well as godly . vvithin these extensive limits the presbyterian party contains several thousands of learned , godly , orthodox ministers , being diligent and profitable preachers of the word , and exemplary in their conversation ; among whom there are not a few that excel in polimical and practical divinity , also of the judicious , sober , serious part of the people , ( in whose affections his majesty is most concern'd ) they are not the lesser number . by means of a practical ministery , this way , like the leaven in the gospel-parable , hath spread and season'd the more considerate and teachable sort in all parts of the kingdom , and especially in the more civiliz'd places , as cities and towns. observation it had been well our undertaker had put his orthodox , and learned thousands upon the list ▪ for that party is a little given to false musters . how many forg'd petitions and remonstrances ; what out-eries from the press and pulpit , in the name of the people , when yet the forti'th part of them were never privy to their own askings ! of * ninety and seven ministers within the walls of london , fourscore and five were driven from their churches , and houses , at the beginning of our troubles . and notwithstanding the monstrous clamours , which occasion'd the conference at hampton-court in 1603. * arch-bishop spotswood tells us , that [ of above nine thousand ministers , but forty nine appeared upon the roll , that stood out , and were deposed for disconformity . such a noise will a few disturbers cause in any society , where they are tollerated . ] touching his practical ministery ; i 'l grant , the cause is much beholden to the pulpit , and that , without the aid of seditious lectures , i do believe the strife had never come to blood : but yet these preachments did not the whole business . do not we know what craft and violence hath been used to cheat and force the people ; what protestations , covenants , and negative oathes have been imposed , upon pain of imprisonment , banishment , sequestration ? have not all schools , and nurceries of piety and learning , been subjected to the presbyterian mode , and many thousands of godly , and reverend divines , reduced to beg their bread , because they would not covenant : yet all too little to procure either a general kindess , or submission to their principles ? for the reasons afore-going , the infringement of due liberties in these matters , would perpetuate most unhappy controversies in the church from age to age. let the former times come in , and give good evidence . as touching ceremonies , the contest began early , even in king edward's reign , between hooper and other bishops . the consecration of hooper , elect bishop of glocester being stayed , because he refused to wear certain garments used by popish bishops , he obtained letters from the king and from the earl of warwick , to the arch-bishop of canterbury and others , that he might not be burthened with certain rites and ceremonies , and an oath common●y used in the consecration of bishops , which were offensive to his conscience . nevertheless he found but harsh dealing from his fellow-bishops , whereof some were afterwards his fellow-martyrs , and ridley among others , who afterwards thus wrote unto him , when they were both prisoners for the gospel . [ however in time past in certain circumstances and by-matters of religion , your wisdom , and my simplicity ( i grant ) hath a little jarred , each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgment : now be assured , that even with my whole heart , in the bowels of christ , i love you in the truth , and for the truth's sake which abideth in us . ] some godly martyrs in queen mary's days disliked the ceremonies , and none of them died in the defence of ceremonies , liturgy , and prelacy , in opposition to all other ecclesiastical government and order . it was the protestant verity which they witnessed , and sealed in blood , in opposition to popery ; especially the prodigious opinion of transubstantiation , and the abomination of the romish mass or sacrifice . in the same bloody days , certain english protestants being fled for refuge into germany , and setled at frankford , were divided amongst themselves about the service-book , even with scandalous breach of charity and in the issue , the congregation was sadly broken and dissipated . what is intended by due liberty , might be a doubt , did not the coherence explain it to be a freedom of acting to all intents and purposes at pleasure , ( whether without law , or against it , no matter ) according to such presidents of former times , as our resolver refers unto , and justifies . he tells us , the contest about ceremonies began early ; and so in truth it did : for in the time of king edward , there was a wambling toward the geneva discipline ; but neither very earnest , nor very popular : and that ( so far as i can learn ) procured even by the author of that platform , calvin himself . concerning godly martyrs in queen mary's days ; some suffered that disliked the ceremonies , others , that liked them . that none died in defence of them , is a remarque might have been spared ; for the question was matter of faith , not discipline . the frankford breach indeed was a sad story , but yet , considering the dividers , of no great honor , or authority to our friends purpose . knox and whittingham were the prime ring-leaders in this disorder , who upon some disputes started about the service-book , joyning with others of the consistorian stamp , drew such an extract of it , as they thought fit , and sent it to calvin , requesting his opinion of it . such was the answer they received , as blew the whole congregation into a flame ; from whence arose that scandalous breach ensuing . viz. the english service being established , whitingham , gilby , goodman , with some others , divided , and went to geneva , whence , both by letters and discourses , they tampered the ministers and people of england and scotland into a revolt , encouraging them to set up their new discipline , in despite of all opposers whatsoever . the gospel returning under queen elizabeth , these differences were revived and held up by disputes , writings , and addresses to several parliaments ; and there were great thoughts of heart for these divisions . observation why this is english yet : it is but turning now to queen elizabeth's reign to understand these people , and unriddle the due liberty they plead for . ( but of this , in its proper place ) having drawn down the quarrel from edward the sixth , to the blessed restauration of charls the second , ( whom god protect ) he proceeds to descant upon the present . the greatest part of the ministers named puritans , yielded conformity to those controverted rites and forms , that were by law or canons established , as to things burdensome not desirable , in their nature supposed indifferent , but in their use many ways offensive ; and groaning more and more under the yoke of bondage , ( as they conceived ) they waited for deliverance , and were in the main , of one soul and spirit with the nonconformists . and even then the way called puritanism , did not give , but get ground . but now the tenents of this way are rooted more than ever ; and those things formerly imposed , are no● by many , if not by the most of this way , accounted not onely burdensome , but unlawful . observation but is it so , that matters by law established , in themselves indifferent , and onely burthensome to day , ( rebu●sic stantibus ) may become vnlawful to morrow ? by the same rule , kings may be taken away as well as bishops ; all dignities and powers being alike submitted to a popular level : for if the people shall think fit to say , the magistrate is unlawful , as well as the ceremony , by the same reason he may destroy one with the other ; and virtually he does it . we know , the rites and forms of worshipping , are not of the essence of religion , and the huge bustle about discipline , is onely an appeal to ignorance and tumult . the church must be reformed . by whom ? not by the rabble . what means this application then of so many factious sermons , and libels to the people ? they are not judges of the controversie . but in a cause more capable of force than argument , they do well to negotiate , where clamour , and pretence , weigh more than modesty and reason . if a man asks , by what commission act these zelots ? they answer readily : 't is god's cause , and better obey god than man. he that said , give not credit to every spirit ; i suppose knew as much of gods mind , as our illuminates . is not mistaken , or perverted scripture , the ground of all schism and heresie ? counsels may erre , they say , and cannot presbyterians ? how comes this party to be more infallible than their neighbours ? if they are not , let but all other people of different judgments take the same freedom they do , of out-cries against any thing , under pretext of conscience ; let any man imagine the confusion . for , where every man is his own judge , all men shall dispute , till each particular condemns himself ; so that the strife is endless , and the event restlesness , and confusion . this comes of not submitting to some final , and over-ruling decision . upon this pinch at a dead lift , they fly to their judgment of discretion : which leaves them still at liberty to shape their duty to their profit . they tell us ; they 'l be tryed by the word of god : not heeding , how that is again to be tri'd by them : so that in issue , their private interpretation of the scriptures must pass for the law paramount , to which both king and people are equally , and indispensably subjected . undoubtedly , what god commands , we ought to do , and not to do what he forbids . this , in few words , comprises the duty of reasonable nature , without distinction either of offices or persons . but these inviolable fundamentals apart , the accidents of worship , the modes of doing this or that ; the how , when , where , &c. are left various , and variable , according to the several requiries of manners , times , and places , at the discretion of those rulers whom god sets over us . where we find matters of this middle nature orderly setled , and dispos'd , we are commanded to submit to these humane ordinances for the lords sake ; and not to obtrude upon the word for conscience , such disagreements , as effectually arise from peevishness , or want of due enquiry . but why do i talk to those that stop their ears ? their minds are fix'd in this opinion , after a long time of search and practice , and are not like to be reduc'd to the practice of former times . this is but martin junior revived , who says , that it will be very dangerous to our state , to maintain two contrary factions ; that the magistrates are then bound , even for the quieting of our state , to put down the one ; that those that stand for the discipline , neither can nor will give it over , ( so as they will not be put down ) and that the said magistrates cannot maintain the corruption of our church , namely , arch-bishops and bishops , without the discontentment of their subjects . me-thinks the man of peace grows peremptory . will not this argument from search and practice , absolve them from obedience to the king , as well as to the church ? has not the regal power been scann'd and sifted , as well as the ecclesiastick ? or have their practises been more favourable to his majesty , than to the clergy ? but ( their minds are fix'd , and not to be reduc'd . ) this is to say , that if the law and they cannot agree , they 'l tug for 't , upon this supposition , thus he concludes . that ( in all reason , the imposing of such matters of controversie , as by so many are held unlawful , and by those that have a zeal for them judged indifferent , not necessary , cannot procure the peace of church and kingdom . ) observation i say on the contrary , that the peace of church and kingdom cannot be preserved , where every private and licentious spirit shall dare to question the authority of either . in fine , admit the scruple truly conscientious . it would be well yet , that such as fault the present government , would frame another , that should be liable to no exceptions , before they alter this. if that cannot be done , let us rest here ; for if we are bound to change till all are pleas'd , never must we expect to be at quiet . some consciences will have no magistrates at all ; others will govern those they have , or quarrel with them . to reconcile these two in any end of settlement , is as impossible , as 't is unsafe to put much power into the hands of people , so dangerously principled ; ( but to destroy a government none agree better , and this we speak upon experience . ) from hence to his 40th . page , i find little but rapture , in commendation of the presbyterians , with now and then a snap at the late prelates , which is beside my purpose . see now his complement to the king. blessed be god for our gracious soveraign , who makes it his care and study to allay distempers , and compose differences by his just and gracious concessions already published concerning ecclesiastical affairs . observation for fear his majesty's concessions should be taken for a pure act of grace , they are epitheted , just , as well as gracious , to lessen the favour , by intimating the duty ; what return gives the presbyterian party for this indulgence ? are they not troublesome as ever both in their writings and contrivements ? that declaration was no sooner publique , but a petition was exhibited from divers ministers in and about london , for more liberty , with some formalities indeed of gratitude for that . how many bold and scandalous invectives since that time , both from the press and pulpit , against the rites of the church , and the episcopal clergy : nay , and against the sacred majesty of that very person , to whose incomparable clemency they owe their heads and fortunes ? one observation here , to shew , that onely severity can work upon this faction ; * the single imprisonment of crofton hath quieted that party more , than all the multiply'd , and transcendent mercies of his majesty . that worthy gentleman , in his epistle dedicatory to the liturgical considerator , tells us , that [ the common-prayer-book hath been expell'd by a lawful authority , ] ( referring to an ordinance of january 3. 1644. ) if this be not treason , then scot and peters were no traitors . the considerator further assures us , page 34. [ that very few christians that know the power of godliness , care for medling with the liturgy . ] i hope his majesty may pass for one of those few . a great assertor of his principles is the authour of the covenanters plea , although in some respects more plausibly couch'd ; in others bolder ; treating his majesty with a most unpardonable insolence , and with a suitable regard all his episcopal friends as they fall in his way . i should exceedingly wonder how he scap'd a lash from the last convention , especially dedicating that reverend piece to the commons then assembled , did i not consider , that those very pamphlets , whereof his majesty complains in his declaration , touching ecclesiastical affairs , were by my self , at their first comming forth , delivered to several members of that session , which notwithstanding , they were still sold in the hall ; all the interest i had being too little to get them suppressed . but now return we to our author , who complains , that the presbyterians are loaded with many calumnies ; as , that they are against the interest of civil magistracy , especially of monarchy ; that they are giddy , factious , schismatical , domineering , and what not ? but no such matter he assures us ; for , they yield unto the supreme magistrate a supreme political power in all spiritual matters ; but they do not yield that he is the fountain of spiritual power , there being a spiritual power belonging to the church , if there were no christian magistrate in the world . they assert onely a spiritual power over the conscience , as intrinsecally belonging to the church ; and acknowledge , that no decree nor canon of the church , can be a binding law to the subjects of any kingdom under temporal penalties , till it be ratified by the legislative power of that kingdom . and they do not claim for the convocation , or any other ecclesiastical convention , an independency on parliaments ; if they did , surely the parliament of england would resent such a claim . neither are they antimonarchical . did the english or scotish presbyters ever go about to dissolve monarchy , and to erect some other kind of government ? in no wise : for in the solemn league and covenant , they bound themselves to endeavour the preservation of the king's person and authority , and declared they had no intent to diminish his majesty's just power and greatness . observation how far their principles comport with the interest of civil magistracy or monarchy , shall have a place by it self : yet i might very well content my self with what arises from his own words , as they lie here before us ; to prove what he denies ; for in the same breath he both starts the question and resolves it . did not the english and scotch presbyters go about to dissolve monarchy ? what is the analysis of monarchy , but a government by a single person ? ( and , as i take it , the injur'd father of our present soveraign was that person , to whom of right the regal dignity belonged . ) did not these presbyters he talks of , place the supreme power in the two houses , and under their commission , seize the king's towns , and forts ; levy arms ; tax the people ; plunder , and kill their fellow-subjects ; impose oathes ; share his majesty's revenues ; persue , and jewishly sell and betray his sacred person ? if to do all this , not onely without , but expresly against the king's commission , be not to go about to dissolve monarchy , i know not what is . or if the gentleman had rather dispute the royal prerogative , than confess his own mistake in this particular , we 'l look a little that way too : but i doubt the prospect will be none of the pleasantest . upon the trial of cook and peters , this was delivered for law. see the narrative , page 182 and 183. it is the law of this nation , that no one house , nor both houses of parliament , have any coercive power over the king : — that the imprisoning of the king is treason . and a little further , thus , the king of england is one of those princes who hath an imperial crown : what 's that ? it is not to do what he will ; no , but it is , that he shall not be punished in his own person , if he doth that which is in it selfe unlawful . this is a short and clear decision of the case : nor will it serve the good man's turn to argue their integrity , from what they were bound to by their covenant and declarations . it matters not what they profess'd , but what they did. if this be all they have to say ; some heads are now upon the city-gates that said as much . what was the covenant , but a popular sacrament of religious disobedience , a mark of discrimination , who were against the king , and who were for him ? and this the marquis of montross soon found , who being at first unwarily engaged in it , with the kirk-party , quickly perceived his error , and retired ; living and dying the honor of his nation , and of the royal cause . mark this , * his loyalty was charged upon him at his death , for breach of covenant . the presbyterian casuists would fain perswade the nation , to think themselves obliged by that engagement . who vnderstands it first ? ( and certainly we cannot be bound to do we know not what ) next , 't is impossible either to keep , or break it : 't is made up of so many contradictions . but once for all ; there is a nullity in the institution . no man can oblige himself in things wherein he is subject , without leave from his superior . and again ; the oath of one who is under the power of another , without the others consent , is neither lawful nor obligatory . thus the reverend , and learned bishop sanderson . now to my presbyterian again . after the violent change of government , they came slowest , and entred latest into those new engagements imposed by the vsurped powers , and some utterly refused , even to the forfeiture of their preferments , and the hazzard of their livelyhoods , when the nation in general submitted to the yoke ; and many of those who thus object against them , did in temporizing run with the foremost . the truth is , the generality of conscientious presbyterians never ran with the current of those times . some more eminent among them , ministers and others , hazzarded their lives , and others lost their lives , in combining to bring our soveraign that now is to the rightful possession of this his kingdom . and those in scotland adventured no more then all to uphold him ; and when he lost the day , they lost their liberty ; and when he fell , it was said by the adversary , presbytery was fallen . where i must either leave the story foul on the kings side , or prove it so on the other , my choice is pardonable : but otherwise i shall be very tender of engaging the honest presbyterians , with the guilty . that many of them lov'd his majesty , and suffer'd for him , i will not question ; and that they all submitted most unwillingly , to that violent change here mention'd , i do as little doubt . but i must needs say , the action had been nobler , and the loyalty much clearer , had they consulted the kings security , before they lost their own . this does not yet oblige me to the same charity for the scotish party ; who first , during a treaty with his majesty , basely and brutishly murthered montrose , and after that , treated the king himself , liker a prisoner , than a prince . he urges , that [ the presbyterians first divided , and then dissipated the sectarian party , and so made way for his majesties return in peace . ] lambert , and his nine worthies did as much . i do believe him too , [ that the sense of the covenant quickned many men's consciences in their allegiance to the king. ] so did the cock-crowing mind st. peter of the denial of his master . but he went out , and wept bitterly ; so does not every body . alas , alas , the saints have no faults ; what should they weep for ? it may be peradventure said , the presbyterians would enervate monarchy ; but surely ( says our discourser ) i cannot find the rise of this objection , unless from hence , that they were not willing to come under any yoke , but that of the law of the realm , or to pay arbitrary taxes , levied without consent of parliament . observation from hence these two deductions ; first , that the subjects free from that which binds the king , namely , the yoke of law. suppose he breaks that law , by what law can we question him ? at best , 't is but to punish one transgression by another . the second hint is dis-ingenuous : as if arbitrary taxes had been the subject of the difference . all the world knows , before a blow was strook , the king had stript himself to his honour , and his conscience , to gratifie his people . but 't was the government they aim'd at , and that they fought for . here is yet another gentle slip : what are taxes to presbytery ? but this is a devil that will hardly be kept within his circle . just so in their practices do they reduce all civil actions , under the cognizance of their courts of conscience , as he brings here by head and shoulders , arbitrary taxes to matter of religion . i confess ( says he ) there are none that more reverence their liberties , and value the native-happiness of the free-born subjects of england . and verily their true knowledge and sense of the nature of christian religion , makes a due freedom exceeding precious : for this religion is not variable , according to the will of man , but grounded upon an unchangeable and eternal truth , and doth indispensably bind every soul , high and low , to one divine law and rule , perpetual and unalterable . and therefore doth strongly plead the expedience of a due civil liberty on the behalf of its professors ; yet such a liberty as will not enfeeble monarchy , nor the legal power of the kings of england . observation truly i think i have not seen words so well put together , that signifie so little . because religion is not variable , but grounded upon an unchangeable and eternal truth , &c. — therefore the professors of it must have a due civil liberty , &c. is not a due liberty , due to all people ? again , what is civil liberty to matter of salvation ? and yet again . why should the presbyterians challenge that liberty to themselves , which they refuse to others , upon the very same plea : and not rather submit their discipline to the law , then stoop the law to their discipline ? there is a liberty which is a cloak for maliciousness : and i am afraid , theirs and that are much a-kinn . one thing is very notable ; they never state what they would have , their terms are general , and indefinite , hard to be understood , because they are resolv'd not to be satisfi'd . a due freedom , a due civil liberty , the legal power ; — what means all this , but any thing they shall be pleased to make of it ? a king ruling a free people , hath a power much more noble and more free , than he that ruleth over perfect vassals , that have no propriety . the power is more noble , because it hath a more noble subject of government ; it is more honorable to rule men than beasts , and freemen than slaves . likewise the power is more free : for whatsoever prince hath not his power limited by his people's legal freedom , he will be bound up some other way , either by the potency of subordinate princes and great lords within the realm , or by a veterane army , as the turkish emperor by his janizaries , and the roman caesars by the pretorian bands and the legions . vpon which account , to be a powerful monarch over a free people , is the freedome and glory of our soveraign lord , above all the potentates on earth . observation a king ruling a free people , is a kind of presbyterianism , and sounds better in the mouth of a lawyer , than of a divine . the correlate to rule , is subjection : nor will their title to a propriety , yet justifie the common usage of the term. 't is of a dangerous intimation , and seems to give the people more than comes to their share . ( i speak with reverence to the benignity of our english laws , and the indubitable right which every subject hath to the benefits thereof . ) that it is more honorable to rule free-men than slaves , is but a complement for i can make those slaves , free , when i please , whereas the other way of my power 's confin'd ; that is , in equity , a prince is bound to observe the law , as his own act : and if he fails , the people may compel him to it , if they can shew a law for 't . to end this point ; what prince soever shall suffer every bubling brain to controvert the bounds of king and subject ; the royal authority , and the peoples freedom ; that prince , i say , runs a great hazzard of his soveraignty . the very moving of the question , is to prophane the sacredness of majesty ; and by degrees begets irreverend and sawcy habits in the people . but rebellion ( he tells us ) and disobedience , is the loud out-cry of some against this party . and this were a crying sin indeed . but let not sober minds be hurried into prejudice by such exclamations and out-cries . it were to be wished , for common peace and amity , that the late publick discords were eternally forgotten . but seeing some in these times of expected reconciliation , will not cease to implead and condemn the honest minded , and render them odious to the higher powers , a necessity is laid upon us to speak something apologetical , at least to mitigate the business , and remove prejudice . observation sure this loud out-cry of rebellion aad disobedience , comes from within himself ; for truly i have a little watch'd the press , and since his majesty's return , ( nay , a good while before ) upon my conscience i have not met with one syllable of bitterness against that party , but defensive : yet i dare undertake to produce forty presbyterian pamplets , and discourses , of fresh date , exceeding foul against the king , and his adherents . it really makes me blush and tremble , to consider how great a mercy they abuse , how sad a vengeance they provoke . had but these people the least spark of natural affection and remorse , the venerable ruines of a glorious chuch and state would work upon them ; or now and then a thought how matters stand betwixt god and their souls : but their great care of others make them neglect themselves , and become true anathemaes for a pretended publick good . however they do well to cry whore first ; and call that a necessitated apology , which seems to me a palpable and causeless slander . we have heard much and often of the presbyterians loyalty and religion ; we 'l look a little now into their law , which very fairly gives us to understand , that the vnbishopping of timothy and titus , will not do their trick . they are at work already upon the two main props of royalty ; the king 's negative voice , and the power of the sword. a blessed age the while , when the pulpit shall pretend to dispose of the crown ; kerve out the government ; and every scribling priest vent his seditious and crude politiques to the people . but now it works . the presbyterian party in england never engaged under a less authority than that of both houses of parliament . i have read , that the parliament of england hath several capacities , and among the rest , these two ; first , that it represents the people as subjects , and so it can do nothing but manifest their grievances , and petition for relief . secondly , that by the constitution it hath part in the soveraignty , and so it hath part in the legislative power , and in the final judgment . now when as a part of the legislative power resides in the two houses , as also a power to redress grievances , and to call into question all ministers of state and justice , and all subjects of whatsoever degree in case of delinquency , it might be thought , that a part of the supreme power doth reside in them , though they have not the honorary title . observation me-thinks we should do well to leave calling the two houses , the parliament of england , having already paid so dear for that mistake . concerning the power of the parliament of england . 't is beyond doubt , onely inferiour to the fountain of all power , even god himself . but then an agreement is imply'd ; neither king , lords , nor commons , nor any two of them , can pretend to a parliamentary authority , without the third . this is not to suppose co-ordination neither . the two houses are still subjects : their office being onely consultive , or preparatory ▪ the character of power rests in the final sanction , and that 's the king's : so that effectually , the passing of a bill , is but the granting of a request . so much for parliaments , in propriety of speaking . now to the power of the two houses , by my antagonist mis-call'd , the parliament of england , upon which bottom stands the presbyterian fabrick . he tell us , they act in two capacities . as subjects , or petitioners , first : and then , as sharers of the soveraignty : as if he said , they are sent to ask what they list , and take what they please . the petitioning capacity is not for the presbyterians purpose ; wherefore he waves that , and sticks to the other . what their power is , will best appear from the king 's writ of summons , which both commands and limits them , pro quibusdam arduis , & urgentibus negotiis , &c. — ordinavimus , &c. — he states it otherwise , and places a part of the legislative power in the two houses , which is not doctor-like . for the legislative power is totally the king 's . they do but make the bill , he makes the law ; 't is the stamp , not the matter , makes it current . nor do i comprehend what he can mean by part of the legislative power : to my thinking , he might as well have said , part of an indivisible point . this will come to a pretty fraction , two thirds of a parliament , shall make two thirds of a law. is it not enough that the king can do nothing without the two houses , unless they may do every thing without the king ? grant this , and of all people living we are the greatest slaves , as of all constitutions ours is the most ridiculous . touching the power of the two houses , to redress grievances , and question all ministers of state and justice , ] the power they have is either from prescription or commission . to the former , i think , few will pretend ; and to the latter , none . never was the house of commons , at any hand reputed a court of justice . they cannot give an oath , impose a fine : not indeed exercise any empire but over their own members . 't is true , the lords house hath in some cases a right of judicature ; but claiming by prescription , they are likewise limited by custom . further , both houses are no court of judicature , and ( with due reverence to his majesty ) the king himself in parliament , joyn'd with the three estates , claim not a right of judication , but very rarely , and with great tenderness . it is the proper business of a parliament to make laws , alter , or repeal them , not to interpret them , unless in matters of very great importance . that 's left to the judges ; and to determine of their validity . for acts of parliament , either repugnant in themselves , or of impossible supposition , or against common right , are deem'd not binding . the common , and most specious shift of all the rest , is , that the government of this nation is in king , lords , and commons . this must be swallowed with great wariness , or 't will choak half the nation . by the king , architectonicè ; and by the other two , organicè , ( as walker distinguishes it ) the king , as the architect ; and the two houses , as his instruments . if there were neither practice , law , nor interest in the case , me-thinks the very odds of honor in the deputation , should be enough to carry it . the king is god's representative , they are but the peoples . say i should now admit them all they challenge , ( as delegated by the people ) so tickle is the point yet , that if any one single person of the number , should be illegally debarr'd the freedom of his vote ; that nicety avoids , and nulls the whole proceeding . i can hardly think any thing clearer , than the error of placing part of the supreme power in the two houses . it implies a contradiction : a part of a thing ( with leave ) impartible . ( but drowning men will catch at straws ) however , i perceive , that his majesty's best friends , and the church's ( as they style themselves ) are resolved to serve both king and bishops alike . that is ; just as the bishop is to rule in consociation with his presbyters , so shall his majesty with his fellow-princes , the presbyterian members . it cannot but exceedingly dispose the king , to grant these people all due liberty , that will give him so much . crowns are but troublesome ; and government sits heavy upon the shoulders of a single person ; they 'l ease him of that care and weight : and for the honor of their prince , and their country's good , divide the glorious load among themselves . this being past , ( which heaven avert ) we may ( says the late king ) be waited on bare-headed , we may have our hand kiss'd , the style of majesty continued to us , and the king's authority , declared by both houses of parliament , may be still the style of your commands ; we may have swords and maces carried before us , and please our self with sight of a crown and scepter . ] — but soft , the man relents , and tells us , ( though the law says , the king can do no wrong ) [ that this part of the supreme power , is indeed capable of doing wrong , yet how it might be guilty of rebellion , is more difficult to conceive . ] observation put case the two houses should take up arms against the king , because he will not banish the one half of his friends , and hang up the rest : would not that be rebellion ? i could start twenty suppo●itions more ; but i 'll stop here , and the rather , because our author professes , that [ in this high and tender point , it belongs not to him to determine . ] yet he goes on , and certainly believes , that the world is divided into fools and presbyterians : he would not otherwise have thrust upon us so gross a juggle , as that which i am now about to examine . touching the much debated point of resisting the higher powers , without passing any judgment in the great case of england , i shall onely make rehearsal of the words of grotius , a man of renown , and known to be neither anti-monarchical , nor anti-prelatical , which are found in his book , de jure belli & pacis , by himself dedicated to the french king. ( si rex partem habeat summi imperii , partem alteram populus aut senatus , regi in partem non suam involanti , vis justa opponi poterit , quia eatenus imperium non habet . quod locum habere censeo , etiamfi dictum sit , belli potestatem penes regem fore . id enim de bello externo intelligendum est , cum alioqui quisquis imperii summi partem habeat , non possit non jus habere eam partem tuendi . ) lib. 1. c. 4. s. 13. observation here we find grotius cited , to justifie , that the lords and commons may make war against the king , to defend their title to the supreme power . ( pythagoras his opinion concerning wild-foul , had been as much to the purpose ) for the english reader 's sake i 'l turn it ; and in this point desire a more than ordinary attention . where the supremacy is in the king , in some cases ; in others , in the people , or senate . that king invading the others right , may be lawfully resisted ; for his power reaches not so far . and this i think will stand good , although i have already placed the right of making war , in the king ; for that must be understood of a forreign war : since whosoever hath a part of the supreme power , hath consequently a right of maintaining such part as he hath . ] there is one line yet remaining , which our author hath very prudently kept for a reserve , till the presbyterians shall have gotten the better of the king. quod ubi fit , potest rex etiam suam imperii partem belli jure amittere ; that is , where thus it happens , the king's encroachment upon the peoples right , may fairly amount to a forfeiture of his own . is it not pity that people of these milde , and complying principles , should be charg'd with disobedience ? if this be the case of england , the question is no longer , the presbyterians liberty , but the king's title to his crown . that chapter of grotius , whence he takes his quotation , treats de bello subitorum , in superiores ; where , and where not , subjects may take up arms against their superiors . this learned man , among other cases , tells us , in this they may , and the reason is evident ; : for where the soveraignty is thus dispos'd ; half to the king , half to the people , that prince is but a subject to some purposes , a king to others . so that in any point of soveraignty , formally vested in the people ; he is not their superior , but they his . how finely he hath match'd the case of england , where kings have no restraint , but what they put upon themselves , for the laws are their proper acts ! but mark the process of his reasonings : and how ( in his own phrase ) he feels his way step by step . the presbyterians were ever in the right ; he says . why , if he would be quiet , who says the contrary ? but then the king was in the wrong . to bring the case up to grotius his determination : we must admit first , that by the constitution of england , the soveraignty is shared betwixt the king and the two houses : and next , that the late king did actually invade the popular prerogative : from whence arises the lawfulness of resistance ; and after that , potest rex etiam suam imperii partem belli jure amittere . they have at last the same right to the crown , they had at first to the quarrel . he that peruses the first eight sections of the fore-mentioned chapter , will find grotius no favourer of his opinions that quotes him . be the prince what he will , he tells us , summum imperium tenentibus resisti jure non posse . bodin yet more expresly , that england and scotland are absolute monarchies : that the supreme power is onely in the king ; ( iura majestatis , ac imper●i summam , in unius prinoipis arbitria versari . further , in senatu nullum est imperium ; nor onely so , but whoever urges the contrary , meditates a commotion , isti qui imperium senatui tribuunt , reipublicae interitum , ac status eversionem moliuntur . as to the point of loyalty now in question , the subversion of the fundamental government of this kingdom could not be effected , till those members of parliament that were presbyterian , were many of them imprisoned , others forcibly secluded by the violence of the army , and the rest thereupon withdrew from the house of commons . observation then it seems till that violence by the army , upon the presbyterians , there was none acted by the presbyterians upon the king. to seize his towns and magazines ; hunt , and assault his royal person ; part his revenues ; hang up his friends : all this is justifi'd , in case his majesty refuses to be rul'd by his two houses . alas , the fundamental government was safe , ( i warrant ye ) so long as the rights of soveraignty were exercis'd , first by the assembly in scotland , and then by a pack'd party , in a close committee : and the presbyterians never the less honest men for selling the king first ; then voting him a prisoner ; and after that , for pinching him even upon the very point of presbytery . surely they are much to blame that charge these innocents with disloyalty . if the presbyterian members had not been forced , ( they say ) all had been well . truly it may be so ; yet if i mistake not , there was a time when the episcopal members were forced too ; and had that violence been spared , it had never come to this. but i suppose , the city-tumults against bishops : the outcries of the rabble at white-hall : the multitudes that baul'd for reformation : posting up such and such for straffordians , as honestly opposed the torrent of the people . this in the vvell-affected , passes for christian liberty . but our author follows his opinion with a proof . for they ( says he , meaning the presbyterians ) had voted the king's concessions a ground sufficient for the houses to proceed to settle the nation , and were willing to cast , whatever they contended for , upon a legal security . observation waving their former vote of non-addresses , and that foul declaration of their reasons for it : we will in charity believe , they were over-aw'd , and that it was extorted by the army . but what excuse for the matter of the propositions ? that they were actuated by a presbyterian spirit , appears in this , that they demanded a settlement of a presbyterian government . it remains now onely from hence , to gather the fair equivalence , of this gentleman's doctrine , and to discover what 't is the presbyterian faction calls a legal security . they hold , that if the king of england will not comply with the two houses , the people may chase , sequester , and imprison him : and when they have him in distress , they may without disloyalty press him to these , or the like conditions for his liberty . 1. by a publick act to justifie that violence , and condemn himself . 2 ly . to renounce and abolish episcopacy , although bound by oath and judgment to defend it . 3 ly . to transfer the right of levying men and monies , to the two houses ; by them to be raised and disposed of at pleasure , without rendring any accompt to his majesty . 4 ly . to deliver up the lives , liberties , and fortunes of all that served him , to the mercy of that party . 5 ly . to grant , that all offices of trust may be disposed of by the appointment of both houses . this is a short , and modest accompt of presbyterian loyalty , the due liberty they contend for : which being setled upon a legal security , with such further concessions , as their modesty shall vouchsafe to require , puts an end to the dispute . his late majesty observes ( upon uxbridge treaty ) that it was a grand maxim with them , always to ask something , which in reason and honor must be denyed , that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted . ] and so we find it . but what 's the reason of this peevishness ? is there any thing in the nature of prelacy that frames the mind to obedience and loyalty ? or is there any thing in presbytery , that inclines to rebellion and disobedience ? observation truly i think there is . prelacy holds a better proportion in the scale of order , as a more regular subordination of duties and relations . nature and providence do not move by leaps , but by insensible and soft degrees , which give stability and beauty to the universe . is not the world compos'd of disagreements , hot and cold , heavy and light ? — and yet we see those oppositions are by the means of middle , and conciliating mixtures wrought into a compliance ? 't is the same case in subject and superior : higher and lower , betwixt top and bottom , are but as several links of one providential chain , where every individual , by vertue of this mutual dependency , contributes to the peace and benefit of the whole . some are below me ; and this sweetens the thought that i am below others : by which libration are prevented those distempers which arise either from the affectation of more power , or the shame of having none at all . as these degrees of mean and noble , are beyond doubt of absolute necessity to political concord ; so possibly the closer the remove , the better yet , as to the point of social expedience ; provided , that the distances be such as to avoid confusion , and preserve distinct offices , and powers from enterfering . nor is this gradual method onely suited to humane interest , as being most accommodate to publick quiet , and to defend the sacredness of majesty from popular distempers : but 't is the very rule which god himself imposes upon the whole creation : making of the same lump , one vessel to honor , and another to dishonor . subjecting by the law of his own will , this to that : that to what 's next above it : both to a further power , all to himself . and here we rest : as at the fountain of authority . from god , kings reign ; they appoint their substitutes , and so on to inferior delegations ; all powers derive from a divine original . this orderly gradation , which we find in prelacy , must needs beget a reverence to authority ; the hierarchy it self depending upon a principle of obedience ; whereas our utopian presbytery advances it self upon a level of confusion . it is a kind of negative faction , united to dissolve a laudable and setled frame of government , that they may afterward set up they know not what . we may have learn'd thus much from late and sad experience . let him that would know more of it , read the survey of pretended holy discipline . i think it would be hard to shew one eminent presbyterian , that stickles not for an aristocracy in the state , as well as in the church : and he that said , no bishop , no king , gave a shrewd judgment ; not as implying a princes absolute dependance upon bishops , but in effect the king's authority is wounded through the church ; the reformation of what is amiss , belonging to the ruler , not to the people . i do not yet condemn all presbyters , nor justifie all prelates . we are told , that in antient times , and for a series of many ages , the kings of england have had tedious conflicts with prelates , in their dominions . ] 't is right , and the same cause is now espoused by our more than ordinary papal presbyterians ; to wit , ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the civil power . but we are further question'd . if presbytery and rebellion be connatural , how comes it to pass , that those states or kingdoms where it hath been established or tollerated , have for any time been free from broils and commotions . observation it is as true , that those places have been quietest , where presbytery hath gain'd footing , as 't is , that presbyterians have never disclaimed or abandoned their lawful prince : that they have never ceased to solicite , and supplicate his regards and favours , even when their power hath been at the highest , and his sunk lowest . this is something which in good manners wants a name . how far the presbyterians have abandon'd their prince , i shall not press , but rather refer the reader to examine how far , and in what manner they have solicited him . ( cujus contrarium . ) his late majesty , after forty messages for peace , and a personal treaty , finding himself most barbarously laid aside ; in a declaration from carisbrook castle , dated janu. 18. 1647. expostulates the matter in these termes . now would i know , what it is that is desired : is it peace ? i have shewed the way ( being both willing and desirous to perform my part in it ) which is , a just compliance with all chief interests . is it plenty and happiness ? they are the inseparable effects of peace . is it security ? i , who wish that all men would forgive and forget like me , have offered the militia for my time . is it liberty of conscience ? he who wants it , is most ready to give it . is it the right administration of justice ? officers of trust are committed to the choice of my two houses of parliament . is it frequent parliaments ? i have legally , fully concurr'd therewith . is it the arriers of the army ? upon settlement , they will certainly be paid , with much ease ; but before , there will be found much difficulty , if not impossibility in it . thus all the world cannot but see my real , and unwearied endeavours for peace , the which ( by the grace of god ) i shall neither repent me of , nor ever be slackned in : notwithstanding my past , present , or future sufferings . but , if i may not be heard , let every one judge , who it is that obstructs , the good i would do , or might do . where the right lies , a presbyterian may better determine , than a royallist question . — magno se judice quisque tuetur . here 's the testimony of a pedant , in ballance against the authority of a prince . he tells us by and by , that prophaneness , intemperance , revellings , out-rages , and filthy lewdness were not at any time in the memory of the present age , held under more . restraint , than in the late distracted times , by means of a practical ministery . observation these generals spell nothing , and to name particulars were not so candid ; i could else make up scot and peters , at least a score , even out of the select tribe of the reformers , ( and these i think are not as yet canoniz'd for saints . ) 't is no prophaneness ( is it ? ) to play the hocus pocus in a pulpit , with rings and bodkins ; to talk treason by inspiration ; and entitle the holy ghost to murther and rebellion . to appoint mock-fasts , and thank god for victories he never gave them . to swear for , and against the king , in the same breath . to convert churches into stables , and for fear of superstition to commit sacrilege . nor is it out-rage sure , or intemperance to seize the patrimony of the church , the king's revenues ; pillage and kill their fellow-subjects . to set up ordinances against setled laws , and subject the ten commandements to the superior vote of a committee . to justifie tumults against authority , and suffer the most damnable heresies to scape without reproof . but what if there were disorders ; by whom were they caused ? it is most unreasonable to object , that the late wild postures , extravagancies , and incongruities in government , were the works of presbytery , or presbyterians . the nation had never proof of presbytery , for it was never setled , but rather decry'd , and expos'd to prejudice by those that were in sway , and that in the more early times of the late wars . observation i must confess indeed , that presbytery was never setled , nor ever likely to be , so much did the whole nation stomach it ; but yet how this agrees with his former reasoning , pag. 29. i do not understand . there he pretends , that by * long practise mens minds are fix'd in this opinion : and that the party is numerous . here he contents himself to acknowledge , that the presbyterians lost their power early , and that they never recovered it since . this will not serve his turn , to acquit the faction ( so denominated ) of our late miseries . our soveraign ( of blessed memory ) brings the contest down , to his surprisal at holmby , and the distractions in the two houses , the army , and the city , ensuing upon it . these ( says that excellent prince ) are but the struglings of those twins , which lately one womb enclosed , the younger striving to prevail against the elder . * what the presbyterians have hunted after , the independents now seek to catch for themselves . ] in fine ; one finish'd what the other began ; for the king died at last , but of those wounds which he at first received in his authority . his majesty , upon his leaving oxford , and going to the scots , clears this yet further : where he calls it , adventuring upon their loyalty , who first began his troubles . the truth of this matter ( says he ) is cleared by a passage of our late soveraign , in a let-to his majesty that now is . [ all the lesser factions were at first officious servants to presbytery their great master , till time and military success discovering to each other their particular advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of uniform religion , pretended each to drive for their party the trade of profits and preferments , to the breaking and undoing not onely of the church and state , but of presbytery it self . — ( it follows ) which seem'd and hop'd at first to have engross'd all . observation the last line is as true as any of the rest ; but all truths are not to be spoken . indeed this slip is somewhat with the grossest . not to trouble my self with their formal fopperies , of deacons , elders , and their parish-meetings ; those are but popular amusements : we 'll pass to what 's more pertinent , and see how he acquits his friends of joyning with the independents . the truth is , sectarianism grew up in a mystery of iniquity and state-policy , and it was not well discerned , till it became almost triumphant by military successes . observation 't is a strange thing the presbyterians should not see what they themselves contrived ; what all others took notice of ; and what the late king offered to prove , [ in his declaration of august the 12th 1642. ] the insolence of sectaries being not onely wink'd at , but publickly avow'd ; and the law thwarted to protect them . see what one says ( no stranger to their practises ) to prove , and evidence the combination . the leading-men , or grandees , first divided themselves into two factions or juncto's , presbyterians and independents : seeming to look onely at the church , but they involv'd the interests of the common-wealth . — these having seemingly divided themselves , and having really divided the houses , and captivated their respective parties judgments . — teaching them by an implicite faith , jurare in verba magistri , to pin their opinions upon their sleeves : they begin to advance their projects of monopolizing the profits , preferments , and power of the kingdom in themselves . to which purpose , though the leaders of each party seem to maintain a hot opposition , yet when any profit or preferment is to be reach'd at , it is observ'd , that a powerful independent especially , moves for a leading presbyterian , or a leading presbyterian for an independent : and seldom doth one oppose or speak against another , in such cases , unless somewhat of particular spleene or competition come between : which causeth them to break the common-rule . by this means , the grandees of each faction , seldom miss their mark , since an independent moving for a presbyterian , his reputation carries the business clear with the independent party : and the presbyterians will not oppose a leading man of their own side . i find we are not like to agree , for these people cannot see their own faults , nor we their virtues . i would take a good journey to meet any man stiff in that way , that would but confess he was ever in any error . of all the prejudices and scandals taken against this way , there is none greater than this , that it is represented as tyrannical and domineering , and that those who live under it , must ( like issachar ) crouch under the burdens . we do indeed account the presbyterian discipline very tyrannical , and by and by we 'l give our reasons for it . not because this discipline censures scandalous disorders ] ( as he insinuates ) but for that it subjects all civil matters to a consistorian cognisance , and rapt by an impulse of passion , calls many things scandalous , which measured by the rule of piety and reason , are found praise-worthy , and of laudable example . the usage of the common-prayer book is to them , scandalous , though setled by the law : but to eject a minister for reading it , though both without law , and against it , that , they esteem no scandal ; we , the contrary . i have now brought the gentleman to his first stage , where i might very fairly leave him , for having already done my business ; what i do more , is but for company . so far as i can judge , i have not scap'd one syllable material to his purpose : nor have i either broken his periods , or unlink'd his reasonings , to puzzle , or avoid his meaning . how fairly i have dealt with what i have expos'd : whether in matter of fact , deduction , or good manners , ( the subject of the difference duely weighed ) that i submit to the reader , and where the reason lies betwixt us . i have indeed omitted a great part of the debate , as not at all related to my design , nor ( to speak freely ) much to the point in question . his frequent and rhetorical raptures , extolling to the heavens , the wisdom and sanctity of the presbyterians ; ( but above all , the legions of the saints ) what does this florid vanity ●ignifie more than the putting of his own name to a fair picture , when yet , for ought he proves , and for ought we discern , there 's not one line betwixt them of agreement . the contrary course he takes with the prelatick party . they ( forsooth ) are not so and so : and from his generals , there he is pleased to enter into prohibited particulars , taxing in special manner the excesses of some of our late prelates : but without any instances of good in the other party , which does but spitefully and weakly imply , that bishops have more faults , than presbyterians have virtues . it will not be now expected , that we that differ in the premises , should agree in the conclusion . but for that we 'll take our fortunes . vpen the whole matter aforegoing , we firmly build this position : that the presbyterian party ought not in justice or reason of state , to be rejected and depressed , but ought to be protected and encouraged . ( this is but one doctor 's opinion ; we think otherwise . ) nevertheless ( says he ) there being a seeming complication in this business , and an other ample party appearing in competition , a difficulty remains , and the matter falls into a further deliberation . and thereupon we are fallen upon the second main enquiry . ii. quest. whether the presbyterian party may be protected and encouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor disobliged . observation 't is a particular grace , that the bishops party may yet be admitted into the competition , and that the man of the short robe will vouchsafe to enquire into the consistence of episcopacy and presbytery : yet it was boldly ventur'd to determine what ought to be done before he had examin'd , whether the thing was fesible or no. i shall not spend my time to controvert idea's , and wrangle about governments in the air : we are for plain and practicable contrivements , such as authority , good order , and long experience have recommended to us . i suppose the agreeing of both parties in such middle terms as he proposes , a thing not utterly impossible . many things may be fair enough in notion , yet of exceeding hazzard to be put in practice ; especially 't is dangerous to try tricks with politick constitutions . great alterations are scarce safe , even where they are lawful , and wrought with good intention : much less are those so , which are promoted by a disorderly , and popular earnestness , and with seditious meaning . for this i dare lay down as a position : never did any private party band against a publick settlement , with an intent to mend it . but what have we to do with the imaginary coalition of the two church-parties ; when the kirk-discipline affronts the civil sanction , and actually invades the kings authority ? let them first bring their principles to their duties , treating like subjects , and submitting as christians . can any man believe those people friends to the church , that are enemies to the state ▪ or that the god of order can be pleased with the promoters of confusion ? were there no other reason to deny the thing they ask , than their bare manner of asking ; it ought not to be granted . what signifies their talk of number , power , resolution , but a false muster of the faction , to make a party with the rabble ? when yet , god knows , they 're inconsiderable : let every man but over-look his neighbour , and count , he 'l find the disproportion . undoubtedly the most insufferable of all their arguments is that of danger ; there 's but one step between that word and violence . first , it implies a seditious complication . they move for such as they believe will tumult : if not , where lies the hazzard ? besides , those subjects that dare tell their prince , 't is dangerous to deny their askings , do by that insolence render his concessions much more hazzardous . persons of that audacious temper , will hardly make a sober use of an extorted bounty . so far as presbyterian , and episcopal , purely refer to the church , i shall not much concern my self in our resolvers second main enquiry : ( equal to all the world is the incomparable hooker , upon that subject ) but where these terms are in a greater latitude , applyed to civil matters , i shall be bold to pass some further observations . the dissenting side oppose not all liturgy , but desire that the present onm may be changd , or reformed . observation that 's but a modest motion . but now suppose his majesty , the law , and forty for one of the nation , should desire the continuance of it as it is : what equity have the dissenters to the change ; or what would be the benefit if granted ? not the tenth part even of the presbyterians , would be contented with it . some of them are against all set-forms of common-prayer whatever ; others ( more moderate forsooth ) do not oppose a prescript form , so it be not enjoyn'd . a third sort , will vouchsafe to permit the english liturgy , provided they may have the purgeing of it themselves . and when all 's done , the sectaries may claim as much right to abolish that , as they to alter this. and now for ceremonies . they oppose not any circumstance of decency and order , but desire , that mystical ceremonies of humane institution , may be abolished or not enjoyned . first , the dissenters are not the judges of decency and order ; and for mystical ceremonies of humane institution ; ( as scaliger says of the sepia ) caliginem effundit , & evadit ; he troubles the water , and escapes in the dark . multiformity in religion ( says our reconciler , pleading for accommodation ) publickly profess'd , doth not well comport with the spirit of this nation , which is free , eager , jealous , apt to animosities and jealousies , besides that it hath ever had a strong propension to vniformity . observation had this fallen from a common pen , i could have better born the disproportion of his character of the english temper , — free , eager , jealous , and yet propense to vniforformity . this seems to me a mixture incompossible . but the good man means well , and writes so , when he lists . his drift is , to perswade us , that to comply with the presbytery , is to comport with the spirit of this nation : which being free and eager , seems to cry , beware . how blessedly would these free-spirited worthies order their subjects , if they were once in power , that thus presume from their own level , to menace and control authority . if toleration might compose the difference , there were some hope ; but that , alas , is more than they can afford the government , and much less will they accept it for themselves . the temper of this kingdom ( says he ) does not well accord with extremes on either hand ; ] and to see the fortune of it , the presbyterians are just in the middle . toleration being not the daughter of amity , but of enmity , ( at least ) in some degree supposeth the party tolerated to be a burden , especially if conceived dangerous to the way established , and commonly holds no longer than meer necessity compels ; and consequently neither party take themselves to be safe , the one always fearing to lose its authority , and the other its liberty . observation behold a learned expostulation , and a dutiful . [ where the party toelrated appears dangerous to the way established : the one fears to lose its authority , and the other its liberty . ] there 's no great depth in the discovery , that from an opinion of mutual danger , arises mutual jealousie . but what 's this case to the subject of our debate ? by toleration is not meant an imprudential yielding to an untractable , and churlish faction : but a discreet and pious application of tenderness toward such as by their fair comportment in the main of order , and good manners , appear to merit it . true it is , god himself is the onely searcher of hearts , who sees our thoughts , even in the bed of their conception . yet where we find an inconformity of practise to profession : people that strein at a gnat , and swallow a camel , we may without offence to charity , rank those incongruous christians amongst hypocrites : and with great justice hold them to the law , that strive to bring the law down to their humors . by the same rule ought we to judge in favour of their scruples , whose lives are squar'd by a conform severity and strictness . it is most true , that such proposals may suffice for peace , which will not satisfie humor and faction , and carnal interest . ] why do we not apply our selves then to the onely umpire of the controversie , the setled law , which without either passion or design , lays down our duty , and our interest ? these wranglings about trifles do but enflame the difference , and start new animosities , instead of quieting the old. the great pretence of scandal ( forsooth ) is this. the presbyterians stick at ceremonies properly sacred , and significant by humane institution , which they conceive to be more than meer circumstances , even parts of worship ; and whatsoever instituted worship is not ordained of god , they hold unlawful . this passage lies a little out of my rode , but however , i 'le make it my way . it is much easier to call our ceremonies sacred , and parts of worship , than to prove them such ; or that we understand them so . is the manner of doing any thing , part of the thing done ? and for significant by humane institution ] the exception is as frivolous . because that in some cases even of external discipline , the church is limited , does it therefore follow that it is free in none ? or ty'd up onely to such rites and ceremonies , as hold no signal proportion with the reason of their institution ? this argument cuts their own throats , since by the significancy of the sitting posture at the communion , they ma●ntain the use of it ; for ( say their admonitioners ) it betokens rest , and full accomplishment of legal ceremonies in christ. they that scruple our mystical significant ceremonies , conceive that they are properly and meerly sacred , as having the honor of god for their direct and immediate end . these reasons are but snares for woodcocks . that the ultimate end of all our actions is , or at least ought to be ) the honor of god , admits no question ; but 't is not therefore the immediate end of every thing we do , nor in particular of ceremonies . the outward forms and rites of publick worship , direct partly to uniformity and order ; and partly to excite due reverence and affection in the discharge of holy duties , by sensible actions , and remarkable circumstances . but he persues his error ; and instances , that the surplice is not for gravity , nor meerly for decent distinction , but a religious mystical habit , the character or badge of a sacred office , or service conformable to the linnen ephod under the law. the grand exception against the surplice is matter of scandal , and that amounts to nothing , where people will be peevish , and carp at every thing . allow it what original he pleases : if it be neither unlawful in it self : nor wickedly applyed ; and by authority thought fit to be imposed ; why should it not be used ? what says the incomparable hooker , in this point ? [ to solemn actions of royalty , and state , their suitable ornaments are a beauty ; are they onely in religion a steyn ? ] and in another place . the names of our months , and of our days , we are not ignorant from whence they came , and with what dishonor unto god they are said to have been devised at the first . what could be spoken against any thing more effectual to stir hatred , then that which sometimes the antient fathers in this case spake ? yet those very names are at this day in use throughout christendom , without hurt or scandal to any . clear and manifest it is , that things devised by hereticks , yea , devised of a very herétical purpose , even against religion , and at their first devising worthy to have been withstood , may in time grow meet to be kept ; as that custome , the inventers whereof were the * eunomian hereticks . so that customs once established , and confirmed by use , being presently without harm , are not in regard of their corrupt original , to be held scandalous . but concerning those ceremonies , which they reckon for most popish , they are not able to avouch , that any of them was otherwise instituted , than unto good ; yea , so used at the first . ] the signing with the sign of the cross ( they conceive ) is more evidently sacred than the former . as baptism consecrates the child , so doth the cross. it is used as a sealing sign of our obligation to christ , as the words used in the application thereof do manifest , and the book of canons doth declare expresly , which saith , [ that it is an honorable badge , whereby the infant is dedicated to the service of him that died on the cross , as by the words used in the book of common-prayer it may appear . ] and therefore it is in that respect sacramental . observation 't is a well nurtur'd child that gives his mother the lye : and it is little better , to charge this sense upon the church of england , when by the very letter of the canon , an express care is taken to prevent all possibility of exception , by a clear explication of the churches judgment in that particular . the juggle is so gross , i need but cite the canon to confute it . first , the church of england , since the abolishing of popery , hath ever held and taught , and so doth hold and teach still , that the sign of the cross used in baptism , is no part of the substance of that sacrament ; for when the minister dipping the infant in water , or laying water upon the face of it ( as the manner also is ) hath pronounced these words , i baptize thee in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost , the infant is fully and perfectly baptized . so as the sign of the cross being afterwards used , doth neither add any thing to the vertue or perfection of baptism ; nor being omitted doth detract any thing from the effect and substance of it . secondly , it is apparent in the communion book , that the infant baptized is by vertue of baptism , before it be signed with the sign of the cross , received into the congregation of christs flock , as a perfect member thereof , and not by any power ascribed unto the sign of the cross ; so that for the very remembrance of the cross , which is very precious to all them that rightly believe in jesus christ , and in the other respect mentioned : the church of england hath retained still the sign in baptism , following therein the primitive and apostolical churches , and accounting it a lawful outward ceremony , and honorable badge , whereby the infant is dedicated to the service of him that died upon the cross , as by the words used in the book of common-prayer it may appear . ] if this will not suffice to prove , that nothing sacramental is intended by it , let it be noted , that in private baptism the cross is totally omitted . his next exception is at holy-days : but i shall pass my bounds too far . i 'll borrow one maxim of the judicious hooker , ( upon th●t subject ) which shall serve for all . those things which the law of god leaveth arbitrary , and at liberty , are all subject unto positive laws of men : which laws , for the common benefit , abridge particular mens libertie in such things , as far as the rules of equity will suffer . after the quality of our ceremonies , the holy man will have one fling at the number of them . if the english ceremonies be warrantably used , what hinders the use of divers other ceremonies used in the roman church ? is it said , their multitude will become burthensome and inconvenient ? but who can determine the convenient number ? and however , an exchange of one ceremony for another were not unlawful . for what reason may not some other romish rites in baptism be used as well as the cross , seeing they are nothing less significant or inoffensive ; nay , peradventure much more inoffensive , because the papists by giving divine worship to the cross , have abused it to gross idolatry . observation beggars must be no choosers : must we use all , or none ? the english church hath made election of the english ceremonies ; what , and how many : being the proper judge both in the point of number and convenience . 't is not for us to question the authority , but to obey it . what if the cross hath been abused ? so hath the knee been bent ; the hands and eyes addressed to an idol . are we , because of this mis-application , prohibited to worship the true god , in the same manner , and posture ? now to the liturgy again . the presbyterians are not satisfied in the present liturgy , but desire it may be laid aside , or much reformed . and what solid reason withstands the equity of this desire ? this solid reason does withstand it . they beg like sturdy cripples , for christ's sake , with a cudgel . and 't is not safe for authority to give ground to a faction . whosoever observes impartially , shall find , that political prudence was joyn'd with christian piety , in composing the english service-book . ] and the same prudence is now joyn'd with the same piety , both in the right , and interest of preserving it . his next grief is a heavy one . canonical subscription lately impos'd , is a yoke of bondage , ( now mark him ) to be considered by all those that have a true regard to such liberty in religion , as equity and necessity pleads for . observation either this passage is seditious , and to enflame the people against authority , or i am no englishman . the canon ( says he ) requires a subscribing to the thirty nine articles ; to the common-prayer-book ; to the book of ordering bishops , priests , and deacons ; that all these contain in them nothing contrary to the word of god. this is unreasonable , unprofitable , and unnecessary . nay , let us take in the third article too , — to wit , [ that the nine and thirty articles are agreeable to the word of god. ] and now the form of subscription , viz. [ i do willingly , and ex animo , subscribe to these three articles above mentioned , and to all things that are contained in them . this is the yoke of bondage , which our reverend libertine complains of . first , to the unreasonableness of this subscription . touching the king's supremacy , asserted in the first article , he is silent ; and i suppose he would be thought consenting . as to the rest , what reason is there that any man should be admitted into the ministery , without subscribing to the constitution of that church , into which he seeks admitance ? if he cannot subscribe in conscience , he cannot be admitted in prudence : and if he refuses in point of stomach , that man is not of a gospel-temper . in fine , he that holds a fair opinion of the doctrine , and discipline of the church of england , may very reasonably set his hand to his opinion : and he that does not , may as reasonably be rejected because of such disagreement . so much for unreasonable ; neither is it unprofitable : for such as have any spark , either of honor , or shame , will in regard to such a testimony , be tender of giving themselves the lye , whatever they would do otherwise . his third cavil is , that it is unnecessary ; ( so are his exceptions . ) let any man consider ; when all these bars and limits are too little to restrain turbulent and sacrilegious spirits from dangerous and irreverent attempts : what seas of schism and heresie would break in upon us , were but these banks demolish'd . but he hath found out an expedient , how [ unity in doctrine , and uniformity in practise , may be as well attain'd , and far more kindly , without this enforced subscription : ( that is ) if no minister be suffered to preach , or write , any thing contrary to the establish'd doctrine , worship , or discipline , nor ordinarily for the main to neglect the establish'd rule . ] observation this last passage appears to me most spitefully pleasant . not ordinarily for the main , that is ; always sometimes he would neglect the establish'd rule . if the laws already in force against revolters , had been duly executed , 't is likely the interest of england , in the matter of religion , had not been now the question . but still this supposition does not imply an absolute sufficiency of that strictness to all intents and purposes of order and agreement . 't is what we think , not what we say ; the harmony of souls , more then of forms , which god regards : without that sacred , and entire consent of judgment , and affections , the rest is but a flat , and cold formality . not to act contrary to prescribed rules , ( where we are bound up by a penalty ) is but a negative and passive obedience ; a compliance rather with convenience , than duty , unless joyn'd with a prone , and full assent , both to the truth and equity of those determinations . for these and many reasons more , canonical subscription seems to me exceeding necessary . but for those people to decline it , ( upon pretence forsooth of conscience ) that upon pain of freedom , and estates , nay , and of hell it self , enforced the covenant , is most unequal . a presbyterian preacher , * refused to pray for sir william nesbett , late provost of edenburgh , when he was lying upon his death-bed , onely because he had not subscribed the covenant . let me be pardoned , if i understand not this incongruous holiness . as for the decrees and canons of the church , what rightful authority doth make them , as the law of the medes and persians that altereth not ? observation surely his reverence over-shoots himself . what rightful authority ? the kings : and by a less authority they cannot be discharged . by that authority , that licenses x] the excommunication of the impugners of the rites and ceremonies established in the church of england : — the opposers also of the y] government , by arch-bishops , bishops , &c. — by that authority , to which this gentleman hath forfeited the head he wears . well , but he tells us , the publick state of these differences is such , that the prelatists may , and ought to descend to the presbyterians , in the proposed moderate way ; but the presbyterians cannot come up to the prelatists in the height of their way . with the king's leave , had been good manners yet . by what authority , does presbytery pretend to unseat the hierarchy ? all the world knows , ( as much as they know any thing of that antiquity ) that bishops are of apostolical extraction : and we are not to imagine , that they died intestate , and their commission with them . but bishops have descended already , and what was the event of it ? truly it was as moderate an episcopacy as heart could wish : but , as i remember , their revenues were not employed to maintain a practical ministery . the rule is , — si vis scire an velim , effice ut possim nolle . but see the moderation of the man. some change ( he says ) in the outward form , and ceremonies , which are but a garb , or dress , is no real change of the worship . i thought we had differ'd upon point of conscience , about * [ ceremonies properly sacred , — and parts of worship . ] but now it seems 't is but the garb , or dress we stick at . the good-man has forgot himself ; and yet we had best be wary , for 't is but an untoward hint he gives us . oftentimes ( says he ) moderate reformations do prevent abolitions , and extirpations . ] observation they do so , often , and sometimes they cause them : that is , be the state never so distemper'd , where subjects turn reformers , the remedy is worse than the disease . in fine , when i look back , i find the very same desires of reformation originally pretended ; which ( after such descensions as never any prince before the blessed father of our gracious soveraign , made to his subjects ) proceeded yet to utter extirpation , root , and branch . the present face of things looks so like twenty years ago , i cannot choose but fear the same design from the same method ; the same effects from the same causes . is not that likely to be a blessed reformation , where faction dictates , and tumults execute ? but our pacifick moderator is of another temper sure ; he onely advises a yielding , for fear of worse : especially considering , that the party called presbyterian may be protected , and encouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor disoblig'd . which is his resolution upon the second quaere presbyterian improvements are commonly a little sinister ; ( or , as a man may say , over the left shoulder ) they have something an odd way of making a glorious king , and a happy people . but we shall not dispute the possibility of doing many things which may be yet of dangerous experiment . i do believe it possible for a man to flie ; yet set him upon pauls , and lure him down , upon the trial , 't is at least six to four he breaks his neck . truly in my opinion , this proposal is all out as impracticable . but 't is all one to me. what if the two church-parties , can agree , or what if they cannot ? my business is to keep the presbyterian from laying violent hands upon the civil power , and to convince a party so denominated , of sedition , not of schism . his third enquiry follows . qu. iii. whether the upholding of both parties by a just and equal accommodation , be not in it self more desirable , and more agreeable to the state of england , than the absolute exalting of one party , and the total subversion of the other ? ( and thus he reasons . that state of prelacy which cannot stand without the subversion of the presbyterians , and that stands in opposition to regulated episcopacy , will become a mystery of a meer carnal and worldly state , under a sacred title , and venerable name of our mother the church . for in such opposition , of what will it be made up , but of lordly revenue , dignity , splendor , and jurisdiction , with outward ease and pleasure ! what will its design be from age to age , but to uphold and advance his own pomp and potency ? read the ecclesiastical histories , and you shall find the great business of the hierarchy hath been to contest with princes and nobles , and all ranks and degrees , about their immunities , privileges , preheminences , to multiply constitutions and ceremonies for props to their own greatness , but not to promote the spiritual kingdom of our lord jesus christ in the hearts of people , according to the life and power of christianity . observation let this serve for a taste of his pedantique boldness . whether the scandal , or the danger of these liberties is the greater , may be one question : and whether the usurper of this freedom is the better subject , or christian , may be another . if we respect the holy order of bishops , together with the sacred authority of law , by which they are here established , how scandalous and irreverend is this invective ! or if the unsetled humor of the people , how dangerous ! if we reflect either upon christian unity , or political obedience : how inconsistent is this manner of proceeding , with what we owe to god , and the king ! that state of prelacy , which cannot stand without the subversion of the presbyterians , &c. — 't is very well ; — and why the subversion of the presbyterians ? how those that never were vp , should be thrown down , i cannot imagine . by what law , or by what equity , do these people pretend to any interest of establishment in england ? those of the presbyterian judgment , that out of a real tenderness cannot comply in all particulars , will beyond doubt receive from his majesty such favour and indulgence , as may abundantly suffice to their relief . but that pretence doth not one jot entitle them to challenge a further influence upon the government . these wayward appetites and cravings , are but the sickly longings of a peevish woman : a kind of voluntary and privileged conscience they have , which if it happens to take a fancy even to the crown , monarchy it self must rather perish , than these poor wretches lose their longings . soberly i would advise them by any means , to waive these troublesome and groundless pretences . it starts a scurvy question , and makes men ask , how these people came by the right they challenge ? for the rest ; episcopacy is like to be well ordered , when the presbyterians have the regulation of it . there have been great contests ( no question ) mov'd by the hierarchy ; but i suppose this gentleman will not instance in many , ●ince the reformation , derogatory to the jurisdiction royal : whereas the whole course of the presbyterian discipline hath been tumultuous ; and their avowed principles are more destructive to royalty , than even the rankest of the jesuites themselves . having at length talk'd his fill against the pomp of prelacy ; and charg'd the arrogance of presbyters upon the bishops : thus he concludes , in very deed , the state here described , will never stand safely among a people that are free , serious , searching , and discerning in matters of religion . ] which to the many , sounds thus much . this is the pride and tyranny of bishops : and none but a slavish and besotted people will endure it . he that makes other of it , forces it . having by the spirit of natural divination foretold the effects which he himself intends to cause ; he gives this hint to the vulgar , that [ a hierarchy of this nature hath a strong bias toward popery . ] no doubt , and so had monarchy . was not this imputation , by the same party , cast upon the late king , and with the same measure of confidence and bitterness ? when yet we know , that those that charged him with it , did not believe themselves ; it was so rank , and evident a calumny . nor to insist upon the dying testimony of that incomparable prince ; ( which was but suitable to the pious practise and profession of his whole life ) that early protestation of his majesties , before his receiving of the holy eucharist at christ-church in oxon , 1643. will be more pertinent to my purpose . his majesty being to receive the sacrament from the hands of the lord arch-bishop of armagh , used these publick expressions immediately before his receiving the blessed elements , he rose up from his knees , and beckning to the arch-bishop for a short forbearance , made this protestation . my lord , i espy here many resolved protestants , who may declare to the world the resolution i now do make . i have to the utmost of my power prepared my soul to become a worthy receiver ; and may i so receive comfort by the blessed sacrament , as i do intend the establishment of the true reformed protestant religion , as it stood in its beauty in the happy days of queen elizabeth , without any connivence at popery . i bless god , that in the midst of these publick distractions , i have still liberty to communicate ; and may this sacrament be my damnation , if my heart do not joyn with my lips in this protestation . this was not yet enough to allay the clamour , till with his royal blood he had seal'd this protestation . if the objector can produce a fouler injury , either to religion , duty , truth , honor , or humanity , let it be done , to save the credit of the faction , unless they reckon the superlative perfection of their wickedness , a point of glory . his next remark is not amiss . [ let it be well observ'd , that the designs of suppressing puritans , and complying with papists , had their beginning both at once , and proceeded in equal paces . observation let it be here as well observ'd , that if by puritans be meant those of the separation , by papists is intended such as kept their stations : these squires of the revolt , esteeming as anti-christian , whatever stands in opposition to their heady purposes . we have this both from story and experience , that it hath been the constant practise of these unmannerly apostates , to speak evil of dignities ; & being fall'n off themselves , it is but carnal prudence , by damning of the authority to justifie the schism . no wonder then , if the designs of suppressing puritans , and complying with papists , had ( in his sense ) the same beginning , and proceeded in equal paces . to bring himself off , he shifts it thus . [ according to a vulgar sense , we take popery in the heighth thereof , for the heresies and idolatries ; and in the lower degree thereof , for the gross errors and superstitions of the church of rome . ] and 't is against english popery in the lower degree , that he plants his battery : arguing so formally against our going over to rome , that any stranger to the story would swear , — the prelates and the pope were more then half agreed already . having at length with great good-will advised the church of england as to the main , he concludes , that [ all approaches and motions towards rome are dangerous . ] but are not all recesses from truth , more dangerous : because in every thing we cannot agree with them , must we in nothing ? to me this appears rather petulancy , then pious reason . we are to hold fast the truth , where-ever it lyes : and to embrace what 's good , and laudable in any church , without adhering to the contrary . did not st. paul become all things to all men , that by all means he might gain some ? but if we walk upon the brink ( he tells us ) we may soon fall into the pit. ) these wary men forget , that there 's a gulf on the one hand , as well as a pit on the other : and that the narrow way is that which leads to eternal happiness . but as to reason of state ( he says that ) enmity with rome , hath been reputed the stability of england ; concerning which the duke of rhoan hath delivered this maxime ; [ that besides the interest which the king of england hath common with all princes , he hath yet one particular , which is , that he ought throughly to acquire the advancement of the protestant relig●●n , even with as much zeal as the king of spain appears protector of the catholick . allow this maxime good in state , he hath but found a rod to whip himself . the king of england ought to advance the protestant religion . ] content . what now if these disciplinarians prove no protestants ? but rather a schismatical , and dividing party , driving an interest of their own , under that specious name , and with great shew of holiness , opposing not only the practises and rules of the reformed churches , but even the fundamentals of christianity it self ? by whom will they be tryed , or on what judgement , and authority will they rest ? they quarrel with the order of bishops ; the common-prayer ; the rites and ceremonies of the church ; the law of the land , with customes , and antiquity : in short , with every thing but the geneva discipline . they do by that too , as our gallants do by french-fashions . the court of france being the standard of queint mode and dress , to the one , as is geneva of church order to the other : what is there used , though in it self extravagant enough , our humour is to over-do ; and if the french wear but wide breeches , we forsooth must wear petticoats . consult the learned and most eminent assertors of their discipline ; ask the grand architect himself , or indeed , any of his sectators , ( of fair and honourable credit ) concerning the subject of our present controversie . and 1. whether it be a protestant opinion , that the hierarchy is antich●istian ? ii. whether such laws of humane institution , as neither contradict the general laws of nature , nor any positive law in scripture , be binding or no ? iii. in case of male-administration , either in church , or state : whether the people may take upon them to reform ? but this they are not so stiff in , as to maintain it , but by blind inferences not worth regard . this is the state of our dispute ; and if in these particulars our anti-prelatists oppose the current of reformed divines : to advance their interest , is to undermine the common interest of the king , nation , and the protestant cause . needs must it move many revolts , and keep off many proselytes , to see such principles declared of the essence of christian religion , as a good honest pagan would be ashamed of . nor less repugnant are they to rules of society , than of conscience ; no tyranny so cruel and imperious ; no slavery so reprochful . set up their discipline , and we 're at school again . methinks i see a presbyter with his rod over every parish ; and the whole nation turning up their tails to a pack of pedants . yet hateful as it is , even that it self , establish'd by authority , might challenge our obedience . i have digress'd too far ; yet in convenient place , i must say something further upon this subject . if our new fangled polititian had consider'd , that the kings interest leads him to support , that which the presbyterians strive to overthrow , ( the protestant religion ) i am perswaded he would have spared the duke of rhoan in this particular . the maxime even as it lies before us , affording matter of dangerous deduction to his disadvantage : but taken in coherence , nothing can be more sharp and positive against him . that great and wise captain the duke of rhoan , discoursing upon what reasons of state , q. elizabeth acted toward spain , france , and the united provinces ; tells us particularly , how much she favoured the protestants in france , & germany . [ par toutes ces maximes , ( dit il ) cette sage princesse a bien fait comprendre , a ses successeurs , que outre l' interest que l' angleterre a commun avec tous les princes , &c. — by all these maximes ( says he ) this wise princess hath given her successors to understand , that besides the interest which england hath common with other princes , yet one particular it hath , which is to advance the protestant religion with the same zeal , the king of spain does the catholick . be it here noted , that when the queen was most concern'd , and busie to promote the protestant cause , even at that very time was she as much employ'd to crush the presbyterian faction , viz. cartwright , coppinger , arthington , hacket , and their confederates . the first of these was imprison'd , and fined for seditious and schismatical practises against the church and state. the second starved himself in a gaol ; the third repented , and publickly recanted : the fourth was put to death for horrid blasphemies . ( these people talk'd of a practical ministery too . — ( the men are gone , but their positions are still in being , and only attend a blessed opportunity to be put in execution . this may appear from divers late discourses , which are effectually no other then cartwrights principles , and model , couch'd in warier terms , and other authority than these , or such as these , i think the very authors of them will scarce pretend to . one observation more . our paraphrast renders the advancement of the protestant religion , — enmity with rome , to the great scandal of the reform'd profession . we have no enmity but with errour , which in a rigid puritan , to us , is the same thing as in a papist . but popery ( he tells us ) hath been ever infamous for excommunicating , murthering , and deposing princes . i am no advocate for the roman cause , but upon this account , i think betwixt the jesuite , and the puritan , it may be a drawn battel . and yet he follows , with an assurance that the protestant religion aims at nothing , but that the kings prerogative , and popular liberty , may be even ballanced . ( that is , the puritan , — the presbyterian religion , as he explains himself a little lower . i cannot call to mind one single passage in this whole discourse , concerning the kings power , or the peoples liberty ; which is not either worded doubtfully or with some popular limitation upon the royal authority . what does he mean by even ballancing ? cheek by joul ? or by what warrant from the word of god , does a presbyters religion intermeddle with popular liberty ? unless the holy man intends to bring homage to kings , within the compass of ceremonies of humane , and mystical institution . yet once again . the presbyterian principle ( he sayes ) is for subjection to princes , though they were hereticks , or infidels ; and if they differ herein from the prelatical protestant , ( i was afraid we had been all papists ) it is only that they plead for liberty , setled by known laws , and fundamental constitutiont . ] still ad populum ? these are the incantations which have bewitch'd this nation . this charm of qualify'd disloyalty , and conditional obedience . behold the very soul of the faction in these five lines ; a fair profession first to his majesty , and with the same breath a seditious hint to the people . what is that liberty he talks of , but a more colourable title to a tumult ? that legal freedome , to which both by the royal bounty , and our own birth-right we stand entituled , we ought not to contest for with our soveraign , and ( god be prays'd ) we need not , now for another fit of kindnesse . his majesty our native king , may govern as he pleases , without fear of hazards , by continuing to shew himself a common father . observation what 's this cause a kin to the third article of the covenant ? to preserve and defend the kings majesties person and authority , in the preservation and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdoms , ] ( as who should say , if , he does otherwise , let him look to himself . the excessive dominion of the hierarchy , with the rigorous imposition of humane ceremonies was accounted much of the malady of former times , which ended in those deadly convulsions of church and state. observation since this pragmatical levite will provoke a controversie , i am content to entertain it . if the bishops excesses were the cause of war , how came the kings ruine to be the effect of it ? but 't is no new thing for a presbyterian to saddle the wrong horse . just in this manner did the covenanters treat his late majesty : and by those very troops that cryed down bishops was the king murther'd . ridiculous brutes , to boggle at a surplice , and yet run headlong into a rebellion . the grand source of our miseries was the covenant , by which , as by a spell ( in the name of the blessed trinity ) the people were insensibly bewitched into an aptnesse to work any wickednesse which the interpreters of that oracle should say was the intendment of it . the first notorious rupture was in scotland , in 1637. attended with a covenant , which without question was formerly agreed upon by the confederate faction of both kingdoms , as the most proper and least hazardous way of tasting the kings patience , and the peoples humours . that their design was laid and carried on by counsels , and intelligence as aforesaid , may be collected from the consequent , and brotherly agreements : and truly the retrospect of the act of indemnity seems to hint no lesse , for it commences from the first scottish broyls , tho' four or five years before the war brake out in england ; what was begun by covenant , was so prosecuted . by virtue of the covenant the kirk-party supply'd themselves with men and monies : armies were brought into the field ; and beyond doubt , many that truly loved the king , not knowing what they did , ingaged against him . to keep up this delusion , the press and pulpit did their parts , and to deal freely after this advance , i should as much have wondred if they had stop'd short of his death , as i find others wondering how they durst accomplish it . death with a bullet or an axe , is the same mischief to him that suffers it : and the same crime , wilfully done , in those that act it . no man can rationally allow one , and condemn the other : for if the violence be lawful ; why not as well in the field , as upon a scaffold ? in this particular , the doctor is beside his cushion . he makes me think of the marquiss of newcastle , upon a sawcy clergy-man . why should i remember that he 's a priest ( says my lord ) if he forgets it himself ? his next argument against prelacy is a modest , and ( as i take it , ) a queint one. can the self same state ( sayes he ) and frame of ecclesiasticks be now revived after so great and long continued alterations , by which the anti-prelatical party is exceedingly increased and strengthned ? surely this gentleman has a mind to give his brother crofton a visit . cannot prelacy be better restored after a discontinuance , then presbytery erected , where it never had a being ? the very laws are yet to make , for the one , and still in force for the other . but the great obstacle is , the anti-prelatical party is exceedingly increased , and strengthned . ] truly i think , if his majesty should lessen the number of them , by two or three of the promoters of that doctrine , the precedent might do some good upon the rest . can any thing be more feditious ? these hints upon fair grounds and given in private , might very well become the gravity of a churchman , or the profession of a loyal subject . but to the people , these calculations are dictates of sedition ; and only meant to engage the credulous and heady multitude in false opinions both of the tyranny of prelates , and their own power . thus far in observation upon the first part of the interest of england , in the matter of religion , &c. — the whole structure whereof ( in his own words ) rests upon these positions , as its adequate foundation . 1. that whilest the two forenamed parties remain divided , both the protestant religion , and the kingdome of england is divided against it self . 2. that the presbyterians cannot be rooted out , nor their interest swallowed up , whilest the state of england remaineth protestant . 3. that their subversion if it be possible to be accomplished , will be very pernicious to the protestant religion , and the kingdome of england . 4. that the coalition of both parties into one may be effected by an equal accommodation , without repugnancy to their conscientions principles on either side , in so much that nothing justifiable by religion or sound reason can put a bar to this desirable union . the whole matter ( in debate he tells us ) rests upon three main enquiries . i. qu. whether in justice or reason of state the presbyterian party should be rejected and depressed , or protected and incouraged . ii. qu. whether the presbyterian party may be protected and incouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor dis-obliged . iii. qu. whether the upholding of both parties by a just and equal accommodation be not in it self more desireable and more agreeable to the state of england , than the absolute exalting of the one party and the total subversion of the other . observation i shall now offer some further reasonings of my own ; upon this subject ; therein proposing such brevity and clearnesse ; that both the lazy , and the busie may find time to read it , and the weakest not want capacity to understand it . his first position holds no further good , then as the presbyterians are first protestants in the matter of the difference , and then considerable in the ballance of the nation . religion led the quarrel , so let it the dispute . in using the word protestant , i follow custome , for i had rather call it catholick : but protestant let it be . i suppose by the protestant religion , we understand that of the reformed churches : to whose decision we shall willingly submit the sum of our disagreements : which may be stated under a reduction to these two questions . i. qu. whether or no the government of the church by archbishops & bishops — be antichristian , or unlawful ? ii. whether such laws of humane and significant institution , as are orderly made , and neither contradict the general laws of nature , nor any positive law in scripture , — be binding or not ? first , concerning the prelacy : luther himself distinguishes betwixt popish tyrants , and true bishops : professing his quarrel to them as popish not as bishops . the authors of the augustane confession , leave it upon record , that they would willingly preserve the ecclesiastical and canonical polity , if the bishops would cease to tyrannize over their churches . ] bucer advises by all means the restoring of such ecclesiastical governments as the canons prescribe , ( episcopis & metropolitanis ) to bishops and metropolitans . melancthon to luther , — you would not imagine ( says he ) how some people are netled to see church-policy restored : as if it were the romish soveraignty again . ] ita de regno suo , non de evangelio , dimicant socii nostri . calvin himself recommends the hierarchy to the king of poland : and treating concerning the primitive church , says , that the antient government by arch-bishops and bishops , and the nicene constitution of patriarchs , was for orders sake , and good government . [ ad disciplinae conservationem pertinebat . ] the same person being called to accompt by cardinal sadolet , concerning the geneva defection , and for subscribing the augustane confession , renders this answer . cursed be such as oppose that hierarchy , which submits it self to christ jesus . [ nullo non anathemate dignos censeo , quotquot illi hierarchiae , qui se domino jesu submittit , subjici nolunt . zanchi ( the compiler of the gallican confession ) observes a change of name , rather than of office , throughout most of the german churches . bishops and arch-bishops being onely disguised under the notion of super-intendents , and general-superintendents : acknowledging , that by the consent of histories , counsels , and the antient fathers , those orders have been generally allow'd by all christian societies . beza , ( the rigid successor of calvin ) being check'd by the arch-bishop of canterbury , for intermedling beyond his spheare , — we do not charge ( says he ) all archbishops and bishops with tyranny . — the church of england hath afforded many learned men , and many glorious martyrs of that function . if that authority be there still in beeing , may a perpetual blessing go along with it . [ fruatur sane istâ singulari dei beneficentiâ , quae utinam illi sit perpetua . ] this with all ceremony was addressed , — totius angliae primati : to the primate of all england , and in the name of the whole church of geneva . saravia makes him him speak yet plainer ; who arguing for the hierarchy out of the apostles canons , receives from beza this reply . this is no more then what we wish might be restored to all churches . [ quid aliud hic statuitur , quam quod in omnibus locis , ecclesiis restitutum cupimus ? ] zanchi comes up to the very case of england ; ( nay , and a little further too ) not onely affirming episcopacy to be agreeable to the word of god : but where it is in exercise , that it ought to continue , and where by violence it hath been abolish'd , that it ought to be restor'd . [ * vbi vigent ( isti ordines scil . ) non esse abolendos , & ubicunque iniquitas temporum eos abolevit restituendos . ] with what face now shall the enemies of bishops call themselves protestants , in this particular at least , wherein they evidently cross the whole stream of protestant divines ? now to the second quae●e . whether such laws of humane , and significant institution , as are orderly made , and neither contradict the general laws of nature , nor any positive law in scripture , be binding or not ? hear calvin first , [ quamvis quod oberuditur scandalum afferat , quia tamen verbo dei per se non repugnat concedi potest . ] scandals taken , without repugnancy to the word of god , are not sufficient to invalidate the obligation of a ceremony imposed by the church . beza himself , nay , mr. cartwright , the captain of our blessed legions , will allow , rather than quit a benefice , to wear a surplice . bucer thanks god with all his soul to see the english ceremonies so pure , and conform to the word of god , or at least , ( rightly understood ) not contrary to it . not to hunt further for particular authorities , i shall be bold with my own brother , and make use of some general collections which he hath gathered ready to my hand . nothing assuredly can be more demonstrative of the protestant tenets , than the confession of their several churches . that of helvetia first , [ churches have always used their liberty in rites , as being things indifferent , which we also do at this day . ] that of bohemia ; [ humane traditions and ceremonies brought in by a good custom , are with an uniform consent to be retained in the ecclesiastical assemblies of christian people , at the common service of god. ] the gallican ; [ every place may have their peculiar constitutions , as it shall seem convenient for them . ] the belgick ; [ we receive those laws as are fit , either to cherish or maintain concord , or to keep us in the obedience of god. ] that of ausburg ; [ ecclesiastical rites which are ordained by mans authority , and tend to quietness and good order in the church , are to be observed . ] that of saxony ; [ for order sake , there must be some decent and seemly ceremonies . ] that of swethland ; [ such traditions of men as agree with the scriptures , and were ordained for good manners , and the profit of men , are worthily to be accounted rather of god than of man. ] these were the tenents they publickly owned , nor did they act different from what they taught , ordaining churches , pulpits , prayers before and after sermon , administring the sacraments in churches , delivering the communion in the forenoon to women , baptizing infants , and several other things , not one whereof were directly commanded by either christ , or his apostles . from hence 't is manifest , we may divide from presbyterians , and yet the protestant religion not be divided against it self . a schism there is , but whether in the church , or in the faction , is onely a dispute for those that plead the authority of tumults . as their opinions are not one jot protestant , where they divide from bishops ; so neither are their morals any more warrantable , wherein they act as men. which shall we credit , words , or deeds ? will they not bite ; where they pretend to kiss ? a famous martyr of that party , ( hacket ) served a fellow so . some difference there had been , and they were to be made friends . hacket pretends a reconcilement ; takes the man in his arms , bites off his nose , and swallows it . this is that hacket that was joyn'd with coppinger , and archington , in a plot to murder the lords in the star-chamber , because they had committed cartwright , ( the great rabbi of the party ) whose crime was onely the erecting of the presbytery without , and against the queens authority . thus we see , that in queen elizabeth 's days too , the protestant religion was divided against it self . briefly , that it is not religion which moves these people , is most apparent , from their unquiet and distempered actings . proceed we now to enquire what it is , or in plain terms , to unmasque the holy cheat , and shew it bare-fac'd to the people . of all impressions , those of religion are the deepests ; and of all errors , the most to be lamented and indulged , are those of tender and mis-guided consciences . the clearness of this principle considered , it is no wonder that the foulest designs , put on the greatest shews of holiness , as the onely way to gain and rule affections , without which , no great matters can be accomplish'd . this is a truth well known to the presbyterians , and of experiment as antient as their discipline . we do not undertake to read their hearts , but their vvritings we may venture upon ; enquire a little into their practises , and by comparing both , give some tolerable guess at their intentions . the readiest way is to look back , and match them ; for the best prospect of the future is behind us . some grumblings toward the consistorian discipline , there were in the days of edw. 6. but the first notorious separation was that of frankford , ( in the reign of queen mary ) when gilby , goodman , and whitingham , with their companions , flew off , and went to geneva , from whence they returned into england , soon after queen elizabeth came to the crown . these led the dance in england ; knox in scotland : and at this day our presbyterians do but write after their copy : professing the same principles , pretending the same scruples , and beyond doubt proposing the same end ; which was to get the same dominion here , which calvin and beza exercised at geneva : to whom they still repair'd for counsel as they needed . cartwright and travers came in the breech of these , but not without consulting beza first , to learn the knack of the geneva model . these were the men that first brought into england that horrible position , that the geneva discipline was as essential a note of the church , as either the true preaching of the word , or the due administration of the sacraments . this is the principle which supports the presbyterian interest . for the first thirteen years of the queen's reign , they contented themselves to throw about their libels against ceremonies , and divide into conventicles . in the fourteenth of her majesty , they addressed two admonitions to the parliament ; the former in the quality of a remonstrance , with a platform ; the other , bolder , and more peremptory . this parliament was no sooner dissolved , but they fell presently to work upon their discipline ; the progress whereof is with great exactness set down in the third book of bancroft's dangerous positions . in 1572. a presbytery was erected at wandesworth in surrey , at which time they had also their conventicles in london , where little was debated , but against subscription , the attire , and book of common-prayer . in 82. a meeting was appointed of 60 ministers , out of essex , cambridge-shire , and norfolk , at cockfield ; to confer about the common-prayer , — what might be tolerated . ] in 83. the form of discipline was compiled , and decrees made touching the practise of it , which soon after were put in execution . ] in 87. the discipline was received , and put in practise in northampton-shire . ] in 88. a classical assembly at coventry . ] in 89. a general meeting in cambridge , and another at ipswitch . ] in 1590. vpon the detection of the premises , they refused to answer upon oath . being thus associated , they appropriate to their meetings the name of the church , and use the style . the offices of the lord arch-bishops , and bishops , &c. ( says martin junior ) are condemn'd by the doctrin of the church of england . ] by these degrees , the schismaticks advanced to a dangerous heighth , and boldness ; and of this temper and extraction are our presbyterians . after the aforemention'd discovery , a stricter eye and hand was kept upon them ; divers of the ring-leaders were imprison'd , and the covy broken . upon the coming in of king james , they began to stir again ; but he knew them too well , either to trust , or suffer them . how they behaved themselves towards the late king , is to the eternal infamy , not onely of the faction , but of the nation , too notorious : what they design toward the present government , that 's the question : and now i come to enquire . — whether in justice or reason of state the presbyterian party should be rejected and depressed , or protected and incouraged . before i fall upon the question , once again i explain my self . by presbyterian , i intend a faction , that under colour of setling a reform'd discipline , seeks to dissolve the frame of an establish'd government . and first , i am to prove that party so distinguish'd , such a faction , which both from their own practises , positions , and from common observation , and authority , i think i shall make good ; and that their last aim is to exercise that tyranny themselves , which they pretend to punish . we 'l first examine how they treat the civil power . if princes be tyrants against god and his truth , their subjects are freed from their oaths of obedience . kings , princes , and governors , have their authority of the people , and upon occasion , the people may take it away again . ministers ought not to obey the prince , when he prescribes ceremonies , and a fashion of apparel . evil princes ought by the law of god to be deposed . andrew melvil being cited to answer for treason delivered in a sermon , declined the judgment of the king , affirming , that what was spoken in pulpit , ought first to be tried and judged by the presbytery ; and that neither the king nor counsel might in primâ instantiâ , meddle therewith , although the speeches were treasonable . ] strike the basilique vein ; nothing but this will cure the plurisie of our state. let us never give over , till we have the king in our power , and then he shall see how good subjects we are . ( delivered in a sermon . ) it is lawful for subjects to make a covenant , and combination without the king. but to come nearer home , to shew that the whole gang is of the same leaven . worse than all this was daily printed against the late king , even by those persons that were in pay to the presbyterian faction : and yet at last , those outrages are justifi'd against the father , by such as would be thought loyal to the son. if parliaments think to scape better , they are deceived . if the brethren cannot obtain their will by suit , nor dispute , the multitude and people must do the feat . one preached , that though there were never so many acts of parliament against the covenant , yet it ought to be maintain'd against them all . the parliament can make no law at all concerning the church , but onely ratifie what the church decrees : and after it hath ratifi'd it , yet if the assembly of the church shall prohibite it , and repeal that decree of the church , all the subjects are discharged from yielding obedience to that act of parliament . an assembly may abrogate acts of parliament , if they any way reflect upon business of the church . reformation of religion belongs to the commonalty . of the parliament in the 24 year of the queen , ( says the supplication ) if the desired reformation be not granted . ] there shall not be a man of their seed that shall prosper , be a parliament man , or bear rule in england any more . concerning laws established ; they fall in consequence with the power that makes them . presbyterians opinion of bishops let us see now with what modesty they treat the church , and first the bishops . they are ordinances of the devil , — proud , popish , presumptuous , prophane , paltry , pestilent , pernicious prelates , and vsurpers , — robbers , wolves , simoniacks , persecutors , sowers of sedition , dragons , ( and so to the end of the chapter . ) their clergy , an antichristian , swinish rabble , — the ministers are neither proved , elected , called , nor ordained according to gods word . the ceremonies , — carnal , beggerly , antichristian pomps . presbyterian reformation . hitherto , the faults of governors , and government , now their proposals of amendment , and reformation ; by what rules , and by what means we may be governed better . thus then . let the whole government of the church be committed to ministers , elders , and deacons . very good , and to whom the government of the state ? why to them too . for the church wherein any magistrate , king , or emperor is a member , is divided into some that are to govern : viz. pastors , doctors , and elders : and into such as are to obey , viz. magistrates of all sorts , and the people . the question is next , about the extent of the ecclesiastical power , and in what manner that assumption hooks in all civil actions within their cognisance ? in ordine ad spiritualia , forsooth : by which rule nothing scapes them . 't is the desire of the admonitor ; that he and his companions may be deliver'd by act of parliament , from the authority of the civil magistrates : as justices , and others , and from their inditings , and finings . ] the eldership shall suffer no leud customs to remain in their parishes , either games , or otherwise . ] and further ; the office of the church-governors , is to decide controversies in doctrine and manners , so far as pertaineth to conscience and the church-censures . ] every fault ( says cartwright ) that tendeth either to the hurt of a man's neighbour , or to the hindrance of the glory of god , is to be examined and dealt in by the orders of the holy church . ] nay , knox goes further yet . the bare suspition of avarice , or of pride , superfluity , or riotousness in chear or rayment . ] — even this nicety falls within their censure . now would i know what need of a civil magistrate , when even our private thoughts are subjected to the scrutiny of a presbytery ? but will some say , what signifies the intemperance of particular tongues , as to the general of the party ? i am challenged by the author of the interest of england , to produce their actions : and that 's my next immediate business . the presbyter has now the chair , see how he manages his greatness . none of that tyranny ye found in bishops , i warrant ye : no groaning now under the yoke of antichrist ; the intolerable burthen of canonical subscription ; the imposition of ceremonies , properly sacred ; the injunction of the cross in baptism ; and that abominable idol , the common-prayer . some words perhaps may slip unwarily , that might have been as well let alone ; but alas good people , they mean no harm . suppose that some of this way were guilty of some provoking forwardness , should grave patriots , and wise counsellors thereupon destroy the weak party , or rather heal it ? 't is indeed possible , that in the heat of a reforming and spiritual zeal , they may have let fall speeches of holy indignation against the opposers of the * lord's ordinance . but have they shewed their disaffection either to * king or parliament , by any thing discernable in their outward behaviour : have they controlled the law of the land , or the just liberty of the people ? if they have not done all this , there 's a great failing both in our stories , and our memories . i know 't will be objected , they petition'd , and in a supplicant and humble way , suitable to the duty of good subjects . they did retition ; and in this manner — ( about the. 27. of the queen . ) may it please your majesty , &c. — that it may be enacted , &c. — that the book hereunto annexed , &c. intituled , a book of the form of common-prayers , administration of sacraments , &c — and every thing therein contain'd , may be from henceforth authorized , put in ure , and practised throughout all your majesty's dominions . herein they press upon the nation their own form , which would not yet allow of any other . what they could not get establish'd by law , they settle yet by practice , and privately agree upon a general endeavour to encrease the party . ] but say they should be opposed ? why then , have a fling at evil counsellors . [ if her majesty give ear to such counsellors , she may have cause one day to lament . ] then they remonstrate , how miserably poor men have been handled ; ] that godly ministers have been brought before the bars of justice ; ] and that if this persecution be not provided for , it is the case of many a thousand in england : great troubles will come of it . ] this numerous party will not vary from it self , &c. — the minds of men are fix'd in this opinion , and are not like to be reduced to the practise of former times . ] well said i. c. yet , thousands ( says another ) do sigh for this discipline ; and ten thousands have sought it . ] we do protest unto your majesty ( say the supplicators ) that we will be no longer subject unto the bishops unlawful , and usurped authority , &c. ] — and another . [ the truth will prevail ( speaking of the discipline ) in spight of your teeth , ( meaning the bishops ) and all other adversaries of it . ] in the late king's declaration concerning the tumults in scotland : this way of petitioning is very frequent : and this is that my friend hints , in saying , that the presbyterians have never ceased to sollicite , and supplicate , &c. ] but words draw no blood. 't is true , but such as these come very near it . we phancy first , defects in government ; then we discourse them ; after that , we propose a reformation , which , if rejected , we proceed to press it : the next step is a threat , and then a blow . where there are failings in authority , 't is not for private persons to take publick notice of them . who ever does that , would strike , if he durst . this is not meant of every slip , in common discourse , either of heat , or inadvertency ; yet that is very ill too ) but of deliberate affronts ; such as proceed from a form'd habit of irreverence : and in that case , i think 't were no hard measure , if he that sets his hand to the king's dishonor , should lose his head for 't . take it at worst . put case a prince misgoverns ; yet we are sure , that his superior does not ; and that respect we cannot pay to his failings , we must allow to his commission . from vvords proceed we now to actions . presbyterian practices toward their sovereign . the presbyterian is no sooner in the saddle , but ( in the name of reformation ) how the man gallops : kings , parliaments , laws and liberties , oathes and covenants , are but as feathers in his way . i shall not clog this section with many instances . the traiterous actings of the conventicle at glasgow , in 1638. the horrid outrages that usher'd it , and the most deplorable consequences that ensu'd upon it , contain enough to brand that faction to eternity . i shall the rather fix there , because it brings the case home ; and first , in regard that the schismaticks of both nations acted by the same tie of oath and interest . next , as it is the model , they have made the people swear they would be damn'd by . some of their many insolencies are these . i. the assembly is independent , either from king or parliament , in matters ecclesiastical . ii. it is lawful for subjects to covenant and combine without the king , and to enter into a bond of mutual defence against him . iii. an assembly may abrogate acts of parliament , and discharge their fellow-subjects from obedience to them , if they any way reflect upon the business of the church . iv. they deny the king 's right of calling or dissolving assemblies , and they continue to sit and act , notwithstanding his majesty's express order for their dissolution . ( see the king's declaration . ) these rebellious proceedings are yet darkned by the transcending usurpations that followed them . but here i am bounded ; this onely i may say ; who ever has a mind to run the extremities of another war , and to see another king murther'd , let him give his vote for presbytery . and here let every man look behind him , and lay his finger on his mouth . as the geneva discipline is injurious to kings , and stated laws , so it is most ridiculously tyrannous to the people . a great uproar arising in edinburgh , about the making of a robin-hood , they of the consistory did excommunicate the whole multitude . ] 't is a strange tenderness possesses these saints . one of them being to christen a child , brake off in the middle of the action , because he would not call it richard. ] i suppose no man knew this kind of cattel better than king james . i was persecuted ( says that learned prince ) by puritans , not from my birth onely , but even since four months before my birth . ] and to prince henry thus. take heed to such puritans , very pests in the church and common-weal , whom no deserts can oblige , neither oathes or promises bind ; breathing nothing but sedition , and calumnies , aspiring without measure , railing without reason , and making their own imaginations ( without any warrant of the word ) the square of their conscience . i protest before the great god , and since i am here as upon my testament , it is no place for me to lie in , that ye shall never find with any highlands or border-thieves , greater ingratitude , and more lies and vile perjuries , than with these phanatique spirits . and i think every man may say as much that hath but known them . we are at length by gods grert mercy , delivered from those evangelical impostors , and after all our wandrings brought once again , into the channel . we have our prince , our laws , our freedoms , our interest lies before us , and certainly we cannot be so mad , as now to dash a second time upon the same rock : yet they shall lose nothing for want of offering at it . the arguments of 1641. are set on foot again : the very same with cartwright's , ( that consistorian patriarch , as bancroft terms him ) nay , they are advanc'd already beyond pleading of their cause , to pressing of it , by sawcy importunities , and peremptory threatnings . from what i have deliver'd , it cannot be deny'd , but their positions are destructive to all civil government : and for their practices , the story is written in blood. this might suffice to end the controversie concerning reason of state , for certainly a faction so principled , cannot with safety to the publick be incorporated into any politick constitution . but i shall add some further reasons , why by no means they are to be admitted . 1. they 'r a party never to be gain'd by obligations ; and this is manifest from their proceedings toward the late king , whose most unhappy tenderness of nature rost him his life . and at this instant , that irreclaimable ingratitude is yet more clear toward his majesty in beeing : whose unexampled mercy , so much as lies in them , is converted to his dishonor , and destruction . 2. they ground their claim upon the equity of their cause , which if allow'd , by the same reason they may serve this king as they did his father . 3. their demands are endless , as well as groundless , and it is not prudential to grant any thing to a faction , that will be satisfi'd with nothing . it is but giving them a power to take the rest . 4. they expostulate , and what they get upon those terms , they look upon rather as a submission , than a concession . the very manner of their address has a spice of mutiny in it , and they will hardly make an honest use , of what they compass by dishonest means . 5. it is not advisable to encourage tumultuary combinations , by rewarding them . 6. the dispute is not so much what their consciences will bear , as what their importunities can obtain : and to feel the pulse of the supreme authority . in fine , it is a contest betwixt the law and a faction , and a fair step toward a new rebellion . so much for reason of state. now to the justice of their pretences . the quaere is . whether in justice or reason of state the presbyterian party should be rejected and depressed , or protected and incouaged . 't is one thing what the king may do in point of justice , and another thing what the presbyterians may demand upon that score . there is a justice of conscience , honor , and of prudence . by the first : his majesty is ty'd up in common with the meanest of his subjects . that is , if the king find himself in conscience bound to maintain episcopacy in the state he found it , ( legally settled ) he is not free to alter it . in point of honor : there 's more liberty , and whatever the king does in that particular , is well done . but his majesty not having as yet declar'd himself ; what do we know , how far even upon that point he may concern himself to reject the presbyterian's demands ? partly out of reverence to his royal father ; in part , out of a princely strictness to his own dignity : and partly out of a generous tenderness toward his ruin'd party . first , as to what may seem relating to his majesty's father . that which these people urge , is what the late king chose , rather to die , than grant : which in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is intimated in these words . in these two points , the preservation of establish'd religion and laws , i may ( without vanity ) turn the reproach of my sufferings , as to the worlds censure , into the honor of a kind of martyrdom , as to the testimony of my own conscience , the troublers of my kingdoms , having nothing to object against me but this , that i prefer religion and laws established , before these alterations they propounded . every word hath its weight , which fell from the pen of that pious and judicious prince . nor can i over-pass a caution of his learned father's ; when i consider the sum of their proposals , which in effect is but a condemnation of the late king , in the bold , needless justification of themselves . these are the words . as for offences against your own person and authority , since the fault concerneth your self , i remit to your own choice to punish or pardon therein as your heart serveth you , and according to the circumstances of the turn , and the quality of the committer . here would i also eike another crime to be unpardonable , if i should not be thought partial : but the fatherly love i bear you , will make me break the bounds of shame , in opening it unto you . it is then , the false and unreverent writing , or speaking of malicious men against your parents and predecessors . and a little further . it is a thing monstrous to see a man love the child , and hate the parents : as on the other part , the infaming and making ●dious of the parents , is the ready way to bring the son into contempt . and for conclusion of this point , i may also alledge my own experience : for besides the judgments of god , that with mine eyes i have seen fall upon all them that were chief traitors to my parents , i may justly affirm , i never found yet a constant biding by me in all my straits , by any that were of perfect ☞ age in my parents days , but onely , by such as constantly bode by them ; i mean , specially by them , that served the queen my mother ; for so that i discharge my conscience to you , my son , in revealing to you the truth , i care not what any traitor , or treason-allower , think of it . thus far his majesty may find himself concern'd in honour to his fathers ashes , now to his dying counsels . take heed of abetting any factions , or applying to any publick discriminations in matters of religion , contrary to what is in your judgement , and the church well setled . i cannot yet learn that lesson , nor i hope ever will you , that it is safe for a king to gratifie any faction with the perturbation of the laws , in which is wrapt up the publick interest , and the good of the community . what in effect do these people now desire , but that his majesty would rather take their counsel , than his fathers ? in the next page , the king expresses a more than ordinary earnestness , in these words . my counsel and charge to you is , that you seriously consider , the former real or objected miscarriages , which might occasion my troubles , that you may avoid them . herein , his majesty is tacitly conjured against them ; it being a most notorious certainty , that the late king lost both his crown and life by over-granting . the now-pretended cause of the quarrel , was not mentioned till after the war was begun . the colour of raising an army , being to fetch in delinquents . after which ( says his majesty ) among other lesser innovations , this chiefly was urged : the abolition of episcopal , and the establishment of presbyterian government . as to the point of imperial honour , wherein his majesty may possibly concern himself more immediately : it is a high excesse of goodnesse to make his favours common , where they are look'd upon so cheap , ( as here ; witness these daily new transgressions , since his most gracious pardon . ) [ some men ( sayes the late king ) have that height , as to interpret all fair condescendings , as arguments of feebleness , and glory most in an unflexible stiffness , when they see others most supple and inclinable to them . ] there remains yet a third question under this head of honour ; that is , how far his majesties generosity may extend it self , in favour , and protection of those persons that have serv'd him , through all extremities till they have nothing left them beyond the hopes of honourable epitaphs . these people have consciences too ; a sense of duty and religion . they reverence the episcopal order , and that , which through the sites of bishops , was equally wounded : the order of kings . at last , those that subverted the former , and usurped the latter , demand ( i think in reparation of their hazards ) a presbyterian government . in which particular , our duty teaches us not to direct our master : only we take a sober freedome to answer our accusers ; and to professe to all the world , that those who fought for king and bishops , were in our opinion as honest men at least as they that fought against them . to his majesties honourable consideration , i think in this point we may claim a right . we have suffer'd for , and with his royal father , and himself , and the main justice of the cause , betwixt the king and those that serv'd him , is the same thing : so that whoever strikes at vs , wounds our soverein . lastly , there is a justice of prudence , wherein a man may frame a thousand reasons against the encouraging of the presbyterians ▪ not speculative , and airy notions , but close , and pinching reasons , grounded upon weighty authority , and a never-failing course of long experience . ( yet not to dictate to his majesty , to whose will we submit our reasonings ) first , if their desires were modest , the manner yet of promoting them , is too rude and positive ; they preach and print their grievances , which is the way rather to stir a faction , than allay a scruple . lord , ( sayes mr. manton ) give us the liberty of the gospel , before we go hence and be no more seen . ] as if episcopacy , were paganisme . 't is dangerous to grant more , to those that take too much . how do i reverence the divine spirit of his late majesty . the great miscarriage i think is , that popular clamours and fury had been allowed the reputation of zeal , and the publick sence ; so that the study to please some parties , hath indeed injured all . and again ; take such a course as may either with calmness and charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality , or so order affairs in point of power , that you shall not need to fear or flatter any faction ; for if ever you stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , you are undone : the serpent will devour the dove : you may never expect lesse of loyalty , justice , or humanity , than from those who ingage into religious rebellion : their interest is always made gods , under the colours of piety , ambitious policies march , not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy ; you may hear from them jacobs voice , but you shall feel they have esaus hands . to what i have said , i shall be bold to add a justice of proportion ; and thereupon two questions . 1. why should the presbyterians ; a small , irregular party , pretend to give the law to the supreme authority , the established constitution ; and incomparably the greater part of the nation ? 2. why should those people , that with a more then barbarous rigour press'd the covenant : ejecting , sequestring , imprisoning such as refused to take it , and without mercy or distinction : — those that in publick barr'd non-covenanters , the holy communion in express terms with adulterers , slanderers , and blasphemers , affirming in the pulpit , that all the non-subscribers to the covenant were atheists . — why should ( i say ) those people that with so unlimited a tyranny imposed upon the nation a rebellious league ; to the engagement of their souls in taking it ; their liberties and fortunes in refusing : — i say yet once again ; why should those people now at last demand an interest in that government , which root and branch they have laboured to extirpate ? or with what face can they pretend a right to an authority , where but by mercy they have none to life ? ( i speak of these late libellers and their abettors . ) let me be understood likewise by presbyterians , to intend those of the scottish race , to whom we are beholden for our discipline . that faction first advanced it self by popular tumult and rebellion . knox learned the trick on 't at geneva , and brought it into scotland ; we had our agents too , that did as much for us , these fellows conferr'd notes , set the wheel going , and we were never perfectly quiet since . vpon the whole matter aforegoing ( in the gentleman 's own words ) we firmly build this position , that the presbyterian party , ought not , either in justice or reason of state , in any wise to be encouraged , but rather rejected ; neither ought they to be protected in any inconformity to the law , but rather totally depressed . his second quaere is soon dispatch'd , viz. ii. qu. whether the presbyterian party may be protected and incouraged , and the episcopal not deserted nor dis-obliged . first , many things are possible , which are neither just nor rational ; and therefore it matters not much to allow it the one , if i prove it not to be the other ▪ imagine such a contemperation of episcopal , and presbyterian pretences , as might atone their present disagreements , yet where 's the king ? the interest that 's principal in the concern , is not so much as named in the question . the quarrel was about the militia , not lawn-sleeves , and the royal party is to be taken in , as well as the episcopal . the truth of it is ; this gentleman does not find it convenient at present to move an utter extirpation of bishops : but he proposes that , which granted , would most infallibly produce it . a consociation forsooth , that for the better credit of the project , shall be called a regulated episcopacy , which in good honest english is next door to a tyrannical presbytery . in fine , the episcopal authority is deserted and disobliged by the admittance of a presbyterian competition . yet pardon me , i have found a way to reconcile them , make but these squabling presbyterians , bishops , and the work 's done : as presbyters they are encouraged ; and ( i dare say ) not disobliged , as bishops . the plague of it is , there 's neither justice nor reason of state for 't , and so we are where we were again . we shall make short work too with his third question : for in effect it spells just nothing . iii. qu. whether the upholding of both parties by a just and equal accommodation be not in it self more desireable , and more agreeable to the state of england , than the absolute exalting of the one party , and the total subversion of the other . i must needs take notice here of two mistakes , the one in propriety of language , viz. the vpholding of both parties . one of those parties is not up , and cannot be upheld . the other , shifts the question , and states the difference betwixt the exaltation of the one , and the subversion of the other , when all that we desire is but to keep both where they were , without advancing or depressing either . if they have any title to the interest they challenge , the same had cromwel to the crown . this question must be better stated , before we think it worth an answer . one reflexion now upon the whole . here 's exaltation , — and subversion ; — but not a syllable of toleration : and what 's the reason of all this ? they are afraid that would be granted ; and how should they do then to pick a quarrel ? their way is never to be satisfi'd in conscience , with what the king can give in honor , and reason . ( his sacred majesty's observation ) a grand maxim with them was always to ask something , which in reason and honor must be deny'd , that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted ; setting peace at as high a rate as the worst effects of war. ] i have cited this already , but every line drawn by that hand deserves to be repeated . to this , there is another end that 's common to the gang , which is , to draw an odium upon one party , and a compassion toward the other . and other end than this do i see none at all , in his absoute exalting , — and total subversion . we covet no change , but desire the contrary . how little soever it may appear to our purpose , 't is very much to theirs , to have the people understand by absolute exalting , — the dangerous and intolerable pride of bishops ; and by their total subversion , on the other side , how sadly the word goes with the professors of the gospel . these trivial appearances have more weight , than commonly the world imagines : 't is not so much ( as hooker says ) how small the spark is that flyeth up , as how apt things about it are to take fire . their business is to stir the affections of the common people , which must be done by means and ways , to wise men , in themselves ridiculous , but in their applications of most desperate effect . i speak in earnest , that very tone they use in preaching ; that fellow-feeling-tone ( as they would have it understood ) is i believe of great use to their business . i have observed the groans that follow the ahi-mee's , and beyond doubt those snivelling affectations are not without their benefit . that 't is a forc'd and acted passion , is evident in this ; they almost all of them use the same emphasis . i would not for my hand let fall a syllable should cast a scandal upon that holy ordinance : and with my soul i reverence the grave and pious clergy . we cannot attribute enough to god ; assume too little to our selves . we cannot be too much afflicted for our sins , nor too sensible of our own unworthiness . yet i suppose a fit christian sorrow may be contain'd within such terms as to reach heaven , without disturbing the congregation . to come to a church-dore , and hear an out-cry , as if a man were cutting for the stone ; and what 's all this , but an afflicted pastor , mourning for those heavy judgments , that hang over the land because of common-prayer : and then the sisters groan so ruthfully , you 'd swear five hundred women were in labour . away with these ostentations of holiness , — but first away with the discourse of them . i must confess , the gentleman hath offered fair , and more i doubt then he can undertake for , were it accepted . what if six presbyterians of seven renounce his moderation , and say he treated without commission : where 's his pacifick coalition then ? 't is for a parity they struggle ; which when they have got , they shall as much contest among themselves to crush again , as ever they did to introduce it . just thus was the king treated ; he was to rule in consociation too , by the advise of his presbyters . and what came on 't ? the factions interfer'd ; the change went round the circle ; and at long-length ; in the place of a most gracious prince , up starts a most tyrannical protector . and yet i verily think , a way might be found out to work upon these people : let the king settle their strict form of discipline ; fill the presbyteries with episcopal divines , and elders of his own party ; i verily believe these very men would be as hot for bishops . i cannot comprehend the temper of that sacrilegious tenderness , that makes men digest bishops lands , and yet forsooth they cannot swallow the sleeves . onely this word . some of the authors i have quoted for episcopacy , ( to deal sincerely ) may be as well produc'd against it . for that , let them look to 't , i am innocent : and my cause clearer for it . they found it for their interest to engage their disciples in many opinions , which for their honor they would not undertake to defend against their equals . i should end here , were i not drawn out beyond my purpose , by a second part from the same hand ; which should not yet divert me from my first intention , could i but save my self , in letting it absolutely alone . by the formalities of title and connexion , it seems related to the former part , further then by some passages in the treatise it appears to be ; whereof some few i am concern'd to examine , and i shall shorten even that little i intend , as much as possible . he calls it — a deliberative discourse , proving , that it is not agreeable to sound reason to prefer the contracted and dividing interest of one party , before the general interest of protestantism , and of the whole kingdom of england , in which the episcopal and presbyterian parties may be happily vnited . we are agreed in all but in the main , and as to that , i have already shew'd , that in the subject of our difference , the presbyterian party ( that is , the kirk-party ) is divided from the protestant : so that unless it can be made out , by the judgment of the reformed churches , that prelacy is antichristian , and that instituted ceremonies are vnlawful ; the author of this deliberation overthrows himself by his own argument , of preferring the general interest of protestantism , before the contracted and dividing interest of one party . we should not take in discipline within the pale of religion , but against that party , which reckons it an essential mark of the church . and let them take their choice , whether it shall be accounted among things indifferent , or necessary . if the former , obey the imposition ; if the latter , let them produce their authority . the foundation being mis-lai'd , the building will hardly stand : or , which is worse , it falls upon the builder . he says , his aim is unity , and truly so is mine ; but vnity in such a composition will never set us right . two may agree in the same point of verity ; but then that truth must for it self be entertain'd , without considering one another . if about any thing material we differ , flie to the judge of truth : the scriptures , and the church : if about less , and common matters , go to the rule of duty , ( in such cases ) the setled law. but i forget my self . it must needs be ( says the deliberator ) the wisdom of this state to smother all dividing factions , and to abolish all partial interests , that the common interest of england may be alone exalted . observation i hope he does not mean , by state , the keepers of the liberties ; if the supreme authority of this nation as it is legally vested in the king , the man has kill'd himself . what are dividing factions , but such parties as start from that common rule the law , which every state is bound upon a principle of policy , and honor , to preserve sacred and inviolable ? the law is but the wisdom treasur'd up of many ages ; — onely an amass of all those lights , which long experience , strict search and industry ; and many consultations of great statesmen , have given to the discovery of our true interest . great reason is there to approve so great authority : and as great shame it were not to avow what we our selves have done ; ( the law being but an universal vote ) beside the penalty of disobedience . how mad then , how ignoble , and how desperate shall we esteem that faction , that breaks through all these bonds of reverence , honor , and prudential security , to force that sanctuary , wherein , as christians , and as men , we have reposed , first , the protection of our religion ; — and then the arbitration of our lives and fortunes . from such dividers , heaven deliver us , first , and then preserve us . all enterprises ( says our author very rationally ) that have their beginning in judgment , and not in passion , are directed to a certain end set up as a mark , and that end is not a business at rovers ; but some particular steady issue of things , certainly or probably apprehended and expected : wherefore let wise men consider the mark where at they level , and to what issue and state of things their actions tend . most certain 't is ; without that mark men go they know not whether . first the end ; then , the way ; is ( i suppose ) the common method of all wise men : and his advice to such , to look before them , might have been spared , they would have don 't without it . now to his business ; but first , i 'le clear the way to 't . the question is , whether the fomenting of these discords , ( viz. in matters of discipline ) do not proceed from a carual design ? and he debates the matter with the episcopalians . here is a numerous party not of the dregs and refuse of the nation , but of the judicious and serious part thereof : what will they do with them ? and how will they order the matter concerning them ? would they destroy them ? i solemnly profess , that i abhor to think so by the generality of the episcopal perswasion : i would disdain to mention such an unreasonable impiety , were it not to shew the inconsiderate and absurd proceedings of an unalterable opposition , as that it cannot drive to any formed end and issue . that protestants should destroy protestants , for dissenting in the point of ceremonies , and sole jurisdiction of bishops , is so dreadful a violation of charity and common honesty , that it is a most uncharitable and dishonest thing to suppose it of them . what then ? would they bear them down , or keep them under hard conditions ? shall all persons that cannot yield exact obedience to ecclesiastical injunctions concerning all the parts of the liturgy , and ceremonies , be suspended and deprived as formerly ? shall ministers of this judgment be cast and kept out of ecclesiastical preferment and employment ? shall all private conferences of godly peaceable christians , for mutual edification , be held unlawful conventicles ? it hath been thought by wise men to be against the rules of government , to hold under a rigid yoke a free people , of such a number and quality , and intermingled in all estates and ranks , and intimately conjoyned with all parts of the body politick , that it is almost impossible to exclude their interest from a considerable share in publick actions . observation we are so often told of this judicious serious party , pray let 's allow them to be a company of very fine gentlemen , and mind our business . i think he says they are numerous too . so were the frogs that came into the king's chamber : and what of that ? in good truth , altogether , it is a very pretty anagram of sedition . if it wants any single circumstance that 's needful to procure a tumult , i am exceedingly mistaken . mark it , here 's number ; conduct , and pretence of right , to embolden , and to fix the multitude . then , to provoke , and heighten them : old sores are rub'd ; they are minded how they were used so long ago ; and hinted yet of worse behind , if they have not a care betimes . what is all this to say ? but gentlemen , you remember how it was with you formerly ; if you have a mind to any more of that , so . but things are well enough yet ; there are those will stand by you that know what they have to do , and enow to make their hearts ake . — vvhy it is against all rule of government , to put this yoke upon a free people . — if the author be within hearing ; he should do well to be his own expositor . in the mean while , compare we the gloss with the text. he speaks now in his own words , which the reader may find by conferring them with the entire matter of the last quotation , to be extracted with the strictest justice to his meaning . here is ( says he ) a numerous party , of the judicious and serious part of the nation : what will they ( the episcopalians ) do with them ? &c. would they destroy them ? &c. i solemnly profess , that i abhor to think so of the generality of the episcopal perswasion , &c. shall they be suspended , and deprived as formerly ? shall all private conferences of godly , peaceable christians , for mutual edification , be held unlawful conventicles ? it hath been thought by wise men to be against the rules of government to hold under a rigid yoke a free people of such a number , and quality . — this is cutting of a man's throat with a whetstone . truly horace his saying would sound very well from this gentleman . — fungor vice cotis , acutum reddere quae ferrum valet , exors ipse secundi . my office is to whet , not cut. to tie him up now to his own philosophy , which is , ( according to his fore-alledg'd position ) that all rational enterprises propose some certain end , unto which end , all wise men conform their mediate actions . if it be so , ( as we are agreed upon it ) then by that very reason which directs him to chuse the means , are we enabled likewise to guess the end . his end , he says , is peace ; and in this treatise he hath chalk'd his way to 't . he 's a wise man , and certainly proceeds in order to the mark he levels at . let him be judge by his own rule . to mind the peevish of old grievances , and in so doing to transport the honest with a just sense of new indignities ; is this the way of peace ? to break a solemn law ; that law that saved the breakers of it ; to abuse the mercy of the prince that made it ; and to traduce the government of his father , whom they themselves destroyed ; and which is worse , to justifie all this : is this the way of peace ? to startle the mad brutish rabble with dangerous apprehensions ; to lay the justice of their cause before them , and when they are ripe for mischief , to shew them men and arms , — is this the way of peace ? — then let me learn which is the way of tumult . shall protestants destroy protestants , ( says he ) for dissenting in the point of ceremonies ? no , but the law shall destroy subjects , for attempting to rule their governors . touching their conventicles , since they fal● in my way , i think of them , as of the painter'● bad god that made a good devil : i take them to be none of the best churches , but for ought i know , they may make excellent — i beg ye onely to observe now , the equity o● these good folks . is it for the service of christ , and the encreas● of his kingdom the church , that so many abl● divines should be debarr'd the use of the lord talents , that so many laborious minister should sit still in silence ; that when christ teacheth us to pray that the lord would thrust forth labourers into his harvest , those labourers should be thrust out of his harvest ? surely this would make a cry in the ears of the lord of the harvest . observation do none of the woes in the gospel belong to this talker of it ? the service of god went merrily on , in the thorough reformation ; did it not ? when not a minister kept his living , but to the hazard of his soul ; and in several places ( where the allowance was small ) neither sacrament nor sermon , for divers years together . but in those days , the covenant kept all in good order . with what a monstrous confidence does this man press a text , which the whole nation knows is clear against him ! and all in scripture-phrase forsooth : ne sine formâ tantum scelus fiat , for the honour of the exploit . these people use religion , as your london-cooks do their pickled barbaries : they garnish with it . it serves for every thing : i know not how it is , but they do 't , because they find the women like it . when the episcopal , and loyal clergy , their wives , children , and families , were swept entirely away by th●t scotch plagve the covenant ; that made no cry sure in the ears of the lord of the harvest . let the great great judge of all the world determine it . if the neglect of brotherly pacification hold on , and the hierarchie resolve upon their own advancement to the highest pitch , one may well conclude , that they make a full reckoning to wear out the presbyterians , and to swallow up their interest , conceiving they are able to effect it by degrees ; and that greater changes than these have been wrought without much ado . let but the meanest soul alive now judge of these mens consciences . ( i speak of those that tumult since the act of pardon ) as deep a forfeiture as ever was made by mortals , the king hath remitted to them . they have cost the nation more then they have left it worth , beside the blood , the grief , and desolation they have brought upon it . this notwithstanding , they have at this instant the self same interest they ever had , as to freedome and safety , and otherwise more : they keep what they got ; beg , and get more ; and are not yet content unlesse they govern too . but this is but another alarm , as who should say ; look to your selves my masters ; lose not an inch , for if you do , they 'l do your business by degrees , by and by , among other concurring advantages , to the great changes queen elizabeth wrought in religion ; he reckons this for one . popery ( sayes he ) being in substance a religion con●rary to what was publickly professed , had no advantage for encrease by publick preaching , or books publickly allowed . observation nothing more certain then that the freedome of the press and pulpit , is sufficient to embroyl the best ordered government in the world. all governments have their disorders and their malecontents : the one makes use of the other , and here 's the ground of all rebellions . some real faults are first found and laid open to the people , which , if in matter of popular freedome , or religion ; so much the stronger is the impression ; the vulgar being natural●y stubborn ; and superstitious . bring it to this , a very little industry carries it on at pleasure . they shall believe impossibilities , act eagerly , they know not what , nor why ; ●nd while they reach at liberty , grasp their own fetters . their unhappiness is , they can ●etter phansy a government without any ●aults , then brook one that hath some . add ●ut to this distemper , licentious pamphlets , ●nd seditious sermons , the world shall never ●eep that people quiet . wherefore since on all hands it is agreed , that printing , and preaching in opposition to a ●ublick establishment , are of so dangerous con●equence , by the force of the gentlemans ●wn rule we ought to hear no more of their discipline from the press or pulpit . observe ●is next coherence . there are now in england thousands of ministers dissatisfied in the hierarchy and ceremonies , who are all competently and many of them eminently learned . they are not generally of light spirits , but steddy and well resolved , and tenderly affected touching their spiritual liberties . observation take notice first , how many , and how resolute they are . that is , take notice again for we have had it exceeding often . his resolute thousands make me think of the tribe● repairing to david . but they are dissatisfied he sayes : it may be 't is because they are no● bishops : yet truly if they be so well resolved methinks they should not be dissatisfi'd with tha● they cannot help . i 'll ask but two questions and i have done . 1. are any of those tender-conscienc'● thousandsthat are so tenderly affected toward spiritual liberties , those presbyterians that denye● the king the freedome of his own chaplains ? 2. had any of these eminently learned thousands a hand in the assemblies letter to th● reformed churches of france , the low-countries , &c. — ( as great a schism in learnin● as the other was in religion ) he comes now t● the point indeed . commonly ( sayes he ) those people who try all doctrines by scripture , and are swaye more by its authority than by the ordinanc● and customes of men , do much hesitate and stagger concerning the sole jurisdiction of bishops , the pomp of the hierarchy , and sacred mystical ceremonies of humane institution . and therefore let the episcopal party never look to be rid of these difficulties , till they remove the matters in question , whereat a knowing people are always ready to stumble . go to then , since the gentleman will have it so , grant for dispatch the thing he presses , to wit , — that they do hesitate , and stagger . 't is hard , that when upon a private search , the question hangs in ballance , the casting in the authority of the church , and the great weight of christian charity , should not be yet enough to turn the scale . he that doubts , sins , will not excuse that man , who because he thinks he stands , refuses to take heed of falling . but let him doubt , nay more , let him resolve ; all is but for himself still , not for me . when he comes once to muster up his thousands , and talk of parties , his plea of conscience is gone : and doublesse these violent and publick sticklers for the scrupulous , ( that is in such and such particulars ) are the greatest enemies they have . it casts a scandal upon the very cause of conscience , when those who evidently want it in themselves , plead for it in others . upon this subject , exceedingly well says mr. lloyd in a late treatise of primitive episcopacy , pag. 80. it becomes not good men to c●nsure us for using th●s● rights and ceremonies , which we are perswaded not to be prohibited by gods law , and both they and we do surely know to be commanded to be used by mans law duly made , which is gods ordinance , to which we must be subject for conscience sake . and a little after — if any will attempt to be authors of combinations , to extort by shew of multitudes and by tumults , the alteration or abrogation of any part of the established laws , civil or ecclesiastical , they will thereby evidently manifest themselves to be but meer pretenders to a tender conscience , and power of godlinesse ; for they that labour to extort a part , if they prevail , must have the whole in their power . and can they that attempt so great robbery , love god , and the power of godlinesse ? by this cursed fruit , we know these to be most vile-hypocrites . now to our adversary . the gentleman desires to clear the presbyterians of being no phanaticks : and we 'll give him the hearing . it is said that the presbyterians promoted the kings return , not out of good will to his majesty , or a love of order , and vnity , but out of fear of being destroy'd by the phanaticks . ] to this i shall say little but that i believe there was more in 't than so . let him argue upon it . the pretended reason of their insincerity seems to me to add much to their reputation in that behalf . for if the phanaticks would destroy them , it is manifest that they are none of them . phanaticks would not destroy themselves willingly . the several various sects will wrangle with each other in verbal contests ; but they never knowingly plotted or banded against each other upon the account of their different opinions , but did all unite in one common principle of pretended liberty of conscience , and in one common cause of vniversal toleration . a pleasant reasoning . a man would think christianity as strong a tye as phanaticisme , and yet we see christians destroy one another . but come to the point . what 's more familiar then for a couple of curs to hunt the same hare , and when they have catch'd her , worry one another for the quarry ? i 'll tell this gentleman a thing now , shall make him take me for a conjurer . i 'll tell him the true reason why those presbyterians help'd his majesty in , that are not quiet now they have him . not for feare of the phanatiques : he made that objection himself for ought i know ; but here ' t is . ( still saving to my self the freedome of interpreting my own words . ) i speak only of those presbyterians that since his maiesties happy return , are yet fomenting of new troubles . the presbyterian faction have been ever constant to the rule and method of doing their own businesse in the kings name ; and this went far with the simple , and well meaning people ; but let not any man believe this interest did their work . the ruin of his blessed majesty , was that unhappy agreement with the covenanters in 1639. after so horrid an expence of time and mony , as gave the greatest benefit imaginable to their interest , and an equal disadvantage to his own . the king by his expence being grown poor and they strong by the delay , was more and more oppressed , till at the last the field was clear'd : he and his party in appearance lost . what did these great pretenders then for the good of king and church , but share the booty , and exercise a power themselves ten thousand times more turkish then ever they called that they had abolished ? what hindered then the settlement of this nation upon its legal basis , ( as they phrase it ) if the good people had but had a mind to it ? who kept the king from his parliament ? — or was he ever nam'd but with relation to the losse of right as well of power . well , but at last , these people take their turns too , and then the king 's a gracious prince again . these factions are of kin to montaignes family , where the son beats the father from generation to generation . now we come near our purpose . look back into the scotch defeat in 1648. not any thing more clear sure , then that the presbyterian party , would they but frankly have closed with the kings tryed friends in that engagement ; without a miracle , they must have carried it . those few they had , did well nigh all that was considerable in the action . see afterward , in 50 , and 51. how dirtily upon this very accompt , the presbyterian crew treated his majesty : and look quite through their interregnum ; they have observ'd the same indisposition of uniting with the kings party , but still shaking the head , with an alass poor gentleman , at the mention of our persecuted soveraign . not to insist upon english particulars ; they never would joyn with vs to help his majesty , we never refused with them . now comes the mysterie of the reserve . say they , if we can order matters so as to get the king's person in the head of us , and keep out his party , their hands are ty'd by a principle of duty ; our power is enlarged upon an interest of favour , and we can play our game at pleasure . that is ; wee 'l not forget to mind him of his restorers , and now and then a whisper , how debauchd the gentry's grown ; how unfit this man is for trust , that for temper , and a third for conduct . we may then propose the naming of officers , and wee 'r to blame if we forget our selves . by these degrees , and wayes , time , and a little patience will wear them out ; or if it were nothing else , the very poverty we have reduced them to , would make them ●oon contemptible . whereas should we but offer once a general agreement with that party , our design 's spoyl'd , for they 'll be more than we shall well know how to master . that must not be . our interest lyes to take in just so many , as when they have done our work , we may be able to turn out again . so much for that . this is the very soul of the rigid presbyterians . poor worms , where is our charity and regard ( they crye ) to publick tranquillitie , if we reject the sure and only means of concord ? ] observation he should have rather said , where is our providence , if we admit so sure an introduction to confusion ? to comply with one importunity of this nature , is to authorize , and encourage more ; and to please all , is totally impossible . the canons stick in his stomach notably , they force too much , and bring in poperie [ shall not the laity be allow'd to search the scriptures , nor try the doctrines delivered , but acquiesce in what their teachers say without the exercise of their own reasoning , or judgment of discretion ? ] observation yes , let them search the scriptures , as their teachers may the lawes , yet by their leave , the church and bench must interpret them . what difference is there betwixt king james his phanatiques , and king charles his ; save that they ascribe one and the same effect to several causes . both claiming equal certainty , the one , from his judgement of discretion : the other , from divine impulse ? what work shall we have when every taylour shall with his judgement of discretion cut out his own discipline , and set it up for a fashion : when these men and their bibles are alone together ( as hooker sayes ) what phrensies do they not call directions of the spirit ? he comes now to the politicks . it is a chief point of knowledge in those whose work it is to mould and manage a nation according to any order of things , to understand what is the temper of the people , what principles possess and govern them , or considerable parties of them , and to what passe things are already brought among them . observation the more a prince considers this , the lesse will he afford a scotized english presbyterian . by temper he 's ambitious ; and vnthankful ; ever craving ; and never full : govern'd by principles insociable , and cruel . he rates his party , his piety , and his kindnesse , twenty times greater then they are , and rather than confesse that he is out in his reckoning , he shall face any other man down that one on the wrong side of a cipher is 1000 lastly , in considering to what passe things are brought among them , he will bethink himself likewise how they came to be so . a state may probably root out such opinions as it conceives to be heterodox and inconvenient , by using great severity in the beginning , when the opinions are but newly sowed in mens minds , and the people are of such a nature , as to abhor dangers , and aim to live securely , and when the nation in generall is devoted to the antient custom of their fore-fathers . but the same course may not be taken when the opinions have been deeply rooted and far spread by long continuance , in a nation of a free spirit , and zealous , and the generality of those , that in a law-sense are called cives , do not detest them . truly in this case , if heterodox opinions cannot be rooted out , the men that publiquely maintain them , must : and the rather , if they be free , and zealous : for there 's the more danger in their further progresse . especially if such opinions prescribe from the successe of treason . for there , even in matters of themselves very allowable , i would not leave the least marque of an approbation . it gives too great an honour to rebellion . provided alwayes that i act at liberty , and free from pre-ingagements . where there is such a real cause of fear , as is here shadow'd to us ; that prince that loves his empires or his honour , must struggle with it betimes : safety , or pleasure , such a people perhaps will be content to allow in exchange for soveraignty : but for the rest , that prince is lost that puts himself on the asking side . it never fayles , this rule : when subjects earnestly presse for more than they ought , they ayme at more yet than they aske . they are already past their duty , and short of their ambition . in such a case as this , rigour is the onely remedy : great aptnesse to forgive is entertain'd with greater pronesse to offend . let it be thought upon ; if any danger , where it lyes : not in the bare conceit of phancy , or dislike , for , or against the matter in dispute , but in the means that give form , growth , and strength to those unquiet motions ; and that assemble those loose scatter'd sparkes into one flame . these instruments are mercenary pulpit-men , and scriblers ; 't is but removing them , and the danger 's over . least he should seem to want a colour for these freedomes , he tells us , that [ the present age being more discerning , all sorts affect a greater liberty of judgement and discourse , than hath been used in former times . ] this we observ'd , but did not till now impute it to discretion . suppose they should grow more and more discerning , and their desires of liberty grow too ; would not these people soon grow wise enough to govern , that are already grown too good to obey ? 't is dangerous trusting of them ; yet he assures us otherwise . this kingdom , after the removing of foundations , is by a marvellous turn re-establish'd upon its antient basis . and verily that which hath wrought the change will settle it ; that which hath brought such things to pass , will keep them where they are , if we do not overlook and sleight it : and what was it , but the consent of the universality , the vote of all england ? observation if all that acted toward this late and blessed change meant to fix here : this needless , ill-timed , and dividing controversie , concerning ceremonies , would have been spared : and those which move the question with such earnestness ; at their prayers , rather than these expostulations . 't is an ill age when theeves arraign the law. that sort of men which ruin'd us , proposes now that very method , by which we were destroyed , to settle us , inviting the distemper'd people by this overture , to take their poysoners for their physicians . 't is very true , that ( under providence ) it was the common vote , and stirring of the nation , restored the king , and the law : and shall we now restrain that universal comfort to the particular advantage of that single party , that first invaded them ? how great a blemish were it to the honor , and wisdom of the nation , after so long , and hard a tugg , to throw away the sum of the contest : as if we had wrangled all this while for shadows ! but to explain my self . they that think matter of ceremony to be the true reason of the difference on either side , mistake themselves . it is the law it self , which is assaulted by the one party , and defended by the other , in the particular of ceremony : and it is the king himself that is affronted in the indignities they cast upon bishops . to leave the matter clear : there is a faction which would over-throw the law , and set up themselves above it ; and these contrivers put the people upon cavilling for ceremonies . they innocently , under a mistake of conscience , advance an interest of usurpation , taking that to be onely a dispute about the lawfulness of the practise , which rationally pinches upon the validity of the power . it ends in this . grant once , that a popular vote may over-rule a stated law , ( though but to the value of a hair ) the vertue of that reason extends to our freedoms , lives , and fortunes , which by the same rule they may take away as well as ceremonies . and ( as the case stands ) kings as well as bishops . but [ seeing this great revolution hath not happened by the prevailing force of one party , but by the unstrained motion of all england : what reason is there , that one party should thrust the other out of its due place of rest ; upon the common foundation ? no reason in the world . the law is our common resting place : the main foundation upon which we are all to bottom . the law is an impartial judge , let that determine which place belongs to bishops , which to presbyters ; what ceremonies are lawful , and which not . this is a short and a sure way , worth forty of his coalition . having pressed union hitherto , he proceeds now to remove certain impediments ; one whereof is an erroneous judgment touching the times foregoing the late wars . observation in truth 't is pity the people are no better instructed . then let them know from me , those very principles these folks contend for , were brought by knox about 1558. from geneva into scotland , from thence they were transmitted into england , since which time , the abettors of them in both nations , have never ceased by leagues , tumults , rebellions , and vsurpations , to embroile the publick peace , and affront the supreme authority . they have formally proceeded to the deposing of princes , the exercise of an absolute authority over the subject : the abrogation of laws , the imposition of taxes ; and , in fine , to all extremities of rigour , as well in matters of civil liberty , as of conscience . he that desires a presbytery , let him but read presbyter , for king , in the first book of samuel , and the eighth chapter , and he shall there find what he is reasonably to expect . these were the pranks foregoing the late wars : and such as these will be again , if people be not the wiser . but our camerade will be none of the party sure : for , i abhor ( says he ) to take upon me the defence of our late distracted times : the distempers thereof i would not in any wise palliate . ] is the wind in that dore ? now do i feel by his pulse , that crofton's laid by the heels . he hath forgot , that the war was between the king , and both houses of parliament . and that the presbyterian party in england never engaged under a less authority than that of both houses of parliament . ] and that presbyterians have never disclaimed , or abandon'd their lawful prince . ] it may be he means , that he will not justifie the distempers of the other side . but why do we contest ? since he tells us , that — it is the part of weak and selfish minds to contract religion to certain modes and forms which stand not by divine right , but by the wills of men , and which are of little efficacy , and very disputable , and if supposed lawful , ought to be governed by the rule of charity . observation i would fain know which is more tolerable ; for the church to impose upon the people , or the people upon the church ? for the people on the one side to exempt all , or for the church on the other side to bind all . order it self is of divine appointment ; but the manner of ordering ( save where god himself hath preimposed ) is left to humane liking and discretion . to think ( says he ) that none is a good christian , a sound protestant , a fit minister , that cannot subscribe to such modes , and forms , proceeds from a narrow , and ignoble judgment . he may be a fit teacher for geneva , that cannot subscribe to the form of england , and a fit minister for england , that cannot conform to the practise of geneva ; they may be both good christians too , and sound protestants ; yet neither of them fit in transposition . 't is one thing to be qualifi'd for the ministerial function , and another thing to be fit for such or such a constitution . 't is true , he officiates as a minister : but thus , — or so — as a subject , and that 's the real ground of their exception . they do not willingly admit the king's authority in matters of the church : and that , which effectually is but their own ambition , they obtrude upon the world , as a high point of tenderness to the people . there are beyond all doubt , weak consciences , fit objects for indulgence : but the less pardonable are their mis-leaders , whose business 't is for their own ends to engage the simple multitude in painful , and inextricable scruples . let them preach down-right treason , stir up the rabble to tumult , and sedition : if they chance to be caught and question'd for it : see with what softness they treat their fellows , and with what supercilious gravity their superiors . when some degree of forwardness breaks forth , it is encountred with that severity which hazards the undoing of the weak part , that should and might be healed . ] and again , to the same effect , ( concerning crofton's commitment , i imagine ) [ but suppose that some of this way were guilty of some provoking forwardness , should grave patriots and wise counsellors thereupon destroy the weak part , or rather heal it ? a prudent father is not so provoked by the stubbornness of a child , as to cast him out , and make him desperate while there is yet hope concerning him . it is meet indeed for princes to express their just indignation , when subjects presuming on their clemency do not contain themselves within their duty ; and the seasonable expression of such disdain , wisely managed , is of great force in government : nevertheless if it get the mastery , it is exceeding perilous . it was the counsel of indignation that proceeded from rehoboam 's young counsellors . ] what this language deserves both from the king and his counsel , let those that have authority to punish , judge . when governors resent the non-compliances of a party , their best remedy is to remove the occasions , when it may be done without crossing the interests of state , or maxims of government . observation that is , if the people will not yield to the prince , the prince should do well to yield to the people . a most excellent way for a king that hath to do with presbyterians : where he shall be sure never to want subject for his humility , nor ever to get thanks for his labour . where there are many sufferers upon a religious account , whether in truth or pretence , there will be a kind of glory in suffering , and sooner or later it may turn to the rulers detriment . observation there will not be many sufferers , where there are not many offenders ; and there will not be many offenders , where an early severity is used . but however , if any hazzard be , he that prints it , dictates , encourages , and promotes it , and deserves to suffer with the foremost . but the gentleman begins now to talk like a christian. i detest ( says he ) and abhor the tumults , and insurrections of the people , and the resisting of the soveraign power . ] observation this is honestly said yet : but hold a little . what is that soveraign power , which he abhorrs should be resisted by the tumults of the people ? even the two houses in co-ordination with the king. a little further , [ i am perswaded ( says he ) that the generality of the presbyterian denomination would endure extremities , before they would revenge or defend themselves by unlawful means , as rebelling against their lawful soveraign . observation this we shall understand too by confronting it , and find it onely the old fallacy , a little better colour'd . this part ( says he ) of the supreme power ( meaning the two houses ) is indeed capable of doing wrong , yet how it might be guilty of rebellion , is more difficult to conceive . ] now if the two houses cannot rebel , as being part of the supreme power ; ( by his argument ) neither can the presbyterians , in compliance with that party : so that by this mis-placing of the supreme authority , whatever hath been acted by vertue of any commission from the two houses , may be done over again , and no rebellion . by this device , he onely disavows rebellion so far as this , or that , is not rebellion according to his proposition , although the law determine otherwise . this is no more then what was ever maintained , even by those that stood themselves upon the highest terms of disobedience . did ever any man say , this is rebellion , and i 'll justifie it ? nay , i should be glad to hear any of them say , this was rebellion , and i 'm sorry for it . [ but it is evident , that the presbyterians love the king , and kingly government , and account themselves happy in his majesty's clemency , allowing them a just and inoffensive liberty in certain matters of conscience . ] observation the presbyterians may find many things to thank his majesty for : but i would they could hit upon a handsomer manner of doing it ; and not perpetually to be craving more , when they should be doing him service for what they have receiv'd already . they love the king , they say , but then their love is conditional , they must have something for it . would they expose themselves for twenty years together , to gaols and gibbets , all sorts of hazzards and misfortunes for their prince , and at the last sit down and sterve contentedly , out of a sense of honorable loyalty ? that subject is not right , who hath not brought his mind up to this frame ; however unhappy he may think himself in such encounters as put him to the trial of his utmost virtue . wise men inform us , that a prince by adhereing to one faction , may in time lift it up above his own imperial interest , which will be forced to give way to it as the lesser to the greater . and the prime leaders of the potent faction will sway more than the prince himself . they will become arrogant , unthankful , and boundless in their ambitious designs . this is a good rule , but ill apply'd ; unless return'd upon himself . i hope he will not call that party a faction , which submits all its actions to the clear letter of the law ; and he will hardly prove that to be none , which crosses this. if so , let common reason judge betwixt us . there is a saying , which by many hath been taken up for a proverb , no bishop , no king. i do not well understand the rise of this saying , and therefore dare not speak in derogation of their judgements who were the authors of it . but upon the matter it self , i crave to make this modest animadversion . and first it is some degrading to the transcendent interest of soveraignty , to affix unto it a necessity of any one partial interest for its support : for independency and self-subsistence , without leaning upon any party , is a prince his strength and glory . also it makes that party over-confident , and its opposite too despondent . such sayings as import a princes necessary dependence on any particular party , may in the mouthes of subjects be too presumptuous , and in the mouth of a prince too unwary . if we are not yet instructed in the weight and reason of that saying , — no bishop , no king ; sure we are past learning any thing . we found the sad truth of this judgment , in the event of the late war ; but that 's no rule . by no bishop no king , is not intended that bishops are the props of royalty , nor do the episcopalians understand it so : but that both one and the other are objects of the same fury , onely the church goes first : so that without presumption , a subject may affirm it ; and without loss of honor , a prince may grant it . i might draw arguments from the agreement of their original , the likeness of their constitution , the principles by which they are supported , and that they lye exposed to the same enemies , and the same method of destruction . but this would seem to imply a more inseverable interest then i aim at ; and raise the clergy above the proper state and orb of subjects . my meaning is more clear and open . all popular factions take the church in their way to the state ; and i am to seek where ever any prince quitted episcopacy , and saved himself . that is , his royal dignity ; for the empty name of king , is but the carkass of majesty . it is with the unruly populacy , as it is with raging tides , they press where the bank is weakest , and in an instant over-run all . if they had either modesty , or conscience , they would not force so far : if they have neither , will they stop there ? what did the late king grant ; or rather , what deny ? till by their mean abuse of his unlimited concessions , he lost his crown , and life ? yet what assurance words could give him , he wanted not : words wrapt up in the most tender and religious forms imaginable . but what are words where a crown lyes at stake ? in fine , treason 's a canker ; and where it seizes , that prince must early cut off the infected part , if he would save the sound . the true church lies in the middle between two extremes , formalists , and fanaticks . they are of circumspect and regular walking , no way forward in attempting or desiring alterations in a civil state. a prince doth hold them in obedience under a double bond . for they know they must needs be subject not only for wrath , but for conscience sake . indeed we will not conceal , that in lawfull wayes they assert that liberty which is setled by the known laws and fundamental constitutions , the maintaining whereof is the prince's as much as the peoples safety . if to be no way forward in promoting changes in the civil state , be a marque of the church : the presbyterians are out of the pale . it 's truth , they are , it seems , assertors of lawfull liberty , in lawfull waies ; but how is that i pray'e ? did they not tell us this when their swords were at our throats , when it was death to assist the king , when they were forc'd to flye to the equitable sense of the law , and quit the literal , and fetch their arguments , from inspiration , because they had none in reason . i shall here put an end to this discourse , which is become much longer already than i meant it , by reason of his addition . crofton's ill fortune i find hath made him wary , but not humble ; for he presses the same things in substance still , though in somewhat a differing manner of respect , and seeming candour . the good words he gives , belong to those persons which he shall vouchsafe to call serious , and to think worthy of them ; and the government is to be moulded , and disposed of as he pleases . finally , he pretends to ayme at a fair , and christian accord , and yet proceeds in a direct method of dividing : by sharp , and scandalous reflections upon the kings party . to say no more , his reasonings are dishonourable to the memory of the late king ; seditious , and provoking to the people ; bold , and imposing in themselves ; repugnant to the established law , and to the main scope of the general pardon . how out of all these ill ingredients should be composed a national , and healing balsome , i shall now give the reader leisure to consider . male imperatur , ubi regit vulgus duces . finis . a catalogue of some books printed for henry brome , at the gun in ivy-lane . the alliance of divine offices , exhibiting all the lyturgies of the church of england since the reformation , by hamon l'estrange esq in fol. the souls conflict , being eight sermons preach'd at oxford , and so much recommended by dr. hewit , in 8. dr. browns sepulchrall urns and garden of cyrus . in 8. two essayes of love and marriage in 12. the royal exchange , a comedy in 4. by r. brome . five new playes ▪ by r. brome , never before printed , in 8. poems by the vvits of both universities , in 8. a treatise of moderation , by mr. gaule , in 8. st. bonaventures soliloquies , in 24. mr baxter's treatise of conversion , in 4. the common law epitomiz'd , with directions how to prosecute and defend personal actions , very usefull for all gentlemen , to which is annexed the nature of a vvrit of errour , and the general proceedings thereupon , in 8. golden remains by that most learn'd r. stuart d. d. dean of westminster and clerk of the closet to king charles the first , being the last and best monuments that are likely to be made publick , in 12. mr. sprat's plague of athens , in 4. jews in america by mr. thorowgood , in 4. the royal buckler , or a lecture for traytors , in 8. a view of some late remarkable transactions , leading to the happy government under our gracious soveraign king charles the second , by r. l'estrange esq in 4. all the songs on the rump in 8. the pourtraicture of his sacred majesty king charles the second , from his birth 1630. till this present year 1661. being the whole story of his escape at worcester , his travailes and troubles . the covenant discarged by john russel , in 4. the compleat art of vvater-drawing in 4. mr. boys his translation of the 6th . book of virgil in 4. mr. walwin's sermon on the happy return of king charles the second . a perfect discovery of vvitchcraft , very profitable to be read by all sorts of people , especially judges of assize before they passe sentence on condemned persons for witches , in 4. a short view of the lives of the illustrious princes , henry duke of gloucester , and mary princess of orange deceased , by t. m. esq in 8. aeneas his voyage from troy to italy ; an essay upon the third book of virgil , by i. boys , esq in 8. trapp on the major prophets , in fol. songs and other poems , by a. brome , gent. mr. grenfeilds loyal sermon before the parliament . a caveat for the cavaliers . a modest plea both for the caveat and author , by r. l'estrange esq the history of portugall in 8. cases of conscience , in the late rebellion resolved by w. lyford b. d. minister of sherburn in dorsetshire . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47873-e110 dowglas his coronation sermon , page 10. notes for div a47873-e2530 j. c. page 10. douglas . * epistle to the reader . marshall . * epistle to the reader . presbyterian regulation . exact collections , pag. 310. page 10. observation . page 12. observation . his majesty's speech for hastning the act of indempnity . his majesty's speech at the passing the act of indempnity . page 14. observation . page 19. page 20. page 23. * english and scotch presbytery , pag. 316. * hist. of the ch. of scotl. p. 479. the presbyterians practical ministery . pag. 25. observation . presbyterian liberty . page 27. page 28. the consequents of presbyterian liberty . page 29. observation . page 29. page 40. * note . crofton . page 41. page 42. presbytery antimonarchical . the two houses have no coercive power over the king. the covenant an oath of confederacy . * note . the covenant neither lawful nor binding . pag. 44. observation . some honest presbyterians . page 45. page 46. ibid. page 46. page 47. page 48. presbyterians seditious and impenitent . page 49. the two houses , not the parliament . the legislative power in the king. the two houses no court of judicature . presbyters serve king and bishops alike . exact col. 316. page 49. page 50. presbyterian loyalty . bodin . de rep. lib. 2. cap. 5. de rep. lib. 1. cap. 8. lib. 3. cap. 1. ibid. pag. 51. page 51. presbyterian positions . page 52. prelacy a more orderly constitution than presbytery . rom. 9.21 . page 53. page 53. ibid. observation . rellquiae sacrae corolinae . page 158. page 55. page 59. * note . * note . page 58. note . page 60. exact collections . pag. 531. history of independency . page 1. page 2. page 63. observation . page 65. page 66. page 70. page 70. observation . page 73. page 47. ibid. toleration . page 76. page 84. observation . page 86. observ. significant ceremonies not sacred . ibid. observation . ecclesiast . polit . lib. 5. sect. 29. ecclesiast . polity lib. 4. sect. 12. * the eunomian hereticks in dishonor of the blessed trinity , brought in the laying on of water but once , to cross the custom of the chur. which in baptism did it thrice . page 87. can. 30. eccles. polit . lib. 5. sect. 71. page 88. page 90. observation . page 91. observation . page 94. page 95. can. 36. observ. canonical subscription defended . page 97. * the late kings declaration concerning scotland , page 403. page 101. x] can. 6. y] can. 7. page 97. observation . page 103. observation . * pa. 84. page 103. page 111. observation . page 111. a voluntary conscience . pa. 114. observ. ibid. observ. bibliotheca regia , p. 58. his majestys protestation . page 115. page 116. pag. 120. observation . pag. 120. ibid. observation . english & scotch presbyterians no protestants . l' interest des princes discours . 7. puritan-protestants . page 121. observation . page 121. observation . pag. 122. observation . page 403. ibid. page 124. observation . page 17. part . 1. apol. confess : per pap. pag. 137. de reform . adver . eccles . pag. 95. bez. cont . sarav . p. 116. * note . calvin epist. pag. 341. scripta anglicana , p. 455. h. l. s. his affinity of sacred liturgies . pag. 27. cap. 27. cap. 15. act. 32. act. 32. act. 15. act. 20. cap. 14. the rise of presbytery . the process of presbytery . dangerous positions , pag. 43. dangerous pos. pag. 44. dangerous pos. pag. 45. dangerous pos. pag. 75. pag. 86. pag. 89. pag. 91. dangerous pos. pag. 120. pag. 125. presbyters doctr. concerning kings . knox to engl. and scotl. fol. 78. gilby obedience , p. 25. register , p. 48. goodman , p. 144. spotswoods history of the chur. of scotl. p. 330. scots plea p. 262. kings declaration concerning scotland , p. 404. ibid. p. 409. bancroft , p. 169. king's declaration , 404. ibid. 408. ibid. 411 knox. bancroft pag. 56. ibid. p. 58. admon . 1. cartwright . holy discipline , pag. 260. ibid. 284. ibid. ib. 285. inter. of engl. part. 2. p. 81. * by which term they difference their classical approbation , from episcopal ordination . * inter. of engl. par. 2. p. 5● . the reformers way of petitioning . holy discipline , p. 100. bancroft's dangerous posit . p. 53. ibid. p. 56. ibid. p. 57. inter. of engl. p. 29. ibid. bancroft pag. 138. ibid. 11. p● . 14● . inter. of engl. p. 53. positions of the conventicle at glasgow , an. 1638. presbytery tyrannous to the people . bancroft p. 20. ibid. p. 105. presbyters persecutors of k. james . k. james his works : pag. 305. ibib. p. 160. the antiquity of phanaticks . reasons against coalition . justice of conscience . justice of honor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 239. k. james his works , p. 157. the late kings counsels . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . page 236. ib. p. 239. ib. p. 240. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 62. ibid. pag. 169. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . page 182. ib. p. 236. the late kings declaration concerning scotland . pag. 404. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 170. observation . page 14. the best rule of interest is the law. page 36. observation . page 33. page 36. the presbyterian method of making peace . page 38. page 39. observation . page 42. page 42. 1 chr. 12. page 43. observation . page 54. ibid. observation . the presbyterians do their own business in the kings name . page 60. page 61. page 62. page 63. observ. page 65 observation . page 66. page 67. observation . page 73. page 74. interest of england . part 1. page 13. part 1. page 49. ibid. 53. page 75. pag. 75. observation . page 78. page 81. page 83. page 84. page 98. interest of england . page 49 , ibid. 98. page 49. interest of england . page 101. pag. 104. observation . pag. 106. observation . page 116. observation . presbyterian inquisition as it was lately practised against the professors of the colledge of edinburgh, august and september, 1690 in which the spirit of presbytery and their present method of procedure is plainly discovered, matter of fact by undeniable instances cleared, and libels against particular persons discussed. monro, alexander, d. 1715? 1691 approx. 253 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70609 wing m2443 estc r5724 11348523 ocm 11348523 47542 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70609) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47542) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 699:18, 1466:14) presbyterian inquisition as it was lately practised against the professors of the colledge of edinburgh, august and september, 1690 in which the spirit of presbytery and their present method of procedure is plainly discovered, matter of fact by undeniable instances cleared, and libels against particular persons discussed. monro, alexander, d. 1715? [2], 106 p. printed for j. hindmarsh ..., london : 1691. testimony of alexander monro in answer to charges of misconduct of office and popery. errata: p. 106. reproduction of originals in the union theological seminary library, new york, and university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism -early works to 1800. scotland -church history -17th century. scotland -history -1689-1745. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-07 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion presbyterian inquisition ; as it was lately practised against the professors of the colledge of edinburgh . august and september . 1690. in which , the spirit of presbytery and their present method of procedure , is plainly discovered , matter of fact by undeniable instances cleared , and libels against particular persons discussed . for the mouth of the wicked and the mouth of the deceitful are opened against me , they have spoken against me with a lying tongue : they compassed me about also with words of hatred , and fought against me without a cause . ps . 109. v. 23. licensed , nov. 12. 1691. london , printed for j. hindmarsh at the golden-ball in cornhill . 1691. advertisement . when the reader considers what 's said in the following sheets , he will find the title exactly agreeable to the book ; and if that seem odious , it 's not to be imputed to the author of this narrative , but to one of the visitors ; who in the face of the court , declared , that their method of procedure was an inquisition ; and the plain truth is , he was so happy in the choice of the word , that it would have been unreasonable to have chang'd it . the reader is also desired to take notice , that by the witnesses mentioned in the last paragraph of the preface ; are to be understood , only such as were examined against those masters of the colledge , whose tryals are not yet published ; for all the art and industry of the party , could not so much as procure one witness to appear against the two doctors , whose libels , answers , and sentences , are here related . the preface . i was present at edinburgh when the university there was lately visited by the presbyterian party , and was witness to all that past at the tryals of the principal and other masters ; and the accounts of it having since fallen into my hands , and i knowing them to contain nothing but matter of fact and down right truth , thought fit now to publish them ; not to continue , or excite faction or revenge , but to vindicate innocent men , from the calumnies and slanders that have been of late charged upon them . if the presbyterians had not industriously propagated abroad , the idle and impertinent stories they invented at home , these papers had never seen the light : it is indeed with great reluctancy , that i give the transactions of that late visitation any room in my memory ; but since the clamours of a factious party constrain men to defend themselves : it is but just to return such answers as may undeceive well meaning people , and expose the injustice of that inquisition : it being so easie a thing to make it appear , that the masters of that universities greatest crimes , were their places and preferments . because in the following papers , mention is often made of a new test , that the parliament appointed for all university men ; it may not be improper once for all here in the beginning , to tell what that test was ; for this then let it be remembered : that the 17 act parl. 1. sess . 2. july 4. 1690. earl melvil commissioner , appoints ; that no master or professor in any colledge or school , shall be allowed to continue in the exercise of his function , but such as do acknowledge and profess , and shall subscribe the confession of faith * , ratified and approved by this present parliament ; and also , shall swear the oath of allegiance to their majesties ; and withal , shall be found to be of pious , loyal , and peaceable conversation , and of good and sufficient literature , and abilities , for their respective employments ; and submitting to the government of the church now setled by law — and are well affected to their majesties , &c. again , by act 38. sess . 2. parliament . 1. gulielm . & mari. july 22. 1690. melvil commissioner , all persons who are bound to swear the oath of allegiance , are also obliged to subscribe this assurance , as they call it . i a. b. do in the sincerity of my heart , acknowledge and declare , that their majesties king william and queen mary , are the only lawful , undoubted soveraings , king and queen of scotland , as well de jure , as de facto , and in the exercise of the government : and therefore i do sincerely and faithfully , promise and ingage , that i will with heart and hand , life and goods , maintain and defend their majesties title and government , against the late king james , his adherents , and all other enemies ; who , either by open or secret attempts , shall disturb or disquiet their majesties in the exercise thereof . these were the instructions which the parliament by their acts gave to the visitors ; and a considerable number of them being presbyterian ministers , were not wanting in their diligence to screw up every thing to the greatest height , against the episcopal masters , and to make them feel the severe effects of presbyterian power and malice ; as appeared by a printed warrant , or rather proclamation , in their own names , in which , they require and command , messengers to pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , upon a mercet day , betwixt ten and twelve a clock in the forenoon , and immediately thereafter , to the most patent gate of the university of edinburgh , and sicklike to pass to the mercat crosses of edinburgh , hadingtoun , duns , green-law , and lawder , jedburgh , selkirk , peebles , linlithgow , and stirling , and there at after open proclamation , &c. to summon , warn , and charge , the principal , professors , regents , and all others , masters of the university of edinburgh , and schoolmasters teaching latin in the said town , &c. — to compear before the committee of the said visitors , &c. — the 20 day of august next to come , at ten a clock in the forenoon , to answer and satisfie the said committee , &c. and likewise the said commissioners , do hereby require the said messengers , at the same time and place , and in the same manner , to summon , and warn , all the leidges , who have any thing to object against the said principal , professors , regents , masters of the said universities , and school-masters — to compear before the said committee , the said day and place , to give in objections against the principal , professors , regents , and others aforesaid — requiring in like manner , the messengers , executors of this present warrant , not only to read publickly the same , and the citation to be given them , at the said mercat crosses and colledge gate ; but also to leave printed copies thereof , affixt upon the mercat crosses of the head burghs , and upon the most patent gates of the said colledge . lastly , requiring the said messengers to return the same , with formal executions and indorsations thereof , duely subscrib'd by them before subscribing witnesses — for doing of all which , these presents shall be their sufficient warrant . given at edinburgh , july 25. 1690. and ordains these presents to be printed , extracted forth of the records , by me tho. burnet . 1. here you see a vast deal of pomp and parad , to usher in this inquisition ; open proclamation was made at mercat places , a sufficient indication of what might be expected afterwards from them : alt the leidges are warned , and summoned to come in , and make what objections they can , against the masters ; sure if the visitors want men to accuse these masters , it cannot be ascribed to their want of industry to procure them . 2dly . the great zeal these commissioners had to purge the universities from malignants * , made them upon all occasions stretch the words of their instructions , far beyond their ordinary and usual signification . when some enquired whether by that part of the test , which requires to submit to presbytery , were meant only , a quiet and peaceable living under that government , or if it imported any thing farther : some of the commissioners plainly told , that by that clause of the test , was also meant , that every master should tbereby declare the presbyterian government , to be preferable to any other whatsoever , and the only government left by christ and his apostles in the church , and warranted by scripture . by the same spirit of prebyterian moderation , some of the commission declared ; that by the acknowledging and subscribing the westminster confession of faith ; is not only meant an owning of it , in so far as it is a system of theologie conform to the holy scriptures , and one of the best designed for distinguishing the reformed church , from these hereticks and schismaticks that now disturb it ; but that it also imports , an absolute owning of every particular article thereof , as the only and most perfect confession , that hath been or can yet be composed ; and that therefore it was to be acknowledged , professed , and subscribed , without any limitation , restriction , or reservation whatsoever . the visitors might have been well assured , that no master or professor of any conscience , who had been episcopally ordained , or acquainted with the primitive constitution of the church , could any ways comply with conditions so rigid and severe . it had been soon enough then , for the presbyterians to have fled to their old experimented way of libelling , when the masters had stood their ground against that new test , which originally had no end , but to make vacant places . but the preachers of that party ( members of the visitation ) judged it more convenient , boldly and indefatigably to calumniate the professors , lest if they had been turned out for mere and just scruples of conscience , the people should have murmmured and complained ; the body of mankind often believe the first and loudest reports , few of the people being capable , willing , or at leisure to examine the truth of things , and since now the faction had got the uppermost , and had power in their hand , they enquire into all things that might make the professours odious to the city or nation , and thought fit to let them feel the effects of their rashness , if in all their life time , they had been once spoke against the imposture or enthusiasme of that sect. the presbyterian preachers ( who earnestly wished to be employed in the toyl and drudgery of this affair ) made it their business to search into all the actions of the professors lives , especially such as were capable to be transformed into a libel ; and having the assistance and zeal of some of the new magistrates of edinburgh , to second their endeavours , it was easie to foresee what quarter they might expect , who differed from them : and this was no difficult province for presbyterians to mannage , considering the nature of their discipline , and their present constitution ; the most innocent things have two handles , and some men industriously seize the worst : but because they pretended to be most accurate reformers , they would therefore do their work thorowly , and strip their opposers as bare of their reputation and good name , as of their livelyhoods and preferments ; and having now got the church's jurisdiction and revenues into their hands , it was not safe for them to want the government and psssession of the seminaries of learning : and therefore the presbyterians that preached before the parliament , never forgot to exhort such as were in power speedily to reform the universities ; which is no less in their language , than to plant them with presbyterians ; to accomplish this , it was necessary to represent the masters of universities under the episcopal constitution , as very ill men , enemies to the godly , socinians , papists ; now the people could not discern when they spoke contradictions , for tho' socinianism , and popery , be two opposite points of the compass , yet some of their emissaries scrupled not , among the gossoping sisters , and at other more publick meetings , * to accuse one and the same person of both . when the government of the city of edinburgh , was lodged in the hands of the first and best order of citizens and gentlemen ; the masters of the colledge had all the encouragement that they themselves could wish ; they lived in all tranquility and freedome during the administration of sir magnus prince and his predecessour , sir thomas kennedy : they made it ( both of them ) their business to preserve the order , fabrick and revenues of that house ; they omitted no occasion of supporting the honour and reputation of its masters ; as well as of discouraging what ought to be reproved , and timously amended ; whenever there was the least ground for it . the masters of the college in that period , had nothing to do but carefully to look after the manners and proficiency of their students ; for the countenance of the magistrates and their generous inclinations to propagate learning , did so secure and guard the professors , against the little efforts of censorious and talkative fanaticks , that they could not contrive how to be more happy in their stations : for these gentlemen knew what an ornament their university was to the city and whole kingdom , how necessary freedom , contentment , and retirement are to the attainment of learning : and therefore they were so far from vexing and disturbing them , that they heaped upon them all marks of honour and regard . others ( shuffling themselves into the magistracy under the covert of such commotions as necessarily attend all great revolutions ) had not the same view of things , they thought their business was to reform , tho' they knew not what ; and this reformation was regulated by such oracles as managed their councils , and the responses were always given by interest : hence they seemed to mind nothing so much as the disturbance of that seminary : sometimes they thought that they might manage the discipline of the house , without considering the masters ; sometimes they thought they might by themselves , without the king * , or any formality of tryal , remove and displace them at their pleasure ; sometimes they pick'd quarrels with the students , of purpose to accuse their masters : sometimes they would contrive odd and phantastick schemes of discipline , and it is not easie to imagine into what freakish humours , silly conceits , and little tricks this fancy metamorphosed it self in the space of two years . but those attempts served only to make citizens of the best sense and quality , some of them to laugh , and others to lament , that the professors of the liberal sciences should be so treated by such illiterate busie-bodies . for generally the citizens of edinburgh are not only affable , kind and courteous to the masters of that college , and to learned men in general ; but also very forward to promote the interest of that house ; the original erection whereof is owing to their charity ; and they have frequently since the first foundation , augmented its revenues , books and curiosities : and there are but few of them but retain a tender esteem of its great worth and advantage , and the escapes and preposterous dealing of some of them ; in this critical juncture , is not at all to be laid to the charge of the body of the people , who have always valued the masters of the college as they did the education of their children , than which nothing is of greater consequence to themselves , or the societies in which they live : the presbyterian ministers , finding the endeavours of their magistrates too slow to serve their ends ; and that they were frequently baffled in those little skirmishes with the masters , importuned the leading men of the party , to procure such an act of parliament as might best serve their designs against the universities , * and lest the masters should comply with the civil government , a new test was so ordered , that none but presbyterians could comply with it , and even such , if ever they had but submitted to episcopacy , were not allowed to hold their places , but in a most precarious manner . the masters of universities complain justly of two things . first , that they were obliged to take oaths that the rest of the clergy of the nation were not bound to take . whereas any legal test should reach all or none . secondly , that this test should contain not only their allegiance to the civil authority , but also their hearty submission to the presbyterïan government and the new model of it in scotland * . thus the presbyterians were very sure , that if they did not thrust them out by the first , they could not fail to send them packing by the second , especially since the last clause of the new test obliged them to submit to presbytery , which is no lese than to give themselves up to all the decisions of the consistory . it was not to be expected but that the presbyterians would quickly possess themselves of the universities , since the ecclesiastical government was lodged in the hands of a few of them , by an heteroclite kind of prelacy never before known in the church * . yet it may be fairly presumed , that for their own honour and interest , they should have vacated the seminaries of learning at least by degrees ; and not have pull'd them down all at once : but the fiery spirit of that faction endures no delays . yet lest the people should find sault with their precipitancy , they were to manage their game with some plausible pretences : if any of the masters were observed to have had but any kindness for the order and rites of the primitive church , or ever to have but spoke slightingly of their new discipline ; such were to be expelled the college with disgrace , cloathed first in beast-skins , and then exposed to the rabble : their places and preferments were sacrific'd to presbyterian covetousness and sacriledge , and their honour and good name , to their vanity , pride and revenge ; it was not enough to have them removed , unless it was with ostentation and triumph . they would fain perswade the present generation , that they value the other world more than their neighbours do , but yet they never neglect any methods , right or wrong , to secure the interests of this . it was not unpleasant to some spectators to behold at what pains the presbyterian preachers were to patch up libels against the masters , going from house to house , from one company to another , enquiring into the most minute actions of their former lives . some of the masters , * they were so keen against , as to run back the inquisition , as far as their childhood , entertaining persons of quality with the opinions and erroneous conceits they alledged them then to have had . and besides that , they had the true art of transforming the most laudable practices , into suspicious designs ; they pretend to pry into the secrets of their hearts , accusing them as reprobate and wicked men , popishly affected , enemies to the godly , friends of the idolatrous liturgy of the church of england , and despisers of all true piety and devotion ; for that to be sure is the monopoly of their own gifted and select tribe . this is the mischievous and usual effect of bigottry , it changes the soul ( the luminous part of man ) into a dungeon of passion , and self-conceit , it debases the generous spirit of christianity , into servility and superstition , it blocks up all the avenues of the mind ; you may as well preach to the river of forth to stop it's current , as desire them to listen to calm reasonings , to weigh the justice or injustice of what they do against these of a different opinion ; nor is there any sect upon earth in whose actions the sad effects of prejudice and imagination are so legible as in this last edition of presbytery in scotland . they complain of all degrees of power when it is not in their own keeping : the most innocent commands of their lawful superiours are insupportable grievances , * and the canons of the universal church , are but superstitious encroachments upon tender consciences : they declaim perpetually against arbitrary power , and yet nothing escapes their cognizance ; and they only are judges of the punishment that every little offence deserves ; nay frequently , the most commendable actions are made offences , for there is nothing so remote from ecclesiastical censure , but what is hooked in by them , in ordine ad spiritualia . this needs no explication to such as have lived where their discipline prevails ; when religion and its doctrines are made subservient to the tyranny and caprice of self-designing men , it loses its natural beauty and use ; the greatest blessings of heaven , are by the wickedness of men changed into curses , and the light of the gospel made to truckle under the designs of darkness : the passions of pride and revenge that it designed to mortifie , are advanced and encouraged , but the wisdome that is from above , is first pure , and then peaceable , gentle , and easie to be entreated , full of mercy , and of good works , without partiality , without hypocrisie ; 't is sad to consider how much the people are diverted from considering , believing , and contemplating , the pure and undisguised design , faith , and morality of the new testament , by fooleries and novelties , that have no natural tendency , but to divide christendome , and corrupt the simplicity of that faith once delivered to the saints , and instead of that beautiful worship , by which our ancestours in the primitive and purest ages did adore the creator of heaven and earth , there is now introduced a new scenical incoherent rapsodie ; and all this under the pretence of a more illuminated state , and progress of the reformation : just so the donatists of old destroyed the power of godliness , as well as the ancient forms . and canons of the catholick church , under the popular pretence of reformation . by the following sheets , the reader will clearly see a most remarkable and undeniable instance , of the partiality and injustice of the presbyterian party , and that they were fully determined right or wrong , to find such of the masters guilty as were not of their way ; a plain evidence of this , is the report they made to the general commission of the visitation , in which the reader will see their affected mistakes , and malicious method of arguing ; particularly in their report concerning dr. strachan professour of divinity , in the colledge of edinburgh ; they insinuate , that the doctor did either believe transubstantiation or consubstantiation , both which determine positively the manner of our saviour's presence in the holy eucharist , because the doctor had sometimes said with durandus , praesentiam oredo , modum nescio , but of this more in its proper place . it had been a much more creditable , compendious , and ingenuous method , to have turned out the masters of the episcopal perswasion , by one general act , it being once determined that they should be ejected , than by so much noise and ceremony , first to bring them upon the stage , then to kick them off with all the affronts and indignities they could heap upon them ; for malice it self could have done no more , as you may easily see by some of the malicious , triffling , and false things , objected against the masters . i cannot guess , why the masters of the colledge of edinburgh , should be treated otherwise than the professours of other colledges were : it 's true , that city is the centre of the nation , and the schools there are most frequented , and if they had not at first apply'd their utmost force against that place , they could not so easily have removed them afterwards , at least such a delay would have put them to the pains of gathering new libels ; therefore they were to push their business with all diligence and vigour , nothing else but the force of interest and malice could have made reasonable men venture upon such scurrilous methods as they used and here are narrated ; long libels formed against the professours , but no informer or accuser made known , a practice peculiar only to courts of inquisition : and which , the pagan emperour trajan , thought so inhumane and barbarous , that he forbid this method of tryal against the christians , whom yet the persecuted ; and therefore he ordered plinius secundus the proconsul , to admit no such unsubscribed libels against the christians , because that this was a custome of the worst example , unaggrecable to the reign of trajan , and to the common forms of justice received in all nations * ; for the accused ought certainly to know his accuser , lest he , or his malicious associates , should shift the scene and turn witnesses ; the accuser ought also to be obliged to prove his libel under a penalty * ; it is very hard , to leave men of credit and reputation to the mercy of every little informer , who can slip his collar when he pleases . i know nothing that can so disjoint and embroil humane societies , as this unworthy sneaking practice ; for this kind of inquisition , is much more grievous than that of the romanists , this only great difference being remarkable , that the severity of the popish inquisition is tempered with canons , and this of ours , only regulated by the boundless humour of a few imperious rabbies , whose actions know no law but the covenant , and that no other end , but their ecclesiastical tyranny . it was easie to guess what the sentence would be , when some of those presbyterian ministers who were judges , drudged so much to procure libels : it is true , the committee for the colledge of edinburgh , was for the most part more deeply engaged to the interest of presbytery , than they who were sent to visit other universities , yet some of them did so abhor this harsh and preposterous violence ; that persons of honour and integrity amongst them , ( soon perceiving their assessors upon this committee , were not to be guided by common forms of justice ) left their meetings , and seldome or never again appeared ; such were the earl of louthian , lord secretary dulrimple , l. raith , sir john dempster , &c. when once they retired , the masters were left to wrestle with all the chicane , and affected mistakes and prejudices of then sworn enemies ; and because some of them did insist upon the same arguments afterwards at london , which they had made use of at edinburgh , therefore those objections are represented in their own words , and their most plausible and successful topicks fairly examined : and since the masters were not allowed sufficient time to make their defences , but forced to precipitate their answers to many particulars which were jumbled together against them , and which they never heard of until they were sisted before these tribunals : i will therefore take care to pick up all the exceptions that came to my hand ; and now , since the answers must be made publick , where i judge them defective or obscure to strangers , i will enlarge and explain them , and that so much the rather , because they thought these libels of such weight as to keep them upon record in their publick registers . indced , if the reputation of innocent men had been assaulted , only by spreading reports and scattering idle stories among the people , no man needed to have been at the pains to answer such whispers as flie only the in dark : innocence , and the good nature of the citizens of edinburgh , would have sufficiently defended the masters against secret reproaches and calumny , but now that they are allowed a place in the publick records , it is but a piece of innocent self-defence , to expose the weakness of those arguments they laid such stress upon , when the presbyterian preachers , who alone were most active in such libels , practised such an arbitrary inquisition upon the theatre of the nation , what is to be expected from them in the remote corners of the country ? where their meetings are not overawed with the presence of persons of quality , where there is no check upon them , nor any witnesses of their extravagance , but the lay elders , those grave noddies of their own erection , a new set of presbyters of their special invention , without mission or ordination . if the presbyterian government in our nation , had been tempered by a modest dependance upon the state , there had been less place for such unreasonable oppressions and irremediable confusions as are now too visible : nor is it possible to preserve the peace of the nation ; if there lie no appeal from the ecclesiastical consistory : this was the most insufferable piece of popery that christian princes groaned under before the reformation , and therefore they shook off this yoke too grievous to them , and to their ancestours : this independent discipline as it is managed by our innovatours , is founded upon such ambition , and arrogance , as is inconsistent with reason , and the innocent freedome of humane life , and the prerogative royal of kings , and instead of promoting piety and peace among christians , increases only mutual censurings , factions , hatred , and division , and what else is most opposite to the spiritual tendency , charity , and purity of our holy religion . but when they themselves look back upon all the steps and pageantry of that visitation , they cannot but acknowledge they have missed some considerable part of their design ; for the masters they were most violent against , are as much beloved and esteemed by their former friends in the city of edinburgh and elsewhere , as ever : they did not think to keep their places in defiance of the present law , nor do they complain so much of the illegality of the sentence against them , being there is now such a law , as they could not comply with , but they have reason to complain , that there was such a law made on purpose to turn out some particular persons , as the contrivers threatned twelve months before that tryal , they hoped ( if they were not treated like christians and scholars ) they might be allowed the civilities due to humanity , and the common forms of justice ; now being this account carries with it the undeniable evidence of particular matters of fact ; the reader may by it discern somewhat of the spirit of presbytery , and of that partiality and hypocrisie , that animates their most solemn proceedings . it is not intended by this preface to insinuate , that all the nobility and gentry , who were named to visit the universities , by act of parliament , were equally inclined to faction and injustice : it is certain , that many of them were averse from such severities , and particularly my lord carmichael president of the committee for glascow , treated the principal dr. fall , and subordinate masters there , with all the civilities due to their merit and character ; for tho' the cameronians in that place had prepared libels against the regents , yet my lord carmichael rejected them with indignation . and tho' the masters of the university of st. andrews have been examined with all rigour and severity ( all the vintners and their servants , and other rabble at st. andrews , being summoned to appear before the committee , and made to declare upon oath , all things that ever they heard or knew of the masters of that university ) yet no masters were treated as malefactors , but the professors of the colledge of edinburgh . it 's true , nothing but civility and discretion could be expected from a gentleman of my lord carmichael's honour , integrity and good breeding . and that any persons of quality were so ridiculously zealous as to glory in their severities against men of learning and piety , is , i hope , to be ascribed rather to the prejudices of their education , than to any perverseness in their nature . the spirit of presbytery hath in it so much meanness and insolence , when it is attended with force and the secular arm , that it cannot so much as counterfeit civility ; wherefore it 's hoped that the nation will speedily shake off this yoke , which neither they nor their forefathers could ever bear . our gentry are men of good sense and education ; and tho' in the western shires some of them are byassed towards this new and pedantick tyranny , yet it is not possible to keep even them so much in the dark , as not to see the novelty and vanity of presbyterian pretencies : and therefore since presbytery began to appear in its true colours , they have lost the greatest part even of such of them , as they had formerly deluded . the presbyterians from abroad have always spoke and written of the episcopal constitution with respect and veneration , because they found that the bishops and their adherents ( especially in england ) have been always the glory and defence as well as first promoters of the reformation . but the through-pac'd western presbyterians , have lost all thoughts of any other concern but of their own model ; and tho' it never prevailed in its full force and tendency in any other church upon earth , yet they must measure all mankind by that standard . there is scarce a little ruling elder * in the west of scotland , but expounds the darkest prophecies in ezekiel , daniel and the revelation , with relation to the covenant and the reformation wrought by it . this is the great secret of their religion , the original spring that sets all their endeavours in motion . they are a covenanted people , i.e. linked and confederated together to advance and propagate their faction and discipline , which they upon all occasions , blasphemously call the kingdom of jesus christ . it is true , the roman domination is intolerable , but then to make the people bow under the weight of it , they pretend to infallibility : the presbyterians should follow them in this pretence , as they do in the severity of their procedures , that at least they might be consequential ; for they are as impatient of contradiction as the jesuits , from whom they have borrowed most of their beloved tenets , and arguments by which they endeavour to support them ; especially their opinion concerning kings , and the independance of clergymen upon the secular powers . and because without extraordinary appearances of sanctity and devotion , the people cannot be wheedled into a belief of their godliness and honesty ; they confine the name of the godly only to themselves , as papists do the name of catholick to them : and i have heard some of them say , that it was not possible the power of godliness should prevail , but under presbytery : if it be so , the world is much mistaken ; i wish with all my heart we had better evidences of their piety , than of late we have discerned : i am sure , and no less sorry , that some who advance and support their fuction at present in scotland , are remarkably profligate sensual and scandalous debauchees . had we no other evidences of their unchristian and immortified temper , but their late injustice towards the episcopal clergy , we might be sufficiently convinced of their ill nature . their hypocrisie was never acted with less disguise , they are so bare-faced in their illegal proceedings , they leave off to counterfeit : they abuse the power which is put in their hands , to that degree , that their partiality is become the talk of many of their own adherents . tho' the perverse inclinations of the people , be no good argument ( nay , that which christianity is designed to subdue ) yet really they have as little foundation in the affection of the people , as they have in scripture and reason ; and this will appear upon the least search even into those places of the nation where they boasted that there was none to contradict them ( i don't mean the west ) but some of the most eminent and populous counties and parishes even be south forth , what do they think of the shires of the mers and teviotdale , of the parishes of peebles , dalkeith , musselburgh and aberlady , &c. and which is yet more troublesome to their wisdom , they are all convenient livings , and not far from edinburgh . as for the northern country , we know what esteem they are like to have there , by their late reception at aberdeen , when they want to offer the gospel * there , for since they must be attended with troops , it is no good argument , of their having any great foundation in the affection of the people ; but indeed , the weapons of their warfare are only known to be mighty , because they are felt to be carnal . two arguments i find lately insisted upon by some patrons of that party , to prove that the general inclination of that kingdom is for presbytery . they are to be seen in p. 32. of a late pamphlet , entituled , a further vindication , &c. the first is , that the bishops durst never venture upon the calling of a national synod , even in that period that episcopacy stood by law , lest some of the clergy might assault the very order of bishops , tho' most of them had received orders from their own hands . to this i answer , that , if the author of this pamphlet is is perswaded , that the most part of the episcopal clergy are for presbytery , why then does he not influence the presbyterians , to receive them into the government , especially since he acknowledges that the ministers cannot lawfully part with their share of ecclesiastical power to any other . the factions in the state , rather than the inclinations of the clergy , was the reason why the bishops did not call a national synod . and if the author thinks that the scotish clergy are for presbytery , how inexcusable is it in the presbyterians to prosecute them so violently when they have nothing to object against them , but that they complyed with episcopacy , since the first covenanters were as liable to this accusations as any of the present clergy . his next argument is , that there was a necessity to maintain an army to suppress the insurrections of the western shires when the government was episcopal . this is rather a threatning , than an argument , and we know very well , that since ever that sect thrust up its head above the ground , they were troublesome to authority , and will continue so as long as there is any matter for faction and revenge to work upon , for they preach to their people that they may advance their own way , whether the prince will or will not . but i leave it to the author to judge what the consequences should be , if the episcopal clergy ( who are now so cruelly trampled upon by their insolence and injustice ) should preach to the people of their communion the same very doctrines that are propagated by the covenantors , if they preached up assassinations and rebellions as their enemies do , i suppose a more considerable army would be necessary ; for it is certain , that the people that adhere to the episcopal clergy can fight much better than the western covenanters , and 2000 men can keep these shires very quiet at any time . but in stead of those lame topicks which he fancies demonstrations , i think a better expedient were to put it to the poll of the whole nation , which i know the presbyterians will never be for . the author is much mistaken if he thinks that the plurality of the scots clergy are presbyterians , though they are content , to joyn with presbyterians in church judicatories in all those duties that are uncontroverted . his book is rather an advice to the presbyterians , than an apology for them : for as long as the constitution is such , as that it may be wrested , it 's certain they will use it not for edification but destruction , and the question in our present circumstances is not what belongs to the civil , and what to the ecclesiastical power , but what the presbyterians have formerly done , what they do now , what 's likely they will do hereafter upon their own principles , and whether or not they can ever be perswaded to profess their repentance for what they have done . the author indeed deserves thanks that he offers them a more moderate scheme , and that he acknowledges their former extravagancies , but in all the book i see no proper remedy for our present confusions , and the truth is , there are many of his thoughts very just ; yet the true remedy is not to offer advice , but to pull out the teeth of our oppressors , and then ( and not till then ) every man may sit under his own fig-tree . however i intend this author no unkindness , who ( i think ) understands the world very well , and much better than he does some places of st. paul's epistles , and the acts of the apostles : which i have no mind to examine fully in this preface . only let him be advis'd not to alledge for presbytery that place of st. paul to the corinthians , the spirits of the prophets are subject unto the prophets . for tho' this text should be chang'd unto all shapes and figures , it can yield nothing to his purpose ; for it lignifies no more , than that the prophets inspired by god were lest in the exercise and possession of their reason , when they uttered their prophesies , and this distinguished them from the exstaticks and enthusiasts who were possesed by devils , and delivered their oracular responses in fury and transport . for the other mistake of the apostolick character , pag. 4. it is no more than what is ordinarily said in all presbyterian systems , but when he examines it a little more accurately , he will find by this especial character which he appropriates to the apostles ( and by which he distinguishes the apostles from other ministers ) that the seventy disciples are as much apostles as the twelve . i hope the author of that pamphlet will pardon this digression . his book may be examined more seasonably in another treatise . when ever he perswades the brethren of his way to act like reasonable men , they will meet with less opposition , and he himself will deserve the just commendations of prudence and modesty . they have hitherto gloried in their extemporary prayers ; i love not at any rate to play with things sacred , i know that men in private and in their closets ought not be tied to words or forms that are prescribed ; for if we can fix our attention on god himself , and the things agreeable to his will , and suitable to our necessities , we need not words , if we have but strong and fervent desires for all things are naked and open to the eyes of him with whom we have to do ; but when we go into the house of god , it 's long since solomon advis'd to go with reverence , for he is in heaven and we are upon earth ; our words should not only be few , but very well weighed , and apt to beget in the hearers , an awful sence of his presence , and of the inconceivable distance between him and the workmanship of his hands : therefore the wisdom of the christian church , thought fit in all ages to put words in the mouths of her children when they approach the most high god in his house of prayer : for it is very odd that we dare come into his house with less preparation , than we do when we address to any of our considerable neighbours : yet with the saddest regret it must be acknowledged , that the presbyterians of late have to the disgrace of christian religion , and of the solemnity of its worship , changed the devotion of the christian church , into incoherent rapsodies and fopperies . i am confident ( not to mention the blasphemies for twenty two years , and the new of montross his armies ; with which they were wont to run their glasses ) if their prayers but since the late revolution , within the city of edinburgh , and the places next adjacent to it , were but printed and exposed to publick view , all the protestant churches would abhor their way ; as the ready means to introduce and strengthen atheism and irreligion among the people . the pulpit blasphemies that have lately been belched out against heaven in this nation , cannot be related without horrour and indignation : nor was god ever so much dishonoured by the vanities of the pagan idolatry , as by the pretended inspiration of our new reformers , every little trifling occurrence that 's suggested to their fancy , or casually tumbles in their memory , is immediately cramb'd into their prayers . but i have digressed too far , now then to return to my particular theme . the visitors put themselves indeed to extraordinary toll in examining the masters of the colledge of edinburgh : and yet the particulars they insisted upon were such , as they themselves knew , neither to be material , nor possible to be proved . they could not but think that the most remarkable steps they made in this affair would readily come to light , and yet they were not so wise as to temper their proceedings with the least discretion ; so difficult a thing it is to hide what has got the ascendant over all their passions . a calmer method and temperament would have served the design of their government to better purposes , if their discipline may be called a government , that 't every where attended with so many complaints , so much confusion and anarchy . but i am not to teach them how to strengthen and propagate their party ; for none can deny them the two principal supporters of faction and schism , impudence and industry . they may think this language something course and severe , but it is hard to change the propriety of words . if we must speak of them and of their actings , the keenest satyrs come short of their oppressions and falshoods . they had the confidence at london to deny that some of the people of aberdene had their ears nail'd to the pillory lately at edinburgh , because they testified their respect to their own episcopal ministers , and would not suffer the inquisitors to deprive them of the blessing of their doctrine and presence . as also they deny boldly , that the ministers in the west were drove out by the rabble which they hounded out ; or that any ministers were deprived in scotland , who were willing to comply with the state. they might have even as well said that the sun has not shined in that kingdom since the covenant was abandoned by it , for these other things they assert are as universally known to be false as that is . there is no fear that ever their party shall prevail where men retain the love of liberty and humanity ; for tho' that poor nation be at present run down by the most arbitrary and licentious practices of the kirk ; yet the common concern of liberty , morality and society , may awaken men at length to fix , and again to establish something that may become the civilized part of mankind , and upon which the superstructure of religion may be happily raised . when our feaver is abated , and the nation calmly considers its true interest and advantage . it 's not to be thought , that they will suffer an inconsiderable company of pedants , to continue dictators either to the church or the universities . in their late books , they promise to disprove the just ( but lame ) account given to the world , of the cruelties and oppressions the episcopal clergy hath met with in the western shires of scotland , but this amounts to no more than that they are resolved to employ some of their emissaries to make contrary stories , and to varnish them over with all the little shifts and artificial disguises they can invent , * when their barbarities are already known over the greatest part of christendom , and when the reform'd churches are all ashamed of them , and scandalized by them . if the gentry and nobility who were commissionated to visit the universities , had come alone without their chaplains , the masters had not met with so much rudeness : for there are but very few of them so deeply sowred with the leaven of presbytery . and if some may have forgot their character , it is because they have nothing to recommend them , but the implicit faith they pay to the consistory . and now i have nothing more in order to the following memoirs , to advertise the reader of , but only that the method of them is natural , easie and distinct ; for first , the author sets down the unsubscribed libel , as it was prepared and given in to the court , and to which the masters were made to answer upon the first hearing of it without the least delay . secondly , the answers made by particular masters to those libels . thirdly , in their own very words is set down the report of the committee to the commission concerning the masters . fourthly , the animadversions on that their report . and now to conclude this preface , let not the reader forget , that tho' hundreds of witnesses have been summoned and examined against those masters whose trials are hereafter related , yet nothing was proved of the least consequence against any of them , only such things as they avowedly owned themselves , and for which they were rather to be commended than reproved . i heartily pray god the nation may enjoy more peace , religion , order and unity , than can reasonably be expected from its present model of presbytery , and that our country be no more imposed upon by such open and bare-faced injustice , and oppression , under the pretence of reformation . presbyterian inquisition , as it was practised by the visitors of the colledge at edinburgh , in their proceedings against some of the masters there , in august and september , 1690. the act of parliament for visitation of universities , colledges , and schools , passes the vote of the house , july 4. 1690. and by the said act , the visitours were appointed to meet at edinburgh , the 23d of july , for the first dyer , that they might divide themselves into several committees , and lay down common rules for regulating the manner of trying the several universities within the nation , according to the instructions and injunctions then agreed upon , as you may see more at length in the act it self . accordingly , a sufficient quorum of them , met upon the 23d of july , 1690. and divided themselves into several committees , as follows . for the university of st. andrews . earl crawford . earl morton . earl cassels . earl kint●● . master of burley . sir thomas burnet . sir francis montgomery . mr. james melvil . laird of balconie . laird of nungtown . laird of meggins . mr. henry rymer . mr. william tullidaff . mr. david blair . mr. james m'gill . mr. james rymer . for the university of glascow . duke hamilton . e. argile . v. stairs . l. carmichael . sir george campbel . sir robert st. clare . sir john maxwell . laird of craiggenns . john anderson of dowhill . mr. james smalle● . laird of lewchatt . mr. gabriel cuninghame . mr. george meldrum . mr. william violent . mr. george campbell . mr. john oliphant . for the university of aberdeen . e. of marshall . v. arbuthnet . l. cardros . l. elphingsston . master of forbes . sir george monro . laird of brodie . laird of grant. laird of grange . moncrife of rydie . mr. alex. pitcairn . mr. hugh anderson . mr. alex. forbes . mr. william mitchel . mr. robert willie . for the university of edinburgh . e. of louthian . l. reath . l. ruthven . master of stair . l. mersington . l. crosrig . sir patrick hume . l. hall craig . laird of pitlivier . sir john hall. sir william hamilton . mr. edward jamison . mr. hew kennedy . mr. john law. mr. james kirton . mr. gilbert rule * when they had thus divided themselves into committees , they agreed upon the following rules , by which they were to regulate their tryal . at edinburgh the twenty fifth day of july , 1690. instructions from the commissioners appointed by act of parliament , to visit universities , colledges , and schools , to the committees delegate for that effect . imprimis , that the committee enquire and take exact tryal , of the masters , professours , principals , regents , &c. if any of them be erroneous in doctrine , and as to popish , arminian , and socinian principles , which is to be searched from their dictates , or to receive information from other persons who have been conversant with them , or have heard them . 2 o. to enquire and take tryal , if any of the masters , &c. be scandalous , or guilty of imoralities , in their life and conversation . 3 o. to try if any of the masters be negligent , and to enquire how many conveniendums * they keep in the day , and what time they meet , and how long they continue these meetings , and how the masters attend and keep them , and what discipline they exercise upon the scholars for their immoralities and none attendance ; and particularly to enquire at the masters , anent the office of hebdomodaries , and how faithfully that is exercised , and how oft they examine the scholars on their notes : and to take tryal , what pains they take to instruct their scholars in the principles of christianity ; and what books they teach thereanent for the subject of these sacred lessons , and what care they take of the scholars keeping the kirk , and examining them thereafter . 4 o. to enquire into their sufficiency , and that their dictates be searched , and if they be suspect of insufficiency to ask questions and examine them , as the committee shall think fit . 5 o. to enquire and take tryal what has been the carriage of the masters since the late happy revolutions , as to their majesties government , and their coming to the crown ; and to enquire into their dictates or papers emitted by them ; what are their principles as to the constitution of the government , by king and parliament . 6 o. likewaies , to call for the foundations and laws of the universities , and to consider how they are observed , and to try how they have managed their revenues , and especially anent the money given for buying books to their libraries , and any mortifications , stents , and collections , and vacant stipends , and other moneys given on any account to the said colledges , and if the * mortifications for the several professions be rightly applyed . 7 o. to enquire and try the professours of divinity , what subjects of divinity they teach , what books they recommend to the theologues , and if they be remiss and careless in causing their theologues have their homilies and exercises , and frequently disputes on points of divinity , as it is required . 8 o. to enquire at the said hail masters , &c. if they will subscribe the confession of faith , and sware , and take the oath of allegiance to their majesties , king william and queen mary ; and to subscribe the certificate and assurance , ordained to be taken by an act of parliament in july 1690. and if they will declare , that they do submit to the church government , as now established by law. 9 o. that the committee appoint such of the masters as they shall find cause , to attend the next general meeting of the commission , which order shall be equivalent , as if a citation should be given to them for that effect . having agreed to those rules of tryal , they appointed the several committees to meet at the respective universities , on the 20th of august , thereafter ; accordingly the committee appointed to visit the university of edinburgh , met in the upper hall , and sir john hall was chosen praeses ; the masters met in the library , and waited there about an hour and a half , till they were called to appear ; and upon their appearance , the praeses told the principal , that they would delay the tryal of the masters till that day seven-night ; because they were in the first place , to dispatch the schoolmasters , who were at some distance from the town , and could not therefore so conveniently give their attendance : but the true reason was , that the libels against the masters and professours , were not then so fully ready , as they designed them . upon the 27th of august the committee met , and spent some time in reading the libels , before the masters were called to appear : a little after , they were pleased to call in the principal dr. monro ; upon his appearance , sir john hall desired him to answer to the several articles contained in his indictment which he commanded their clerk then to read openly , in the face of the court and spectators . accordingly , the clerk read the first and second articles , to which the dr. answered ut infra , but finding that the paper contained a great many articles , he pleaded , that he was not obliged to answer an unsubcribed libel ; that , he should know his accuser , and that this method of tryal was new , unjust , and illegal : that men should be obliged to answer so many questions ex tempore . a certain member of the committee told the dr. that it was no libel , but an information . the principal answered , that a slanderous information , containing so many calumnies , to the ruine of a man's reputation and good name , was to him the self-same thing with a libel : at least that he was not lawyer enough so nicely to distinguish them ; but that he was sure the one had the same effects with the other ; and since the thing was the same , he was not concerned by what name it was called . the committee-man told him , it was to have no effect till it was proved ; ( a favour which they do not always grant ) the principal replied , that there was a double effect , that of deprivation , and the loss of his good name ; and tho' the first was not attained without proof ; yet the last was sure to follow upon such a malicious charge , since the people were but too apt to believe what was publickly informed , tho' it were not proved ; and so that which he called an information , would have the effect of a libel , even in the worst sense that it could be taken . the principal , wearied with jangling about a word , and conscious of his own innocency , was willing to hear the worst they could say , and so the clerk proceeded to other articles : and after having read one paper , another far more impertinent and ridiculous was put into his hand to heighten the libel ; the articles whereof follow . articles of inquisition against dr. monro , to which he was made to answer before the committee upon the 27 th of august , 1690. i. that he renounced the protestant religion in a church beyond sea , and subscribed himself a papist . ii. when mr. burnet the regent being suspected to be a popist , entered to the second class , most of the parents of the children that were to enter to the said class , enclined to put them back to the first class , for fear of there being tainted with popery ; but dr. monro made on act in the colledge , that none should go back , particularly bailzie gram's son , who had entered to the first class , was made to enter to the second : likewise , dr. monro went and told the earl of perth his diligence and care of mr. burnet , whom the said earl thanked kindly , for his love to any that went under that character . iii. that he set up the english liturgy within the gates of the colledge , a form of worship never allowed of in this nation since the reformation ; and tho' it were tolerated , yet no toleration allows any of different form of worship from the state , to enjoy legal benefices in the church or charge in universities . iv. the act for visitation of colledges requires , that none carry charge in them , but such as be well affected to the government both of church and state : but so it is , that it is known by all , that know dr. monro , that he is highly disaffected to both , as appears by a missive letter written by him to the late archbishop of st. andrews , dated the 5th day of january 1689. and which may also appear by his leaving the charge of the ministry to shun praying for king william and queen mary : and his rejoycing the day that the news of claverhouse * his victory came to town . and how much he dislikes the present government of the church , may appear by the bitter persecuting of all that persuasion to the utmost of his power . and particularly the breaking up of mr. james inglish his chamber door in the colledge , and turning him out of the same , notwithstanding he had been in peaceable possession thereof for many years , and paid rent for it : and all this betwixt terms , and the said mr. james inglish was willing to part with the chamber at the term. and this be did only because the said mr. james inglish preached in a meeting-house in his own parish , being called to it by them ; and when the said doctor was challenged for this ; he said , he would suffer none of such principles to be within the colledge . and when mr. gourlay was licensed to preach by the presbyterians , the students of mr. kennedys and mr. cunninghame's classes beat up his chamber door , and windows with stones ; and pulling off his ▪ hat , cloak and periwig ; and reproaching him with phanatick , &c. they forced him to remove from his chamber which he had possessed peaceably before , and when this abuse was complained of , and the boys names given up to the principal , there was no redress given . v. at the late publick * laureation , he sat and publickly heard the confession of faith , after it had been approven in parliament , rediculed by dr. pitcairn ; yea , the existence of god impugned , without any answer or vindication . vi. he caused take down out of the library , all the pictures of the protestant reformers , and when quarrelled by some of the magistrates , gave this answer , that the sight of them might not be offensive to the chancellor , when he came to visit the colledge . vii . when mr. cunninghame had composed his eucharistick verses on the prince of wales , he not only approved them , but presented them to the chancellor with his own hand . viii . that the said dr. is given sometimes to cursing and swearing , an instance whereof is , be said to one of the scholars , god damn me , if it were not for the gown , i would crush you through this floor , or to the like purpose . ix . that the doctor is an ordinary neglecter of the worship of god in his family . x. that on saturday last he baptized the child of mr. james scott in the parish of the west kirk , without acquainting the minister thereof . answer to the articles given against doctor monro , upon the 27th of august , 1690. my lords and gentlemen . i return you my humble thanks , for giving me a copy of the unsubscribed articles , given in against me upon wednesday last : and by their being such , i find my self under no obligation to take notice of them : yet i make bold to intreat your lordships favour and patience for some minutes , to hear a more particular answer to that paper , than that which i then gave , resolving to trouble your lordships with none of the little shifts and niceties of form that are usual on such occasions . i. that i renoimced the protestant religion , and subscrib'd my self a papist , beyond sea. this is a spiteful and malicious calumny ; for as it is libelled , it is not supposable that it can be true ; for any thing i know , the papists require no subscriptions of such as go over from the protestants to their party . if i had inclinations to popery when i was in france , it is more than the libeller knows , and more than he will be able to prove ; and being now for twenty years past , by all the evidences by which one man knows another , * of the protestant religion ; any man will see the impertinence of this suspition : it is not worth the while to give a particular account of my life , but i allow them to make the inquisition as narrow as they can . and therefore if your lordships think it worth the while , mr. reid , the present serjeant of the town company ( who knew me all the time i was in france ) may be examined particularly upon this head , or upon any other thing relating to my life , and behaviour . but your lordships will consider i hope the impertinency of this accusation , since it is not possible to be ordained a presbyter of our church , without renouncing of popery ; and our ecclesiastical superiors , who ordained priests and deacons , according to the forms of the church of england , always since the restitution took care ( i hope ) to distinguish papists and protestants , by the most solemn oaths and national tests . next let it be considered , whether i endeavoured to advance the doctrines and designs of the roman-church , since i entered into the ministry , what good evidences for my being inclined to popery ? had i not a fair opportunity to take off the mask some years before the revolution ? was it any of the sermons i preached against popery , in the high church of edinburgh and in the abby of holyrood-house , when our zealous reformers were very quiet : to all which some hundreds of the best quality of the nation , were witnesses . and the libeller knows this article is set in the front , to make up the muster , and for no other end , since he dares no more appear to make good this , than the other triffling particulars . was it my swearing the oath of the test once and again , or my recommending to the scholars ( the first year i came here ) such books as i judged most proper to discover and confute the superstitions of the roman church . had it not been far easier for the libeller ( who hath no regard to truth or probability ) to have cast into this paper more odious crimes ? but i was in france , and therefore behoved to be a papist , * and this is enough for this triffling lybeller ; i am very sure none of the papists ever thought me one . the second article , is a confirmation of the first , mr. burnet , was suspect of popery when he came here , and i did all i could to get scholars to his class , * particularly i spoke to bailey grahame for his son , and the chancellour thanked me for the care i took of mr. burnets concern , and such as he was . the then magistrates of edinburgh , several of the learned colledge of physicians , and all the professors of this university will bear me witness , that i left no stone unturned to keep mr. burnet out of this colledge : and yet the libeller hath the honesty to accuse me , that mr. burnet was suspect of popery ; was this my fault , or was it truly a fault in mr. burnet , that he was suspect of popery ? the lord archbishop of glascow and sir thomas kennedy , then protest , will vindicate me in this particular : for it is very well known how much i opposed mr. burnet's entry here ; a gentleman of known parts and integrety , one of the professors of philosophy in the old colledge of st. andrews , was the man i wished to fill up the vacance that happened by the death of mr. lidderdale ; * but mr. burnet being once thrust in upon us , ( more by the duke of gordon than the earl of perth ) what could i do with him ? my care of this house obliged me to make him as useful as i could : he lay under the suspicion of being popish , but i knew this to be a calumny ; and if i had not endeavoured to get him some scholars , we should have wanted one entire class in the colledge : this is the true reason why i spoke to bailzie grahame to send his son to mr. burnet , and procured an act of the faculty ( for i could make none as the libeller impertinently suggests ) that such as were mr. lidderdale's scholars the preceeding year should be taught for that year , in no other class but mr. burnet's who succeeded to his charge . this was no arbitrary stretch of mine , but a just defence of the current and usual customes of the house ; for mr. burnet having the second class , could expect none else but the students that were taught in mr. lidderdale's class the preceeding year ; but it is added , i did all this , because i favoured popery , and the chancellour thanked me for it . but this is a down right lye , for i never entertain'd the chancellour with discourses of mr. burnet , besides , for any thing i know , the chancellour had no value for him . iii. the next , is that formidable one , of reading the english service in my family , in that interval , when there was no national church government here . but the libeller forgets , that this quite frustrates his first attempt ; they must be odd kind of papists that read the service of the church of england , upon the 5th of november ; but the libeller adds , that the book of common prayer was never allowed here since the reformation ; does he mean that the service of the protestant church of england was used here before the reformation ; but to let this go , the book of common prayer was read in many families in scotland , ever since the restitution of king charles ii. and publickly read in the abbey of hollyrood-house , in the reign of king charles the first , and i hope the tolleration by king james did not exclude the english prayers : but upon enquiry it will be found , that they were the first prayers that were read in scotland after the reformation ; for * buchannan tells us expresly , as you see in the margin , and buchanans testimony is the more remarkable , that the confession of faith was ratified in parliament that very year , so that we have not only the private practice of a few great reformers , wisheart , and several others , to justifie the english liturgy ; but also the solemn concession of the whole nation , who thought their confession then ratified , had in it nothing contradictory to or inconsistent with the book of common prayer , rites , and ceremonies of the church of england : and such as plead for their separation from the church of england , from the practices of the first reformers here , go upon an unpardonable mistake in our history . but the plain matter of fact , is this , when i left off preaching in the high church : i advised with some of my brethren , and the result was , that we should read the book of common prayer , and preach within our familes , per vices , since most of them were acquainted , somewhat , with the liturgy of the church of england . neither did we think , when quakers and all sects were tolerated , that we should be blamed for reading those prayers within our private families , which we prefer to all other forms now used in the christian church : neither had we any design to proselite the people to any thing they had no mind to , else i might have read the liturgy in one of the publick schools within the colledge . and it must not be said we were afraid to venture upon the publick exercise of it because of the rabble , for during the session of the colledge , it is very well known in the city , that the mobile durst not presume to give us the least disturbance : however , the matter succeeded beyond what we proposed or looked for ; we preached to the people upon the sundays , they came by hundreds more than we had room for , and very many became acquainted with the liturgy of the church of england , and perceived by their own experience , there was neither popery nor superstition in it ; and when the libeller knows it better , he will forbear his violence and foolish cavilling . but your lordships will not think i make all this apology , as if i were diffident of the intrinsick excellency of common prayer , or that i had done something that needs an excuse ; for i look upon the church of england , as the true pillar and centre of the reformation ; and if her enemies should lay her in the dust , ( which god forbid ) there is no other bulwark in britain , to stop or retard the progress of either popery or enthusiasme : and i wonder men should retain so much bitterness against the church of england , valued and admired by all foreign churches , and whose liturgie ( as it is the most serious and comprehensive ) so it is the most agreeable to the primitive forms ; but if there was no law for it , there was none against it ; there was no national church government here then , and why might not we read the prayers of that church from which we derive our ordination to the priesthood , since the restauration of the king charles the 2d . iv. but i am ( as it is said ) highly disaffected to the government in the church and state , as appears by a letter to the arch-bishop of st. andrews , dated january 5. 1689. intercepted by hamilton of kinkell . but the libeller should remember , that the letter is of a much older date than the present government either in church or state , and that at that time , things looked rather like a total interregnum , than any setled government ; and if that letter ( written in the time of the tumuks ) retain any vestiges of fervour and impatience , your lordships will impute that , partly to the troubled state of things , and partly to the hard and unchristian oppression of the clergy of the western shires : and let not the word phanatick be extended to signifie a presbyterian , further than the presbyterians verifie the name by their practices : for i think there may be a presbyterian , who may not deserve that name , such as have been in france , and are in holland . as to that sentence , informing my lord st. andrews of a certain clergy man who had groaned under episcopacy , i had it by mis-information , i wrote it hastily , and now i retract it , and am glad i have the opportunity to do so : i remember when the letter was delivered to your lordships , i was chafed into some degrees of passion , that hamilton of kinkell should have used me so unworthily , as to break open my letters ; for no honest man will break open other mens letters , without order from the publick ; and then i said , all the ill offices that ever i did him , was to hinder once and again , letters of * caption against him ; and lest i should be said to upbraid hamilton of kinkell with the kindness i never did him , let mr. alexander monro ( who was then attorney agent for the new colledge of st. andrews ) produce the letters i wrote him in favours of kinkell , six or seven years ago , notwithstanding that he , the said mr. alexander monro , had orders to use diligence against the said kinkell , and to recover what was owing by him to the new colledge : but this gentleman's ingratitude to persons of greater quality , who sav'd him from the gibbet , is very well known over all the nation . a second instance of my being disaffected to the government of the state , is , that i dimitted my charge in the high church , lest i might be obliged to pray for king william and queen mary , &c. let the libeller consider the paper by which i dimitted my office in that church , and see if there be any such reason for my dimission inserted in that paper . i could name other reasons for my dimission , besides those mention'd in that paper ; but the libeller is very confident of his guesses , without the least evidence to found them upon ; and i do not believe that the presbyterians were angry with me on that head ; that i left off preaching in a church , which they were so very fond to have in their own possession ; and tho' the labeller was very well pleas'd with my dimission then , yet he can take it now by another handle , when he thinks to do me harm by it ; but such ill-natur'd impertinencies should not be answered . the next is , that i rojoyced upon the news of my lord dundee his victory . this is pleasant enough : for he could name no outward sign or expression of it ; he thinks i rejoiced , and therefore sets it down as a ground of accusation ; so , my lords , it was impossible for me to shun this , unless i had been dead some time before the victory ; for this libeller names his conjectures , dark consequences , and remote probabilities , for sufficient evidence ; for any thing he knew , this joy appeared no where but on the inward theatre of my mind ; but to make the story pass , why did he not name the usual and extravagant frolicks that attend such mirth ? where was it ? and with what company ? was he invited to this merry meeting himself ? but this is no part of his business , to circumstantiate things as common sence and justice would require in accusations : this brings to my mind , the legend of mother juliana , that was said to smell souls , and at a good distance to discern whether they were in the state of grace , or under the power of sin. i have answered once already , that it was an impudent and impious thing to pretend to omniscience , and that i had some relations in mackays army , for whom i was extraordinary solicitous : the libeller does not think i rejoyced at the fall of my lord dundee , i assure him of the contrary , for no gentleman , souldier , scholar , or civiliz'd citizen , will find fault with me for this ; i had an extraordinary value for him ; and such of his enemies , as retain any generosity , will acknowledge he deserved it . and he should consider , that the victories obtained in a civil war are no true cause of joy : our brethren , friends , acquaintances , and fellow christians must fall to the ground . the pagan romans knew better things , than to allow of public shews of triumph upon such occasion . bella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos . but the libeller may prove more successful in his next attempt . that i prosecute all the presbyterian party to the utmost of my power , but this is like all the rest of his bold calumnies : i thank god i have no such presbyterian temper , for i never hated any man for his opinion , unless by it he thinks himself obliged to destroy me and mine ; and such truly i consider as the tyrannical enemies of humane society . but he would have acted his part more skillfully , if he could have named some dissenters in the parishes of dumfermling , kinglassie , or weems ( where i was once minister ) that i had prosecuted before the secular judge for nonconformity , which i might have easily done , had i been so very sierce as the libeller represents me , having easie access to the greatest men of the state at that time . but i give him and all his associates open defiance upon this head ; not that i blame them that did otherways in obedience to the laws of the nation , for their extravagant tricks did frequently require and extort it from some ministers . the next instance is , that i broke open mr. james inglish his chamber door , and ejected him out of the colledge , for preaching in a meeting house in perth-shire . but if mr. james inglish be a presbyterian , it is more than i know . i heard that he was a behemenist , i heard his testificate from oxford did bear that he was much devoted to the church of england : and i know , that for his habitual lying , and slandering of his brethren in the presbytery of perth , he was deposed ( after an orderly and exact process ) by the right reverend doctor bruce , then bishop of dunkeld , and that the oath of the test was never offered to mr. james inglish ; altho' to ingratiate himself with the presbyterians at this revolution , he pretends to be deposed on meerly for not complying with that . but to my purpose , i think , about three years ago ( the colledge then being very throng ) several gentlemen importuned me to procure chambers for their children within the colledge ; at which time mr. inglish had no use for a chamber within the colledge , being for the most part absent : i sent the janitor to him , and ordered him to tell mr. inglish that we were very throng , and i would take it for a great complement , if he would part with that chamber ; yet i ordered the janitor to treat the said mr. inglish with all civility and discretion , and not to straiten him . the janitor went as he was ordered : mr. inglish returned answer , that now indeed he had no use for a chamber in the colledge , but since he understood there was a design another should have it , he would not part with it , and he would keep it in spite of my teeth : some days after , as i was going through the upper court , i met with some marks of incivility from him . the next news i hear of mr. inglish is , that he had raised letters of * law-barrows against me , and offered himself to swear before the lords of session , he dreaded me bodily harm . but the then lord president lockart rejected the letters , with indignation , without my interposal or knowledge . for i knew nothing of this malicious diligence against me , until some of my friends sent me the letters of law-barrows rejected in praesentia ; i gave this account of the whole affair to sir thomas kennedy , then lord provost of edinburgh ; he immediately sent his officers to discharge mr. inglish from the colledge , who when they came , they did not break open his door , nor was his furniture cast out ; but after all this provocation , i gave him all the days he sought , for ordering his things conveniently , and peaceably to retire . so much of mr. inglish his persecution for being a presbyterian : and i beg your lordships pardon , that i have kept you so long upon this particular . but the libeller adds , i was challenged for this , and returned answer , i would suffer none of mr. inglish his principles to continue within the house . that i was challenged for this , is an untruth , and consequently i made no such answer . if by principles he mean faction , contention , and sawciness , i confess i did not love these qualities ; but if by principles , he means the new opinions and fancies , which denominate a man a presbyterian , i behoved to extrude several of the students , who are likely to adhere more tenaciously to their tenets , than mr. inglish can be supposed to do ; but some even of them so principled will bear me witness , that i treated them with the same civility i did others , according to their good behaviour . the next man i persecuted for being presbyterian is mr. gourlay , and his persecution did so exactly meet with the time of his being licensed to preach by the presbytery ; mr. cuninghame and mr. kennedy's scholars drove him from his chamber , and no redress of all this . the libeller is certainly very critical and exact in this part of his inquisition ; for there was no mark of contempt put upon mr. gourlay here ( says he ) until he preached , and until he was licensed to preach by the presbyterians ; this is wisely observed , for if i could have gotten mr. gourlay out of the colledge i had accomplished a great design for episcopacy ! it is not enough for the libeller to represent me as an ill man , but he must have me thought an idiot . but the matter of fact , as to this trifle , is , that mr. gourlay , some years before i came to the colledge , attempted to teach the * semy class , in mr. kennedy's absence : but the boys then found him quite out of his element , and drove him out of the schools with snow-balls to the foot of the colledge lane. my lords and gentlemen , i appeal to you , if , after this affront , it was ever possible for little gourlay , in so numerous a society , to recover his reputation , unless it be supposed , that so many boys in health and vigour , should want all degrees of petulance and levity : i am sure he that tries them next , when i am gone , will find he has no utopian common-wealth to govern : and yet i think they are as obedient and regular as so many youths in any part of the world. when mr. gourlay came to me , i went with him , and i was so forward to punish the youths , that before i heard them plead in their own defence , i fin'd some of them in a pecuniary mulct . but the students finding that they were thus treated by gourlay , they presently caball'd themselves into a more numerous combination , of which i knew nothing ; and then it was that gourlay found it convenient to retire . but as to this second assault made upon him , no complaint was ever entred , no names were ever given up to me . and i again beg your lordships pardon , that i have spent so many lines on this impertinence . and mr. gourlay will pardon me , if i do not set down the particular acts of imprudence , open folly and ignorance , by which he made it impossible for him to live here without a guard. why the students in mr. cuninghame and mr. kennedy's classes should only be named , the libeller and i both know a very good reason for it ; but because it would seem malicious , i now wave it . v. the next accusation is , that i heard dr. pitcairn at the late publick commencement , treat the confession of faith at westminster , in ridicule , and impugn the existence of a deity , without answering him . my lords , my patience is quite tired with this impertinence : i was not in the desk , nor bound to preside at those exercises , and so not concerned to answer : but my good friend , dr. pitcairn , is more able to answer for himself and me both than i am . only , the sneaking libeller is grosly ignorant and malicious , for the doctor did not impugn the existence of a deity , he endeavoured fairly , like a true philosopher , to load some propositions in the thesis with this absurdity ( hoc posito sequeretur illud ) the most sacred fundamentals in religion are thus , disputed in the schools , not with a design to overthrow them ( as he ignorantly fancies ) but to establish and set them in their true light , that they may appear in their evidence : is it necessary to answer the silly conceits of such a libeller , who should not be suffered to enter the publick hall , if he must censure and mis-represent the most exact and usual methods of all schools in christendom ? yet i foresaw that some ignorant or malicious people would mis-represent this argument , and therefore i desired the doctor to let it fall , and without any more he did so . vi. the next crime is , i removed some pictures of the first reformers , for a day or two , out of their place in the library , and that i was challenged for this by the magistrates . to this i answer , that the magistrates never challenged me for it ; for they knew well enough there was no hazard of my running away with them : but i gave the true and satisfactory answer to this article , to sir john hall , provost of edinburgh , upon wednesday last , and it needs not be made publick unless he please . and i am not very sollicitous whether ever the libeller be satisfied about it , i hope the nobility and gentry , who sit here , will. vii . the next is , that i presented on eucharistick poem , composed by mr. cuninghame , upon the birth of the prince of wales , to my lord chancellour with my own hand . where the libeller had the word [ eucharistic ] i know not ; it is his misfortune that some of his darling expressions discover him more frequently than he 's aware : it seems he had read upon the frontispiece of the poem , tetrastic , and he stumbled as near as he could , by setting down eucharistic , but by what propriety of speech he knew not ; i am sure the bonefires , illuminations , glasses , and wine flung over the cross , were all of them as eucharistic as the poem , and the town of edinburgh should answer this , not i : nay , the council of scotland complemented the king on this occasion : yet it may be the libeller had some other design , by chusing some word near the eucharist , that mr. cuninghame and i might be thought to advance the doctrine of transubstantiation . but that i gave the poem to the chancellour , beginning trino nate di● , is acknowledged by me . viii . the next is a horrid and impious curse against my self , when i threatned one of the scholars . my lords , i did look for some such accusation ; for it is not usual for the presbyterians to load men of a different opinion from them with ordinary escapes : they must represent them as abominable , and as sinners of the first rate ; for all that are not of their way can have no fairer quarter , yet i could not easily guess who should first invent this prodigious calumny , a lye so notorious , that it could not come out of the mouth of an ordinary sinner . the story of this scholar , and the true original of the slander is this . in the beginning of nov. 1688. i found that robert brown the plunderer ( who was then mr. kennedy's servant ) had been for a good while practising upon some of the students , to enter into tumults , break all order and discipline , and to burn publickly some mock effigies of the pope : this certainly would have ruined the peace and order of our society , many bad consequences did frequently attend it : not only were the students debauched from their books , but their lives exposed every moment to hazard by the tumults : besides , that our colledge had felt the bad effects of it some years before . upon the account of this , and some other notorious villanies , i procured robert brown to be imprisoned , however , at the same time i gave him a piece of money to serve him that night , upon the marrow i pleaded he might be set at liberty , upon his promise of amendment , which was done accordingly ; but the villain grew worse and worse , till at last he became captain of the rabble ; and in requital of my forbearance towards him , he writes and fixes a placade upon the colledge gate threatning to kill the regents , ordering me to r●cant my sermon against the tumults , and charging me with all the blood-shed at the abbey * ( this placade is still in my keeping ) notwithstanding of all this , i forbore to extrude him upon plausible considerations , at the intreaty of some , and still he went on in his wicked course , and all the robberies committed upon poor people were laid at our doors , as if our scholars were to be blamed for his extravagancies : at last he committed an out-rage , which might have hanged a hundred . there was a woman in my lord president 's house , whom this brown caressed and frequented , and she had a quarrel with another maid-servant who was popish ; immediately brown is imployed by his godly mistress to banish the popish maid from the house . he willingly undertook the service , gathered his troop , and entered the house ( my lady being in child-bed , and my lord president himself at london ) brown thus invading the lord president 's house , my lady was almost frighted to death ; and we that were masters of the colledge thought our selves so disgraced , that the house of our great and learned patron should be thus rifled in his absence , by one of our scholars , when his lady was lying in : and when we thought that my lord president could not but be highly offended , to hear that we had thus requited him for many favours he had done to this university , i confess , i could no longer forbear , i went to the class where brown was , and called him to the upper gallery , and gave him all his most proper names , and threatned him , if he did not immediately beg my lady lockart's pardon , i would break his bones , all those big words i said to him , and the day thereafter extruded him with the usual swore : upon which he frequently swore he would be revenged ; and told the under janitor , robert henderson , that he had bought a pair of pistols to shoot me ( one might have served ) i beg your lordships pardon for this tedious and unpleasant story ; for none else but robert bown , or some of his associates would ever have accused me of such an impious curse . and when the libeller will be ingenuous ( which i do not expect ) he must confess the original of this impudent slander to be just as i have related it , and let him consult , as much as he pleases , brown for more materials to make up a libel ; for i assure him i think my self disgrac'd if he , or any of his accomplices , speak good of me . xi . the next is , that i ordinarily neglect the worship of god in my family . sometimes i am accused for having too many prayers in my family , and now that i ordinarily neglect prayers ( for 〈◊〉 guess , by the worship of god , he only means that part of it ) but this is a common place , and all of the episcopal perswasion must be represented as atheists and scandalous , void of all devotion and piety : but very few of any sense or quality will believe this impertinent slander , either in the country , or the city of edinburgh where we are known ; therefore i thought it not worth any answer . x. the next is , i baptized upon sunday last mr. james scot his child , without acquainting the minister of the west-kirk . when mr. patrick hepburn , who is the lawful minister there ( tho' he be of the episcopal persuasion , as yet is neither censured nor deposed ) will find fault with what i have done , i shall indeavour to make amends ; but i need not fear any trouble this way , since i had his leave before : but the libeller means mr. david williamson , the presbyterian mininister , who hath no legal claim , either to the benefice or ministry there : this is a piece of the ordinary modesty of the libeller , who is not concerned to enquire into this matter , nor do i decline to give a reasonable account of what i have done , to any body that asks it , no , not to mr. williamson , if he will but prove himself the legal minister of that place , and withall make good the new paradox , wherewith he hath lately blessed the world , in his sermon before the parliament , viz. that our saviour died a martyr for the presbyterian government , then i acknowledge my self obliged , ●ure divino to beg mr. williamson's pardon : however , the child is baptized according to the form of the catholick church , and i hope they do not undervalue ceremonies of divine institution so much , as to re-baptize him . my lord provost , i was interrogate wednesday last upon some other things , that i do not find in the copy of articles given me , as first , that i frequently preached unfound doctrine , but this is an impertinent and indefinite accusation ( there is no doubt but the libeller would have preached otherways than i did , had he been in the pulpit ) by this the visitors may see , that the libeller had no other design in his head , than to gather together such articles as he thought would make me most odious . what is sound , or un-sound doctrine , he as little knows , as he does the secret of the philosophers stone . then again , that i thought my self independent on the town of edinburgh ; but i gave a full anser to this the last day . then , that i went on to laureat , the last class , without acquainting the magistrates of the town , or the treasurer of the colledge . the provost knows the first part to be a lye ; besides , that it is not practicable , for this civility and deference to the magistrates runs in course , and cannot be omited . that i did not wait upon the treasurer , is become a fault only since we had a treasurer that mistook his figure , for when he knows himself and the colledge better , he will forbear such impertinencies . the next was , that i did not punish the scholars for whoring and drinking . there was not one scholar , since i had the government of the colledge , convict of either , nor so much as complained of ; but it is naturally impossible for him to forbear calumny ; the viper must either burst or spit his poison . i was then again interrogate about the bursars of theologie and philosophy ▪ to which i gave a full answer on wednesday last . upon thursday the 18th of sept. 1690 , the inquisitors sat and some of the presbyterian ministers having look'd over the publick records , thought they had discovered a dangerous plot 〈◊〉 the occasion whereof was this by king james's proclamation for indulgence we could not impose the former oaths upon our students , when they commenced masters of art , and therefore , lest they should go oft without any ingagement , the former oath was comprized into this short promise pollicemur in deum fidem inviolabilem , in religions christiana reformata perseverantiam erga serenissimum dominum regem obedientiam , &c. but it fell out so that the word [ reformata ] was left out in some place , by which they would conclude either that the promise was indefinite , or that there was a blank left to be filled up upon occasion with a word , in favours of some other religion different from the reformed . if the first be intended , it is no new thing to find the students here sworn to oaths as indefinite , as this is ; for the puritas and veritas evangelii , in the oath imposed by dr. golvil , is coincident with the christian religion , mentioned in the form now challenged ; for i never understood by the protestant religion any thing but christianity unmixt . but if this be said to be too general , look the records , ann. 1662 , and ye shall find that there is not the least mention of religion in the oath imposed . if the second be said that there was a blank left on design , it is humbly desired to know what the design could be ; the bibliothecarius is ready to depone that he never intended a blank , nor was he ever ordered a blank ; and the rest of the masters may be interrogate , whether ever they knew of any such design . so that this phrase , religio christiana , without the word [ reformata ] once varied , is purely the result of chance , and no design . at the doctors first appearing , it was talked of with that warmth and concern , that he thought the gun-powder-treason was in the belly of it ; so that the bibliothecarius his deposition , who swore that he wrote nothing in the book , but by order ▪ is not to the purpose , unless he acknowledge a bla●●●●●gned by him in that manner of writing , and ordered by the doctor or some of the masters ; all this bustle comes to nothing , unless the christian religion in the formula of promise now challenged , signifie the anti-christian religion ; and if that be , i have no more to say in his defence . the report of the committee , concerning doctor monro . at edinburgh , september , 23 , 1690. the committee considering that doctor monro princicipal of the colledge of edinburgh , did judicially refuse to comply with the qualifications required by the act appointing the visitation of colledges , except as to his subscribing the confession of faith ; as also it appears by his written answers , read and given judicially by him , that such as were mr. lidderdale's scholars the preceeding year , should be taught that year in no other class , save mr. burnets , ( who he confesses lay under the suspition of being popish ) under pretence of making a gap in the colledge , and for other reasons known to the primar himself , as the act bears ; and he does not alledge , that he used means to cause master burnet purge himself of the said suspicion : and further , that he did take down the pictures of the protestant reformers out of the bibliotheque , at a time , when the earl of perth , the late chancellour , came to visit the colledge , without any pretence or excuse , but that the late provost of edinburgh did advise him thereto ; and that on the 23d of august last , he baptized a child in the parish of the west-kirk , without acquainting of the minister of the parish , or license from him ; which is contrare to the rules of the established church government ; as also that he acknowledged , that he had no publick dictates one whole year , but only catechizing ; and that it appears by the publick registers of the magistrand laureation ; that whereas , from the year 1663 , and till the year 1687. the magistrands were alwaies sworn to continue in the verity and purity of the gospel , or in the christian religion reformed according to the purity of the gospel ; yet in the year 1687 and 1688. when doctor monro was principal , he takes the magistrands obliged only to persevere in the christian religion ; and this blank is found three several times in the book , viz. at two publick laureations , and a private one ; and the doctor having laid the blame on the bibliothecarius his negligence , and craving the bibliothecarius might be examined thereupon ▪ he being accordingly sworn and examined , depones , that what he wrote in the magistrand books , was either by direction of the primar or of one of the regents , and in presence of a faculty , or of a quorum of them ; and that what he did write , was alwaies read over in the presence of the masters and the scholars ; and particularly the alteration of the promise made at the graduation , in the year 1687 , as also the committee considering , that at the two last laureations , in the year 1689 and 1690 , neither oath nor promise was required at the graduation . it is therefore the opinion of the committee , that doctor alexander monro , principal of the colledge of edinburgh , be deprived of his office , as primar there ; and that the said office be declared vacant . there is a letter written by the said doctor , and directed to the late arch-bishop of st. andrews , dated jan. 5. 1689. owned and acknowledged by the doctor to be his hand write , the consideration whereof is remitted to the commission . the sentence of deprivation against dr. monro . at edinburgh , september 25 ▪ 1690. the lords and others of the commission appointed by act of parliament , for visitation of universities , colledges , and schools , having this day heard and considered the above written report of the committee of the colledge of edinburgh , anent doctor monro primar of the colledge of edinburgh ; deposition and other instructions produced , and also doctor monro being ask'd , if he was presently willing to swear the oath of allegiance to their majesties king william and queen mary , and to sign the same , with the assurance , and the confession of faith , ( which formerly he had offered to sign before the said committee ) and if he would declare his willingness , to submit himself to the present church government , as now establish'd ; the said doctor monro , did judicially in presence of the said commission , refuse to sign the said confession of faith , and to take the said other engagements , required to be done by the said act of parliament : and also did judicially acknowledge his written answers produced before the committee ; and did confess , he caused remove the pictures of the reformers out of the library : therefore the said commission , approves of the foresaid committees report , and finds the same sufficiently verified and proven ; and hereby , deprives the said doctor alexander monro of his place , as primar of the said colledge of edinburgh , and declares the said place vacant . sic subscribitur crafurd , p. a review of the above-mentioned report of the committee , appointed to visit the colledge of edinburgh , concerning doctor monro . the report . the committee considering , that doctor monro principal of the colledge of edinburgh , did judicially refuse to comply with the qualifications required by the act appointing the visitation of colledges ; except , as to the subscribing the confession of faith. review . first ; it cannot be denied , but that the doctor did once and again , deliberately , plainly , and openly , refuse to comply with the new test , appointed by the late act of parliament for masters of universities ; but then it is necessary for strangers to know what this test is , and then they will see , upon what design it was invented , and why it was imposed upon masters of universities , and not upon the whole clergy of the nation . first , all masters of universities , were required to sign the westminster confession of faith in every article , and to hold every article de fide , without any limitation , explication , restriction , or latitude : when the doctor gave in his answers to the committee , he was that afternoon asked , if he would comply with the act of parliament ; he told them , he had considered the act of parliament , and he could not comply with it : for , said he , it is needless to insist on particulars , though i should agree to it in some instances , i cannot comply with it in its full extent ; and , in our language , this is molum ex quolibet defectu ▪ bonum ex integra causa ; thus he answered once , so he had reason to expect , they would never give him any trouble about this question . but the committee upon the 〈…〉 day of august , would needs ask him again , whether he would sign the westminister confession of faith ; the doctor thought this question was asked to satisfie their private curiosity , not at all with regard to the report they were to make to the general commission ; since he positively told them before , that he would not comply with the new test ; therefore he yielded so far to their importunity , as to tell them he had no great scruples against the confession of faith , and that if the westminster confession of faith , was imposed , as vinculum unitatis ecclesiasticae , and nothing else required , he might be induced to comply with it very chearfully ; he was then removed , and in the interval of his absence before he was called again , one of the ministers desired , that no more questions should be asked , for in case , said he , ( he should comply with the other particulars of the test , where are we then ) i had this from a person of honour who was present , a member of the visitation : but as long as the test stood as now it stands , mr. kennedy , if he be the man , needed not be so much afraid of the doctor 's compliance : this confession , as to the confession of faith , is by their sentence , made to contradict his publick refusal to sign it before the commission ; as if every article of that book should be received as infallible truth ; was it not enough , that he was content to sign the confession of faith , with that freedome and latitude , the protestant churches used to impose confessions upon their members : but the earl of crawford , praeses of the general commission , asked the doctor when he was sisted before them , whether he would sign the westminister confession of faith , without restriction , limitation , explication , or any reserve whatsoever ; to this , the doctor answered plainly and resolutely , he would not ; nor are confessions thus imposed in any protestant church upon earth ; they look upon them as secondary rules , and consequently to be examined by the word of god : and the most accurate humane composures , may afterwards be found in some one instance or other , to have swerved from the infallible and original rule of faith ; but the presbyterian severity may appear in this , that they read the scriptures with design to defend their own dictates ; whereas , others read all dictates with an eye to the holy scriptures : the doctor was content to defend and assert upon all occasions , all these articles in that book that were uniformly received in all protestant churches ; nay more , he was content never openly and contentiously to dispute against any of the doctrines contained in that book , so as to advance faction or parties ; but to sign the confession of faith in all articles , and to hold every one of them to be de fide , he thought not consistent with the freedome of universities and schools : they might have learned to be a little more modest , from the practice of the united dissenters in and about london , who allow any man to be an orthodox christian , and fit to be received into their own refined communion , if he hold the doctrinal part of the 39 articles of the church of england ; but the presbyterians , tho' they have no standard of unity , yet they are mightily rigorous in their impositions ; and it is a little odd , that they should have mentioned this , concerning the confession of faith , in their report , since the doctor once and again , told them before the committee , that the condition that qualified men by law for their places in universities , was a complex thing , which he could not comply with ; such a rigorous imposition was never intended by the parliament : they thought it necessary for masters of universities to sign it , as vinculum pacis ecclesiasticae ; but the ministers were to comment upon the act , and extend it as was most subservient to their design : the presbyterians are against infallibility in the theory , but will not allow their own dictates to be disputed ; yet when this confession first appeared , they themselves did not receive it without restrictions and explications ; but if there be so much mischief in impositions ; ( as sometimes they would make us believe ) it is in those of this kind , where our understandings are captivate to believe the lesser niceties and decisions of dogmatick men , to be de fide ; which ( with leave of the presbyterians ) i reckon a far greater and more spiritual bondage , than bowing of my knees when i receive the holy eucharist : if men were so wise , after our endless and foolish disputes , as not needlesly to multiply the articles of our faith ; how quickly might the christian church be united on its apostolical center , of unity and simplicity ; the papists will not part with one barbarous word , nor the presbyterians with the least iota of their orthodox stuff ; though they plead the tenderness of their consciences very loudly , when they are only bid do things in their nature indifferent , to preseve external peace and uniformity . the next branch of this test , was , the oath of allegiance to king william and queen mary . one great piece of policy , which the presbyterians manage against the episcopal party , is , never to require obedience to the civil authority , without the mixture of some presbyterian test ; when this severity is complained of , they clamourously alledge , that the episcopal party are enemies to king william and queen mary , and openly in the coffee-houses at london vent , that there was none of the clergy of scotland , met with any ill usage , but merely upon the account of their disloyalty to king william and queen mary : upon the whole matter , i have no more at present to say ; but that the presbyterians are never so much out of humour , as when they know their opposites heartily complie with the civil government : then they find it a little more difficult to turn them out , tho' this trouble amounts to no more than the forming of a libel of scandals , and judging them that are libelled , by the same men that accuse them . but the presbyterian hypothesis ( when its consequences are duely considered ) allows no true allegiance to any king upon earth ; if after all , there lies no appeal from the ecclesiastical court to him , to whom i swear allegiance ; for two co-ordinate supreme powers in one state , is a contradiction ; and therefore , whenever i am required to swear allegiance to the king ; the first thing i humbly crave , is , to be delivered from that presbytery , which will supersede that allegiance upon occasion ; for it is not enough to tell me , that the power of the presbyterians is spiritual , and the other is secular ; for i feel their spiritual power meddles with all my temporals ; that tho' i hear the voice of jacob , i am oppressed by the hands of esau : and tho' it is an easie thing for them to tell me , they only meddle in ordine ad spiritualia ; yet , that is but a word , and but a foolish one too ; for by the same logick , they may cut my throat , as well as turn me out of my house and living , and both may be said to be in ordine ad spiritualia : but every man knows , how inconsistent the presbyterian principles are with the royal prerogative of kings : and it is very hard to leave the episcopal clergy to their mercy , who , by their hopes of heaven , are sworn to destroy them in the solemn league and covenant , which is still the standard ; and tho' they think it not time all of them again to renew it ; yet they magnifie it on all occasions , and act exactly conform to it . the next branch of the new test , is , the certificate or assurance , which you may read in the act of parliament : if allegiance , naturally imply an affectionate and sincere resolution to serve the king , against all others upon all occasions ; then some will say , this additional tye of fidelity , is superfluous ; i am sure that many in england who will endeavour to serve the government with all chearfulness , and zeal , could not be made to subscribe any such declaration as this is : but let it be remembred , that when this act passed in parliament , very few either of the nobility or gentry were present . the fourth article of the test requires , that they should submit to the presbyterian kirk government ; for if they had complyed with the former three , this was a sufficient reserve for the presbyterian interest ; every thing the masters did or said , good or bad , might be turned into a libel , and they were judges of what every libel deserved : their discipline is a bottomless abyss ; the masters behoved to be tenants at will , if once they submitted to their government : it was an easie thing for the presbyterians to from libels : nay , rather it is impossible for them not to form them ; for so many of them desiring to be thrust into these places , it was folly to expect any peaceable possession . and if there were no other reason to refuse the test now appointed ; but that it required submission to presbytery , i think any knowing and ingenuous man might be excused for his non-compliance . now you have seen the test in all its branches , and strangers will be surprized , to hear that there are no oaths at present required in scotland of any clergy man , but only of the masters of universities . the reason is this , the presbyterians intended speedily to plant themselves in these places , and for the rest of the clergy they doubt not quickly to dispossess them of their livings , by the power of their government , upon such pretences as they can easily devise and suggest against them . such of the presbyterians as entered into the universities took the oaths ; but it was thought sit to impose no oaths upon the whole body of the presbyterians , that the kirk might preserve its independency upon the state ; so this law was not made for the saints , but for wicked men and malignants . they know they may dispatch the rest of the clergy by methods , such as are frequently complained of : for who can stand before the force of presbytery ? sternit agros , sternit sata laeta , boumque labores praecipitesque trahit silvas . like an impetuous torrent that runs all down before it . report . as also it appears by his written answers read , and given judicially by himself , that he made an act of the faculty , that such as were mr. lidderdale's scholars the preceeding year , should be taught that year in no other class , than that of mr. burnet's ( who he confesses lay under the suspition of being popish ) under pretence of making a gap in the colledge , and for other reasons known to the principal himself , as the act bears . and he does not alledge that he used means to cause mr. burnet purge himself of the said suspition . review . there are here a great many things jumbled together , and therefore they must be explained more particularly . but it was not possible for the ministers that drew up this report , to have contained more non-sence and malice in so few words . and some persons of quality , who were members of this visitation , doe confess that the doctor did nothing in mr. burnet's affair , but what they would have done , if they had been in his circumstances : but the matter of fact is this : there fell a regents place vacant in the colledge of edinburgh , by the death of mr. lidderdale : mr. burnet had his eye upon this place a good while before mr. lidderdale died , and so prevented the diligence of all competitors : he was recommended very strongly to the provost , and other magistrates of edinburgh who are patrons . the doctor , upon the death of mr. lidderdale , fixed his eye on mr. james martin , professour of philosophy in the old colledge of st. andrews , his particular friend and acquaintance , who had taught philosophy several years in that famous university , with great success and applause ; and did recommend him with all the zeal imaginable to the magistrates , that he might be chosen in the room of mr. lidderdale , now deceased ! several divines and physicians , men of unquestionable learning and reputation , in the city , know that the doctor used all means to keep mr. burnet out of the colledge : but mr. burnet ( being recommended by the duke of gordon , and his friends at edinburgh being pre-ingaged to lay hold upon this advantage as soon as there was occasion , ) prevailed in this competition , notwithstanding the doctor , and several other friends , did with all vigour interpose in favours of mr. james martyn . mr. thomas burnet had emitted some theses , in which were some positions favourable to the absolute power of kings , and particularly the king of scots : it seems this was magnified by the person of quality that recommended him to the town of edinburgh ; several people did upon this suspect him either to be a papist , or not far from popery , if any strong temptation did assault him ; and this was industriously propagated by some against him ; so that many were determined to keep back their children , either from his class , or from the colledge for good and all . the doctor found that the colledge was at a disadvantage by such reports , as were founded on slight surmises , and therefore he was at the pains to undeceive some citizens and others , that mr. burnet was no papist ; and this he had good reason to do , because mr. burnet , as soon as he entered regent in the colledge of edinburgh , offered chearfully to sign the test , and renounce all popery and phanaticism . and therefore the doctor ( having nothing in his view , but the publick advantage of the house , and that there might be an even ballance betwixt the four professours of philosophy ; and that none of them might make a monopoly , either of the scholars that came to be taught , or of the profits got by them ) took all possible care to make mr. burnet as useful as he could , tho' he was thrust into that colledge against all the endeavours the doctor could use to keep him out of it . if he had done otherways , and suffered such reports to flie abroad , the country would have concluded all the masters in the house were popishly affected , and so withdrawn their children from the seminary . the fear that many would absent themselves from the colledge on this occasion , touched the doctor to the quick , and made him struggle with all possible industry to keep up the reputation of that house , especially since the government of it was committed to him , and that it had flourished for many years before he entered under the inspection of his learned predecessours . and lest some other professours might take advantage of the misfortune mr. burnet lay under , he procured that an act of the faculty should pass , that the scholars who had been in the preceeding year taught their greek in mr. lidderdale's class should be admitted to no other class , for that year , but mr. burnet's , who was orderly brought into his place . this was the current uninterrupted practice of the house , and of all other philosophy colledges in the nation : here was no arbitrary stretch , nor no statute of the house violated , and no member of the faculty was forced to vote otherwise than they pleased . this account of the act that passed in the faculty , in favours of mr. burnet , is in it self reasonable , just , and true ; how then can the inquisitors pretend there was another design , than what is alledged by the doctor ? they 'll tell you there was another design ; the doctor favoured papists , mr. burnet was a papist , and that was the reason why the doctor wished many scholars to be taught by mr. burnet . it is natural for such as never designed well in their life , and never with regard to the publick advantage , to suspect the most laudable and innocent actions to proceed from the worst principles and designs ; did mr. burnet truly teach any popery ? or did the doctor recommend to him to teach popery ? did any of his scholars ever hear him teach any thing that looked like popery ? no , that cannot be alledged ; but it was fit for the presbyterians to say so , and tho' they could bring no proof for what they say , yet they impudently insist on it . if they had not lost all sence of common modesty , they might have learned more discretion . but let us examine more narrowly the reasonings of this part of their report . they tell us , in the first place , that the doctor made an act of the faculty : this is an impertinence ; for tho' he presided in the faculty when it met , he could by himself make no act. the reasons , perhaps , he alledged for the act , might determine his brethren to vote , as he did in that juncture . they tell us next , that the doctor confesses that mr. burnet lay under the suspicion of being popish . it is true , that in the second article of the libel formed against the doctor , the presbyterians say , that mr. burnet lay under the suspicion of being popish . those words of their own libel , the doctor repeats in his answer to the second article ; and this repetion of their own words , they make to be the doctors confession . this must needs proceed from , either unpardonable malice , or stupidity . for in what sence can it be said , that the doctor confessed that mr. burnet was suspected of popery ? was it any fault of his , that mr. burnet was suspected , or can mr. burnet himself be blamed that he was suspected ? the least mistake may occasion one to be suspected , and yet he may be very innocent ; notwithstanding of all the suspicions that may be to the contrary : this is a malicious and foolish way of reasoning ; for the most publick spirited , and most innocent men may be suspected and libelled too by malice and envy , and yet continue in their integrity . let me expose this way of reasoning a little more familiarly . a very eminen , member of the pretended general assembly , is suspected to have inriched himself with a part of the money given by the sectarian army to the presbyterians , when the king was delivered up at new-castle : is the general assembly to be blamed , because they did not oblige this man to vindicate himself from this suspicion , before he sat in the assembly ; or was that member himself to be blamed , because he was suspected of it , unless there can be some evident proof brought , that he did actually receive a considerable sum of money from the sectarian army , upon the former consideration : i believe neither that member , nor the general assembly , will allow of this way of reasoning , when it is applied to their own case . i 'll make it more clear yet , by one or two instances . another great reformer in fife , is suspected of being accessary to the murder of dr. sharp , lord arch-bishop of st. andrews , and it may be this suspicion is founded upon better reasons than the other , of mr. burnet's being a papist ; do they therefore think it reasonable to treat him as if he were a murtherer : there is no doubt they will be more merciful , if they remember his service to their cause . there is one urqhart who is suspected to have spoken contemptuously of the lords prayer , and our blessed saviour , for having composed it , and of doing this in the most blaspemous expressions ; do they therefore think he should be ston'd to death , upon the account of this suspition ? for my part i do not think suspition a just reason against any man. our saviour himself was said to be a wine-bibber , a friend to publicanes and sinners ; and all the innocence of heaven , and lustre of his divinity , could not keep him from being censured by the pharisees ; so i hope we need no more insist upon this : when the doctor is turned out , and when they consider seriously , they may perhaps acknowledge they ought to have reasoned better . but we are told , the favour done to mr. burnet , was under pretence of making a gap in the colledge ; so it is insinuated , that , what-ever the doctor pretended , the true design was to advance popery ; at this rate it was not possible to do , or say any thing , no , nor to look to any quarter of the colledge , but what might be suspected of having some popish plot in it . but was the doctor observed to keep company with mr. burnet more familiarly than he did with other masters ; no , this is not , nor cannot be alledged , for to tell the plain truth , he never treated any man in his life so roughly , as he did mr. burnet sometimes , for which he blamed himself afterwards ; then in the name of common sense and modesty , tell me , where lay the popish plot : if the doctor had not obviated the lying reports that went abroad , of mr. burnet's being a papist , one of the four classes had been wanting in the colledge ; and if this had truly fallen out by his laziness ; had it not been a great disadvantage both to the town and colledge , and to the doctor 's own reputation ? would it not been said , that the colledge flourished formerly , but now , since it had a governour that understood not the interest of it , it decayed in its number , order , and splendor ? this would have been the just consequence , if mr. burnet had not been vindicated from the suspition of being a papist ; and they that now manage the argument against the doctor , would have been the first and loudest accusers of his conduct ; but it seems , that they thought it no prejudice to the colledge to want one intire class : it 's true , the doctor might have suffered mr. burnet to sink or swim , without his assistance ; and perhaps he would have done so , if there had been nothing in it , but master burnet's private interest ; but when the reputation of the colledge was in hazard , any man of common sense would excuse the doctor , to interpose in that affair with all vigour and application ; it may be , they have no notion of the principal 's office ; but , that he must be some grave un-active thing , that must be thought wise , because he cannot speak , and a prudent governour , because he dares not meddle with their disorders : but we are told , that the act runs thus ; that the doctor procured the act , in favour of mr. burnet , for several reasons known to himself ; the doctor does not deny , but that when the act of the faculty was made , some such expression might have drop'd from him , that such an act was necessary for several reasons , not fit to be insisted on particularly in that conference ; and when the reader considers the reasons that are already given , he will find there was just cause for that you to make such an act ; tho' no reason ( at all can be given for compelling the masters to give such a particular account of their administrations in so trifling an occurrence . but they insist on another argument , to prove that the doctors concern in this , had in it some one popish design or other ; because the doctor does not alledge , that he used means to cause master burnet * purge himself of the said suspition of being popish . here is modesty with a witness ; how could the doctor alledge in his own defence , what he enjoined mr. burnet to do in order to his vindication : unless the inquisitors had given the doctor a particular occasion to tell , whether he did oblige mr. burnet to vindicate himself or not ; did ever any of them that were members of that committee ask that particular question , whether he ordered mr. burnet to take all just and reasonable methods , to vindicate himself from the suspicion of being popish ? or did ever the doctor refuse to give a plain answer to all the questions , that were asked ? but the inquisitors would have the doctor ( such is their ingenuity and candor ) answer all possible questions , as well as those that were proposed ; why did not they ask the question in particular ? if they had , the doctor would have answered , that sir thomas kennedy then lord provost of edinburgh ; and he himself too , did enjoin mr. burnet to receive the sacrament of the lords supper , with the very first occasion , in the gray-frier church , from dr. robertson , that the people might see , that the rumours of his being popish , were groundless and fictitious ; and accordingly mr. burnet did so , and ingaged all his friends through the city , to vindicate him every where , from the calumnious suspitions vented against him . now if the inquisitors had asked particular questions , they would have met with particular answers ; but they must blame the doctor for not answering the questions they might have started , as well as those that were asked ; and if they are not as yet satisfied by this account of things , they may satisfie themselves by some hundreds of witnesses in edinburgh : but there needs no such appeals be made to the citizens of edinburgh , since the testimony of sir thomas kennedy alone ( a person of so much honour and integrity ) is instead of a thousand evidences . and i think we have enough of this impertinence . report . and further , that he did take down the pictures of the protestant reformers out of the bibliotheque , at a time when the earl of perth , the late lord chancellour , came to visit the colledge , without any other pretence or excuse , but that the then provost of edinburgh did advise him thereto . review . this is the argument by which they seem to triumph over the doctor , and which they managed with all art and industry . nothing pleased the gossiping sisters so much as this story , for they hugged and embraced each other at the hearing of it : some said the doctor did take away the pictures out of the colledge : no , sister , said another , he sent them away down to the abbey of hollyrood-house , and there they were burned by the papists . and this being the last and most odious story , prevailed ; and if any body offer to contradict it , they were ready to fly in his face , as an enemy to the good old cause : but before i come to tell of the matter of fact in particular , let us view the report in truth and ingenuity . therefore let me ask one question , did ever the earl of perth , lord high chancellour , come to the colledge of edinburgh in person , to visit the said colledge , all the time that the doctor had the government of that house ? this must be answered negatively , because the chancellour never came to the colledge ; for the visitation sat in the upper rooms of the parliament house , not in the colledge . and it is not easie to guess how they could be so impertinent , as to name the lord chancellour on this occasion . you have seen the doctor 's answer to this article of the label before ; but then he thought that he needed not make it more publick nor more particular ; but since they must have all come to light , the matter of fact is this : when the committee came to that article of the libel against the doctor , that he had removed the pictures of the reformers out of the bibliotheck , and asked him what he had to say to it : he told them that there was a gentleman concerned , whose name and person he honoured , and he behoved to name him , if he was obliged to give a particular answer to that part of the libel ; and tho there was nothing done , but what deserved applause and commendation ; yet it was not very good manners to toss the name of any worthy person before courts and judicatures needlesly ; therefore he desired that one of their number might be commissioned to hear his answer in private ; and if that person was satisfied with the answer , they might trust him so far , as to make no further inquiry into this matter ; but if he was not satisfied , then the doctor was ready to make the answer as publick and as plain as they required . the committee yielded to this overture , and asked the doctor whom he would communicate his answer to , he said he would give it gladly to sir john dalrumple , then lord advocate ; and he named him , because he knew him to be a person of sense and good manners . sir john asked the doctor whether he would not communicate the answer to sir john hall , then preses of the committee . the doctor answered that he was content to do so ; he thought in discretion he could not refuse him , since he was once named : then sir john hall withdrew from the table , and went to a window in the upper hall of the colledge , to hear what account the doctor would make of it in private . then the doctor told sir john thus , that he could not give a particular answer to the libel , without making mention of sir thomas kennedy's name ; this he thought would have been great rudeness , where there were so many spectators ; but the true and plain account of the matter was this . that sir thomas kennedy , then lord provost of edinburgh , did expect that the visitation , which was appointed by king james , in the year should sit in the colledge library , and he feared that some of them who were in the retinue of persons of quality might take occasion , from the sight of the pictures of the first reformers , to begin some one discourse , neither so pleasing to the protestants , nor yet so fit to be heard in that house . and therefore that no such occasion might be given to them , and that all such debates might be waved at that time , sir thomas ordered and advised the pictures of the reformers , which hung in the library , might be removed , for some few days , out of their usual place , and so soon as this occasion was over , they might be hung up again where they were . sir john receives this answer from the doctor , and returns again to the table , and gave some general answer , with which all of them seemed to be satisfied at that time , for ought i know , now let me examine their discretion and sincerity in this particular , either sir john was satisfied with the answer that he got in private , or not ; if he was satisfied himself ( the thing being revealed to him under secresie and confidence ) how came he to make it publick , for the committee having allowed the doctor one of their number to hear his answer in private , did plainly yield , that if the answer satisfied that particular trustee , they were no more to insist upon it ; if he was not satisfied why did he not plainly declare his dissatisfaction when he returned to the table ; then the doctor would have given the full and plain answer himself , without any disguise or reserve : sir john hall being provost of edinburgh , should have defended the authority of his predecessour ; and he knows very well that he himself did frequently and impertinently interpose his authority about the colledge , in things that had no such tendency , either as to its preservation , or honour , as what sir thomas kennedy , in that interval , did intend . but it seems the committee thought fit to examine sir john hall upon oath , what it was that the doctor told him in private : this was not fair , for they might oblige the doctor himself to tell all that he had to say upon this head : for if they obliged him to make a publick answer , it was as good he should do it by himself , as by another . but the most pleasant part of the story is this , that sir john deposes upon oath , that the doctor told him in private , that it was by sir thomas his advice . but did the doctor intend to exclude his order , when he alledged his advice in his own defence ; or does the learned committee think , that the serious and prudent advice of a person invested with authority , hath not the usual force of an act of jurisdiction . but they condemn the doctor , because he did it by advice ; but did not the doctor , before the commission it self , alledge sir thomas his order , as well as his advice ? and might not his just defence be heard at the higher court , as well as the lower ? and if he was not so full and accurate in his defences to sir john in private , why might he not be allowed to give one more full in publick ? when the e. of crawford examined him about this particular , whether he confessed that he removed the pictures of the reformers by sir thomas kennedy's advice ? the doctor answered , that what he did in that affair , was by his advice and order too . the earl gravely shook his head , and told , that sir john hall was upon oath , and that sir john did not make mention of any order . truly one would have thought this was nothing to the purpose ; for if what the doctor said was true in it self , it was as fit to be alledged in his defences before the commission , as before the committee , or sir john. therefore the doctor pleaded that sir thomas kennedy might be examined upon this particular ; but that was denied , for it was no part of their business to find the doctor in the right . sir john hall declared , that the doctor said , he had removed the pictures by sir thomas kennedy's advice , so it was fit for them to conclude , he had no order for what he did . now if such non-sence pass in the eye of the nation , what must the ministers expect in some corners of the country , where ruling elders , shoomakers and weavers , are their ordinary judges . but why all this mighty noise about this trifle ? is it a sin to remove pictures for two days , from one corner of a room to another : they 'll tell you , i believe , it was no sin in it self ; but it was done with a bad design . but sir thomas kennedy , and the doctor , will say it was done with a good design , where then are the evidences that there was a bad design in it ? it 's true , there is no evidence ; but since it is capable of a misconstruction , it is as impossible for them to take it by the right handle ; as to bring any solid proof , there was any bad design in it , from the first to last . but since i have said , that sir thomas ordered what was done in this affair , let me subjoyn his own declaration upon the whole matter . being informed that the reverend dr. alexander monro , principal of the colledge of edinburgh , is charged with causing take down some pictures of luther , calvin , buchanan , and others of our first reformers from popery , which hung in the bibliotheck there : and his so doing is represented as an argument of his disaffection to the reformers , i find my self obliged in duty and honour to declare , that what he did in that particular , was done at my desire and appointment , i be-being prevost of edinburgh at that time ; which was intended and done by me upon no other motive , and for no other end , but that there being a visitation of the colledge immediately to ensue , where i had reason to suspect several romish priests and jesuits might be present , i thought a prudent caution was to be used , for saving these pictures of our worthy reformers from being abused , or ridiculed : this made me think it convenient , that for some few days these should be removed , as accordingly they were ; and how soon this occasion was over , they were immediately hung up in their former places again . at the same time i took care to have kept out of the view of such priests , whatsoever might prove tempting or inviting about the colledge , to kindle their endeavours for getting it a seat or seminary for them or their religion , and i gave the necessary orders accordingly , which is well known to several of the masters of the colledge . i am sorry to be obliged to give this declaration , but that i find it necessary , both for mine own , and the reverend principal ( whose firmness in , and publick sermons for , as well as his abilities to assert and defend our holy religion , are so notour in this city ) his vindication , when what was so well and honestly meant for the honour of our religion , and to save the worthy and eminent reformers thereof from being exposed or ridiculed , should be so grosly mistaken , and groundlesly , not to say maliciously , inverted and misrepresented as a crime . given at edinburgh the 7th day of octob. 1690 , before these witnesses , william reid , my servitour , and hector monro , writer in edinburgh . sic subscribitur . w. reid , and h. monro , witnesses . tho. kennedy . report . and that on the twenty third of august last , he baptized a child in the parish of the west-kirk , without acquainting the minister of the parish therewith , or license from him , which is contrary to the rules of the established church government . review . it is true that the doctor did baptize mr. james scot's child , without acquainting of mr. david williamson therewith , with , who at that time had no title to be minister of the west-kirk . for mr. patrick hepburn was then minister , and of the episcopal persuasion , and no sentence against him ; and if his infirmities did confine him to his house , it was so much the greater charity to officiate in his parish , especially when the parent of the child ( unless i mistake him ) is determined never to have any of his children baptized by mr. williamson . but i believe the doctor is so far from being a penitent in this instance , that if it were to be done again , he could venture upon it without any fear or remorse , and then there was no restraint upon him ; and i believe many of the nobility and gentry that sat upon the commission , will think this as impertinent an accusation , as that which follows next to be examined . report . as also , that the doctor acknowledges he had no publick dictates one whole year , but catechizing . review . i must give the history of this particular in the plainest manner : for i think the records of all nations , and histories will not parallel this accusation ( all things being duly considered ) the several committees had order from the general commission , to look carefully into the dictates that were taught the scholars in all schooles and universities : pursuant to this order , the committee , appointed to visit the colledge of edinburgh , ordered dr. monro , upon the 25th . of august , within two or three days after , to give up to the clerk of the committee a copy of his dictates . the doctor told them what the themes were , upon which he had his publick praelections , viz. de deitate christi , de ejusdem sacrificio , de adventu messiae , de natura , ortu & progressu religionis christianae , &c. and so they needed not be inquisitive after them , for they were not likely to find in them those opinions , that they were most zealous against . but withal he added , that he himself wrote a very ill hand , that the papers that lay by him were in many places blotted and interlined . but he promised where ever he could find a copy among the students , he would deliver it up to their view . for the copy they wrote was more just than any he had in his keeping ; for in the very time of the publick praelection , he did add , change , and alter as he saw convenient . this did not satisfie , but one of their number pleaded , that he should give up his dictates immediately , and that the apology he made , was a shift and downright contempt of the committee : i think it was hume of polwart that reasoned thus , with some degrees of warmth against the doctor : the doctor was content to undeceive them as far as was possible , and therefore he desired they might name some of their own number to examine his dictates , and that he would wait upon them , and read the dictates to them himself , since he presumed none else could read them so well . it seems they found this overture reasonable ; for after that offer made by the doctor , he heard not one word more of the dictates , they never inquired after them . however , the doctor procured a legible copy of his dictates , de sacrificio christi , from one of the students , and gave it to the clerks , that they might give it to whom they pleased . it fell out , that when they were speaking very hotly about the doctor 's dictates , that he told them himself , that for one year he had changed his publick dictates into chatechetio conferences . the reason was this , that he perceived that it was not possible to order any publick lesson , equal to the capacity and advantage of all the students ; for some of them being but so very young , that they were but learning their latine and greek ; others of them being advanced so near the degree of masters of art , most part of the youth , within the colledge , could not be thought capable to understand theological controversies , which were the ordinary theams of such publick praelections . therefore the doctor advised with some of the masters , what way the publick lecture , upon the wednesdays , might be made universally useful to all the students within the colledge . and the result was , that he told the students he would not put them that year to the toil of writing any , but ordered them to convene frequently on the wednesdays , and he would explain to them the apostolick creed , one article after another , viva voce , this he did for that year : the students were better satisfied , much more edified , and less wearied , than when they were obliged to write ; for now they came to the school freely of their own accord , without constraint ; whereas formerly they neither writ what was dictated , nor were all the masters able to drive them to the publick hall , when they had strained their authority to the greatest height . and perhaps some of them who were most concerned then to magnifie every shaddow of an objection against the doctor , have found by their proper experience , that the publick dictates are no more regarded than their character : this then was the doctor 's fault that he changed a publick lesson , that served no end , but that of form and useless solemnity , into a profitable , useful , and serious exercise . by his imployment , he was obliged to teach the youth the first principles of christian religion ; what more proper method could he devise , than go through the articles of the apostolick creed , and explain them , partly from scripture , partly from the assistance of natural reason , partly from the universal tradition of the church , and partly from such concessions of pagan authors , as might either illustrate or confirm what was believed among the christians : this was the method he took : but was the doctor obliged , by any statute in the house , never to vary the former custom of praelections ? no , that is neither pretended nor alledged ; wherein then was he to be blamed , that he taught his own scholars in the manner he judged most proper for their edification ? perhaps , when elias comes he 'll tell us where the fault lay , and not till then shall we ever know . let me ask one question , and so i 'll leave this argument : did all the doctor 's predecessours so superstitiously observe this way of dictating , without change or alteration of the method ? no , for the truly learned and pious dr. lighton , bishop of dumblain , when he was principal of the colledge of edinburgh , did never oblige them to write one word from his mouth : but instead of those dictates , recommended to them , viva voce , the most excellent truths of the christian religion , in the most unimitable strains of piety and eloquence . and mr. adamson his predecessour did catechise , as you may see by the printed copy of his catechism ; nor is there any restraint upon the principal of the colledge , either from statute or custom , why he may not change his method , as oft as he sees convenient : yet to make a mighty muster of arguments against the doctor , his catechetick conference , must be made a part of his crime : i think one mr. law had the honour of making this discovery , but i am not very sure of it . report . and that it appears by the publick registers of the magistrand laureation , that whereas , in the year 1663 , till the year 1687 , the magistrands were always sworn to continue in the verity and purity of the gospel , or in the christian religion reformed , according to the purity of the gospel ; yet in the year 1687 and 1688 , when dr. monro was principal , he takes the magistrands obliged only to persevere in the blank christian religion , and this blank is found three several times in the book , viz. at two publick laureations , and a private one , and the doctor having laid the blame on the bibliothecarius his negligence , and craving the bibliothecarius might be examined thereupon . he being accordingly sworn and examined depones , that what he wrote in the magistrand book , was either by direction of the primar , or of one of the regents , and in presence of the faculty , or of a quorum of them , and that what he did write in the said book , was always read over in presence of the masters and scholars . and particularly the alteration of the promise made at the graduation , in the year 1687. as also the committee considering that at the two last laureations , in the year , 1689 , and 1690 , neither oath nor promise was required at the graduation : it is therefore the opinion of the committee , that dr. alexander monro , principal of the colledge of edinburgh , be deprived of his office , as primar there ; and that the said office be declared vacant . there is a letter written by the said doctor , and directed to the late arch-bishop of st. andrews , dated the 5th . of january , 1689 , owned and acknowledged by the doctor to be his hand writ , the consideration whereof is referred to the commission . review . here it at last some dangerous plot discovered : to make the account of it as short and easie as is possible , let me first explain some words that are peculiar to our country . by the magistrands is understood that particular number and society of students , that are ready to commence masters of art ; by the laureation is understood the publick solemnity of conferring this degree ; the particular answer to this objection , is given before ; but i will unfold the whole matter , by proposing some queries relating to it : the first , is , did the doctor administer the current oath , that was ordinarily sworn by masters of art , all the time he was in the colledge , until there was a proclamation , feb. 1687. by king james , forbidding all discriminative oaths ? yes he did . but how can that be made evident ? yes it may be made evident by the following transcripts of the publick registers , that all who commenced masters of arts since the doctor entred , were made to swear the current oath of the house , until the proclamation of indulgence did forbid all such discriminative oaths ; and therefore the * reader will be at the pains to read as follows , anno 1686. de disciplina magistri herberti kennedy sollinne formulae sponsionis & juramenti accademici edinburgeni praescripti nos quorum subsequuntur nomina cordicitus subsignamus . so you see , that all that received the degree that year , did sign the oath , 3 junii 1686. eidem s. s. juramento praescripto subscripserunt gulielmus baird , & joannes monro . another was graduate , 9th of july 1686. another , july 20 , 1686. another , july 26 , 1686. another , upon the 24 august , 1686. another , upon the 31 august 86. another , upon the 22d of sept. 86. another , upon the 22d of october , 86. another , upon the 23d of december , 86. and all of them did swear , and sign the same oath that was formerly sworn . then it is alledged in the doctor 's defence , that the current oath of the house was administred , until all such oaths were prohibited by the proclamation , feb. 1687 ? yes that is alledged , and no change observed , until the 4th of april 87. but did other masters of other universities , particularly in the universities of st. andrews and glascow , forbear the imposing of all such discriminative oaths after the proclamation , feb. 87. as well as the doctor ? yes , that they did : were they ever challenged for this , by any committee sent to examine their behaviour ? no , not at all , not one of them was challenged for it : what is it then that the doctor is blamed for ? he is blamed for this , that in stead of the former oath which he would ( but durst not ) impose , he required a general promise of persevering in the christian religion : but is not the word , reformed religion , never to be met with in that publick promise , required of the students , instead of the former oath ? yes , i told you before , that the first alteration that is observable , is , upon the 4th of april 87. and then the promise was , to persevere in the christian religion : but this being thought too general and indefinite ; in the month of june thereafter in the same year , as may be seen in the publick registers ; the words run , pollicemur in puriore religione christiana perseverantium : did the doctor at any time thereafter , in private or in publick , with or without the knowledge of the masters , order the bibliothecarius to leave out the word puriore ? no , that he never did ; have we no other evidence for that , than the doctors bare assertion ? yes , as you may see by the bibliothecarius his declaration , subjoined to this dialogue , upon the word of a christian , that he was never enjoined , either by the doctor or any of the regents , to leave out the word ( puriore ) or ( reformata ) but did not the bibliothecarius leave a blank , as the inquisitors alledge ? the bibliothecarius will answer that question in the declaration himself : but are there no other instances preceeding the doctor 's time , even when there was no publick proclamations , forbidding discriminative oaths ; in which , the masters of edinburgh took the liberty to change the publick formula of the oath ? yes , several instances may be given of such changes , if any man will be at the pains to peruse the registers ; i 'le name but one , it is in the year 1662 , and the students , when they commenced masters of art , had an oath administred to them ; in which , there is not the least mention of any thing relating to religion ; and therefore the inquisitors date the custome of swearing this oath , from the year 1663 ; for they evidently saw , if they had gone further back , they would have met with a formula , in the year 1662 , much more loose , general and indefinite , than that for which the doctor is challenged ; and lest he might have any such precedent from the publick registers in his own defence ; they that drew up the report , fraudulently passed it over in silence ; so they concluded , it seems , that no religion was better , than the christian ; for some of them that sat judges in that committee , did commence master of art that very year , 1662 , in the colledge of edinburgh ; when the general oath imposed , only obliged them to continue , fautores academiae edinburgenae ; and some members of the committee , scrupled not to say , that the formula in the year 1662 , was better than the promise required by the doctor after the proclamation : but what was it that the doctor blamed the bibliothecarius for ? he might perhaps blame him , that he did leave out the word puriore , at sometimes , after it was insert into the formula , since he himself declares , he was never enjoined to do so ; but the plain truth in cold blood is , that this was no trick nor design in the bibliothecarius , but a most innocent inadvertence : when this affair was toss'd before the committee , they discoursed of it , with that warmth and confusion , that it was not possible to know , what they would have been at ; therefore the doctor desired , that the bibliothecarius might be interrogate upon oath , whether he knew of any popish or heretical design , intended or contrived by the masters , when they required this publick promise of the students ; instead of this , they enquire whether he wrote this formula by any order from the masters , as if the crime lay in the formula it self , and not in any bad design about it : this was another impertinence , for the bibliothecarius was never accused to have invented the formula of himself , for that had been a piece of forgery with a witness ; of which mr. henderson the bibliothecarius is not capable , being a youth of such modesty and ingenuity ; it may be , he might be blamed for leaving out a word , or for writing carelesly . from the answers i have given to these several queries ; the reader may see , what was the occasion of this change in the publick formula , after the proclamation ; and it is so much the more wonderful , that they blame the doctor for obeying that proclamation , that first warmed the phanaticks into their present strength and confidence : but before i set down the bibliothecarius his declaration ; let me inform the reader , that when the doctor was sisted before the commission , several questions were asked at him , and five or six times he was removed , and the report of the committee was but once read in his hearing ; it was not possible , for an hour together to give an answer , to all the particulars they had heaped together in their report ; the doctor endeavoured to give a true account of the formula which was challenged ; he desired , that mr. gregory , professour of the mathematicks , and mr. cunninghame professour of philosophy , who knew the registers much better than he did , might be examined , but this was denied : if mr. gregory , and mr. cuuninghame , had been examined , they would quickly have explained any thing that was dark or intricate about it ; but the earl of crawford would not hear any defence or explication of that formula ; he alledged that it obliged them only to be christians , and that the papists were christians ; the doctor answered that by the protestant religion , he never understood any thing , but unmixed christianity , and that the papists , as such , were no christians , i. e. popery is no christianity , for tho' they were baptized , and so members of the catholick church , yet their popery is no part of their christianity , else the protestants are obliged immediately to turn papists , unless they renounce their christianity . and therefore tho' we allow the papists to be christians , and some of them excellent men too ; yet the errours which are mixt with their christian belief , and which obliged the protestants to separate from them , is no part of the christian religion ; and if the students did continue firm in the christian religion , i hope it had no tendency to make them papists : but there is a sect of men amongst us , who value the nicest punctilio's of the covenant , more than they do the fundamentals of christianity . it is time now to leave this , and to insert mr. robert henderson the bibliothecarius his declaration . a declaration of mr. robert henderson , bibliothecarius and secretary to the colledge of edinburgh , relating to the report of the committee against dr. monro . at edinburgh , the 18th , of october , 1690. i mr. robert henderson , bibliothecarius and secretary to the colledge of edinburgh , hereby declare upon the word of a christian ; that whereas i have deponed before the committee appointed for the visiting of the said university , that what i wrote in the magistrand book was by order of the primar , or some of the regents , yet notwithstanding of my said deposition ; i declare that the manner of writing was entirely left to me , and that i never intended a blank , and that i was never enjoyned by the primar or regents , to leave a blank , but that the promise being drawn up into three articles , the second article being so much longer than the line , the remaining words were placed below towards the middle for ornament , there being scarce half an inch of distance on both hands : and hereby i further declare that i was never enjoyned to leave out the word puriore or reformata , and that i never perceived any design thereabout . and that the classes of the two last laureations , in the years 1689 and 90. were ingaged by the same promises , to which the former classes were obliged , in testimony whereof i have signed these presents , before mr. gregory professor of the mathematicks , in the university of edinburgh , and john smith , student therein , and servitor to the said mr. gregory ; day and date foresaid , sic subscribitur . dr. gregory , and j. smith , witnesses . rob. henderson . articles against doctor strachan , professor of divinity . i. that in the new kirk of edinburgh , in a publick sermon before the diocesian synod , be preached reconciliation with the church of rome , adducing the instance of the two brethren , called reynolds ; who in dispute , the one being a protestant was turned papist , and the other being papist turned protestant ; and yet , said he , they were both good men ; and for any thing i know , they both went to heaven . what need then is there of all this din betwixt protestant and papist ? he also holds consubstantiation , saying , the church of rome holds transubstantiation , but i hold consubstantiation . ii. that he is commonly * repute to be an arminian , and he preached and maintained arminian and pelagian principles and tenets in the trone-church , and was opposed herein by mr. trotter his collegue ; and particularly had one expression , that without special grace renewing the mind and heart , a man might believe and repent ; and that having believed , he might still continue , or not , as to the exercise of grace and believing ; or words to this purpose . iii. that he has innovate the worship of god , in setting up the english service , which was never allowed nor in use in this church ; and suppose it were tolerated , yet no toleration allows any to enjoy legal benefices and charge in the church or universities , who in doctrine and worship does not agree with the church in her present establishment . iv. his negligence of his duty , in teaching lessons to the students , is evident in that , for the first two years his prelections went no further then his harangue . v. that since the establishment of the government , be hath baptized children without any testimony from the minister , to whose congregation they belonged : and also has without proclamation , in a clandestine way , married several persons ; as for instance , mr. alexander chaplain's daughter , to mr. john king , apothecary , taking a guiny for his pains , which should have been given to the poor of edinburgh . vi. his dissatisfaction with the government , both in church and state , is evident hereto , both by the verbal expressions , in censuring and condemning both these grounds whereupon be then left the ministry , are sufficient for turning him out of his present station . vii . that the said doctor does ordinarily neglect the worship of god in his family . an answer to the articles given in against doctor strachan , professor of divinity , in the colledge of edinburgh . to these articles or libel i am not in law obliged to give any particular answer , unless it were owned and subscribed by my accuser , and witness adduced for the probation of the particulars lybelled ; for since the accuser is so conscious to himself of his gross prevarications and notorious falshoods alledged in his libel , that he dare not subscribe the same ; yet since i know my intire innocence , as to many of the particulars libelled against me ; ( for some of them i do not acknowledge to be faults ) i shall not decline to give a particular answer to each of them , being glad that the lybeller has not had the confidence to charge me with any immorality in my life and conversation , reserving therefore all other defences competent in law. i. to the first i answer , that in a sermon before the most reverend father in god , my lord arch-bishop of glasgow , then bishop of edinburgh , in his diocesian synod , i did from phil. 4. and 5. recommend to my auditors , and to all christians of whatsoever perswasion , that christian duty of moderation , ( of which i wish we had more at present ) the want whereof is the occasion of the lamentable schisms and divisions that are in the christian church : but as for reconciliation with the church of rome , as it is now constitute , i was so far from pressing it ( though to wish a true union among all christians were no crime ) that i did highly blame the romanists for going so far to the extream , in points controverted betwixt us and them , so as to obstruct a desirable reconciliation , as it is to be regretted some protestants , on the other hand , run too far to the other extream , to put a bar thereto : so that we owe it to the want of moderation amongst the fiery zealots of the different perswasions , that the same is rendered so impracticable . but as to that expression , what needs this din ( or rather noise ) betwixt protestant and papist , i never had such an expression . as for that of the two brethren named reynolds , i did adduce that as an instance of the imbecility and weakness , mutability and changeableness of our judgments and humane understandings ( while we dwell in these houses of clay , and the dust of mortality not blown out of our eyes ) upon the account whereof , we ought to have charity one towards another , and compassion one of another ; and that they might have been both good and learned men , and might have been both saved , i know nothing to the contrary ; yea , and in the judgment of charity i am bound to think so , if they lived and died in the christian faith , owning the fundamentals of the christian religion , whatever preterfundamental errors any of them might have been intangled in . as for my alledged saying , that the papists hold transubstantiation , but i hold consubstantiation , it is so impudent a calumny , and such a notorious lye , that as i am confident the accuser , whoever he be , dare not say he heard it , so neither can be adduce any famous witness , that can depone the same ; the contrary is so well known , that my judicious auditors can bear me witness that i preached both against the transubstantiation of romanists , and consubstantiation of the lutherans , and said it had been good , and had tended much to the peace of christendom , that the different parties had never taken upon them , peremptorily to determine the manner of our blessed lord's presence in the holy eucharist , but that they had contented themselves with that modest expression of the old schoolman , durandus , vterbum audimus motum sentimus modum nescimus praesentiam credimus ; with which also accords that known distich , corpore de christi lis est de sanguine lis est . deque modo lis est non habitura modum . i might adduce several testimonies of learned divines of the reformed church , to this purpose , but i shall content my self , at present , with that one of judicious calvin , in tractatu de coena domini . blasphemia est negare in coena domini offerri veram christi communicationem , pani & vino corporis & sanguinis nomen attribuitur , quod sint veluti instrumenta quibus dominus jesus christus nobis ea distribuit . panis in est figura ●●da & simplex sed veritati suae & substantiae conjuncta panis merito dicitur corpus cum id non mod● representet verum etiam nobis offerat intelligimus christum nobis in caena veram propriamque corporis & sanguinis sui substantiam donare panis in hoc consecratus est ut representet nobis corpus domini , &c. 2. as to the second , that i am generally reputed an arminian , &c. i know not how i may be reputed , but i desire the lybeller may condescend when , or to whom i said i was so ; did i ever subscribe their confession ? it's known they were presbyterians , and i am none . and i suppose that may now be reputed to be my greatest crime ; for if i were , it 's probable these things would not be laid to my charge . it has been always my principle and practice not to espouse the particular tenets of any party , but as the ancient philosopher said , amicus plato , amicus socrates , sed magis amica veritas . so say i , amicus calvinus , amicus arminius , amicus lutherus , sed magis amica veritas , being always ready to embrace truth by whomsoever it be maintained . that i preached and maintained arminian and pelagian tenets in the trone-church , in which i was opposed by my umqhaill collegue mr. trotter . the lybeller ought to prove it by famous witnesses , and not simply to alledge , si accusare satis sit quis erit innoceus . for i peremptorily deny , that ever i used such expressions as my accuser alledges . my then collegue being now at his rest , i desire not in the least to reflect on his memory ; what his designs were , in being the first aggressor in reflecting in his pulpit were best know to himself . though he were in vivis , his allegation could be no probation ; wherein he wronged me , i forgive him , and i hope god hath forgiven him . 3. my third accusation is , that i have innovated the worship of god , &c. to which it is answered , that i have indeed made use of the english service in my family , as judging it to be the way of worship most consonant and agreeable to the word of god , and the practice of the whole catholick church , even in its purest times , it being a most devout and serious way of offering up our prayers and praises to almighty god , and tending most to edification . and against this , i know no standing law , more than against the french service , which is so publickly made use of in this place , and not in the least quarrelled : and that the english service was not more in use in this church , it 's too well known to whom we owe that unhappiness , and what unchristian and barbarous courses were taken to prevent its orderly establishment here , when that royal martyr of blessed and glorious memory was endeavouring it for the good of this church and kingdom , which by the unjustifiable practices of the opposers was then made an aceldama , or field of blood. 4. in the fourth article the accuser challenges me for negligence of my duty in teaching of lessons to the young students , and alledges it's evident , in that for the first two years , my prelections went no further than my harrangue . i answer , that were it so as he alledges ( which whether so or not i cannot call to mind now ) i could not be challenged of any negligence upon that account . the subject of my harrangue being so copious that it might have furnish'd matter of dictats for several years . for it was de theologia in genere de ejus dignitate , authore , objecto , fine , &c. which subject i inlarged upon , in dictating further than i had in that harrangue : whereas some eminent professors have spent several years dictating upon one point of controversie ; but whensoever it was finished , i simply deny that either it or any thing else i dictated contain'd any unsound doctrine as the lybeller was pleased to alledge . as for passive-obedience , and non-resistance , i yet own them to be sound points of divinity , duly stated and qualified ; besides , that could be no evidence of negligence in regard the frequent returns of other exercises , viz. homilies , exe●esies , and disputes among such a number of students were such as at some times i could scarce have allowed me above six or seven diets in dictating the whole half year . so that considering the few dyets of dictating and how ill they were attended by the students who were desirous rather to read what was already published , than to be put to the toil of writing , i kept those papers in loose sheets , not having designed them for publick view , but it was always my judgment that if there were less writing , and more reading and meditating on what 's already published , it might tend more to the advancement of learning , and the better education and improvement of youth in the study of divinity ; and therefore i chose to recommend to them such books as i judged most proper for them ; by which method , and the lords blessing upon their pains and endeavours , many have given great proofs of their proficiency in the said studies , and others great grounds of hope of their being serviceable to god in the holy ministry , when he thinks fit in his wisdom to imploy them therein . 5. as to some baptisms and marriages in the fifth article , i knew no restraint upon me , nor any in my station , hindering me to grant the desires of the respective parents , when duly invited by them to the performance of such duties . but since the promulgation of the late act , i have forborn any thing of that nature . as for the instance of mr. alexander chaplain , his liberality to the poor of edinburgh , and others , is very well known . if he had given me a guiney for the use of the poor of edinburgh , i should not have defrauded them thereof . the gentleman himself can declare as to that matter , for i was never so mercenary as to ask any thing for my pains . 6. as for the expressions mentioned in the sixth article , they ought to have been condescended on , and proved ; which not being done , i can give no answer thereto . i never left the ministry , nor do i design to desert my present station here ; but if i be thrust from the one , as i have been from the other , upon the account of my conscience , that cannot comply with the conditions required , i must patiently submit , and cast my self , and my numerous family , on god's good providence ; being resolved never to put my worldly interest in ballance with the peace of my conscience , which i have endeavoured hitherto to keep void of offence towards god and man. and to follow that apostolical rule , which i always recommended to others under my charge , to obey god rather than man. 6. lastly , i am charged , that i ordinarily neglect the worship of god in my family , which is so notorious a falshood , that i challenge the libeller , or any he can adduce to make it good , and appeal to all that have been in my family , as witnesses of the contrary . but it seems the libeller has forgot the third article of his accusation , or thinks , to use the english service , is not to worship god : to whom , for all these calumnies , i refer him . the report of the committee , concerning doctor strachan . at edinburgh the 23d . of sept. 1690. as to doctor john strachan , professour of divinity in the colledge of edinburgh ; the committee considering his answers to the articles given in against him , for his preaching reconciliation with rome , and anent transubstantiation , and consubstantiation : that he acknowledges he has often preached presentiam credo modum ignoro : and that it had been good that that had not been in dispute , but kept in the ancients words : and albeit he denied his being arminian ; yet he not only refused to subscribe our confession of faith in the complex , but also declared , he was not clear to give a present answer , whether or not the articles about free-will , and the first article about justification , were agreeable to the word of god , and if he owned the same ; yet he promised to give an answer in writing , which he hath not done : and being at the giving in of his written answers , desired to give a particular answer , if he would assent to these articles , as they stand in the printed confession of faith , and if he would subscribe the same ? he answered , that each of these articles were complex , and that he was not clear to subscribe or sign the same ; as also considering his negligence in dictating to his scholars : that he acknowledges he would scarce have dictate above six or seven times in a whole half year , and excuses the same with the returns of other exercises , such as homilies , exegeses , and disputes : as also considering that he refuses to qualifie himself conform to the act of parliament : it is therefore the opinion of the committee , that the said dr. john strachan , professor of divinity in the colledge of edinburgh , be deprived of his office in the said colledge , and that the same be declared vacant . the sentence against doctor strachan . at edinburgh the 25th . of sept. 1690. the lords and others of the commission appointed for visitation of colledges and schools ; having heard , read , and considered the above written report of the committee for visiting the colledge of edinburgh , anent dr. john strachan , professor of divinity within the said colledge : and the doctor being called in , and having heard the within report read over in his presence , and he being asked if he did acknowledge that the matters of fact , contained in the said report were true , he did judicially acknowledge the verity of the matters of fact therein contained : and also he refused to swear the oath of allegiance , and to sign the same with the assurance : and also refused to sign the confession of faith , or to declare his submission to the present church government , as now establisht : therefore the said commission approves of the report above written ; and do hereby deprive the said dr. john strachan , professor of divinity in the said colledge , of his said place , as professor foresaid , and declares the said place to be vacant . crawford p. animadversions on the report of the committee appointed to visit the colledge of edinburgh , concerning doctor john strachan , professor of divinity there , sept. 23. 1690. and on the commission 's approbation and ratification thereof . edinburgh , sept. 25. 1690. doctor strachan being cited to appear before the general commission , that was to sit , sept. 25. 1690. at nine a clock in the morning ; after a tedious attendance of about four hours , was called before them , and being wearied himself , he resolved to give them very little trouble ; for he had determined to make his process as short as was possible ; for he could not reasonably think , he should meet with any favour from that bench ; especially , since he knew how his colleague , doctor monro , was treated by them that forenoon ; being no less than five or six times call'd and remov'd , with no other design , than to wrest and misinterpret what he answered for himself : and having no time allowed him to clear the trifling objections made against him ; great endeavours were us'd to intangle him in his answers ; therefore the doctor took care to give them as little ground against him , as was possible . when he was call'd in before the commission , the above written report of the committee , was once read over to him by the clerk ; my lord crawford enquired at him , if he acknowledged the things contain'd in that report , to be true ? he answered , that he thought the report , as to the main substance of it , was true ; but having heard it but once read over , he could not peremptorily say so of all circumstances relating to it : my lord crawford ask'd again , if he did own and adhere to that written copy of answers given in to the committee in his name ? to which the doctor replied very pertinently ; that if any person would own and subscribe the libel given in against him to the committee , he should then answer it particularly . my lord crawford praeses , said there was no libel , the act of parliament made mention of none , it was but an information , and any body might inform ; the doctor replied , it was materially a libel what ever word they pleased to express it by ; and that in equity and common justice , he ought to know his accuser . the praeses replied , there was no accuser , neither did the act of parliament appoint any , and therefore , he ( the proeses ) required the doctor to give a positive answer , whether he owned these written answers , or not , ( a copy of them being offered to him to view them ) the doctor answered , that he did own them and adhere to them . after which , the lord crawford asked the doctor , if he would qualifie himself according to the act of parliament for his place in the colledge , by swearing the oath of allegiance to king william and queen mary , and subscribing the declaration of assurance , the confession of faith at westminster , and heartily submitting to the presbyterian government . the doctor answered he could not with a good conscience comply with the legal test so propos'd , and that therefore he adhered to his former answers before the committee , whereupon he was ordered to remove , and within a little while he was called again before them : the former report of the committee was again read over to him , and the commissions sentence of deprivation following thereupon ; after the reading of both , the doctor said no more , but that he thanked god he received their sentence with great peace of conscience , and tranquility of mind , which he could not have promised to himself , if he had done any thing against his convictions to avoid that blow . many of the gentlemen and others who were permitted to be present at the reading of the report and sentence , not having heard the doctor 's answers read , nor known what past in the committee , might conclude upon the bare hearing of that report drawn up by the presbyterian ministers , that they had found him guilty of propagating several heterodox opinions in the colledge , and that for such doctrines he was deprived . yea , some of the members of the commission it self , before whom the doctor 's written answers were never read ( as he is credibly informed ) did entertain the same thoughts upon the hearing of such words as reconciliation with the church of rome , consubstantiation , transubstantiation , &c. therefore it was thought convenient to undeceive well meaning men , and expose the malice of his accusers in this particular . 1st . the committee did consider his answers to the articles of his libel , but they do not plainly declare what it was in those answers that they did consider ; we know very well they did consider his answers , and it was not possible for them to find in them either vntruth or impertinence ; it 's true , they accuse him that he preach'd reconciliation with the church of rome , but they thought it no part of their business to prove it , no nor so much as to examine one witness that ever heard the doctor utter the least expression that might favourably insinuate a syncretisme with the roman church ; so it is very odd that the committee's consideration of his answers should be named as one ground of the sentence which past against him , before the general commission of the visitation . 2dly . they considered his answers concerning transubstantiation and consubstantiation , &c. but is it possible for a man at one and the same time , to hold both those opinions ? or can a man preach reconciliation with the church of rome , if he himself hold only consubstantiation , and yet recommend to the people that the doctrine of the romanists may be complied with , who say that there is no such thing as bread in the holy eucharist after consecration . it seems the libeller thinks there is no great difference between the lutherans and the romanists ; had he listned to an impartial monitor , lysimachus nicanor , in time of the late troubles , he would have found that it is much more easie to reconcile popery and presbytery than the lutherans and romanists . 3dly . but the doctor acknowledges , that he had preached praesentiam credo , modum nescio ; and that it had been good for the peace of christendom , the manner of our saviour's presence had never been so hotly disputed , but kept in the words of the ancients . this is a piece of logick that the doctor cannot understand : must he that says , praesentiam credo , modum nescio , necessarily believe transubstantiation , or consubstantiation , one or both . i think the church of england will not say so , for it holds the real , effectual spiritual presence , and yet denys both transubstantiation and consubstantiation . and did not the doctor say plainly modum nescio , how then can they affirm that he had any kindness for either of those opinions , since the fault of both is so plainly disowned by the doctor : he believed the presence , but the manner of the presence he did not know . but since those words in his answers , praesentiam credo , was so greedily laid hold on by the presbyterian ministers , members of that committee , that when they heard them they desired the clerk to note that especially , it will not be amiss over and above what is represented in his written answers , to put those gentlemen in mind that they should read mr. calvin more frequently , whom they have deserted shamefully in many things , and in his tract de caena dom. after the words formerly cited by the doctor , they will meet with the following words , fatemur omnes , nos , cum juxta domini institutum fide sacramentum recipimus , substantiae corporis & sanguinis domini vere fieri participes . quomodo id fiat alii aliis melius definire & clarius explicare possunt . ne vis sacro sancti hujus mysterii imminuatur , cogitare debemus id fieri occulta & mirabili dei virtute . do they allow of this saying of calvin ? if they do , i am sure the doctor said less than what may be deduced from them by necessary consequence , if they were contentiously insisted on . and how can they be so captiously querulous , as to dream of chimera's and monsters in the doctrine so currently taught in the most famous schools amongst the protestants ? it may be mr. calvin ' s treatise de coena dom. is not so easily had as his book of instit . which i think very few of the presbyterian ministers want , then let me entreat them to look to the following testimony from mr. calvin , in which he writes so religiously and reverently of that sacred mystery of the eucharist , quanquam autem cogitando animus plus valet , quam lingua exprimendo : rei tamen magnitudine ille quoque vincitur & obruitur , itaque nihil demum restat nisi ut in ejus mysterii admirationem prorumpam , cui nec mens plane cogitando nec lingua explicando par esse potest : and par . 10. of the same chapter , summa sit non aliter animas nostras carne & sanguine christi pasci , quam panis & vinum corporalem vitam tuentur & sustinent : neque enim quadrare tanalogia signi nisi alimentum suum animae in christo reperirent , quod fieri non potest nisi nobiscum christus , vere in unum coalescat nosque reficiat carnis suae esu , & sanguinis potu . etsi autem incredibile videtur in tanta locorum distantia penetrare ad nos christi carnem , ut nobis sit in cibum , meminerimus quantum supra sensus omnes nostros emineat arcana spiritus sancti virtus & quam stultum sit ejus immensitatem modo nostro velle metiri . quod ergo mens nostra non comprehendit , concipiat fides , spiritum vere unire quae locis disjuncta sunt , &c. and paragr . 32. ab initio . porro de modo si quis me interroget fateri non pudebit , sublimius esse arcanum , quam ut vel meo ingenio comprehendi , vel enarrari verbis queat , atque ut apertius dicam experiar magis quam intelligam , &c. several other testimonies might be gathered together from many other reformed divines ; but that is not the design of this paper , it is enough by one or two authentick testimonies to expose the silliness of such men as find fault with every body that does not follow their words as well as their sentiments . i think the learned bishop andrews understood the doctrine of the church of england sufficiently well , who in his answer to cardinal bellarmine , hath these words , dixit christus hoc est corpus meum : non hoc modo , hoc est corpus meum . nobis autem vobiscum , de objecto convenit , de modo lis omnis est . de , hoc est , fide firma tenemus quod sit : de hoc modo est ( nempe transubstantiato in corpus pane ) de modo quofiat at sit , per , sive in , sive cum , sive sub , sive trans , nullum inibi verbum , & quia verbum nullum merito a fide procul ablegamus , inter scita scholae ponimus , inter fidei articulos non ponimus . and after he had instanced the saying of durandus , cited by the doctor , he adds , praesentiam credimus , nec minus quam vos , veram . de modo praesentiae nil temere definimus , addo , nec anxie inquirimus , non magis quam in baptismo nostro , quomodo abluat nos sanguis christi , non magis quam in christi incarnatione , quomodo naturae divinae humana in eandem hypostasin uniatur . notwithstanding of all this , the doctor did not believe , assert , or recommend , the corporal and carnal presence of our saviour in the eucharist ; but he lov'd to express his reverence of that mystery , otherways than the presbyterians do ; who , for the most part show so little regard unto it , that in the west of scotland , their greatest zealots , did not administer the sacrament , of the lord's supper for twenty years together . the next thing those sharp-sighted inquisitors , did consider in the doctor 's answers , is , that tho' he denyed his being arminian , yet he not only refused to subscribe their confessions of faith , in the complex , but also declared , he would not then give a present answer whether or no he thought the article about freewill , and the first article about justification were agreeable to the word of god , and whether he owned the same . in what sense the doctor denyed himself to be arminian , may be seen in his answers to the libel ; of the rest take this following account . when they asked him , if he would subscribe the westminster confession of faith , he answered that he would subscribe no confession composed by fallible men , but so far as it might be agreeable to the word of god. for since those gentlemen at westminster were not divinely inspired , their dictates might be fairly examined , and that his subscription to any confession did necessarily imply this reserve and limitation . then the doctor was desired to instance those articles in the westminster confession , he thought not agreeable to the word of god. to this he replyed , he was not obliged ; it was enough that he gave them this plain and positive answer , he would not subscribe the westminster confession , without the former restriction : for he never made it much his business , since this visitation began ; especially , to look so narrowly into the presbyterian books ; and for the particular articles about which they desired to know his judgement , it was needless for them to be so inquisitive , for if he refused any one part of what was required by the present law , he was sure to be deprived , so it was not worth the while to satisfie the curiosity of the committee-men in their little punctilios . yet he promised ( saith the report ) to give a particular answer in writ concerning those articles of freewill , and justification , and here they plainly insinuate him guilty of breach of promise ; it is true , the doctor did promise if the libel had been subscribed and owned by any informer , to return a particular answer to all the articles that were contained therein ; but to give them an account of his private judgement in the articles of freewill , and justification was needless , for every man's conscience did plainly convince him , he had free-will , else he could not see how the remorse of conscience could be understood , which makes the remembrance of our willful sins so uneasie to us . next they will have the doctor guilty of negligence , because he did not oblige the students to write his dictates so often as the visitors would have had him , though the frequent returns of other exercises , ( much more useful ) made this impossible to him . but this is an impertinence not worth considering , and the same exception hath been sufficiently answered in the former tryals . besides , since most of the students of divinity are obliged once a year to sustain publick disputes , and that the professor is allowed but two dyets a week , it was not convenient he should dictate above seven or eight times a year , else he could not but hinder the freedom and solemnity of their publick disputes and other exercises . now in the last place , they mention the doctor would not qualifie himself according to law , it is certainly true , that he will never prostitute his conscience so far as to do any thing wilfully against his convictions in a matter of so great consequence : and it might be expected by such as did not well know the ministers that sate in that committee , that they , who pretended so much to a tender conscience , would have taken more pains to inform the doctor , than presently to insert in their report to the commission , ( without acquainting him ) what they had snatcht from his mouth upon surprize . the presbyterians in the year 1638 were truly more civil , and took some pains in the beginning to inform such as differ'd from them , tho' their methods afterwards became very severe . but the plain truth in this matter is , that the suspicion of being arminian , ( especially his reading the liturgy of the church of england ) was it that made his enemies implacable , because that in the third article of their libel against him ▪ they seem to pass sentence against him , upon this very head before he was heard , for ( say they ) none can legally enjoy benefices in the church or universities , who differ from the church of scotland in her present establishment in doctrine or worship . next , he was examin'd more particularly about the english liturgie ; they ask'd , whether he used that service in his family , before the revolution ? to which he answered , he did , tho' not so frequently ; yet he did not so constantly tye himself to that form , but that he used conceived prayer ; upon the hearing of this , one of the ministers said , that it was not usual for such as were accustomed with that service , at any time to use extemporary prayers ; neither did he think that such could pray after that manner ; and therefore the doctor , making use thereof , was a schismatick from the church of which he was a member ; so saucily do they talk , when they themselves are schismaticks from the vniversal church ; yet they venture to brand all others that differ from them with that infamous character ; they think none can pray as they do ; and the plain truth is , that , in some sense , it 's very true ; for it 's very difficult to reconcile so much boldness and indiscretion , as is observable in their prayers , either to the fear of god , or christian humility . they then ask'd the doctor , who concurred with him in that worship ? he answer'd , that of late , since the church was pull'd down , a great many of good quality did frequent it . at which they were greatly nettled , and asked him again , who had pulled down the church ? to which the doctor replied , he was not obliged to give any particular answer , it was evident enough , that a national church establish'd by law was pull'd down . to which one of their number said , that that was pretty indeed , if the pulling down of fourteen * carles , was the pulling down of the church . this gentleman should have remembred that there was many more than fourteen pull'd down by the rabble , and more since by presbytery ; but out of kindness to him , i shall make no particular answers to what he said in his passion . he was next desired to answer positively whether he was an arminian ? the doctor answered , that the arminians were presbyterians , and he was none . the same person ask'd again what the doctors judgment might be of the five controverted articles ? to which he answer'd , that he was not obliged to declare his private judgment in those controversies . if they thought arminianism a crime that deserved deprivation , they might accuse him , and prove it against him , for he was not obliged to accuse himself . at last , one of the ministers expresly required him to declare his opinion about the doctrine of freewill and justification , to which the doctor replied as before . sometime before the doctor once ask'd the committee whether they were a civil or ecclesiastick judicatory ? if a civil , how came the presbyterian ministers to sit there , who clamour'd perpetually against the bishops for being members of parliament , since now themselves acted by a commission from the parliament ; and if ecclesiastical , he wish'd to know from whom they had their power ? thus the doctor was tossed and wearied with their endless trifling and insidious questions . when i look back upon all the steps of dr. strachan ' s tryal , it brings to my mind one of the fables we were taught when we were boys . the wolf and the lamb met at a fountain , as soon as the wolf saw the lamb he lybelled , and accused him , first that he troubled the waters ; for the wolf alledged he could not drink them ; the lamb answered that he could not trouble the waters , he stood much lower than the fountain . this accusation being removed , the wolf told him that six months ago he heard the lamb curse him . the lamb answered that he was not six months old : so the second accusation was as calumnious as the first . then the wolf told him , if you did not , your father did curse me : there was no answering the third article of the libel , so the lamb was worried . reader , thou hast now heard how the presbyterian inquisition proceeded against these two doctors , with the same rigour and severity they persecuted all such as they judged to be of the episcopal perswasion in that colledge , and in all the colledges of the mother university at st. andrews : one instance more of the presbyterian partiality in judging , i must not here omit , and it 's this . they admitted and sustained libels against all the masters that they thought episcopal , without the least shaddow of any accuser or informer , when themselves also knew the article to be most false ; yet if any of the masters who were presbyterians , or who had insinuated themselves into their favour ; i say any such were informed against , tho' the indictment was subscribed by men of undoubted reputation ; and contained many things that justly deserved deprivation ; yet the matter was huddled up , without examining any one article . as in the case of mr. andr. massie , against whom an information was given in , subscribed by two gentlemen of great learning and reputation , the one a doctor of medicin , the other a master of arts in edinburgh ; but the inquisitors knew that these informers were not of their gang , nor had any liking to their cause , and therefore they took no notice of the charge , which is as follows . information against mr. massie . there being a commission granted by their majesties and estates of parliament , to some noblemen , gentlemen , and ministers , for visiting the universities of this kingdom ; the said visitors are earnestly desired to consider and examine the behaviour and management of mr. andrew massie , regent in the colledge of edinburgh , who these several years has been an useless and unfit master of the said university . 1. the visitors are desired to consider mr. massie's base and indirect ways to procure scholars to himself , which is thus , while he was a regent in old aberdeen , during the whole vacance , he used to travel up and down the country , and where ever he heard there were any young boys , without any introduction , he would impudently address himself to their parents and friends , and assure them that the boys were fit for the colledge , albeit , very often they did not understand a word of latin ; and if any of their parents or friends did object to him , their children not being qualified , he did promise to make up the same , by extraordinary pains and care by himself , which he never did yet , being the most superficial and unconcerned master that ever was in an university , as will appear afterwards . when he came to the colledge of edinburgh , and found that way not so practicable here , his method was , and is , to spread confidently abroad , that none of the courses were necessary , which preceeded that which he taught for the time ; so that he never fail'd to have semies , bauchelours , and magistrands , who were never at any colledge before , and he admitted them to be scholars , without offering them to be examined by the principal or masters . and this he did so frequently , that there was a publick process intended against him , in anno. 1684. and as this is not our and known to the whole university , so the same can be proven by particular witnesses . 2. the visitors are desired to consider his way and manner of teaching his scholars , which is so trifling and superficial , that there can be no excuse given for it . for , 1. he never explains his notes , but unconcernedly reads them shortly over , without ever making any digression or commenting upon them , so as to make his scholars to understand them . 2. there are many in his class , at whom he will not ask one question in the whole year , nor once examine them . 3. he takes no notice of the absents ; since many of them will be absent for some weeks , and yet he never misses nor calls for them , neither does he fine or punish them for their absence ; and the effect of this , the time he taught his last course was , that the trafficking priests and jesuits did debauch more of his scholars then of all the other students in scotland beside . 4. he takes as little notice and care of his scholars when present ; for albeit his class be numerous , yet there will not be eight or ten taking notice of what is said or dictated , while the rest in his presence are talking , tossing , and fighting together in the school : and an effect of this is , that there is more expence for mending the glass windows of his school , than of all the other schools besides . 5. he gives very ill attendance ; for all along . and particularly the last session of the colledge , he never entered the colledge till half an hour after eight in the morning , and near eleven in the forenoon ; and this was so well known to his scholars , who did not expect him sooner , that it made them either stay from the colledge altogether , or so disturb it , that it was hardly possible for other masters to keep their meetings at these times . 6. he has very few meetings with his scholars on the lords day , and takes no care that the scholars attend , since of seventy or eighty , of which his class may consist , there will not be above eight or ten present . 7. he altogether neglects the office of hebdomader ( which was the most useful attendance in the colledge , for preventing of tumults ) in so much that the scholars did ordinarily brag , that massie's week was near ; and that then they should be reveng'd of one another . 3. the visitors are desired to examine his care anent the library , which should be very dear to all the masters ; and yet mr. massie took no care to make his scholars pay their dues at their matriculation , and laureation ; and particularly this last three years there were to the number of 58 of his scholars , whom he would not bring to matriculation , notwithstanding he was desired thereto by the principal ; and the catalogue of these scholars names the biblothecar can exhibit to the visitors if required . 2. it is evident by the journal books of the library , that in the year 1680 , or 1681 , there was taken out of the money belonging to the library twenty pounds sterling , or thereby , for uses unknown to any of the present masters , for which mr. massey gave his ticket , and which ticket , without paying the money , he did again take up from mr. robert henderson the biblothecar , or his father ; who can give the best account of these affairs , and his other dealings anent the library . 4. the visitors are desired to consider what he teaches , or rather what is contained in his notes , ( which for the gross of them he copies from those of mr. john strachan , who was a regent when he entered to the colledge of aberdeen , and afterward turned jesuit ) and they will find in the questions , wherein there is occasion of differing from others ; that his doctrine is either such as tends to scepticism , and uncertainty of all things , or such as inclines to atheisme : as when he asserts that a creature may create its own self , and that even as the principal and efficient cause ; or such as favours popish transubstantiation , as his doctrine concerning the bilocation of bodies ; or such as favours arminianism , as his doctrine de scientia media ; or such as inclines to superstition , and the diabolick art , as the doctrine of judiciary astrology , and particularly de genituris , which , contrare to the example of all christian schools , he inlarges upon and exemplifies ; or such as is pure incomprehensible non-sence , as when he says the diagonal of a square is not really longer than the side ; and for his publick appearances , his maintaining of theses in the common school on the saturdays , amounts to no more than giving of the jesuits answers to evident truths , viz. that the contrair is the opinion of some doctors , and consequently probable , and may be safely followed ; and on the last saturday of march last in the hearing of all the masters , and some of the english gentlemen who were accidentally present , he stuck not to say in express words , that deus non justè punit peccatores . and always at these publick disputes he falls out in such passions , when any thing is reasonably urged against him , that the students cannot forbear to hiss at him . 5. albeit , for the time the visitors be not troubled with an account of his gross hypocrisie , covetousness and the immoralities of his life : yet it is not amiss that they know his merits in relation to the present established government of church and state ; it 's true , he was bred presbyterian , and did take all the oaths , and lies under all the obligations that were at those times imposed when he was bred , and first entered in publick employment , from the year 1647 to the year 1660. but it 's as true , that without any scruple , he broke all these bonds , took the declaration and all oaths of course in king charles's reign , and conformed and complied as much as any man. and when he came to be regent in the colledge of edinburgh , he owned his dislike of the students burning of the pope in the year 1680 ; and in the year 1681 he took and swore the oath of the test ; and again in the year 1685 in the late-king james's reign , he swore the same oath again on his bended knees before the then bishop of edinburgh . his courting of the popish priests was so often and barefac'd , that ( beside his conniving at their seducing and perverting his scholars to the romish religion ) in the year 1687 at the publick laureation in the common school , he , as a praeses , invited , and had with him in the pulpit , father reid , as he called him , a dominican fryar , and a trafficking papist . after the battel of gillicrankie , he went to complement a popish lady on the victory : and frequently this summer he has averred that the church of england is the best constitute church , and that the scots episcopal clergy are the honestest men in the world. it 's true , he will take all the oaths that can be put to him , but the visitors would consider that he hath already broken all the ingagements by which he was tyed to the presbyterian interest : neither can the government ever be secure of him , since beside his practice , he teaches in his notes , that potest dari dominium duorum in solidum in unam & eandem rem per notabile aliquod tempus . so that tho' he swear that king william is king de jure , yet , according to his principles , king james may be so too . warrant by the commissioners for visiting of universities , for citing of parties before their committee at edinburgh . the lords and others commissioners , appointed by act of parliament for visiting of universities and schools within this kingdom , do hereby require and command messengers to pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , upon a mercat day , betwixt ten and twelve a clock in the forenoon , and immediately thereafter , to the most patent gate of the university of edinburgh , and sicklike to pass to the mercat crosses of edinburgh , haddingtoun , duns , greenlaw and lauder , jedburgh , sclkirk , peebles , linlithgow and stirling , and thereat , after open proclamation , and publick reading of the said act of parliament , herewith sent , appointing the saids visitors , and this present warrant , to summon , warn , and charge the principal , professors , regents , and all others masters of the university of edinburgh , and school-masters teaching latin in the said town , at the mercat cross of edinburgh . and colledge gate thereof , and all other schoomlasters , teaching latin within the shires of edinburgh , haddingtoun , berwick , roxburgh , sclkirk , peebles , linlithgow and stirling , at the mercat-crosses of the head-burgs of the respective shires , within which they live , upon fifteen days warning , to compear before the committee of the saids visitors , delegat by them conform to the said act of parliament , to the effect therein specified , at edinburgh , in the high-common-hall of the colledge thereof , the twenty day of august next to come , at ten a clock in the forenoon , to answer and satisfie the said committee , upon the points contained in the said act of parliament , conform to the instructions given by the saids commissioners to them : and likewise , the saids commissioners do hereby require the saids messengers at the same time and place , and in the same manner , to summon and warn all the loidges , who have any thing to object against the said principal , professors , regents , masters of the saids universities , and school masters teaching latin within the bounds of the said shires , to compear before the said committee , the said day and place , to give in objections against the said principal , professors , regents and others foresaid ; and also requiring the saids messengers , at the said time and place , to make intimations to the magistrats of the burghs-royal , within the saids bounds , that they send in subscribed lists of the school masters , teaching latin within their respective burrows royal , and to the sheriffs of the shires above-named , that they send in lists of such school masters , within their respective shires , out with the burrows-royal ; which subscribed lists are to be sent to the clerks of this commission , or their deputs appointed for that committee , which is to meet at edinburgh , and that betwixt and the said twenty day of august next , to which the saids principal , professors , regents , and others masters are cited , as the saids sheriffs and magistrats will be answerable ; requireing in like manner the messengers executors of this present warrant , not only to read publickly the same , and the citation to be given therein at the said mercat-crosses and colledge-gate , but also to leave printed copies of the said act of parliament , and copies of this present warrant , and of the citation thereof , affixt upon the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the saids shires , and upon the most patent gates of the said colledge : requiring lastly , the saids messengers , executors of these presents , to return the same with formal executions , and indorsations thereof , duly subscribed by them , before subscribing witnesses , to the saids clerks or their deputs , betwixt and the said day of the said committees meeting at edinburgh : for doing of all which , these presents shall be their sufficient warrant . given at edinburgh , the twenty fifth day of july , one thousand six hundred and ninety years . and ordains these presents to be printed . extracted forth of the records , by me tho. burnet , cls. reg. finis . errata pag. 5. line 1. for been , r. but. pag. 7. l. 23. for not only , r. over and above . l. 24. del . but also . pag. 12. l. 14. r. in the. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70609-e310 * westminster confession . * as they are pleased to call all episcopal men . * viz. dr. monro . * altho' the ordering of colleges be , as themselves acknowledge , an inherent prerogative of the crown . * vid. acts parliament , pag. 1. & 2. * which differs vastly , not only from all presbyterians abroad , but from all their own former constitutions . * vid. act of parliament , sess . 1. gul. & mar. appointing 60 presbyterians instead of 14 bishops — to govern the church of scotland : by an arbitrary power , whence there was no appeal , no , not to the king himself ; * viz. d. m. * when k. c. ii. immediately after their murther of arch-bishop sharp , and rebellion at bathwel bridge anno 1679. granted them such an ample indulgence , as even to enjoy ecclesiastical benefices , only upon the condition of but living peaceably ; for which they were to find surety under penalty of about 330 pound ster . those few who embraced the king's goodness in this , were declaimed against by the whole faction , as deserters of god and his cause , and a book was printed and published that same year , ( by the approbation of the whole party , as the author says ) to prove that to engage in or observe such a condition , is inconvenient , scandalous , and sinful . they pretended the state could neither make peace nor war , without the interposal of the kirk , for it fell under their consideration , as a case of conscience : act and declaration against the act of parliament : july 28. anno 1648. * sine auctore vero propositi libelli nullocrimine locum habere debent , nam & pessimi exempli , nec nostri saeculi est . trajan . plinio ep. 98. inter ep. plin. cicil . 2d . * so both the civil and the scots law require . * a ruling elder is a scripture word , but the thing signified by it in the presbyterian language is not to be met with in the scriptures , a late invention obtruded upon the world. witness mr. black. vide spotswood . j. f. * their own phrase , for no less distinction must be made between them and those that differ from them , than that which is between good christians and unbaptized heathens . * mr. rules , now prima●● 〈◊〉 of the colledge at edinburgh being supposed to have the best hand among them for disguising truth , is appointed for that work by the general assembly as appears by one of their unprinted acts to that purpose . and now that he is engaged in the work i would advise him to write in latine , for his reculiarities in that language may tempt some people to read it , otherwise his book may be buried under the same deserved contempt and obscurity , which was the fate of his trifling pamphlets against some doctors of the church of england , which no body designs either to read or answer ; no more than he himself or any of his party believes what he asserts concerning the church of scotland , in his last squib against episcopacy . notes for div a70609-e7800 * now possess'd of the principal 's place . * that is , meetings for teaching their scholars . * donations . * lord duudie . * graduation . * this mr. reid was examined with all severily and diligence ( but still in private ) threatned and cajoll'd but the man being of more honesty then fear , told them what he knew , and that rather incensed their envy , than satisfied their design . * this article was let fall , for after all their industry , they could saynothing upon the head , no report made of it to the commission of the general visitation . * auditum admissi risum te●nea●is amici . * ja. martin . we shall hear more of this in the report of the committee , where its impertinencies will be more particularly examined . * xix book , an. 1567. regnante jacobs sexto . scotiante aliquot annos anglorum auxiliise servitute gallica liberati religionis cultui & ritibus cum anglis communibus subscripserunt . see spotswood also , beginning of the 3d book . this answer to the 3d article of the doctor 's libel , did exasperate the presbyterians to the highest degree , and they to whom it was recommended to view and examine his answers , thought they discovered strange consequences in this . but some of the nobility who were present when this was toss'd , would not suffer such fooleries as were then objected to be inserted in their report , partly that the presbyterians might not be exposed ; partly , that they might not be witnesses to such palpable impertinencies ; and partly , that none might say the ministers , to whom the government was committed , were such fools as to flie in the face of the church of england , in this juncture . this article was let fall , and no report made of it to the general commission . what esteem the most learned and best natur'd divines in foreign churches had of the church of england , its learning , piety , constitution , and primitive order ; may be gathered from hundreds of authentick testimonies ; i will only here insert one , from the venerable du moline , it is in his 3d epistle to bishop andrews , inter opuscula quaedam posthuma episcopi wint. egone malè vellem ordini vestro , de quo nunquam ●●cutus sum sine honore , ut pote qui sciò instaurationem ecclesiae anglicanae , & evers●●nem papism● , post deum & reges deberi praecipuè episcoporum doctrinae & indust●iae . quorum etiam nonnulli martyri● coronati sangnine suo subscripserunt evangelio ? q●rum habemu scripta & meminimus gesta ac zelum nulla ex parte inserio em zel● praestantiss●●norum dei servo um quos vel gallia vel germania tulit . hoc qui negat , oppo●tet vel sit improbè vecors , vel dei gloriae invidus vel cerebrosa soliditate stupens caliget in clara luce ; hanc igitur suspicionem a me amotam volo : maximè cum videam calvinum ipsum & beza● quos solent quidam suae pervicaceae obtendere , mustas scripsisse epistolas ad praesules angliae , eosque affari ut fideles dei servos , & bene meritos de ecclesia : nec sum usque adeo oris duri ut velim adversus illa veteris ecclesiae lumina , ignatium , polycarpum , cyprianum , augustinum , chrysostomum , basilium , gregorios , nissenuni , & nazianzenum , episcopos ferre sententiam , ut adversus ho●ines vitio creatos vel usurpatores muneris illiciti , plus semper apud me poterit veneranda illa primorum saeculorum antiquitas , quam novella cujusquam iustitutio . desigillatio epistolarum crimen falsi . we shall hear more of this letter in the report of the committee . * an order from the publick to imprison . elian. spart . in vita severi . sed triumphum respuit ne videretur de civili triumphare victoria . we bear no more of this article . since of orkne● , a person who , for his great learning , piety , and prudence , all good men justly esteem . * which among the scots signifie such writs as oblige any man to secure the peace under the pain of imprisonment . * second . i believe mr. rule , now that he hath had the government of that house in his hand for some time , will not think the extravagance of some boys a sufficient reason to deprive the principal , e●se he must expect the next visitation may conclude he has lost the spirit of government . it is not difficult to guess his informer , nor his inveterate prejudice against those professours . difficile satyrum scribere , this is the objection they insisted most upo● ; and the whole story of it is related in the animadversions upon the report of the committee in the following pages . no report made of this article to the general commission of the visitation . * vpon munday 10 dec. 1688 , where there were 36 either killed or wounded . no report of this article , no witnesses examined ; no not brown himself after all their industry with him in private ▪ this part of his answer was directed to sir john hail , a man so little obliged to the vniversities , that the masters could not reasonably look for any kindness from him . too inconsiderable a man to be any further chastised , h. f. we shall hear more of this in the report of the committee . heads of agreement , by the vnited ministers , head 8 , of a confession of faith. vide acts of the general assemb . 1646. rin●eit . a presbyterian minister . * this word in the phanatick language signifies the vindication of one from calumny and slander . tho' the doctor did this by order , yet he needed no order for it , it being in his power to remove and set up pictures , or any other furniture as he pleased . * publick registers . this declaration , contradicts the report in three material instances . notes for div a70609-e20920 * i.e. reputed . so much the greater shame , a method was taken not allowed by any act of parliament , and contrary to the common forms of justice over all nations , to receive libels , and to conceal the informer ; and when those scurrilous papers had in them the nature , design , and materials of a defamatory libel , then to pretend there were no libels given against them , because my lord crawford , was pleased to call the libels informations , and is it consistent with reason to receive informations , or libels , before solemn courts of judicatory , and still to conceal the informer , a practice so infamous , that as it never had a precedent in that nation : so i hope posterity shall never imitate it . lib. 4. cap. 17. sect. 7. of this many instances may be given in the time of the late troubles , though it be a part of the constant nourishment of christ's family upon earth , till he return to judge the quick and the dead . nor could it be reasonably thought he came there to be examin'd by such pedagogues . * old fellows . man made righteous by christ's obedience being two sermons at pinners-hall : with enlargements, &c. : also some remarks on mr. mather's postscript, &c. / by daniel williams. williams, daniel, 1643?-1716. 1694 approx. 406 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 128 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66352 wing w2653 estc r38938 18196849 ocm 18196849 107005 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66352) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107005) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1137:4) man made righteous by christ's obedience being two sermons at pinners-hall : with enlargements, &c. : also some remarks on mr. mather's postscript, &c. / by daniel williams. williams, daniel, 1643?-1716. [12], 238, [2] p. printed for j. dunton ..., london : 1694. publisher's list: p. [1]-[2] at end. imperfect: stained, with print show-through. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-03 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion man made righteous by christ's obedience . being two sermons at pinners-hall . with enlargements , &c. also some remarks on mr. mather's postscript , &c. by daniel williams . london , printed for i. dunton at the raven in the poultry , 1694. in a paper signed by g. griffith , t. cole , n. mather , i. chancy , r. trail , ri. taylor ; and since printed by mr. chancy . neonom . vnmask'd , pa. 3.p.96 . they charge me : he teacheth , that the righteousness of christ is imputed only as to effects , with a purchase of a conditional grant , viz. this proposition , he that believeth shall be saved . gospel-truth , p. 39. my words there are these : the difference is not 4. whether christ by his righteousness merited for all the elect that they should in his time and way , be certainly partakers of its saving effects ; and did not only purchase a conditional grant of those effects , viz. that proposition , he that believeth shall be saved . 5. nor whether besides those effects being made ours , the very righteousness of christ is imputed to true believers , as what was always undertaken and designed for their salvation , and is now as effectual to their actual pardon and acceptance to life ; yea , is pleadable by them as their security ; and is as useful to their happiness , as if themselves did and suffered what christ did . all these i affirm , p. 39 , 40. can any thing be more contrary : they say i affirm what i do expresly deny ; and that i deny what i expresly affirm . mr. m. saith , my damning error is : he is one that makes vnion to christ ; our having this righteousness upon us , and our being justified by it , to be given us in way of reward , of something done by us . my only words to which he twice refers are these , gospel-benefits are no reward of debt ; and yet they are given in a way of reward ; the benefits are given not for our faith , yet upon believing ; not upon it as a meriting consideration , yet upon it , as that the presence whereof is made necessary by the gospel , this having required faith , and confined the benefit to him that believes , defence of gospel-truth , p. 25. these and other imputations i have spoke to . you see , i say only benefits indefinitely ; the thing done by us here , is only believing : in way of reward , is only a performance of a gospel-promise , made to encourage and move sinners to believe . to the reader . it is fit that god ( whose we are ) should use us to his own purposes , however unagreeable to our inclinations the work is , or mysterious the design of providence be at present . i am sure peace is my delightful pursuit , though unreasonable men force me to debates , as part of my employ . the several books written , and sermons studiously preached for antinomianism , had not engaged my pen at first , if the leaven had not spread to the open censure of the usefulest ministry as legal , the hazard of the souls , and peace of our congregations , and the common reproach of the dissenters . when a testimony by gospel-truth stated was published , i resolved to cease any further progress in this affair , being assured it was sufficient to inform such as were not given up to those delusions , against which only it was designed . but mr. chancy's notorious misrepresentation of my principles , necessitated my defence of gospel-truth , when his billingsgate language would have been wholly slighted . since then he hath published three books unworthy of my regard , being he was resolved to persist in mistaking the matters in debate , and must argue in a way i was sure the iudicious would contemn ; and only such simple ones be confirmed thereby , who had no list or patience to read an answer . he was followed by one mr. edwards , a man even of far less iudgment and equal violence , two pages of whose book assured me , that reading furth● , was only to view an emblem of hell , viz. hot fire and thick darkness . his name-sake , the learned author of crispianism unmask'd , treated his answer thereto , with the same due pity as i have done . the war among the angels also was written with an air of such falshood and profaneness , as cautioned any from answering it , who had not the like freedom to form an antinomian prayer . that vnchristian spirit all these men discover , is convictive that christ employs them not . the fury and arts of the promoters and abetters of their new gospel ( without precepts or threatnings ) appearing a publick damage , as they unseasonably divided the nonconformists , rendred me industrious to allay the heats ; but i soon found that such as opposed the union at first , would not quit the occasion they had framed , to keep up a faction opposite thereto . hence , though we got them to subscribe with us an agreement in doctrines , and therein we mutually engaged to be at peace , and not expose each other ; it was not three weeks e'er new books were published , and their pulpits ( without any provocation on our parts ) filled with the former railings , reckoning , it seems , themselves at liberty , because they judged we thought our selves obliged by our subscriptions to be silent . i , for the publick good , connived at this , and at mr. cole's violent censures and misrepresentations of our iudgment at pinners-hall near twelve months , without the least return ; till at last , in a sermon there , he proclaimed , that gospel-truth stated , was just the case of the parable of the pharisee . i thought it my duty , to shew in my next turn , in the calmest words , that gospel-truth stated , agreed in nothing with the pharisee ; and was quarrelled with only because it urged the imitation of the publican in his penitent humiliation as necessary to forgiveness ( which that brother constantly exclaims against ) and i urged the necessity of an end to contentions . i medled not again , and forbore exposing his mysterious nonsence , which his books as well as sermons ministred sufficient advantage for ; though , alas , he and his party ( i know not why ) judge once vindicating our selves from false aspersions , is an intolerable crime in me , when his frequent , and weak as well as passionate outcries , are very iustifiable , even though he still imputes to us what we abhor . for some time we were quiet , and it was my hope we should continue so ; but mr. mather , the great enemy to the union , finding he could no longer instigate others to blow the flames , finds an occasion to get into pinners-hall , upon the sickness of one of the six lecturers ; and there , as he owneth in his preface , studiously and of purpose renews the debate . mr. b. and i were oft as good as named by him , and the very body of our ministers arraigned as socinians , and by him charged as holding soul-destroying errors , if there be , or● ever were , any in the world : enemies to christ's righteousness at heart , worse than papists ; with the like envenomed reproaches . and with the rest of his stuff , he under the pain of damnation , required the people to believe , that christ's incarnation was no part of his humiliation , and every believer was as righteous as christ in equality ; and not in similitude only with other things , which the following tract insists on . these he had oft in his own place preached , and long endeavoured to make our ministry hateful to his hearers ; yet that i was silent under : but serious thoughts of the design , and tendency of his open attempt at pinners-hall , forced me in my next turns in that lecture , to preach the principal heads of the following sermons , which i enlarged in four discourses at my own place . yet i had that regard to peace , that as i forbear all indecent reflections , so i took no notice that any one asserted what i determine against ; and had never published them , except that he had printed his , and that with the scandalous name he intends us to be called hereafter by , viz. semi-socinian . sober men justly cry out against these debates , but i appeal to their consciences , where the blame must be laid ? can we be faithful to christ , to our ministry , to souls that need our help , or to our own name , as ministers , if we lye down with these calumnies and misrepresentations ? though did they only plead for their own whimsies , i should for peace disregard them ; but to make it their daily work to prejudice the people against the faithfulest ministry , and run them into confusion of mind for a factions sake , calls i think for an industrious opposition . if you ask what in us is it they so exclaim against , i answer , it 's 1. that though we own christ's righteousness is truly imputed to us , yet we deny that god esteems us to have done and suffered what christ did . 2. though we own that god requires nothing of us to be a meriting legal righteousness , or atonement for sin ; yet we say , that god in a way of governing grace , requires some duty to be performed on man's part ( to which he enableth us ) whereupon he applies to us the beneficial effects and fruits of christ's righteousness , according to the respective gospel promises ; and thereby incourageth us to those duties ; governs our fears and hopes : and that 's the heart of the controversie , for they think no duty , as a duty is ordained , a means to any benefit : they own no law but the law of works , which admitted nothing short of perfect sinless obedience : and because we cannot perform that , as the meriting condition of life in the adjustment of iustice ; therefore men must do nothing , as a condition of enjoying any benefits in christ's right , by the adjustment of grace in a way of authority : since we cannot be wholly sinless , it 's all as one whether we are sincere or no. 3. we own that it is faith alone is the receiving condition of iustification ; yea i add , that it 's the only express'd condition of the imputation of christ's righteousness in order to pardon ; but all is in vain , because we say that repentance is necessary to our actual pardon . mr. m. falsly pretends , that their notions are the truth in the churches possession since the reformation . but i have proved the contrary by many quotations in my defence of gospel-truth ; and the very i●dicious and learned apology of the subscribers of my book hath added a greater number . i will of hundreds i could produce , give two testimonies , mr. perkins 's order and causes of salvation , &c. cap. 36. quest. whether is justifying faith commanded in the law ? ans. it is commanded in the law of faith , namely the gospel , but not in the law of works , that is , in the moral law , rom. 3.27 . the reasons are these . 1. that which the law revealeth not , that it commandeth not ; but the law is so far from revealing justifying faith , that it never knew it . 2. adam had fully before his fall written in his heart the moral law , yet had he not justifying faith which apprehended christ. he then proceeds to answer the objections against the gospel being a law. mr. anth. burgess in his doctrine of justification , part 1. p. 161. denies that repentance is in a man , as a sign only that god hath pardoned . but saith , we must go further , and say , it 's the means and way which god hath appointed antecedently to pardon , so that where this goeth before , the other followeth after . this he proves by six arguments , and the book was printed at the desire of the london synod . calvin oft owneth the gospel to be a law , and in his commentaries on jonas , cap. 3.10 . p. 359. saith , forgiveness is free , and yet as oft as god proposeth forgiveness to sinners , this condition is still added therewith , viz. that they repent . he gives the reasons of it , and calls it a law , by which god so commands repentance in order to pardon , though not as a cause of pardon . i have in this book endeavoured to put the doctrine of iustification in a plain light ; though i wonder why our brethren still say , i mean what is quite contrary to what i say . i suppose it 's because they have so long thought and represented some of our principles contrary to what they be , that they cannot think it possible that they should be what indeed they are ; or at least they will suspect us fools and lyars , rather than seem to own that they could be so long mistaken . i request therefore , that if mr. m. will reply to me , he would cite my words fully , and give the page as i have done , for hitherto my own words would have put their calumnies to shame ; him , while god spares me , i will attend to . he saith , that he is not far from the place , where the weary are at rest , and the wicked cease from troubling . i wish him repentance of the wound he hath injustly given so many , fitter to serve their generation than him or me ; and whilst he is spared ( which i desire for service may be long ) that he may be less unwearied in hindring and breaking that blessed union which promised so much good ; though i am sorry he boasts of his own quietness , whilst he createth broils , and disquiet to so many ; some known to us both , he 'll meet in glory , who were comforted by the above consideration , whilst less able to bear up under his assaults , than by grace i have been long strengthened to do . nevertheless , whilst conscience binds me to some sharpness against his attempt to destroy so many ministers , as to what 's more valuable than their lives : i do from my heart forgive him , and would rejoyce to find him convinced of his mistake and misrepresentation of our principles , that we might peaceably concur in promoting the kingdom of christ and our common good , and not be the scorn of such as glory in our weakness . reader , it 's worth thy notice , that there is more safety in our way , than in the contrary , for we trust in christ's only righteousness for all those things and vses it is appointed to , even for satisfaction to iustice , the pardon of all our sins and defects , the acceptance of our persons and all performances , the merit of all good , yea , and our legal and prolegal righteousness , renouncing every grace and work of ours to any of these purposes ; and this is all they pretend . but if it prove , that christ never intended his righteousness to be instead of true faith and repentance , sincere love to god and men , and perseverance in true holiness and fruitfulness . and that christ will judge us according to these , as things he required to our actual enjoying of promised benefits in his righteousness . they who pursue and by grace have these , will be safer than such as neglect them ; yea , mr. m. owneth , p. 67. such are thy bounden duties , and god will damn thee for neglecting them . it were easie to shew how these men contradict each other as well as themselves , but i forbear exposing them . that the fa●her of light and love would guide all of us into the way of truth and peace , is the unfeigned prayer of thy servant in the kingdom , and patience of christ , daniel williams . the errata's are such as may easily be corrected . any who consider what men i have to deal with , will excuse my frequent repetitions , and sometimes less accurate words , as object for subject , when i would most plainly distinguish between justifying righteousness , with its causes , and the person partaker of it . sermon i. of christ's obedience . rom. 5. the last part of the 19th verse . so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous . the text represents to us , first , a saving priviledge and dignity , made righteous . it supposes us unrighteous , ere we are made righteous ; and so subject to the curse , till we are absolved , as well as disobedient to the gospel while unconverted . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , oft , though not always , denotes an act of authority , as mat. 25.21 . luk. 12.14 , 42. act. 6.3 , &c. thus it s properly enough applicable to the matter before us . we are constituted righteous juridically , and all other benefits included here in the term righteous , are authoritatively conferred ; and this according to a divine enacted constitution : of which hereafter . secondly , the sole procuring cause of our being made righteous ; it s by the obedience of one : this one is the lord jesus . he alone was capable to make fallen men righteous by his obedience , and it s by his obedience that sinners are constituted righteous . mercy prompted the recovery of miserable man ; wisdom contrived this , as a way sufficient , effectual , and congruous , to that end : god , as our judge and ruler , admitted and accepted this , and in his adjusted way applies it for our pardon and adoption . faith is the moral instrument or condition of that application , the gospel promise is the express sign of the divine will , or the instrument whereby god doth apply it : but the different interest of each of these prevents not the appropriation of all the causal merit to this obedience . god justifies , regenerates , and saves , but it s with an eye to this , as the only procuring cause . thirdly , the subject actually partaker of this blessing , many ; they are men and not devils ; fallen men and not innocent ; many and not simply few ; nor yet all ; though it s for final impenitency and unbelief that any of the sons of men remain condemned : these many are equal to the number of godly believers in all ages . fourthly , the futurity and certainty of many being made righteous ; both which the future tense imports . shall be made righteous ; it notes futurity . with respect to the effect of adam's sin it 's said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were made sinners . that guilt is entailed on all his seed , and filth derived to them as soon as they subsist ; yea its true , they were all offenders , and corrupted in adam as being seminally in him : but by christs obedience it s affirmed many shall be made righteous ; i. e. when it is applied and not before . the elect since christs time remain unrighteous whilst unbelievers , notwithstanding that christs obedience is long since finished ; as well as all believers before christs coming were made righteous by this obedience , tho' it was not then actually performed , heb. 11.14 , 15. the reason of both is the same , viz. that we are made righteous , not immediately in the moment of christs obeying , nor meerly on the acts done ; but upon gods applying this to us by the word of his gospel , and work of his spirit : therefore believing abraham was made righteous many ages before christ obeyed , rom. 4.22 . and the elect corinthians were unjustified all the time of their infidelity , though christ had finished his work before , 1 cor. 6.11 . the gospel promise confers righteousness for justification on all believers , and none but believers ; tho' christs obedience be that , for which alone , when they believe , any are justified . this righteousness is offered to all hearers on the terms of the gospel ▪ its designed infallibly for all the elect ; but neither offer nor design constitutes any man righteous . there must be another act , ( even imputation ) and that terminates on no other object but the believer . 2. the words denote certainty , q. d. many shall eventually be made righteous by it . a may be made righteous , if they will believe , is a mercy to mankind above devils : but a meer may be is too low a reward for christ , and incongruous to an obedience so astonishing . strange were it that the lord of life should die for sinners , and it remain contingent , whether any of them should eternally speak his praises , or be happy by his merits . but my text is an unerring prediction , which will be still accomplishing till christs shall judge the world : his seed he shall see , whom by his knowledge he will justifie , is. 53.11 . he will not violate the gospel constitution by justifying the unbelievers , because he is elected ; but the elect shall believe that they may be justified by his obedience . the eternal counsel shall be executed in the way enacted by governing grace . 5. the redditive note , which refers to the first clause in the text ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so : the apostle had said , as by the disobedience of one , many were made vnrighteous ; so , &c. he principally intends hereby to affirm , that by christs obedience all his regenerate seed shall as certainly be made righteous , as adam's natural seed were made sinners by his disobedience : christs obedience is as effectual to the one , as adam's disobedience was to the other . adam is said to be the figure of christ , v. 14. they were two publick persons in this respect . all men were made sinners by adams fall , all men that ever are made righteous are made so by christ's obedience . this is the main scope of the apostles reasoning , in the parellel between the first and second adam ; but he intends not to infer a similitude in all things between christ and adam , who in so many things differ : nay , in this chapter you have sundry instances of that difference given . doct. by the obedience of iesus christ , godman our redeemer , many shall be made righteous . good news to a lost world ; that thô we are undone as adam's posterity , yet help is laid on christ , who is mighty to save , psa. 89.19 . there 's a way to rescue us out of the pit wherein is no water , zech. 9.11 . and to release us from that slavery , which as to any thing in our power or purchase must have eternally continued . but what comfort doth it minister to sinners ? that the gospel proclaims , a way to be made righteous on its terms , a way to be made obedient to those terms ; and a certainty that many of us apostates , forlorn wretches , shall infallibly be made righteous in that way . nor doth it a little contribute to our joy , that it is by christ's obedience all this is effected , this gives the strongest security , and must infer the benefits to be exceeding glorious , when the price is so invaluable , which was paid by him who is wisdom it self . yea , we , since christ's resurrection , have the advantage above the old testament saints , that we know more o● the obedience and the person rendring it than they did , yea , and that is finished : even all is actually done by him , which the offended law-giver exacted , as satisfactory for the injury done to governing justice by sin , or meritorious of our blessedness , and of our right to all saving benefits . well might the angel be the herald of such news as luke 2.10 , 11. i bring you good tidings of great ioy , which shall be to all people , for unto you is born this day a saviour , which is christ the lord. should i insist on every part of the doctrine , the discourses would exceed the number i intend . i shall therefore confine my self to what naturally fall under these enquiries . 1 q. what is the obedience of christ , by which many shall be made righteous ? 2 q. what is it to be made righteous by the obedience of christ ? 1 q. what is the obedience of christ , by which many shall be made righteous ? a. all that christ did or suffered in obedience to the will of god for the salvation of sinners , either in a way of satisfaction or merit . it 's sum'd up in the solemn prayer for believers , iohn 17.4 . i have glorified thee on earth ; i have finished the work thou gavest me to do . the words indeed have the same anticipation as is in the lord's supper , this is my body broken for you , thô he was not actually crucified . so here i have finished the work , i.e. i am just upon it ; and all was performed in a way of obediential subjection , q.d. it 's what thou gavest me to do for the display of thy glory obscur'd by sin and the maintaining that glory in all the blessings thy goodness inclined thee to bestow on sinners . the word in my text expressing obedience is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and exactly answers to those words of christs , isa. 50.56 . he hath opened mine ear and i wa● not rebellious , neither turned a●ay my back . i gave my back to the smiters , i shall reduce to a few propositions , what i think explicative of this point . 1 pro. god is essentially just . ps. 5.4 , 5. he hath no pleasure in wickedness , jer. 51.56 . nah. 2.3 . from the essential justice of god it is , that there are laws of nature , as well as positive laws . here the first necessity of satisfaction for sin , or the certain punishment of sinners have their rise , thô it s ratified by the veracity of god , when threatnings are promulgated by him . god admits no violation hereof in any of his ordinations , but accommodates them thereto ; and provides for the glory thereof in all the revelations of his will , and dispensations of his providence . 2 pro. god was pleased eminently to reveal the glory of his governing justice in the covenant of works with innocent man. it 's true , his holiness appeared in the precept , as a rule of ma●ners ; and it was of goodness that god would expresly covenant with man by promising any reward for obedience , and encrease his defence against sin , by pronouncing the threatning . he might have left man to that meer light which nature afforded , and proceeded only according to that absolute dominion which he had over man , as his creatour and owner . but it pleased god to take on him the relation of a governor , to which he had a right from his dominion . as a governor he enacts the law of works , and displays his justice in constituting the rule , whereby he would reward and punish . justice held the ballance in adjusting the threatning and reward , or this constitution were not a law of works , but a law of grace ; yea , obedient man had not been rewarded for his obedience , but for somewhat else ; which is contrary to rom. 10. ● . moses describeth the righteousness which is of the law , that the man that doth these things shall live by them , where he infers that a man's obedience had been his right to life , to which add rom. 4.4 . now to him that worketh is the reward not reckoned of grace but of debt . the reward would not only have been sure from the truth of god , ( which gospel blessings are ) but due from the covenant as formally legal ; it was to be a reward strictly legal ; as being proportioned and connected by governing justice ; which adjudged the duty to be done would honour justice , and answer the ends of government , to the proportion of the reward , which was promised for that duty . were it not thus , governing justice had no concern in the law of works , as to the premiant part of the sanction , but must be confined to the punitive part alone . it must adjust the threatned evil in case of sin , but not the reward in case of obedience . had justice been so unconcerned in the rewards , divine goodness might even in that law of works , have promised the reward , without requiring any duty as the condition ; and consequently ▪ there were no absolute necessity of christs's meriting glory for us : his meer atonement for sin being as much as would answer governing justice , which did not adjust the reward , but the threatning against sin only ; whereas the reward was inserted and proportioned of meer free goodness . this would also weaken the main argument for the necessity of the imputation of christ's active obedience , for our title to glory ; for if governing justice made not man's obedience a meriting condition of glory ▪ but that the reward was of meer grace in that constitution , it 's no violation of justice , that we have glory as pardoned sinners ; thô obedience be not imputed to us . let us then entertain thoughts of the law becoming that account . the law is holy , just , and good . holy in its precepts and prohibitions , just in its sanction , and good in its use and tendency . 3 pro. man by sin injur'd the relative or reputative glory of governing justice , and cas● contempt on god's government , and thereby became subject to the c●●se , forfeited all right to the reward , yea became utterly incapable of recovering that right by the covenant● of works , rom. 25 ● 8. iudgment cam on all men to condem●●on , and rom. 3.20.23 . all 〈◊〉 sinned and ●●me sho● of the glory of god● yea , rom. 5 , 12● d●at● . passed 〈◊〉 all men 〈◊〉 t●●● all h●ve 〈…〉 4 pro. that the glory of governing justice might not suffer by the saving of sinners , there must be a satisfaction for the offence they committed , and a meritorious price for the good to be dispensed to them . gods government must not be arraigned before angels or men , as weak ; nor would the justice of god seem an approver of rebellion , by admitting sin to pass unpunished ; nor admit such an occasion of disobedience to his government . by satisfaction , i mean that which fully vindicates the reputative glory of justice so injur'd by sin , and secures the ends of government . by merit , i intend , that which governing justice adjudged proportionable to the benefit to be conferred on the sinners . 5 pro. sinners being utterly incapable for this , god , our lawgiver , did ordain and admit christ , with his consent , to be the redeemer and saviour of lost sinners , by making satisfaction for sin , and meriting the forfeited blessings , and much greater for them , h●b . 3.2 . he was appointed . this was an act of the lawgiver as above the law , but it was not by the law of works : yea , god dispensed with the law of works in admitti●g christs sufferings and obedience to be satisfactory and meritorious for offendors . that law knew no vicarious obedience or punishment ; the soul that sins must di● , ●●d n●● another for it , was the language of the law. divine grace and sovereignty ●er● exert themselves to answer the e●ds of the law , by substituting a saviour of lost souls . 6 pro. it was in the covenant of redemption , wherein it was adjusted and agreed what should be thus satisfactory and meritorious ; and so effectual to save sinners , is. 53.10 , 11 , 12. ps. 40.6 , 7 , 8. ze●h . 6.13 . ioh. 17.4 . the parties in this covenant are the father and spirit , on the one part ; and the son on the other . whatever christ suffered in time , and all the obedience he yielded , were terms proposed to him , and accepted by him . in that volume were recorded what his work and rewards were to be ; and of the later the salvation of his members is a part . what he herein submitted to , he became obliged as an act of faithfulness to perform . whatever was herein promised him , he had a right to receive , and did accordingly claim . by this compact , he agreed to be a subject and servant ; and hence the law of mediation did commence as binding . by this compact his obedience and sufferings became a satisfaction that otherwise had been uneffectual . satisfaction imports a refuseableness antecedently to an agreement ; and hence we may perceive , that though what christ paid was a ●ull equivalent , yet it was not in all things the same in kind , as man was obliged to . true , justice took care that all was inserted into this covenant , as christs work , which was necessary to the reparation of its glory ; and hence the great essentials of the law of works were inserted , as articles to be performed by christ , viz. sinless obedience a● a man , which is the sum of the precept , and death the substance of the threatning ; and these to be done and suffered in the human nature . nevertheless some things in the threat were incompetent to him ; as spiritual death , the hatred of god , &c. many precepts were not agreeable to his circumstances , all which were omitted : nay , many things , which the law of works never injoyn'd on men , were necessary to be done by the redeemer , and therefore were superadded . from this covenant ariseth the immediate obligation of christ to all his obedience , as well as the rule and measure of it ; and from this his title to all the reward , much of which the premiant sanction of the law of works never contained , and could never give a right to . no doubt , that in this covenant were adjusted the terms of the application of redemption to men , which the gospel covenant doth enjoyn ; which , i suppose , the assembly mean , when they join the covenant of redemption , and the gospel covenant together ; and say , it was made with christ as the second adam : but they cannot intend , that christ obliged himself to perform personally all the terms of the application of his purchased benefits to us , as he did the terms of the impetration of those benefits : he bound not himself to repent and believe for us , tho' he did to die for us ; yea , and as surety of the gospel covenant he engaged , that the elect should repent , believe , and persevere ▪ but yet the benefits should be applied to men upon their personal believing ; and they are required by the gospel so to believe , and become themselves federating parties in the gospel covenant . this runs throughout the assemblies confession and catechisms . as when they say , faith is required by the covenant , as a condition to interest us in christ large catechism , q. 32. and they say , q. 153. that we may escape the wrath and curse of god due to us , by reason of the transgression of the law , god requireth of us , repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord jesus , and the diligent use of outward means , whereby christ communicates to us the benefits of his mediation . you have the same in the lesser catechism ; and they oft tell us of promises made to graces , &c. by which , and much more , its plain that conditions are required of men. 7 pro. satisfaction being to be made for innumerable sins committed , and not only forfeited ●●essings , but even greater to be merited , and that for many ; the obedience of christ must exceed what the law of works injoyned on mankind , as the condition of its reward . what was necessary from every single man for himself , could not by legal justice be sufficient from one man for all others that omitted it : now the law required obedience to its precepts from every single man. that could not merit the reward for sinners which was but necessary to an innocent mans title to the reward : but what the law requir'd was necessary to innocent mans obtaining the reward , though he had not sinned before : that which was by governing justice adjudged but proportionable to a less reward , could not merie a greater reward : but whatever the law of works required , was but proportioned to its lesser rewards . lesser i call them , though i allow them to be an eternal felicity in another world , yet these were not union with christ , nor such a degree of conformity to his glory , &c. much less did they include the rewards promised to christ for his obedience , as a name above every name , all iudgment and authority , with many more , all which are the reward of christs obedience . as to expiation of sin by punishment for reconciliation with the offended god , the law enjoins no such duty , nor hinted such a thing . it s threatning was eternal death as eternal , eternity was an ingredient into the misery of every sinner , and can be removed by nothing but the law-givers dispensing therewith , upon considerations equally vindicating the glory of justice , as this eternity of sinners torments would do : and it must be equivalent not only to the eternal woe of one offender , but at least of all those sinners who escape it . consider these and the like things , and see if the law of works ( which all men were perfectly to obey ) did injoyn all that obedience which christ was to yield , as the condition of his reward , of which man● salvation is but part ; especially when it s a reward adjusted by strict governing justice , abating nothing of the meriting price thereof . i mention these things to let you see the danger of confining christs obedience to the idem of what the law injoyned on man , or promised to him . alass we should be infinite loosers thereby , we could expect at best no mo●e happiness than what the law of works promised . nay , i think a p●●demption of sinners in a way of justice , would be more exceptionable than some persons think , who dare much , because they see too little . a suretiship of christs confined to what the covenant of works includes , would be an uncomfortable doctrine . but the obedience of christ was not only super-equivalent to all that man was to do by the law , but equal to all the reward promised in the covenant of redemption . the dignity of his person , the things he did and suffered , and the inten●ness of his obedience : his unobligedness to do or suffer these , but on the acco●●t of glorifying god by satisfying for sin , and opening a way for exerting grace to sinners , with many more , concur to aggrandize his obedience : of this more elsewhere . obj. will not the dignity of his person let in all happiness to us by a suretiship in the meer covenant of works ? ans. no , but ye● i ask , where doth the law of works require this dignity in the person obeying ? or , how can it put such a value on what it requir'd not ? and how can it impure that dignity to us which it never exacted ? and if it could , where are many of those fore-mentioned rewards promised in its sanction , and if they be not so included , how can that covenant convey●● right to them ? god hath better contrived for his own glory , and for our good , for which we should for ever praise and adore him . he hath taken the essentials of the law into the covenant of redemption , and added these to other superadded articles ; promising christ a seed , and their utmost felicity , as also rewards to himself in the humane nature , if he performed these articles . these christ undertook , and performed to a title . and what christ hereby acquired , he is dispencing in a gospel way of grace , and yet of government ; and blessed be his name , he is our surety , that we shall not violate the terms of the gospel covenant ; and a witness for god , that we shall obtain the good promised in the said covenant . 8 pro. our redeemer did fully vindicate the glory of governing justice from the injury offered by sin , and caused his government by his obedience to appear venerable , notwithstanding all the forgiveness and blessings which grace should bestow in christs right upon any sinners . forgiveness is a mercy which the devil foresaw not ; and besides , according to gods methods with himself , he could hardly suspect it possible , because he knew god would n●● reflect on his own justice or purity , nor prostitute his glory as a governor , nor hazard the ends of government by pardoning delinquents : he therefore tempted man with confidence of his final ruin , if persuaded to trangress ; a satisfaction by an equivalent he understood not : but infinite wisdom triumphed over satans wiles ▪ and spoiled his glorying over his captive prey . god ●●●ds a way of forgiveness without tempting any to offend the more ; and appeareth exactly just whilst yet he shews as much pardoning mercy as the offendors needed ; yea , makes sin appear more awful , and his government more sacred , by the satisfaction on which he pardoned , than in the punishment of all that had transgressed . rom. 3.26 . to declare at this time his righteousness , that he might be iust , and the iustifier of him which believeth in iesus . in v. 25. the apostle had affirmed , that the pardon of sins committed before christs coming was on the account of christs propitiation , as well as of those since . he adds , that in the propitiation whereby any sins were remitted , god appeared righteous whilst he pardoned ; though he justifies the believer , yet he appears gloriously just in that propitiation whereupon he justifies . 9 pro. the lord jesus thus glorified god as he satis●ied and merited , by perfectly obeying the will of god ; and by the whole of his humiliation , especially in offering up himself an atoning sacrifice by death upon the cross. his active and passive obedience concurred in the whole of redemption . 1. he perfectly obeyed the will of god. whatever was adjusted as his duty he performed ; he made the authority of the law-giver manifest , and exemplified the perfect purity of the law ; he was habitually holy without defect and blemish ; and actively obedient to the extent and spirituality of the precept . heb. 7.26 . he was holy , harmless , and undefiled , separate from sinners : he fulfilled all righteousness , mat. 3.15 . not refusing obedience to the institution ministred by iohn the baptist : he fulfilled the moral law ; yea observed the ceremonial law , and filled up every relation wherein he stood : he not only did what we are to do ; but whatever act of obedience was consistent with his circumstances : he pleaded no exemption because of his dignity ; nor waved any thing as too mean or difficult . an accurate observance of the divine will ran , as a constant line , through his whole life , according to the various opportunities presented to him ; and every act of his obedience was filled with that love , zeal , and alacrity , as might prescribe instruction to the highest angels ; and convince them , how just , meet , good , and excellent a thing the profoundest obedience is , when god in flesh was thus observant . thus he made the law honourable , and thereby the lawgiver , is. 42.21 . 2. he was humbled , and suffered the utmost punishment , which justice required , and god proposed for the expiation of sin. he was incarnate , and therein emptied himself , phil. 2.7 . he was a man of sorrows , as if they made up his constitution , and was acquainted with grief , even with the inwards of it , as his familiar , is. 53.3 . he endured reproach , so as to cry out , they have broken my heart , ps. 65.20 . so low was he brought , as to express his estate by those words , i am a worm , and no man , ps. 22.6 . he was beholding to others for necessaries , luc. 8.3 . which seems felt by him in the commoness of that passage with him , it s more blessed to give than to receive , acts 20.35 . he received comfort by the ministry of angels , matt. 4.11 . luc. 22.43 . how oft was he blasphemed , mock'd by men , grieved by his followers , and deserted by his friends ? his blood was often shed , at circumcision , when stoned , whipp'd , crowned with thorns , crucified , and at last his heart blood let out , iohn 19.34 . oh! the direful agony which so amazed him ; forced clots of blood , and rendred him sorrowful even to death . god hid his face from him : a death in the manner of it , accursed , as well as shameful , he tasted and endured . he lay in the grave for a time , after he had thus wade● through a sea of blood , shame and terrour . alas ! who can tell what he underwent , whose resentments of all must give them a weight beyond our conjecture ? one so glorious to be thus debased , one so near to god to be thus deserted , &c. how astonishing a sight was it to see christ hang upon a cross ? the purposes designed by it must be answerable to the wonder , and so we shall acknowledge , when we understand the justice and purity of god , the evil of sin , the harmony of divine government , the value of pardon , and eternal life , the honour of the mediatour , and the influence of his obedience on myriads of angels . at present we see the pardon of sin made consistent with justice . our lord endured that punishment of sin , that god might be glorious , whilst the believing sinner escapes . by this , god declared the righteousness of his government , whilst he glorified his grace in saving transgressors : christs being obedient even unto death , honoured the law above all that men could perform in their best condition : yea , sets it above contempt , when the penitent is forgiven his greatest enormities : so that god as our governor , receives such glory by christs subjection , as it suffers nothing by the impunity and happiness of all who are saved . yea , a dying christ is more fit to awe every one against rebellion , and dispose to the exactest obedience than any other consideration . for the further clearing of this point , i shall propose three enquiries . 1 enq. were christ's sufferings a part of the obedience of christ whereby we are made righteous ? ans. the sufferings of christ were a part of the obedience of christ , whereby we are made righteous . no precept could try his obedience more , than that he should make his soul an offering for sin. herein he outdid the loyalty of all beings ; for the proof of this point , i shall give you some further evidence , that christs sufferings were a part of his obedience . 1. whatever was endured by christ was injoyn'd on him in a way of authority , upon supposition he would be redeemer . he agreed to be a subject and servant : he learned whât obedience was , even by what he endured ; heb. 5.8 . and still acknowledged an authority over him as mediatour , this commandment i have received of the father 's john 10.18 . not as i will but as thou wilt ; were his words ; when the human nature hinted so much reluctancy , as expressed the cup to be truly bitter , mat. 26.29 . 2. christ's sufferings were endured by him in a way of obedience , he obeyed in whatever he endured . isa. 50.5 , 6. the lord god hath opened my ear , and i was not rebellious , i gave my back to the smiters . &c. mat. 26.42 . he shews the most obediential regard , thy will be done . phil. 2.8 . he was obedient unto death . the law of mediation injoin'd it , his will exerted its true consent , even giving up the ghost . 3. the efficacy of christ's sufferings much depended on their being acts of obedience , had they been against his will , or had he repented after he had first agreed , men had fail'd of salvation . heb. 10.9.10 . lo i come to do thy will , o god. by the which will we are sanctified , through the offering of the body of iesus christ , one for all . the will of god appointing and accepting this atonement , and the will of christ obeying and freely performing what was appointed , are that we are saved by . the obedient heart of christ , in all gives a power thereto . hence there 's a stress laid on his voluntariness in his work ; he gave himself . gal. 14. tit. 2 14. and he offered himself . heb. 7 , 27. he testified this in being the priest , that offered himself , as well as the sacrifice that was offered . these being such amazing instances of obedience , tended much to glorify gods government , how sacred is that authority , and how binding are its mandates ● when the son of god in flesh will observe them , even when they require such sufferings to be endured and submitted to . these are harder precepts than angels or men were ever called to obey , and therefore how chearful should they be in observing such commands , as be less humbling and difficult ; especially when the authority of gods precepts are founded in his absolute dominion over them ? but christ could be under no law , till by his own consent , he was willing to be a subject . i infer then , that if christs sufferings were a part of his obedience , then we are made righteous thereby , or we are made righteous by only some part of his obedience , which i suppose you 'l not affirm . 2. christ's sufferings are a part of christ's meriting righteousness , this will both prove that they are part of christs obedience , and that we are made righteous thereby . unless any should surmize , we are made righteous by some what of christs , besides his obedience ; or , that his meriting righteousness doth not conduce to make us righteous . that christs suffering are apart of his righteousness , might be demonstrated many ways , as first , they were part of the condition whereupon christ had a right to mens pardon and salvation . isaiah 53.11 12. second , christ pleads and interceeds in the virtue of his sufferings . 1 iohn 2.1 , 2. third , we are justified by his blood. rom. 5 9. four , they are meritorious of what blessings we receive , but these things will be insisted on in the third enquiry . 2. enquiry . was christ's incarnation a part of his humiliation ? ans. christs incarnation was a part of his humiliation . to argue this point with evidence , i must mind you , that the subject of this proposition must be taken as it naturally lieth , i would think it of no use to you , and in it self a vain question to ask ; had christ assumed our nature in another state than it is since the fall , or had christ become incarnate in another manner , than by being conceived in the womb of the virgin ; whether then his incarnation had been a part of his humiliation ? thô i know some popish schoolmen ungroundedly affirm , that christ would have taken our nature into union with him , if adam had not fallen , and so there would not have been that place for his humiliation , yet i think not hard to prove , that for the eternal word to become incarnate in any manner , would have been a great humiliation ; and there must have been somewhat that would have rendred it so , or he would not have assumed our nature . but we have nothing to do with such chimaeras , christ was incarnate , he hath assumed our nature , the word of god tells us , in what manner he assumed it , and to what ends , and in what state. therefore we must in our question speak of christs incarnation as it was , and not as it was not , and which ever way it be decided , every one must confine his conceptions according as the subject in the question is stated , unless they will deceive others and themselves . i shall offer these reasons to prove , that christs incarnation was a partt of his humiliation . 1 r. the word of god in express terms affirms this , phil. 2.7 . but made himself of no reputation , and took upon him the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of men. let us for the better apprehending the force of this text , consider , 1. the context . 2. the words in the verse . 3. the objection that can be offered to enervate it from v. 8. for if the context tend to prove that christs incarnation was a part of his humiliation , and the text in plain words affirm it , and there be nothing in the whole against it , the proof must be express ; only let me give you the 7 verse as it is in the original , which by our translation is darkened . christ emptied himself , taking on him the force of a servant , being made in the likeness of men. 1. le ts consider the context , the apostle had commanded self-denial , charity , and humility , ver . 3 , 4. this charge he inforceth by christs example ver . 5. let this mind be in you which was in christ jesus ; lhat he might give this instance , the greater advantage . 1. he shews the glorious dignity of christ as god. ver . 6. who being in the form of god , thought it no robbery to be equal with god. he was equally glorious , he that assumed our nature , and suffered in it , was as excellent and the beams of his glory as illustrious , as god himself ; being of one essence and nature with god , and having no other nature besides his divine . 2. he then proceeds to tell them , how this glorious one humbled and debased himself , v. 7. of which presently ; and thereby lets them see , how meet it was , that they should not grudge at denying themselves , or being the most lowly and humble when christ , so infinitely more glorious , was content to become so low and mean , as to take our nature , and suffer in it . you see the context requires , that whatever is affirmed in this seventh verse must refer to christ's debasement , or it cannot answer the plain scope of the apostles reasoning ; which is , to perswade men to be self-denying , from this example of christ's humbling himself . 2. the words of the seventh verse are next to be considered , he made himself of no reputation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is the first expression , if you regard the derivation of the word , it amounts to this ; he rendered himself such , as if his perfections and glory were vain or useless . the word is consonantly translated , 1 cor. 9.15 . make [ my glorying ] void . it 's render'd by tertullian , se exhausit . &c. of all , made himself nothing : by beza , quasi ex omni seipsum ad nihil redegit . zanthius raiseth it higher , se evacuavit omni g●oria & aequalitate cum patri : he emptied himself of all glory , and equality with the father . indeed who can comprehend the utmost of this examinition . now these words must refer to his incarnation , as what let in , and made him ●●pable of all the subsequent sufferings . the next words are , he took on him the form of a servant ; or taking on him the form of a servant : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherein was this ? i answer , in taking our nature . for by assuming this nature , he became god's servant , and subject to his authority , as if not his own master , thô a servant to man he never was . he that was in the form of god , that is truly so , was in the form of a servant , that is truly so ; that is the sense the next words confirm , and was made ( or being made ) in the likeness of man. not likeness , in opposition to the reality of the humane nature ; but a conformity in nature , and the natural operations thereof : he assumed our very humane nature . i hope then the plain order and import of the words appear to be this : the lord iesus did greatly empty and humble himself in taking our nature , by the very assumption of which nature , he was a servant . and lest you should think , that by being a servant is meant some servile debasement after he assumed this nature , and not his meer incarnation , the apostle explains it yet more ; being made in the likeness of a man , is added after the form of a servant . nay , lest any one should deny his incarnation to be part of his humiliation , by inverting the order of the words : he proceeds , v. 8. and being found in habit or fashion as a man , he humbled himself : q. d. being thus emptied and debased in taking our nature , and being to observance in a state common with other meer men , he went on to undergo those sensible sufferings , which his humane nature rendred him capable of enduring . which leads me , 3. to the objection from v. 8. being found in fashion as a man , he humbled himself , becoming obedient unto death , even the death of the cross . whence may be objected , that his humiliation is confined to his dying in the humane nature , after he had assumed it . a. christ's dying was a great part of his humiliation , but that doth not argue that it was all his humiliation . christ's death , and lying in the grave , finished his humiliaiton ; but it doth not follow , that was the beginning of it . his incarnation did begin it , thô he proceeded to consummate it by obeying unto death . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or emptying himself , which is ascribed to his incarnation , doth as truly express an humiliation , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render humbled : yea , the former denotes a far greater humiliation , as to the significancy of the word . to conclude this ; i cannot conceive , how the apostle could more expresly assert , that christ's incarnation was a part of his humiliation ; nay , he seems to lay a very great stress upon it ; and variously expresseth christ's assuming our nature , as that wherein the wonder consisted most . oh that he , who had a glory shining equally with the father , should so submit to the with-holding of it , as to be made a man. let me mind you , that the socinians will thank any man that denies the sense i give of this text. 2. r. christ did in his very incarnation , in obedience to god's command , voluntarily submit to the concealing and suspending of his manifestative glory , that he might be capable to suffer the utmost punishments he had engaged to endure . this argument will appear in greater strength , if we consider it in its several parts . 1. by shewing what a concealing and suspending of christ's manifestative glory there was in his very incarnation . 2. that submiting and enduring this in obedience to god , and for the ends he thus assumed our nature , was truly a degree of humiliation . 3. i shall answer an objection that may be offered against the son of god being capable of being humbled . 1. there was a great suspending and concealing of christ's manifestative glory in his very incarnation . our nature was taken as an obscuring vail , and in the manner of assuming it , that vail was exceeding thick ; which will appear in these things : 1. christ was conceived in a woman's womb , there was he confined the usual time ; he was born , he s●ent part of his time in the unactive state of infancy and childhood . he was capable of growing in knowledge , luke 2.52 . this points to the manner of his incarnation ; and is there no conc●alment of his glory herein , no laying it aside ? oh for god-man to be at any time unactive as an embrio , or child in the womb ! for him to be born of a woman , for him to pass through the incapacities of infancy , and the like necessary consequences of the manner of his incarnation ! sure here 's a suspension of glory . eve was formed in a way more glorious . whereas the apostle notes it of christ , that he was made of a woman made under the law , gal. 4.4 . 2. christ in his very incarnation assumed the humane nature when in a low state , yea after the fall , and subject to many effects of that fall. it was not a glorious body , a spiritual body , a body cloathed with immortality ; but a body subject to hunger , thirst , weariness , yea death it self . the apostle leaves a remark on this , 2 cor. 5.16 . thô we have known christ after the flesh , yet know we him so no more . further , what a vail was it , that he assumed our nature after man had sinned , after he was condemned , and part of the sentence executed : yea , there was need of an extraordinary way of generation to prevent the propagation of guilt , and defilement to him ; our lord was subject to grief , fear , trouble , temptations from without , &c. and the same infirmities as we fallen men are , sin only excepted , heb. 4.15 . and was all this no humiliation ; his meer incarnation was his assuming a body , in the frame and habit whereof these infirmities had actual place , and not a body exempted from these : he was in the likeness of sinful flesh , rom. 8.3 . 3. the apostle includes christ's incarnation in his inferiority below angels : heb. 2.9 . we see iesus , who was made a little lower than the angels for the suffering of death , &c. thô his exaninition in assuming our nature be not all , yet it is a great part of his minoration ▪ as taking a nature below the angelical : thô he could soon raise it above angels when he had assumed it , and finished his work therein ; and hence some render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for a little while . but it 's plain , that the humane nature in it self is below the angelical ; and therefore in taking this lower nature , he was so far humbled , and went so far further from his glory . 2. christ's receding from his glory , in taking our nature in this state , and after this manner in obedience to god , and for the ends for which he assumed such a body , was truly a degree of humiliation . that christ should become man , was one article submitted to by him , heb. 10.5 . it was a debt , heb. 2.16 , 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; he was incarnate ; and that in the very described manner , that he might be capable of enduring those full effects of sin ; that he might tast death for every man , be tempted , and the like . had not he assumed our flesh , he was not capable of enduring these ; yea , had he not assumed our nature in an humbled state , and submitted to a vail on his glory , the world would have been dazled with his brightness above the sun 's ; and none durst have blasphemed or assaulted him . but our lord was thus incarnate , his humane nature was in this humbled condition , and not in an exalted state when he assumed it , and begun not to be humbled afterwards ; he laid by his glory when he put on our flesh in his conception ; and therefore , iohn 17.5 . he prays , glorifie me with that glory which i had with thee before the world began . and the apostle reckons it as a degree of his humiliation ; gal. 4.1 . made of a woman made under the law . yea , i think it might be demonstrated , that the lord 's quitting the display of his divine glory in his conception , birth , and the whole time of his life , was the greatest degree of his humiliation . and what can exclude his incarnation , especially in such a manner , from being a part of humiliation , unless this following objection ; for it was in a way of obedience , his glory obscured , and this to abasing purposes . obj. how could the divine nature be humbled ? a. it was the eternal word , or the second person that was humbled , as far as his incarnation obscured his glory in the way above described . 1. the divine nature essentially considered , could neither be humbled , nor exalted ; nothing can add to , or take from it . 2. neither could the divine nature feel or resent sufferings in the same manner as the humane nature ; it was not capable of passion . 3. yet the eternal word was capable of laying aside his manifestative glory , of subjecting himself to do so in obedience to the father , and persuant to his covenant undertaking , and to make himself capable of drinking the whole of the cup , by being cloathed with such flesh , and that in a manner so obscuring of his glory . it 's more strange , that this should be questioned by such who ascribe to christ acts properly mediatorial before his incarnation . 3. r. christ , for his very incarnation among other things received authority as a reward ; iob. 5.27 . he hath given him authority to execute judgment , because he is the son of man. if you say , he was not capable of such a gift but as the son of man , even that argues a degree of humiliation ; that the person to whom all was due by virtue of his divine essence , should assume another nature to be capable of this as a gift . but the words express his being the son of man to have a causality , " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authority is a reward for his incarnation , among other things : and if this be rewarded , it must come within the compass of his humiliation ; for all christ's meritorious acts come under the consideration of his being humbled , and the acts of his exalted state are not properly meritorious . i might add other reasons , as from the dependant state to which christ became subject , by assuming our nature ; and from the way how the glory of christ's person added to value the sufferings of the humane nature , &c. but i think what is already offered is sufficient . obj. if christ's incarnation was a part of his humiliation , then he is in a state of humiliation in heaven . a. 1. christ's continuing in the nature assumed when he hath exalted it , may not be a part of his humiliation , and yet his assuming that nature was a part of his humiliation . the act of assumption is one thing , remaining united is another : the nature in a humble state , as it was when he was incarnate , is one thing ; that nature in a perfected glorious state , as it is now in heaven , is another . christ doth not in heaven assume our nature denovo ; but remains united to that nature which he assumed in the womb : and the state of this nature is now glorious , whereas he took our flesh when it was inglorious . a prince may humble himself in marrying an ignoble , deformed , sickly beggar ; and yet it will not follow he humbleth himself still , because he lives with her as a wife , especially if he hath ennobled , beautified , healed , and enriched her . 2. saying ; that christ's humane nature is exalted in heaven , is an acknowledgment , that christ was humbled in taking our nature in the manner and condition he assumed it in . would christ's body be in an exalted state , if it were in the form it had in its first conception ? yet so it was in the moment of incarnation . were it exalted if still to be born ? yet so it was . would he be in an exalted state , if still an infant or child ? yet this was necessary from the manner of christ's incarnation . would this nature be exalted , if still subject to weariness , pain , grief , hunger , shame , temptation , and death ? yet such was the frame and habit of it when he assumed it . this vast difference in the state of christ's body in heaven , and when he became incarnate , may convince us that christ humbled himself in assuming it ; unless you will suppose it was first a glorious body , i. e. when he took it , and after he assumed it , it was deprived of that glory , and humbled , and then again exalted : but such conceits i pass by . 3. i might add , thô the exalted body of christ be now a more fitted medium , whereby the divine glory is exerted and manifest , and also the glorious purposes attained by the hypostatical union continued , do compensate it ; nevertheless the human nature is in a sense at present some vail upon the glory of christ , as the eternal word , notwithstanding the exaltation of the humane nature ; 1 cor. 15.28 . but these things are so beyond our comprehension , that an humble reverence doth best set limits to our thoughts . but what hath been insisted on , without enlarging on this , may suffice to give us juster thoughts of our selves as men , at least so as not to furmise , it was no act of humiliation in the lord of glory to become man , by being conceived and born ; for him to be a child , to assume flesh subject to weariness , pain , sorrow , faintness , temptation , death , &c. for the creator of the world to assume to a personal union with himself , the lowest sort of intelligent creatures ; and for the lord of glory to become a subject and servant . i shall conclude this point , by giving you the westminster assemblies judgment ; less catech. q 27. wherein did christ's humiliation consist ? a. christ's humiliation consisted in his being born , and that in a low condition made under the law , & c. you see that they thought christ's being bo●● was a part of his humiliation . and not only the miseries that followed his being born , nor the low condition wherein he was born . 〈◊〉 tech. q. 46. the estate of christ's humiliation , was that low condition wherein he for our sakes emptying himself of his glory , took upon him the form of a servant in his conception , and birth , life , death , and after his death till his resurrection . q. 47. christ humbled himself in his conception , in that being from all eternity the son of god in the bosom of the father ; he was pleased in the fulness of time to become the son of man , made of a woman of a low estate , and to be born of her with divers circumstances of more than ordinary abasement . you see his very becoming the son of man ; and his conception whereby he was incarnate , were parts of christ's humiliation . 3. enq. did christ by his death and sufferings merit any thing , and that for us ? a. christ by his death and sufferings merited , yea even saving blessings for us . i shall , 1. premise somewhat that may tend to clear this . 2. i shall prove the thing i affirm . 1. let this be premised : christ's death and sufferings may be conceived of , first as satisfactory , and then meritorious . on the other hand , christ's active obedience is to be conceived , as first , fit to be meritorious , and then satisfactory . the reason of the former is this : had not christ's death and sufferings been for to make satisfaction , god had not admitted them , or delighted therein , as the merit of any benefits ; nay , god would have looked at them with dislike , in stead of accounting them a meet price of blessings . the reason for the later is ; that had not christ's active obedience been perfect , and so fit to merit , it could not satisfie , or be a recompense for man's disobedience , by vindicating the injured glory of god's righteous government . imperfect obedience had tempted creatures to offend , instead of atoning god for the offence . 2. i shall prove , that christ's death and sufferings did merit greatly , and that for us . short hints will suffice to confirm a position to plain . 1. r. that for which christ was rewarded , both as to himself , and as to us , did truly merit , and that for us . but christ was rewarded , both as to himself and us , for his death and sufferings . that christ was rewarded for his death and sufferings as to himself , is past question , phil. 2.9 . wherefore god hath highly exalted him , and given him a name above every name . the covenant of redemption adjusteth this ; christ claimeth this oft as of right , and the father is oft said to perform it as of justice . that christ was for his death and sufferings rewarded as to us , is as evident . all the saving benefits we receive are part of christ's reward , and dispensed as such : isa. 53.11 , 12. he shall see of the travel of his soul , and shall be satisfied , by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many , for he shall bear their iniquities . therefore will i divide him a portion with the great , and he shall divide the spoil with the strong , because he hath poured out his soul unt● death , &c. i shall presently instance the saving blessings , which we receive for the sufferings of christ , as the procuring ca●se thereof . 2. that which is the price of our redemption , did merit for us ; but christ's death and sufferings were the price of our redemption , &c. 1 cor. 6.20 . for ye are bought with a price . 1 pet. 1.18 , 19. ye were not redeemed with corruptible things , but with the precious blood of christ , &c. acts 20.28 . to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood . you cannot doubt but that by which we are redeemed and bought did merit ; the just god was a detainer of us as guilty offenders , until christ by death made reparation to his glory . 3. that which is part of the righteousness of christ , for which we are justified , did merit for us . but christ's death and sufferings are part ( at least ) of the righteousness of christ for which we are justified , &c. rom. 5.9 . we are justified by his blood . it 's by this blood as the procuring cause , this was the propitiation : hence his blood is said to cleanse us , 1 iohn 1.7 . i hope you will not doubt , that that of christ , for which we are justified , is at least a part of christ's righteousness . 4. if christ's poverty merited riches for us , then his sufferings merited for us ; but christ's poverty merited riches for us : 2 cor. 8.9 . for ye know the grace of our lord iesus christ , that thô he was rich , yet for your sakes he became poor , that ye through his poverty might be rich . he was owner of all things , but for a time he quitted as it were his claim , to acquire treasures for us , who has forfeited all : he had not a cottage of his own to lay his head in , that he might purchase mansions for us . 5. that in the virtue whereof christ intercedes for , and gives out the saving blessings we receive , did merit for us ; but it 's in the virtue of his death and sufferings that christ intercedes for , and gives out the saving blessings we receive . he is entred into the holy place , heb. 9.12 . into heaven it self , v. 24. there he presents the offering he had finished on earth ; that is , in the virtue thereof he claims , and expects the blessings promised thereto , and merited thereby : the dispensing thereof is committed to him ; and each of them is given to us , and received by us , in the express virtue of that offering . i shall enumerate some , and shew that each is assigned to christ's death and sufferings : col. 1.14 . in whom we have redemption through his blood , even the forgiveness of sins . which blood was shed for the remission of sins , matth. 26.28 . eph. 1.7 . we have redemption through his blood . heb. 13. 12. wherefore iesus , that he might sanctifie the people with his own blood , suffered without the gate . reconciliation is owing to the same cause : col. 1.21 , 22. now hath he reconciled in the body of his flesh through death to present you holy , &c. yea , eternal life the sum of all promised good is granted on the same account : heb. 9.15 . that by means of death for the redemption of their transgressions that were under the first testament , they which are called might receive the promise of eternal inheritance . can you suppose that we have remission , sanctification , peace , and an eternal inheritance for christ's death and sufferings , and that his intercession for these and other blessings is in the virtue of his blood , and yet his death merited not these . 6. i might add , heb. 10.14 . he hath by one offering perfected for ever them that are sanctified : which must not only prove , that christ's death and sufferings merited for us , but that all saving blessings are under their influence , as the meritorious cause thereof . object . christ's death and sufferings were but the paying of a debt , and therefore merited nothing . 1. a. was not our obedience a debt ? yea it was so more properly than our sins or punishment . sins are metaphorically called debts , but they are not things we owe to god , but are the neglect of that obedience which we do owe to god , and so oblige us to punishment . punishments are called a debt , not as what god owes to us as a debt , or we to him , but as what we are obnoxious to ●or disob●dience , if god is pleased to inflict them : but yet he is not so obliged to punish us ; as to exempt him from a pardoning . right in the way his infinite perfections will adjust . if the objection then will prove , that christ's death merited nothing , because it was the payment of a debt ; the● it will more follow , that christ's active obedience merited nothing ; for that 's as much at least the paying of a debt , yea more properly . the confusion which this word debt hath induced weak men into , especially as a pecuniary debt , in the doctrine o● satisfaction , i shall afterwards be necessitated to speak to . 2. a. christ's death and sufferings were acts of obedience in christ , and so they merited . our undergoing of punishment would have been no act of obedience in us , but an involuntary enduring of vengeance : it was not by a divine precept made our duty , but by the sanction rendred due to us . there was a threatning whence it must be endured , but no commandment that made our being punished an obediential act in us . is it an act of our obedience to die a spiritual death , or to be hated and abhorred by the lord ? yea , is being eternally damned a duty performed to god by the tormented ? but whatever our lord jesus suffered , was obedientially and voluntarily endured : it was god's commandment to him , and in him an act of the highest obedience to god ; he pleased god therein . ioh. 10.17 . therefore doth the father love me , because i lay down my life . he was obedient unto death , phil. 2.8 . his willing subjection to god's authority and design herein , was that which gave life and en●rgy to his sufferings . truly christ's dying was the highest act of obedience , and what we call his active obedience , yields no instance that equalleth this . it followeth then , that if christ's obedience could mer●● , then his death and sufferings merited , because they were strictly acts of obedience : his very ensuring them was obediential . 3. a. thô death was due to us as sinners , yet death was not due to christ , but as it was to be satisfactory and meritorious . it was thus proposed to him by the father , and thus consented to by himself . he was to bear it as a punishment for the satisfaction of governing justice , and to merit the pardon of sinners ; his sufferings were a pardoning price . he had committed no crime , and therefore deserved no punishment , nor needed any pardon . but he was willing to bear the punishment of our crimes , that thereby he might merit our forgiveness , in a way consistent with the perfections of god , and conducive to the glory of divine government . hence , is. 53.5 . the chastisement of our peace was upon him . it on him was a chastisement for our peace , as it s designed end. true it was for sin , or it had not been necessary , nor yet a punishment , but yet it was to purchase our salvation , or he had not submitted to it . 4. a. the immediate efficacy and operation of christ's sufferings upon us , are as they be meritorious . christ's death must be satisfactory to god , or he would not have accounted it meritorious of peace to us ; nor granted us benefits on the account thereof . provoked justice , and the injury to divine government by sin , stood in the sinner's way , yea stood in the way of all merit for good to us . there must be a propitiation for sin to god ; and this being made to god , it 's accepted as a ransom and price by him , and so it operates on the sinner in a way of merit consequential of that satisfaction we are redeemed by christ's blood as a redeeming price ; we are saved by it as meritorious of salvation : thô it was also offered as an atonement , and supposed to be so , ere life could be granted to men for the sake thereof . 5. a. it were a great reflection on the father , and upon christ , as well as destructive to sinners , to suppose , that christ by his death and sufferings merited nothing for us . god is strangely represented , if he will have his innocent son die for sinners , and yet his death not be allowed meritorious of the release of sinners . we conceive not of christ according to his wisdom , that he would make his soul an offering for sin , and not thereby purchase the release of sinners in his way . and as to the concern of sinners , what avails it them , that christ died to honour justice , if their pardon , adoption , and glory , be not merited thereby ? if we should conceive that christ died for us , and yet thereby merited not that we should not die , but live ; it would infer , that christ's satisfaction did no more than make it consistent with god's glory to save believers , but not certain that god would save those that believe . i say , believers , because christ died to purchase salvation absolutely for none but them that would believe : thô he purchased faith for the elect , ( whereby their happiness is as sure , as if absolutely purchased , ) and the serious offers of salvation on the terms of the gospel for all men that hear the gospel . i hope these considerations will induce you to conclude , that the death and sufferings of christ are meritorious of saving blessings for us . thô i grant , christ's active obedience was meritorious , yea and in a very proper sense satisfactory too ; yet if it were necessasary , ( which it is not , ) that we must confine the merit of salvation to either his active or passive obedience , i should esteem it abundantly safer to confine it to his passive obedience ; as olevian , piscator , windelin , gataker , pitcairn , and many of our greatest divines , have done . i shall contract the application of what you have heard , and leave the improvement of such inferences as these to your minds . 1. how great and awful an evil is sin ! besides the defilement which it brings , the debasement of our rational nature by it , and that obnoxiousness to punishment which attends it , we have seen how contrary it is to the holy nature of god , and what an injury to the glory of his government . this is that provocation which essential justice required , an atonement for , and the wisdom of god , saw necessary to punish in the most awful manner in his very son. what an offence was that , which when his boundless grace made him willing to forgive , yet his other perfections would not admit to pass unpunished ▪ that the government of god might receive no damage by man's impunity ? the agony and death of our redeemer as convincingly testifie the evil of sin , as the howlings of the damned , yea in many respects far more . this is that of which without blood there is no remission , heb. 9.22 . yea for which the blood of christ alone was a fit propitiation , 1 ioh. 2.2 . the blood of him alone that was god could wash it out of god's books , and fetch its stain out of our consciences . whatever wonder is displayed in the method of redemption , proclaims the odiousness and disorder of sin. let us then humbly bewail our past offences , wonder that we can make a mock of sin , be in distress till our pardon be sealed to us , watch and be afraid of all sin for the future , and be restless whiles this worst of evils hath any room in our hearts , or advantage to break out in our lives . 2. the governing justice of god is strictly exact , and his authority sacred ; god is infinite in mercy , but not to the least detriment of justice ; he bare a good will to the elect , but will not eclipse his throne in forgiving them . he will be just even when he pardons , rom. 3.25 . his son must obey in our nature , if we neglect or fail to obey ; his son must die in our flesh , if we offend , and yet obtain remission . angels irremediably perish for their rebellion , having no god in their nature to atone for them . if sinful man escape , it 's by a satisfaction made by christ in their nature as their sponsor , heb. 2.14 , 16. more of this afterwards . let us reverence his laws , tremble at his threats , submit to all he prescribes , and serve him with reverence and godly fear , for our god is a consuming fire , heb. 12.28 , 29. 3. how amazing is the love of the father , in giving his son for us , and as astonishing is the love of christ in giving himself for us ! the indignation of god against sin , and the love of god to sinners , contend in this instance . god takes occasion to display his love , while he vindicates the honour of his justice : rom. 5.8 . but god commendeth his love towards us , that whiles we were yet sinners , christ died for us . he doth herein not only assure us of his love , but gives to angels and men an instance of the infiniteness of that love of his . by this , beyond any other , he proclaims how much he can love . can you question it , when you consider him so provoked by sin , when you weigh the dignity and dearness of his son to him , the humble state he was to enter into , and the astonishing miseries he was to endure in that state ; and this for vile worms , and careless resolved enemies . well might the apostle say , herein is love , not that we loved god , but that god loved us , and sent his son to be the propitiation for our sins , 1 joh. 4.10 . alas ! all creatures love to god is not worth the name of love , in comparison with his love to us . how should this aggravate our unkindness , raise our admiring thoughts , heighten our esteem , unite our hearts to him , render him the object of our supreme delight , and render our obedience to his commands exact and pleasing , yea join'd with the greatest zeal for his glory , and serviceableness to his interests . the father's love must not be overlook'd , which too many are guilty of , by representing him to their m●●ds as only exacting satisfaction from christ , not minding that he provided and gave christ to make that satisfaction . our blessed redeemer's love is alike unaccountable ; he was not ignorant of what attended his undertaking when he subscribed it , he knew all the abasement of his humble state ; he understood all the bitter ingredients of the cup , how deep every nail in the cross was to pierce , what impressions divine wrath would make , and what an eclipse his own vailed glory would occasion . but yet his love was sufficient to take on him all this weight , and carry him through the utmost of his undertaking . his kindness was not quenched by floods of sorrow , nor his heart changed when he felt the most ; with the bitter cup in his hand he embraced them , for whose sake he was to drink it . ioh. 13.1 . when iesus knew that his hour was come , having loved his own , he loved them to the end . what care took he of them ? what allowance did he make for the weakness of their flesh ? how kindly doth he assure them of eternal mansions with that pathetick accent , if it were not so , i would have told you ? joh. 14.1 . how earnestly did he pray for them ? ioh. 17. how soon doth he visit them without upbraiding their sad desertion ? &c. yea our blessed jesus retains the same affectionate heart towards us in heaven , after all he endured on earth : he ever lives to make intercession for us , heb. 7.25 . as if that were the very business and end of his living . how precious should christ be to us , to us to live should be christ , his dominion we should acknowledge , and obey his law ; who so dearly bought his government , rom. 14.9 . let us be entirely resigned to him , and with joy endure the utmost for his name ; for we are redeemed by his blood. be careful and studious to imitate him , as what expresseth our esteem of him , and most answers the great ends of his undertaking : rom. 8.29 . tit. 2.14 . 4. that sorer punishment denounced in the gospel against such as neglect salvation by christ , is exceeding just . heb. 10.29 . of how much sorer punishment suppose ye shall he be thought worthy , who hath trodden under foot the son of god , and hath counted the blood of the covenant wherewith he was sanctified an unholy thing ? &c. it 's equal they die in their sins , notwithstanding the remedy , since they refuse it ; and that the wrath of god abide on them , who despise his reconciling love. but that 's not all , the gospel proportions its threatnings to the aggravated sins of unbelief and impenitency ; that we will not come to christ , for the life he purchased by his death , is worse than our first forfeiture of life . by this we trample on christ as odious , and esteem his blood profane and vile . we spurn at the tenderest bowels , and contemn the riehest grace . we approve of our apostacy , and hug our chains . we downright tell god to his face , i chuse to be damned , rather than be saved by christ. can any think it strange , that their fall should be the lower , their flames the hotter , and the reflections of a tormenting conscienee more penetrating . it 's in flaming fire christ will take vengeance on such as obey not the gospel , who shall be punished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the lord , and from the glory of his power . the blow intended for such , is too great for a created instrument to give , therefore it will be immediate by the presence of the lord ; yea it will be so awful , as shall make the power of god's arm glorious in inflicting it . marvelous is the instance by which god intends to glorifie any attribute ; sore will be that misery by which god will get eternal glory to the strength of his power , in making wretches miserable . oh! tremble at gospel vengeance , and credit gospel threatnings , lest you feel them , and thereby christ not only become useless , but also terrible to you ? what will your case be , when he shall avenge his despised blood , and execute that which is the condemnation ! joh. 3.19 . and know , o! obstinate sinner , thy ruine is as sure , as it is dreadful . heb. 2.3 . how shall we escape , if we neglect so great a salvation ? there 's no possibility of escaping , thy own awaken'd mind being judge . hath god a dearer son to give for thee ? will god be a liar , and perjured for thy sake ? can'st thou hope for this , as thou must , since he hath so often declared , yea sworn , that the impenitent unbeliever shall never enter into his rest. undo not thy self by hopes , without any word of god for them , yea so expresly against his word , which so many thousands already feel the certainty of . obey the gospel for salvation thou must , or its sorer vengeance thou shalt eternally undergo . 5. the faith and joy of a sincere christian are well grounded , notwithstanding his many offences , and great forfeitures . our sins are many and great , can god forgive them ? i am exceeding unworthy , how shall god deal with me as his child , or admit my wearing a crown of glory ? can i expect this , or have any joyful hopes concerning it ? truly these are necessary challenges , if the price of salvation be unknown . but consider , o soul ! that thy pardon and eternal glory are purchased by the obedience of the son of god in our nature , and secured to thee by the covenant made and ratified in the virtue of christ's blood. thy sins have not dishonoured god above the glory which redounds to him by the sufferings and merits of thy redeemer . that was done and suffered by christ , which in the balance of justice more than compensates whatever is to be forgiven thee , or is promised to thee . no perfection of god is aggrieved by any thing the gospel grants to the persons it designeth : art thou a godly believer , thô a weak one ? even thou mayest rejoyce in god through our lord iesus christ , having now received the atonement , rom. 5.11 . having answered the first ques●●on , what is the obedience of christ , by which we are made righteous ? i come to the second question . sermon ii. 2 q what is it to be made righteous by christs obedience ? a. there 's hardly a word in scripture of so various acceptations as the word righteousness . but i shall confine my self to what the spirit of god designeth principally in the text. to be made righteous by christ's obedience is ; 1. to be made free from condemnation , as if we had not sinn'd , and to be entitled to acceptance with god and eternal glory , as if we had kept the whole law : and both for the sake of christ's righteousness imputed to penitent belie●ers for pardon and adoption . it is not to be made men that never sinned , for that 's impossible ; nor to be esteemed men that personally kept the whole law , for that were false ; both which blessedness by pardon doth demonstrate ; our forgiveness shews our disobedience . 2. by the merits and spirit of christ to be made obedient to the gospel , at least in those things which christ hath graciously appointed to be the conditions of our actual enjoyment of saving benefits , as the effects of christ's sole righteousness . in the first sense we are made righteous in our justification , which is a forensick act ; and infers a relative change of our state from guilty to pardoned , from non-accepted to accepted , and from being void of right to have a right to the eternal inheritance . in the sense of the second particular , we are made righteous partly in our effectual vocation , and partly in our progressive sanctification and perseverance . this is by the efficiency of the spirit of christ enclining and enabling us to the performance of the respective gospel conditions ; he enableth us to believe for justification , to repent for pardon , to persevere in faith and true holiness for the possession of eternal glory . both these are by the obedience of christ. his satisfaction and merits have a causual influence on both , though these effects be produced in a different manner . we must not limit our being made righteous by christ's obedience , below our being made sinners by adam's disobedience ; as far as adam made us sinners , so far christ makes us righteous , or the reddition is improper : we are as truly absolved by christ's obedience , as we were made guilty by adam's disobedience ; and we are as truly regenerated by christ's obedience , as we were depraved by adam's disobedience . in the first we are made free from the curse of the law due to us as sinners ; in the later we are preserved from being impenitent ungodly infidels , to whom the gospel doth not give a freedom from the curse ; but leaves such under the law 's sentence , yea denounceth greater punishments against them . by the first we have a full righteousness to stand before god in , notwithstanding the exactness of the law of innocency , and all our faults and defects . by the second we are render'd the objects or subjects of that full righteousness according ●o the gospel promise , which is the instrument whereby god bestows it . but hereof more fully in due place . i shall insist most on the first point . 1. to be made righteous by christ's obedience , is to be made free from condemnation as if we had not sinned , and to be entitled to acceptance with god and eternal glory , as if we had kept the whole law ; and both for the sake of christ's righteousness , imputed to penitent believ●●s for pardon and adoption . i can in the shortest way comprehend the nature and parts of this particular by the following propositions . 1 pro. all men are unrighteous by nature , rom. 3.10 . there is none righteous , no not one . we are all transgressors , and therefore each is liable to vengeance , rom. 3.19 . all the world is become guilty before god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he might have arrested , and executed judgment upon all of us . when innocency ceased , the sentence of the law took place ; and obnoxiousness to misery inevitably followed . this includes a forfeiture of right to happiness by the law of works ; be sure , if it condemns us by its threats , it cannot reward us by its promise ; disobedience putting us past a possibility of perfectly obeying , which was the condition of its reward . therefore by the deeds of the law shall no flesh living be justified , for by the law is the knowledge of sin , rom. 3.20 . god can never speak peace by it to the sinner , nor acquit the offender , because by it he condemns for the least sin , and promiseth life to none but the perfectly obedient . by this law sin is not only known to be sin , but sin is known to bring damnation , and to bar us from happiness . hence , though christ's obedience was perfect according to the law , yet it is not by the law that god pronounceth the believer just , but by the gospel . righteousness comes not by the law , gal. 2.21 . no man is justified by the law , gal. 3.11 . exh. be affected with that unrighteous state , wherein you all once have been , and the impenitent still remain . is it a small thing to have been rebels against the holy law of your maker ? can you make a light account of being under the curse , which comprehends the utmost misery ? gal. 3.10 . this as a flaming sword keeps thee from the tree of life , and with irresistible power binds vengeance on thee , whilst thou art christless . divine wrath points to thee , as the obnoxious person , and in the mean time thou hast no claim to god's favour , no title to god or any saving blessing . in this state the best of you once were , eph. 2.12 . and what grace was it , that ref●ued you out of this extremity ? who can enough adore it ? but what is the stupidness of such among you , that can quietly sleep in an unrighteous state ; yea , so long despise and refuse deliverance from it ? hell is your due every moment , and should you die in this condition , as you may without farther warning ; neither the mercy of god , nor the merits of christ , will prevent eternal torments . 2 pro. god is so righteous and jealous of the glory of his government , that his richest mercy admits the pardon of no offender , nor saving benefits to such as in the least fail in their obedience , but on the account of a righteousness at least exactly adequate to what strict governing justice did enjoin and prescribe . it must be a righteousness of obedience as perfect as the law precept required of men ; it must be a righteousness of satisfaction , by bearing a punishment equivalent to what the law threatning denounced against sinners . and because this law in its precepts and threats was a law to men , and they were men that transgressed , therefore justice required that the obedience should be yielded , and the punishment suffered by and in the humane nature . hence even the son of god must take our flesh , if he would be a redeemer : the satisfaction must yield as much glory to justice , as the sin forgiven did injure it . the merit must be proportioned in the scale of justice to the benefit to be conferr'd , and that upon offenders , which render'd what was appointed to christ , to be above what the law required of men. of which i have spoken somewhat already , and shall have reason again to enlarge . rom. 3.26 . his righteousness is declared , and he appears just , when the justifier of him that believes in jesus . sin must be condemned in the flesh of christ by his dying a sacrifice for it , that the righteousness of the law might be fulfilled in us , who walk not after the flesh , but after the spirit , rom. 8.34 . exh. adore the authority and justice of god , notwithstanding pardoning mercy . the atonement speaks it , neither is it debased by all the displays of grace . we are as subject to god , as if he had never spared us , and he is still as just , as if all mankind were to be damned . if you despise his dominion , you shall find the edge of his sword , if you reject the atonement , the severity of his justice will instance it self upon you . see then that you provoke not the lord to jealousie . deut. 29.20 . 3 pro. no grace , nor act of the best saint can be a satisfaction for the least fault , or a righteousness meritorious of the least benefit . all saints have sinned , yea sins and defects adhere to their best duties . our exactest actions cannot atone for a past crime , because they are no more than what 's at present due from us . imperfect duties cannot merit , because they are not in the estimate of governing justice proportioned to the lowest benefit . a reward of debt can be to none below him , that never sinned and perfectly obeyeth , rom. 4.4 . though a reward of grace is promised to the upright , ps. 50.11 . when we have done all we now can do , we are unprofitable servants , and by the law of works , the iniquity of our holy things were enough to bring us under condemnation . exh. see your need of a greater righteousness than your own , and submit to the way of its application . rom. 10.3.4 . for they being ignorant of gods righteousness , and going about to establish their own righteousness , have not submitted themselves to the righteousness of god. they not knowing the righteousness which god had contrived , and appointed for the salvation of fallen man , proudly thought they could by a tale of works , made up with operous costly sacrifices , merit life at the hands of god ; and by this conceit they despised a crucified christ as needless , refused to believe in christ for justification by his merits , and went on in impenitency , as above the necessity of pardon by his blood. which impenitent persisting in rejecting of christ was their non-submission to the righteousness of god. oh the danger of a heart too proud , and a will too stubborn to stoop to christ and his gospel ! alas our own garments are too scant for a covering and unless we accept of a whole christ , we shall be naked , notwithstanding the largeness of his robe . his stripes will not heal us , if we return not unto this shepherd and bishop of our souls , 1 pet. 2.24 , 25. a righteousness to procure acceptation , or merit life , we cannot work out , but blessed be god , christ is the end of the law for righteousness to every one that believeth , rom. 10.4 . the end of the ceremonial law , is what the tipes signified : the end of the law of works , as being the scope and issue of it ; for if it had been perfectly obeyed by man , right to impunity , and its reward , was the utmost which that law could confer on innocent man. and blessed be god , christ hath by his obedience merited both these ; and all that will truly believe , shall in christ's right be entitled to both ; tho' for any thing wrought by them , they could never attain either impunity or glory . if you peruse v. 5. to the 11. you will find , that god hath put us past all solicitousness concerning the sufficiency and certainty of a christ , who hath a fullness of righteousness for the salvation of sinners : but the thing incumbent on us to be sollicitous about , is , that we comply with the gospel , that we may be saved by his righteousness . v. 10 , 11. if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the lord iesus , and believe with thy heart , thou shalt be saved ; for with the heart man believeth unto righteousness , and with the mouth confession is made to salvation . without these , neither his coming to dye , nor his resurrection from death , will avail us to salvation oh! then accept of christ , and yield up your selves to him , and to a due and faithful confession of him , as your lord and iesus . 4. prop. jesus christ , by the gracious dispensation of god , as our law-giver , was admitted , and in our nature did so fully answer the demands of governing justice , as that to its own very glory , it admits the grace of god to exert it self in forgiving believing sinners , and in conferring on them saving benefits in the righteousness of christ. it was not so small a matter , as most account it , to bring justice and pardoning mercy to consist ; to honour the government of god , and save believing sinners , who before were sentenced to dye . but having spoken to some part of this proposition in my former discourse , i shall reduce it to these particulars , which i shall briefly hint at . 1. it was in our offending nature that christ answered the demands of justice , tho' it was not in our person . rom. 8.3 . god sent his son in the likeness of sinful flesh . if without this it had been possible to vindicate the government of god in general , yet without assuming our nature , it would not have been a vindication of the government of god over men in particular ; the sufferings had not been a satisfaction for human offences , as human. 2. nothing was abated to christ that governing justice exacted ; the substantials of the law were inserted into the rule of his active and passive obedience , and justice adjusted his work to his wages . there 's no common nor special benefit promised , or given , on the account of his obedience to any , but the value of his obedience is proportionable thereto , tho' yet the benefits much exceed what adam forfeited ; and therefore his obedience must transcend what was injoined man by the law of works . 3. gods government and justice were not only vindicated by christs obedience , but greatly honoured . oh! the lustre cast on gods laws hereby ! never did the authority of gods precepts appear so royal , as when god in flesh so accurately obeyed them ; even to that of dying for sinners . never was the awfulness of gods penal sanctions discovered , as in the tears , sweats , agony , and blood of his glorious and beloved son. there 's no instance of the riches of gods praemiant sanction , as in the rewards which our saviour received . how exalted is his human nature above angels ! and how great are his rewards in his members ! yea , no blessing given to lost man , but it 's on his account . what an attesting eccho have you , ioh. 12.28.27 . father , glorify thy name . then came there a voice from heaven , saying , i have both glorified it , and will glorify it again . christ spake his part when he had inspected the united force of terrors just besetting him : now is my soul troubled : father , save me from this hour ; but for this cause came i unto this hour . q. d. as heavy as it presseth , as awful as it is , yet father glorify thy name ; abate nothing that will make for thy honour , however my flesh trembleth , and my soul is distressed : be thou great , however low i must be brought : spare not for my crying , so as to abate whatever tends to make thy authority sacred , and justice exact . the father answers , i have persued the interest of my glory hitherto in thy debasement , poverty ; contempt , sorrows , shame , temptations and torments , which are now just a finishing ; my sword is giving its utmost blow ; and then i will be glorious in exalting and rewarding thee : i 'll get my remunerative justice as great a name in thy triumphs , as my punitive justice hath acquired in thy debasements . so christ explains it , v. 31 , 32. now shall the prince of this world be judged , and when i am lifted up , i 'll draw all men to me . 4. tho' all was fulfilled by christ when appointed to it , yet it was by a gracious dispensation of god , as law-giver , that christ was allowed to work this righteousness for the salvation of sinners . the law-giver is above the law ; and tho' the law knew no sponsor , whose obedience should procure pardon , and save the guilty ; alius was aliud in its accounts : noxa caput sequitur is its language : the punishment must fall on the sinner , it could appoint no other to bear it , and imputing to the sinner what another endureth , is above its dialect . yet god , the law-giver , had not signified his whole will by the law of works , he had reserved a prerogative whereby he could secure the glory of his government , and spare the rebel ; satisfy justice , and not destroy the sinner ; and be as glorious in forgiving as in punishing . to him the satisfaction was made , and by him accepted , heb. 10.7 . and hence the sinner is not free , as soon as the satisfaction was made , but it's when , and on what terms the law-giver and sponsor would adjust ; yea , and the release comes to the sinner as a forgiving act. exh. adore the wisdom and grace of god. oh! what grace that would transfer the punishment ! what wisdom that contrived a way to place it so , that god should be satisfied , and yet his grace be free ! the sinner saved , and yet not tempted to rebel ! the sufferer repaid in glory , suited to what he did and endured ! the redeemed kept humble as pardoned , tho' the pardon was granted on a valuable price ! the gift so bestowed , as to exert authority , and necessitate diligence ! and yet nothing done on the receivers part to purchase the gift , or to rob grace of its glory : it s comprehensively expressed , eph. 1.7 , 8. in whom we have redemption through his blood , the forgiveness of sin according to the riches of his grace ; wherein he hath abounded towards us in all wisdom and prudence . 5 prop. the righteousness of christ in all respects is perfect and compleat , yet christ's righteousness is variously denominated from those different respects . however variously we conceive thereof , it s every way perfect , it 's chargeable with no defect , nor subject to any challenge . 1. it 's perfect , if you consider it as a meer conformity to the preceptive part of the moral law , in which respect it 's the same as holiness . he was holy , harmless , and undefiled , separate from sinners , heb. 7.26 . he was habitually holy above adam ; yea , above angels ; none so full of grace and truth as he , joh. 1.14 . no mind so ▪ filled with light , in actu primo , even from the very ●●nning ; no heart so inlaid with the divine image , and enflamed with love as his ; he had the spirit without measure , ioh. 3.34 . he had no taint of evil in his constitution , in the womb he was that holy thing , luk. 2.35 . and when the tempter assaulted him with the most skilful violence , he had nothing in him , ioh. 14.30 . he super-eminently obeyed to an iota all that was required of him , or competent to his person , and this without any defect in the manner , and to the utmost extent of the precept . thus compleatly holy was christ , which holiness went into the matter of his righteousness , and is often called so ; he gave god his utmost due , as a holy law-giver . 2. it was a perfect righteousness , as the performed condition of the reward promised him in the covenant of redemption . whatever was promised to christ , either for himself or members , was promised upon certain conditions ; some of which were a due undergoing of the bitterest sufferings threatned in the law of works , others were included in that of his active obedience . a penal sanction in case of his failure , had no room in the law of mediation , because of the impossibility of his non-performance , and therefore a right to impunity is of as little concern ; but christ's active and passive obedience , became formally a compleat righteousness , as what he did and suffered , was an exact fulfilling of the condition of the reward in the sanction . he took our nature , he made his soul an offering for sin , he honou● the law , he glorified god , he did all the ●●rk , which was given him to do , and drunk the dregs of the cup , which was appointed him to drink : he fulfilled all righteousness , mat. 3.15 . even all that for which he was to be exalted , or his seed made happy ; nothing was omitted by him , or abated to him . 3. this righteousness of christ , as the performed condition of the reward , was a federal righteousness , above what was to be man's righteousness by the law of works ; which could not be , but that the conditions consented to by christ in the covenant of redemption , were other , and greater than what were required of adam by the covenant of works . i shall give you a few of many instances of conditions , appointed to christ in the covenant of redemption , above what the law of works required . the law of works did not require the person obeying or suffering , to be the eternal son of god in our nature , but the covenant of redemption required this ; should i name no more , this would fully prove the point . but i add , the law of works did not exact an obedience above what innocent adam was able to perform , but the covenant of redemption did this : and christ so obeyed in our nature , ( not needlessly ) as must fill the angels with admiration to see themselves outdone . the covenant of works did not exact punishment even to death , from the same person as still yielded perfect obedience , but the covenant of redemption did this . the law of works did not require , or appoint a vicarious punishment or obedience from a sponsor for others , but limited both to the persons originally subject to the law , whereas the covenant of redemption appointed this . the law of works did not command the sufferings of any , as a reconciling propitiation , but the law of mediation did this . my reason for that is , the law of works did , by its threats , denounce vengeance against sin ; but this was not by a precept upon obedience whereto , the sufferer could merit peace and reconciliation , whereas the law of mediation appointed christs death for a propitiatory offering , and in dying he yielded the highest act of obedience to a precept , ioh. 14.31 . and this to make reconciliation , heb. 2.17 . col. 1.20 . the covenant of works did , as a condition of impunity and reward , injoin obedience to no law , but that which adam was under , viz. the law of works , and the positive one , prohibiting the eating of the tree of knowledge of good and evil : but the covenant of redemption required obedience to the ceremonial law , &c. the law of works appointed no more obedience than governing justice , as such , had suited to the rewards of that covenant : but as the covenant of redemption had far higher rewards , so it ordained suitable conditions . the law of works appointed no obedience after sin , as a meritorious condition of obtaining forfeited benefits , but the covenant of redemption did this . we may easily perceive , that the conditions prescribed to our redeemer , much differ'd from those the law of works required ; and since christ fulfilled all these , his federal righteousness exceeds that which the law of works prescribed . if you ask , why christ's righteousness must thus exceed what the law of works ordained ? i answer : it 's because it's a greater thing to redeem an offender , than to continue an innocent persons right to impunity : and it 's more to purchase greater blessings for one that hath forfeited all good , than it is to continue lesser blessings , tho' with some addition to one that hath not forfeited . yea , and reconciliation is more difficult than maintaining peace before any enmity . 4. christs righteousness was perfect , as it was his adjudged just right to the rewards promised him , for performing the foresaid conditions . the dueness of the reward to christ in a way of strict justice is his righteousness . ius ad premium , it was to him a reward of justice and not of grace , because justice proportioned the conditions to the reward , and the reward to the conditions ; if it were not so , governing justice never glorified or discover'd it self in the dispensing of rewards . to finish this point , consider 1. the reward to which christ hath a right includes all that was promised to christ or to others , on the account of his satisfaction and merits . not only that he should be exalted , and have a name above every name , p●●● . 2.8 . with whatever glory or homage which was to be render'd to him as a saviour . but it comprehends all by the father promised , and by himself bequeathed to his members ; as justification , adoption , the sanctifying spirit , perseverance , and eternal glory to his regenerate seed . as also regeneration and faith to all the elect , that they may be raised to be a seed to him , and united with him . 2. the lord jesus was solemnly adjudged to have performed all the conditions , and to have a legal right to all this reward . his righteousness was adjudged he was justified as foretold , is. 50.8 . god by voice declared this , but it was more manifest in his resurrection , and yet more in his solemn enthroning in the heavens , where he sits at gods right hand , heb. 8.1 . yea , he had authority given him to execute his own right , ioh. 5.27 . exh. rejoyce and glory in the perfection of christs righteousness . you see that in all respects it's compleat . the law of redemption prescribed , as became gods essential justice to propose : to these governing justice annexed a due reward , upon performing the conditions ; the perfectly holy jesus had a right to all the reward , and was solemnly adjudged to have performed the conditions , and to have that right to the reward . his right is founded in a full performance of the conditions , which includes a full conformity to the law of works , yea , and what far exceeds it . in this then we may glory , there 's no blot in his performance , there 's no flaw in his right . can sinners need anymore than this applied ? for it will serve to all the purposes it 's designed to . oh! christian honour it , by laying the stress of thy hopes and comfort on it , and clearing thy interest in it above all good ; it answers guilt , weakness , yea , thy want of all things except that , without which it cannot be applied to thee ; nor its effects attained , viz. a penitential faith. when thy body rotteth in the grave because of sin , thy spirit will be safe , and eternally live on the account of this righteousness , rom. 8.10 . thou mayest chearfully venture thy soul upon it . 6 pro. the lord jesus is , and always will be , possessed of this righteousness in his own person . in the lord have i righteousness and strength , is. 45.14 . with respect to this it 's said , our redemption is in christ , by which we are justified , rom. 3.24 . the meriting acts are over , as acts , but the merit never ceaseth . his sufferings are past , but the righteousness acquired thereby remains ; it 's not only their vertue simply that continues , but the righteousness or right founded thereon abideth . he hath a right to faith for all the elect who are yet uncalled ; he hath a title to pardon for all true believers ; he hath a right to eternal glory for all persevering saints . there is our right best secured . it is for the righteousness that is in christ that we are acquitted and adopted , and on it , as in him , we must still depend . exh. sinners and saints , look to christ as having in him a full righteousness . let this commend him to thy acceptance and trust. sinners , you need him on this very account to answer for your unrighteousness ; all his offers and calls should have power with you from this very motive , he hath a perfect righteousness ; it were else in vain to believe in him , it were to no purpose to repent and turn to him ; were not he by this righteousness mighty to save thee , an answer to his call might not be expected . but know with assurance , that he is a fountain deep enough for thy uncleanness , zech. 13.1 . the son of righteousness hath healing under his wings , mal. 4.1 . and peace and glory in his power . you may trust the promises , by which the gospel allureth you to christ , for as amazing as the good is which they contain , they are by his righteousness , yea and amen , 2 cor. 1.20 . but take care of separating his person from his righteousness , you must accept of him , as a whole christ , if you hope for good by his righteousness ; and your faith must be directed to him in a firm dependance , and entire subjection , or he 'll be to you as unuseful , as if he had not this fullness of righteousness . 7 pro. all graces and saving benefits are dispensed to men in the righteousness of christ. by his satisfaction he render'd it consistent with the perfections of god to visit blind souls with his light , and surprize the dead with spiritual life ; on christs account the spirit descends to strive with the rebellious , and awake the sleepy . his regenerating influences are the effects of christs merits , he acts as the spirit of christ. i do not mean , that christ's righteousness is imputed to men in order to the working of faith in them , as it is in order to pardon ; you may as well say it 's imputed to men in order to the preaching of the gospel to them , for that 's an effect of christ's righteousness ; but these are the result of a divine constitution , wherein christ is acknowledged , but no right in men supposed . the first grace is absolute , and an arbitrary act , as to any claim the sinners hath . though christ hath a right to the elects being brought to believe , yet he transfers not his right to the elect , who till they believe are not united to him , and so are aliens to his righteousness . but god hath an eye to the merits of jesus in all his grants and gifts from first to last , from the least to the greatest . when he forgives sin , it is a rendring to us what is purchas'd by christ's blood , eph. 4.32 . it is a giving forth of what he hath bought : we are made kings and priests as a proper reward to christ , and a testimony to his righteousness . exh. say of every saving benefit , and of all graces , this i receive , because the lord iesus hath a full righteousness . the heavens had been brass as to vital influences , but for this ; the word had been a dead condemning letter , but for this ; my sins had been eternally sealed up among his treasures , pledges of his love to my soul i had never found , my prayers would have been excluded audience , christian hopes and comforts i had not intermeddled with , but that christ is righteous , yea , perfectly so . but because his righteousness is great , i have found healings when wounded , strength when weak , my prayers have had frequent audience ; god hath not refused me communion with himself , mine iniquities are removed as a cloud , i joy in gods favour , i glory in his fullness , and have lively hopes to be ever with him . should not that be owned by us in all , which is the consideration upon which all is given . 8 pro. the righteousness of christ is differently applied , and operative , as the gospel distinguisheth the promised benefits with respect to the various conditions of such , who are the persons described in the promises . for explication of this note , 1. the gospel promises distinguish the benefits that come by christ , and describe the objects of each . the promises are various , and those are all gospel promises that are made to fallen man , for christ's sake . to be a promise to fallen man , and not gospel , to be for christ's sake , and not a gospel promise , are in the nature of the thing impossible . the variety of the promises is obvious , and the persons to whom they are made not alike described . some are made to one grace , some to another grace ; some on one condition , some on another . justification is promised to the believers , pardon to the penitent , mar. 1.4 . returns of prayer to him that prays frequently , and in faith , iam. 5.16 . glory to the persevering saint , gal. 6.9 . abundant glory , or reaping liberally to him that sows liberally , that is , who is abundant in fruitfulness , 2 cor. 9.6 . he that hungers after righteousness shall be filled , and the like , mat. 5.2 . each of the promises are made in christ's right ; they are but an inventory of christ's claim ; nay , they were made with respect to his merits ; if god could make a promise of saving benefits to sinners without an eye to christ's satisfaction , as the consideration of making that promise , i doubt it will go too far to prove , that he may perform that promise without an eye to his satisfaction . the same objection will not lie against a meer . decree or purpose to give such benefits in and by christ , for this purpose gives no man right to the benefit , but the promise doth give a right ; and to suppose a sinners right without respect to christ's righteousness , seems to weaken the necessity of his satisfaction and merits , who is given to be a covenant , is. 42.6 . i. e. for his sake this covenant is made , and by him confirmed and executed . but how ever various the promises are , they grant in his right , they be christ's legacies , they are bequeathed by his testament , and therefore argue that the respective blessings contained therein , are his proper goods , given out by the promises as his donative instrument , and upon terms which the fathers and he thought fittest to prescribe , as rendring the state of the receivers such as they judged most subservient , to infinitely wise , and holy purposes . 3. it 's christs righteousness that exerts it self , and operates , in conferring the benefits included in these various promises ; this empties it self in all those channels , and influenceth by each of those means ; the blessing conferred is a display of his merits as the procuring cause , whatever power the thing is effected by , or way it 's effected in : christ's righteousness is applied in pardon , in adoption , in the perseverance of penitent believers , gal. 3.16 . this is applied in the answer of every prayer ; this is as truly in all additional degrees of grace in some saints , as in any measure in every saint ; yea , in the augmented degrees of glory , as in a state of glory . hence it 's past doubt , that unless we say some spiritual and heavenly benefits are given not by , or for christs righteousness , or that his righteousness may be equally applied , and yet not produce equal effects , then we must conclude , the righteousness of christ is not in the same degree applied unto all , to whom it yet may be applied to saving purposes . it is applied to no true believer , but that it secures to him a deliverance from hell , an acceptance of his person and duties , perseverance in faith , and the kingdom of heaven at last ; but are all as greatly beloved as daniel , as mighty with god as moses , or iacob ? had he that was ruler of five cities as great glory , as he that was made ruler of ten cities , luk. 19 , 17 , 19 , 24. comp. mat. 25.28 . and surely the very preheminence in these respects is owing to the righteousness of christ applied , rev. 1.5 . exh. be careful and industrious to be the described objects of the several benefits you desire , according as the promises describe the persons and to whom they are made , yet expect each benefit by christ's righteousness , when you are the described objects of those benefits according to the gospel ordination . in vain do you expect the benefit promised , if you are not the persons to whom the promise grants it , for the promise doth as truly exclude the wrong person from its blessing , as it assures it to the right person . but by what doth the promise describe you to be the person it speak of ? it 's not by your name , but by your character , even your being such a one as christ declares by the promise , he will give the benefit to . would you be filled ? be then one that hungers after righteousness : would you be pardoned for christs sake ? see that you be penitent believers ; for it 's to such only christs righteousness is promised to be applied for pardon . would you reap plentifully ? then sow plentifully ; for if you be of them that sow sparingly , god doth not say it to you , that you shall reap plentifully 2 cor. 9.6 . the like i may say of every other promise that is conditional , for therein god moves us to duty by benefits ; he induceth us to what we are more backward , by what we more esteem and desire ; election knows our names , the promises appoints our qualifications : and do not think thou canst plead christs righteousness to obtain the good promised , if thou art not such a one as the promise describes ; for in making these promises , christ hath fixed the way how the effects of his righteousness shall be dispensed ; and by these he requires us to guide our expectations , or they do not answer the end of his publication of them . but when thou art , by the grace and spirit of christ , the characterized man to whom the promise belongs , expect the blessing as the effect of christs righteousness , and not of thine own ; the promise had not been made to thee but for that ; it is in his right the blessing is conferred , whenever any partake thereof , which adds sweetness as well as certainty thereto : the spirit frames the vessel , but christ affords the oyl . by the operation of the holy ghost thou art rendred the designed object of the promise , but look to christ as procurer of the good which the promise is to convey : but more of this hereafter . 9 pro. in and by the righteousness of christ , they that sincerely believe , are , upon gods pardoning of them , as free from condemnation , as if they had never sinned ; and accepted and entitled to eternal glory , as if they had kept the whole law , rom. 8.1 . there is no condemnation to them that are in christ iesus , who walk not after the flesh but after the spirit . these are in that state wherein the curse is restrained from arresting them : yea , they are heirs , joynt heirs with christ , rom. 8.17 . the gospel-covenant is their charter of right , which is secured by the death of christ , the oath of god , and sacramental seals . the death of christ is to be considered , not only as what purchased the covenant-blessings , of which i have spoken before , but also as what ratifies the covenant to our faith ; by death its irrevocable as a testament ; and it must be sure , or the lord of glory had never died to secure the ends of it ; his death is too great a thing to admit a doubt of the certainty of that charter , by which the effects of that death are granted ; christians being thus free , and thus accepted and entitled , proclaims them righteous . exh. be comforted notwithstanding your faults and weaknesses , whilst your hearts are upright in god's covenant . what is not a just challenge to the sincerity of thy faith , ought not to make thee conclude thy self accursed , or quit thy hopes of glory : failings may cause mournings that we are so imperfect , when they ought not to perplex us as if we were in a lost condition . the same mouth that delivered the curse against sinners in the law , hath published forgiveness , and applied redemption to believers ( though sinners ) by the gospel , gal. 3.13 , 14. if your faults be objected , christ hath answered them : if the weakness of graces be objected , christ hath made up that : if the greatness of gospel-benefits be objected , it 's christ hath purchased them ; and they are bestowed not for thy graces , but for christ's obedience , though it be to such as even thou art , if a sincere penitent , that they are given ; for the gospel-rule doth only appoint the persons who receive the benefits , but not ordain us to make the satisfaction for the sin to be pardoned , or to purchase the glory to be received . wilt thou not let christ appoint his own legatees to his own bequeathments ? and rejoyce in the gifts , whilst thou art the person to whom he declares they belong ? if he had promised heaven to a meer sinner as such , thou oughtest as a sinner to expect it with joy. but he hath promised it to all believing saints , however imperfect ; and must not thou with comfort look for it , and not quit thy hopes , till thou cease to be a believing saint ? yea , he hath ministred further to thy joy , that he will influence thy soul by his warnings against apostasie , by sacraments , and by constant supplies ; so that thou shalt persevere . 10 pro. christians become thus righteous upon believing , by the righteousness of christ imputed to them in their justification , and by the continuance of this imputation they remain righteous . upon our first believing we are justified , rom. 3.29 . and there is a constant imputation of christ's righteousness to the believers for his continued justification . did men cease to be believers , god would cease to impute the righteousness of christ to them . did god cease to impute christ's righteousness , men would cease to be justified ; and did we cease to be justified , we should be subject to condemnation . but blessed be god he will cause the true believer to persevere in faith , and so he shall remain in a justified state. god will preserve the habit of faith , enable him to frequent acts of faith , and still prevent damning infidelity ; he will keep thee from a prevailing distrust and rejection of christ as a saviour , luke 22.32 . and from reigning disobedience to him as thy lord. i shall explain this great truth of justification by the imputed righteousness of christ , which may be conceived of according to the following heads . 1. there is a making us righteous , as it is a giving a believer a right to pardon , absolution from the curse , adoption and acceptance , which is by imputing the righteousness of christ to the believer . we must be made righteous before a just god can pronounce us so , or deal with us as such ; there must be a right to pardon e're god will pardon ; this right to pardon is given by god's imputing to us the righteousness of christ ; and the effect of that imputing act seems to be the first consideration in the change made in our state as justified . for the better apprehending of this , you may remember i have before informed you , that christ's righteousness may be considered : ( 1 ) as the full performance of the conditions of the covenant of redemption , which included a full conformity to the law of works ; yea , and mor● . ( 2 ) an adjudged right to the promised reward , for his performance of those conditions . now both these are imputed to the believer in this first consideration , of giving a believer a right to pardon , &c. 1. the righteousness of christ , as it was the performance of the conditions of our salvation , is mediately imputed to the believer . god adjudgeth , that what christ did and suffered for the actual remission of sinners , was really done and suffered for us , it belongs to us , we are the designed objects of that actual remission , to procure which for us , that obedience was rendred , iohn 3.16 . god so loved the world , that he gave his only begotten son , that whoever believeth on him should not perish , but have everlasting life . here we see that god gave his son to do and suffer what he did , that believers thereby might not perish but eternally live. now by grace bein● believers , that we may have a right not u● perish , but live , we have what the son ● given , did and suffered , reckoned and accounte● to us : god looks on what christ did as don● for us , and esteems us believers , them whom his son did that for ; and therefore by his gracious ordination we are the very persons tha● have a right to pardon of those sins , for whic● we were liable to perish , and excluded from life . i say , christ's very performance of the conditions , is imputed mediately in this manner ; if one give me my liberty , which he voluntarily purchased for me at a dear rate , he mediately gives me what he paid for my ransom , though immediately i receive my liberty , and a right thereto ; whereas the redeeming price was paid to my detainer , in whose hands i was captive . so it was to god that christ made satisfaction , and yielded the meriting price ; yet it is applied and reckoned so to the believer , that he receives the same blessings thereby , as if himself had rendred it ; because it was for his title to those benefits that it was rendred by christ. yea , by this imputation it becomes his security for all saving benefits , and pleadable with god by him , with respect to what is purchased for believers thereby , as if he had endured and performed the things christ did . since god adjudgeth he is the person in whose stead christ died , and obeyed , that even he might be entitled to life and not die , 1 thess. 5.10 . who died for us , that we should live by him . we have hereby the benefits of his death , and his death to secure those benefits , yea , and as the foundation of our right to those benefits . hence we are said to have redemption and forgiveness by his blood , eph. 1.7 . by christ we have now received the atonement , rom. 5.11 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the reconciliation : and herein the blood which did reconcile is applied , it being shed and accepted to be a propitiation through faith therein , rom. 3.25 . the virtue of this blood still remains , though the act of shedding is long since past ; and that very act of shedding , is still so referred to in the communication of the benefits to such for whom it was shed , that it is still called a blood of sprinkling , heb. 12.24 . not now sprinkled as material blood on us● but as it speaks those better things for us in christ's intercession , and to us in the promises , and as we come to it by believing therein as our security in all we receive ; it being shed for us , that we might have a right to pardon thereby , as the procuring cause . it was given to god as a satisfaction ; 't is given to us as christ's blood triumphing in our peace . though god doth not adjudge that believers made satisfaction by it as their blood , yet he accounteth it that which is actually satisfactory for them , being designed and accepted to be so ; and therefore they are therein adjudged to be entitled to pardon . in the same manner i might speak of adoption , &c. but one instance sufficeth . by this you see that christ's righteousness , as it is his active and passive obedience , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the performance of the legal conditions o● life and pardon , is applied in the manner it is truly capable of being applied : here the vertue and merit of it is displayed and operative ; the designed end of it is obtained ; god expresly acknowledgeth and rewardeth it , in what he bestows ; it 's owned and relied on by the believer as the price of peace , and merit of all good ; it 's made the souls security and plea , as to all its hopes and enjoyments , rom. 5.18 . 2. the righteousness of christ , as it is his adjudged right to his seeds pardon , absolution from the law curse , acceptance and adoption is immediately imputed to believers as his regenerate seed , and members of his mystical body . this right is esteemed , yea , made theirs , they have not meerly the benefits given them● but they are invested in christ's right to those benefits ; christ's righteousness is ius adjudicatum ad praemium , he acquired a right to the reward , and it was adjudged that he had that right , upon his perfect obedience he was justified . now part of the reward was , that all the elect should become his actual seed , and made believers : also , that all his actual seed , even believers , should be forgiven , absolved , adopted , &c. christ hath as great a right to this , as to be exalted ; yea , it 's part of his glory . this right he carried into heaven with him , this right he pleads in his intercession , not as what is to be tried and argued anew , but what is already adjudged ; yet it 's still to be executed , and the blessings he hath that right to , are to be dispensed . believers therefore are not only pardoned , yea , not only have ●●ey a right to pardon , by the promise of pardon to believers , but they have christ's right to that pardon , even his adjudged right that believers shall be pardoned ▪ this righteousness is communicable more immediately , than the very acts are whereby that right was acquired ; it 's transferred to them , but without an alienation from christ. this is included in that gift of righteousness , rom. 5.17 . and is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in rom. 5.18 . his obedience must be supposed to lose its efficacy ; and his title be reversed , if his living members fail of pardon , isa. 53.11 . one article in his covenant , as his reward , being , that , by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many , for he shall bear their iniquities . it may be you will better apprehend the whole by this familiar instance . a person purchaseth a thousand pounds a year for a valuable price , and hath by covenants a legal sure title thereto ; he that purchased gives me by a deed of gift , twenty shillings a year of that estate , to hold in dependance on him and his title ; mediately he gives me the purchase-money of this gift , immediately he gives me this part of the estate , and his title for my security , without which i should possess precariously . it 's a title by purchase , as to him that gave it me ; it comes to me by gift , for i paid him nothing for it ; nor can i be said to pay the seller , though i have by gift the title for my security , which he that gave it me acquired by his payment ; yet still in dependance on him who paid all , hath the main of the estate , and is possessed of the original covenants as in himself . this answers our case , excepting that god is as truly said to give us all , as christ himself can be said to give us all ; god having given his own son to redeem us , and purchase all for us . i need not apply this parallel more than to tell you , that as christ acquired our pardon and acceptance , so we have his very right thereto to secure us ; the whole is exemplified in 2 cor. 5.21 . christ was made sin for us , who knew no sin , that we might be made the righteousness of god in him . christ was made sin , not esteemed the committer of the fact , or as filthy by it , but he stood liable and obliged to the punishment of it , and became the sacrifice for it , which is often in scripture called sin. this obligation to bear the punishment is reatus poenae , or if you call it reatus culpae quoad poenam , it 's much the same , though not so safe : yet in this christ is not charged as if he committed the sin ; so we are made the righteousness of god in him , that is , we have given us that right of christ to what was promised him for believers ; and which was contrived and appointed by god to be the way of our salvation ; the debitum poenae for our sins became his , the debitum praemii for his obedience becomes ours . but we no more paid the purchase of that right or title , than christ did commit the sins , the punishment whereof he obliged himself to undergo ; he was made sin , i. e. obliged to die a sacrifice for sin ; to which answers , that we are made righteous in him , i. e. invested in his right , for obtaining the blessings promised to him for us in the covenant of redemption ; and promised to us for his sake in the gospel covenant , when we believe . herein i have stated the first thing included in justification , and upon this the rest depend : hereby we are made righteous in christ's righteousness : though we be not personally innocent , yet christ's righteousness , which fully answered the law , is judicially applied , so as to give us a sure right to be dealt with , as to eternity , as if we had been innocent and perfect , which is what we principally need ; and as much as we are capable of , considering we are sinners , and that we did not provide the ransom , nor substitute him that became so . 2. god hereupon actually forgives , adopts , and gives the earnest of glory to believers thus invested in the righteousness of christ , and on the account of that righteousness . this is executive justification in part , and indeed all benefits peculiar to the members of christ , are conferred in a way of execution hereof ; unless as we may consider , such benefits as follow pardon and adoption , to refer to justification , as including an additional right resulting from gods pardoning and adopting acts. the reason why i add this , is , that pardon gives a right to impunity , and adoption gives a right to the privileges of children ; and so with respect to forgiveness and adoption , a believer may be called righteous , and frequently in scripture is called so , though inclusively of christ's righteousness , because it 's for that we are so forgiven and adopted . forgiveness is of so great importance in justification , that upon the account hereof we are said to be blessed : yea , it 's put frequently for the whole of justification , rom. 4.6 , 7 , 8. it 's so in the lord's prayer , luk. 11.4 . yea , it 's so put in our creed . 3. god judicially sentenceth the believers thus made partakers of christ's righteousness , and thereupon pardoned and adopted , to be them who have a right to impunity , favour , and glory ; and accepts them as such , notwithstanding all challenges and accusation , rom. 8.33 , 34. who shall lay any thing to the charge of gods elect ? it is god that justifieth , who is he that condemneth ? it is christ that died , yea rather that is risen again ; who is even at the right hand of god , who also maketh intercession for us . this doth not only obviate the accusation of persecutors , against such as are chosen to suffer ; but it answers all challenges against every believer , gathered out of the world by the spirit , pursuant to god's eternal election ; for against the unconverted elect , god himself hath much to charge ; and he lays it to their charge by his law-condemning sentence . but as to the converted , here 's a general defiance , and a large enumeration of what tend to their defence . god justifies them , and this for the sake of christ's death ; and that the death of him who is risen , and being risen is enthroned , and being enthroned intends their security by his intercession . it 's true , if they be charged to have been sinners , they must own it as a true charge : but what then , must they dye for their sin ? no : god declares they are pardoned , and this upon a righteousness more then adequate to the law of works ; and they have no lower a safety from their guilt , than christ's title ; who died , that believing sinners might not dye , but live. indeed , if the charge be , that these are not believers , then god acquits them another way , of which hereafter . this is sentential justification , which is virtual now , and will be solemnized at the great day . 4. it is the gospel whereby god justifieth us as his instrument ; god in his his word , having declared that he will iustifie him that believes , rom. 3.30 . and that we are justified by faith , rom. 5.1 . and commanding us to believe with a promise , that we shall be justified if we believe . he doth by this very declaration of his will , justifie the believer . this promise effects what it includes , assoon as the object is answerable to the tenure of the promise . by this he imputes christ's righteousness to the convert , and so makes him righteous ; declares him righteous , and treats him as righteous , in , for , and by christ's righteousness ; and this assoon as he believes . there needs no more to express it now , than this word of his mouth ; unless as we may add the sacramental seals , and also such influences and acts of power , whereby such benefits are conferred as are executive of the justifying sentence ; and so far are a divine declaration of our state as justified . 5. the object of god's justifying act , is the living humbled , converted believer ; who by faith cometh to , accepteth of , and rusteth in christ as an entire saviour . the promise of this mercy being to such , yea , confined to such ; and unbelievers declared to have god's wrath abiding on them , especially when this gospel is that word of the lord whereby we are justified , gal. 3.22 . ioh. 3.36 . and 8.24 . rom. 10.4 . we must then believe ; but it is not faith , unless it be a coming to , accepting of , and trusting in a christ ; it is not a christ , if he be not a whole saviour . when will we believe , if we be not convinced and humbled ? how can we believe , if we be not quickned by the spirit ? yea , of what sort of faith is it , if we are not purposed in our heart to turn from all sins , self and idols to christ , and to god by him ? which turning is oft the word , by which the spirit oft expresseth faith it self , ezek. 18.21 , 30.1 pet. 2.25 . acts 26 , 18. by what is said , you may answer the main enquiries that occur to your mind concerning justification : qu. who justifies us ? ans. god as our ruler . qu. what doth god do for us , or on us , when he justifies ? ans. 1. he imputes christ's righteousness to us , whereby we have his right to our pardon , absolution , &c. 2. he actually forgives , absolves , and adopts us in christ's right , and for the sake of his obedience . and by this forgiveness , absolution and adoption , he further gives us a right to impunity , the in-dwelling spirit , perseverance , and eternal glory . 3. he pronounces us free from all accusation and challenges that would import a present liableness to eternal death , or bar to eternal glory ; we having christ's righteousness , and thereby our pardon , absolution from the curse , and our adoption for our plea and defence . qu. what is our state by being thus justified ? ans. we are accepted with god , free from eternal condemnation , and entitled to life , as if we had not sinned , but kept the whole law to this time . yea , we have some greater benefits than we forfeited , as union with christ , the in-dwelling spirit , and perseverance , whereby we are secured from forfeiting eternal life for the future . qu. by what instrument or sign of his will , doth god justifie us ? ans. by the gospel-promise . quest. whom doth god justifie ? ans. the true believer , ( whether he know himself to be so or no ) and no others . yea , god in justifying a man , doth as far declare him to be a believer , as he declares him to be justified . qu. when doth god justifie a sinner ? ans. assoon as he is a believer , and not before ; such being the object on whom the justifying act doth terminate , according to the promise . 1 exh. see that your faith be true , and then may you rejoice in a justified state. a f●lse faith will leave you condemned as certainly , as if you had no faith : and a false faith too many have been satisfied with ; simon believed , but yet had neither part nor lot in this matter ; because his heart was not right with god , and he was in the gall of bitterness , and bonds of iniquity , acts 8.13 , 21 , 23. be then solicitous that your faith be right ; see that it be unfeigned and true : true for its principle , even from regeneration ; true for its nature , a fiducial consent ; or such a trust in christ , and in god by him , as receive a whole christ : true for its concomitants , that no saving grace be wanting ; true for its operativeness and effects , that it works by love , purifies the heart , and makes you persevere in sincere obedience , and holy fruits . all this is necessary to the faith the gospel calls saving ; since god will judge your faith , and you by it . 2 exh. be not satisfied meerly with believing , or talking , that there is a full righteousness in christ ; but submit to god's way of imputing it ; else you 'll be no better nor safer by it . thousands are damned as unrighteous , though christ hath a full righteousness . it is not from a defect in christ's righteousness ; no , nor because god fails to impute it to such whom he hath promised it to : whence then ? it 's because they do not savingly believe , and turn to christ. the gospel is god's will , as to the way of the application of christ's righteousness ; and if that be not obeyed we are lost , 2 thes. 1.8 . gal. 3.1 . heb. 5.9 . unbelief , is disobedience to the gospel , and will destroy : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is disobedience , is oft render'd unbelief , rom. 11.30 , 32. heb. 4.11 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unbelieving , acts 14.2 . and 17.5 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to believe , heb. 3.18 . the work of the ministry is to call and perswade sinners to comply with the gospel , with an assurance , that such as refuse not , shall be justified by christ ; and they who persist to refuse , shall perish notwithstanding the grace of god , and righteousness of christ , mat. 23.37 . acts 13.38 , 46. having thus insisted on this proposition , i am led thereby to this question : quest. are believers as righteous as christ in equality ; or , are they equally righteous as christ ? answ. believers are not equally righteous as christ. sincere christians are in some respect as truly righteous as christ ; but yet that is not to be equally righteous as christ. hence many chuse to say , we are as righteous as christ aeque , but not aequaliter . yea , though one assert an identity in the righteousness , yet that will not argue an equality . it s one thing to have the same righteousness , it s another thing to have it in the same measure . the light in the air is the same as in the sun ; but yet it is in a greater degree in the sun than in the air. obj. 1. we are equally righteous as christ with respect to his suretiship righteousness . answ. i shall 1. give you my thoughts concerning christ's suretiship . 2. prove that we cannot on this account , nor any other , be truly said to be as righteous as christ in equality . this term suretiship righteousness , is no scripture expression , no more , nor so much as the word condition . i say not so much ; for if you consider luke 14.26 , 27 , 32 , 34. you 'll find condition used exactly in the sense objected against by some , ver . 32 , 33. or else , whiles the other is yet a great way off , he sendeth an ambassage , and desireth conditions of peace . so likewise , whosoever he be of you , that forsaketh not all that he hath , cannot be my disciple ; and ver . 26 , 27. whosoever doth not bear his cross and come after me , cannot be my disciple , ver . 26. if any man come after me , and hate not father and mother , &c. our blessed lord doth in these verses propose what is necessary to christian discipleship , without which we cannot be saved . he pitcheth on such things as were hardest to flesh , as what his very followers must be judged by : to inforce and improve which , he pitcheth on two parables . by the first parable he adviseth men to consider well the terms or conditions of christianity , before they engage in the profession of it , lest they be ashamed , ver . 28 , 29 , 30. by the second he confirms the first , and adds , how necessary it is to consent to these conditions , as hard as they be ; for we are in a state of enmity , and foolishly persist therein , since we are unable to defend our selves against god , when his vengeance approacheth ; and therefore 't is our wisdom in the time of his long-suffering , to submit to the conditions of peace , luke 19.42 . this is more applied in the next words : so likewise whosoever he be of you , &c. how is this redditive so properly used , or the parables applied , if taking up our cross , following christ , hating father and mother , and persevering , are not conditions of our true discipleship , and consequently of salvation by christ ? unless we may be at peace , and be saved without being christ's disciples . but what need i digress , when the assembly , and all valuable divines , use the word in our sense . yea , the gospel so oft speaks conditionally ; if thou confess , rom. 10. i return to what i affirmed , viz. that suretiship righteousness is no scripture expression . surety i know is once used , and but once as to christ ; the word righteousness is oft used ; but suretiship righteousness is a new word , of humane original , and i am sure , not consonant to scripture sense , as it 's used to infer an equality of righteousness between christ and us . having premised this , i will shew you first , what i grant concerning christ's suretiship : secondly , tell you what i deny according to plain scripture . 1. the things that i grant are these : 1. christ is the surety of the gospel-covenant for all his actual seed ; yea for the elect , as far as it includes the promise of the first grace , heb. 7.22 . he is engaged that they shall grow in grace , persevere , and keep covenant with god , and not turn away finally or totally from him : he doth not bind himself to improve for us , or persevere in performing the conditions of this covenant for us ; but that we shall do it : yea , he is surety to see the ends of the covenant pursued , as to god's part ; that he will forgive us , be our god , &c. not that god's truth or ability need a surety : but the weakness of our faith is answer'd by such a support ; for which end god sweareth , and appointeth covenant seals , so doth he condenscend to our infirmity . 2. christ hath undertaken in the covenant of redemption , that he would make satisfaction to justice for us , and obey the whole will of god , bring actually into the gospel-covenant all the elect , by causing them to believe ; and that he would bring each of the elect to eternal glory in a way of faith and holiness ; of which before . but you must not hence infer , that christ engaged to repent for us , or believe in himself for us ; which to do , would suppose him a sinner , and to need a mediatour . he was a real sponsor , engaging to do all that belonged to him . 3. christ accordingly died in our nature , and that not only for our good , but in our stead ; nostro loco ; we were liable to die , he stept in and died , that we might not die ; who otherwise might have died , but now live by his dying for us . he was a proper 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he gave his life for ours ; yea , and this to vindicate the glory of god in exempting us from death . he also obeyed for us , not indeed to exempt us from obeying , ( for by it we are brought to obey instead of rebelling ) not only to be a holy offering and example . but that the want of our perfect obedience might not exclude us from acceptance and heaven ; and that by his obedience and sufferings , he might acquire for all his members a title to happiness in his right , and not to be merited by any work or obedience of their own . that the lord jesus did suffer properly in our stead , is plain in scripture , mark 10.45 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a ransom for , or instead of many . compare matt. 2.22 . it 's said 1 tim. 2.6 . he gave himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a ransom in the room of all : he was typified in the sacrifices , whose lives were given up instead of theirs , for whom they were offered ; and he is oft called a sacrifice : neither is it to be doubted , but he actively obeyed in our stead in the sense above given ; yea , and hath excluded also the necessity and place of our obedience for the impetration of any saving benefits . thus far the word of god directs us to call christ either surety , sponsor , representative , &c. 2. the thing that i deny is , that christ by his obedience , made atonement or merited for us , as a proper pecuniary surety in the law of works . the thing is far otherwise , for christ suffered and obeyed as a principal and sole undertaker , and not as a surety , that supposed us principals in that undertaking . he bound himself to god , to give his life by dying in our stead to save ours ; but he never was bound in one bond with us , that he should do so . i shall give you a few reasons of many . 1 r. god never proposed it to fallen sinners to make atonement for their sins , and by merit recover eternal life , which they had forfeited . where is the law or covenant whereby god proposed this to sinners as their duty , and a way for their recovery ? by the law of works it was impossible , and a contradiction : the gospel condemns a thought of it , as contrary to the whole scope of it : the compact between the father and son was not a law or covenant proposed to sinners for their performance of the conditions thereof . now a money-surety is bound to no more than the principal is bound to do . if i am not obliged to pay a hundred pounds , neither is my surety bound to pay a hundred pounds . obj. you 'll say by the law we were bound to obey the law perfectly , or to die for it . ans. yes , to obey was your duty , to die was the penalty if you disobey'd . but 1. you were not bound to die though you obey'd perfectly ; but christ was bound to obey , and suffer though he obey'd . 2. were you bound when you did sin , and suffer the penalty to obey afresh in a way of merit of forfeited blessings ? but christ suffered , and yet obey'd to merit forfeited blessings , and more . 3. were you bound to suffer as your duty , and that in a way of propitiation to reconcile the offended god by it , as an act of obedience ? yet christ engaged in this manner . 4. were you bound by the law , that the son of god should assume your flesh , and therein obey and suffer ? yet thereupon depends the satisfaction and merit of the obedience yielded ; thence is the value of the acts done and sufferings endured ● it were not a payment without that , for dying and obeying too , would not serve to save sinners , if it were not the son of god in our nature did both ; this goes into the price and payment : could men have done it , it had been no payment , supposing but one sin before . so that in this very respect christ was bound to redeem you by paying a million in the value of his person ; and the same actions and passion as done and suffered by you , would not have been one penny in value ; and is he but your pecuniary proper surety when he is bound for a million , and you not for a penny , as in redemption work ? 5. you are supposed fallen , and the covenant of works broken , e're christ undertakes to pay any thing ; and can the bond be the same , when the parties are changed , the conditions so changed on both parts , even the creditors and debtors too , the former granting other things , the latter paying greater things ; the first in the rewards , the latter in the duties ? is it the same bond , and you principals , when transacted without your privity , your consent not given , the terms not exacted from you , and unless to reproach you , not possible to be proposed to you ; god knew you and himself too well , to propose to you , that if you will make your souls an offering for sin , and perfectly keep my law , i will then receive you again into favour : yet this would change the bond : or if you would be thought principals in the covenant of redemption , it must thus be proposed to you : if you will procure and send the son of god to take your flesh and die , and obey the law for you , then i will be reconciled to you : had he been thus in your disposal , and he had done it at your disposal , you might claim at the rate as some do . but though god gave his son , and his son gave himself to redeem you , yet you never gave him ; no , nor were engaged to give him , as the condition of your recovery . these and many other considerations should lead us to conclude , that redemption work was proposed only to christ in the covenant of redemption , and that he was principal and sole undertaker , as well as the sole performer , and of the people there was none with him , isa. 63.3 . he alone undertook to satisfie justice , that we might be redeemed ; he alone engaged the whole impetration work , and to find the merit of our happiness . though part of his obedience was that we were obliged to do ( yet not for redemption at all ) nevertheless his obligation to do it was not as our money-surety , but by a voluntary sponsion he entred into a bond that depended not upon our consent or performance , and by which we have no claim , but at his and the fathers pleasure ; it was us he was to buy , but it was he alone stood obliged to pay : he engaged to die for us , but that is not engaging for us as principals , that he would die ; a thing which we never were obliged to . he did not engage we should not sin , nor if we sinned , that we should make satisfaction ; but he engaged that he would satisfie god , that we might not die for our sins ; even one christ for all of us , once to die instead of our eternal death . 2 r. were christ a proper pecuniary surety in his death and obedience , there would be no room for god's forgiving us any sin , or giving us any mercy as of free gift , unless he forgave us more than christ satisfied for , or bestowed what he did not merit . this is evident , for if my surety be bound with me to a creditor for a thousand pounds ; if my surety pay , as my surety , this thousand pounds , the creditor forgives me nothing , i pay him all . so as to merit : if i buy a jewel for an hundred pounds , and give bond for it , with a surety bound with me for that sum ; if my surety shall pay that ●undred pounds , can the seller be said to give me that jewel ? no. i in a law-sense paid him , because my surety did it . whereas the gospel lays the stress of our felicity upon forgiveness , rom. 4.8 . acts 13.38 . and though justice do not suffer , as having received glory by christ , yet that is not to exclude forgiveness , but to make way for forgiveness , in a consistency with his perfections . and further , god no more sells us any blessing , notwithstanding christ's merits , than christ sells them to us : whereas he must sell all benefits , and forgive no faults , if he be considered as a creditor , and christ our money surety . obj. god may be said to forgive us , being he admitted christ to be a pecuniary surety , though we pay by him . ans. that goes a very little way towards forgiveness ; yea , and to refuse it in money-matters , is hardly admittable by the rules of equity : it sounds low , to hear a creditor say , you were bound to me for a thousand pounds , which i was paid by one that i allowed to be your surety ; and because i would take it from you by him , i forgave it you , though i got from you legally by your surety , every farthing of your debt . this is not forgiving ; and such a change , whilst the very debt in kind is paid , is not an abatement . obj. god procured christ to be our surety , and therefore he forgave us . ans. in solution of money this will not amount to forgiveness : if one owes me ten pounds , for which i cast him in prison ; and finding him insolvent , do i forgive him ; if i get one that wisheth him well to pay it for him , i befriend him , but am paid all my self , even by him in his surety , without forgiving . i know nothing more suspicious to be an error , than what tends to overturn the doctrine of the forgiveness of sins , which is the great support of a poor sinner ; and of this the notion of strict money-suretiship , whereby we paid all to god , is guilty ; whereas if you consider god as ruler , and christ as mediator , making satisfaction for criminals , by enduring punishment in their stead , we avoid all the difficulties which that of money-debts perplex the work of redemption with . the socinians main strength lies in objections from sin , being as a money-debt , and christ's death being the payment of a debt , even the idem . this is perceived , and therefore denied by our best authors against the socinians , as lubbertus , essenius , turretin , owen , stillingfleet , &c , 3 r. were christ a proper pecuniary surety in the same law of works with them , then every believer would be entitled to the same reward as christ is entitled to ; yea , and as much or more than christ. this is evident , for if i covenant with another , that in consideration of my paying a thousand pounds , i shall enjoy such an estate of fifty pounds a year : i have a surety engaged with me for the payment of that money ; i by my surety pay the thousand pounds ; upon which i have the legal right to that estate rather than my surety ; but at most my surety can have a right to no more than that fifty pounds a year in common with me by those covenants : 〈◊〉 here be other covenants between me and 〈◊〉 , wherein i engage to repay him that or m●●e , in those covenants he is not my surety , but a distinct party . hence it follows , that we are entitled to be exalted over all , and have a name above every name to see our seed , to be regarded as saviours , at least to be satisfiers to god for our selves , and our own redeemers in law-sense . obj. christ paid all personally , and not we , and therefore he hath peculiar rewards and honour . ans. the principal and surety is one legal person , and therefore if the law reckon we satisfied in christ , the reward promised on that satisfaction is common to us with christ : the law gives the honour as it receives the tribute , and distributes the recompence as it estimates the obedience : one person in law , made up of us and christ , alike obeyed in law-sense ; and then one person in law , made up of him and us , must be alike rewarded ; as we are reckoned to do all , so we are adjudged to have a right to have all due upon that doing . i shall say more of this presently . 4 r. if christ be a strict pecuniary surety , i think it will be impossible to confute many very erronious opinions , which naturally are deduced therefrom . what can be said against our being justified actually before we believe ? for if we satisfied the law in christ , how can our justification be suspended till we believe , unless there be some other law ? the law acquits us as soon as the condition is performed by us . obj. we do not apply christ to our selves before faith. ans. 1 . but god , by the law , applies him to us , if we have satisfied it ; and he hath applied him already , in making him our money-surety , the law will execute it self whether we apply or no. 2. when the conditions are performed by us , it 's against the law to deny us the reward ; or at least to continue us under its curse a moment ; yea , or to injoyn any terms on us , for possessing the reward , besides its own conditions , which are fulfilled by us : the laying of guilt on our persons any time is unjust . obj. we are not christ's seed till we believe . ans. all will not own that ; but if we ever satisfie in christ , it must be when he satisfied ; it is not to be done now , when the act of performing the atonement , and paying the debt , is over : can we , by becoming his seed now , be esteemed to pay what he paid so many years since , if we did not pay it then ? or can he be our money-surety , by whom we pay now when he hath done paying , and not then when he was paying . obj. he being given by god to be our surety , and not appointed by us to die , god may suspend giving us the benefits of his death , until we believe . ans. if god made him a strict money-surety with us in the law of innocence , he either did change the law , or precluded himself from a right of suspending the benefits , at least the restauration of his image , and freedom from the reign of sin , the curse and wrath of god , till we believe ; for the law is changed , if it say thou shalt be free from the dominion of sin , and the guilt thereof , but not till thou believe in christ , though thou hast already legally performed all the legal conditions : if it be not changed , it immediately entitles to the reward , and must be violated , if at least any punishment lie upon the perfect performer of the conditions ; for it 's a punishing us after the debt is legally paid by us . now though there is hardly a truth more plain in the word of god , than that the wrath of god abides still upon all vnbelievers , notwithstanding christ's death ; yet you see how this notion of money-suretiship shakes it . i might instance others , as we ought not to confess our sins , nor pray for forgiveness ; god afflicts only from sin , but not for sin at all ; god will judge and justifie us only by the law of works , and we are saved by that law : if god charge us with sin , we may charge him with unrighteousness . david was as acceptable to god , whilst he murthered vriah , as when he obeyed god most : god requires nothing from us , to escape his wrath and curse for sin ; we must not propose any benefit to our selves by any duty , or acting of grace ; nor are we the better a jot by them . these and the like , spring from this very opinion , that we satisfied the law fully , and perfectly obeyed it in christ , as a pecuniary surety with us in that law , to say nothing of the advantage the socinians have thereby . these things may caution us in our conceptions , especially when the considering of christ as a pecuniary surety of the law of works , paying debts to a creditor , is not necessary to any one gospel end ; neither the glory of christ , the government of god , the salvation of the elect , the spiritual comfort of believers , or promoting of holiness : all which are more clearly subserved by this word as surety of the new covenant , joined with other words frequently used by the holy ghost , as mediator , redeemer , saviour , ransomer ; and the whole oeconomy of redemption plainly stated thereby . 5 r. christ's being a strict money-surety , would be a very great loss to us : if he be our surety in the covenant of works , then we can have no claim to any benefit but what the covenant of works promiseth ; whereby we shall lose union with christ , the in-dwelling spirit , and whatever degree of glory is to be expected by christ , above what adam was to enjoy in case he had not fallen ; of which i have spoken before . the reason is , if i have a surety in a bond , wherein i have certain immunities upon paying a sum of money , if my surety pay that money , i can thereby have a right to no more immunities than that bond contains . 6 r. christ where he is called a surety , was a surety of the better testament ; and therefore not of the law of works ; which enjoined obedience , and inflicted death on sinners , heb. 7.22 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes rendred testament , sometimes covenant ; and well it might be rendred a legal disposition : but call it which you will , this testament or covenant of which christ is surety here , cannot be the covenant of works . it was not the covenant that obliged us to die for sin , or perfectly obey in a way of merit that here he is called surety of . is the law of works that better covenant or testament ? or must christ be a surety for us in the covenant of works , because he is surety of the better covenant , which is not the covenant of works ? if you doubt whether this better covenant be not the covenant of works , consider the whole context . this better covenant is opposed to the iewish covenant , as the priesthood of christ is opposed to the levitical priesthood ; which priesthood of christ the apostle proved to be higher and better than the levitical , by many arguments : as christ was a priest after the order of melchisedeck , who was greater than abram or levi ; he succeeded the levitical priesthood , as it was unable to attain the great ends of priesthood . his priesthood is unchangeable , because he ever lives ; and those priests were mortal . christ was made priest by an oath , they without an oath . and to add no more , christ was surety of a better testament , which is again expressed heb. 8.6 . he is the mediator of a better covenant , or testament ; and ver . 7. if the first covenant had been faultless , there had been no place for a second . the better covenant or testament in chap. 8.6 . must be the same as this better testament or covenant in this chap. 7.22 . the word there and here is the same . and there you have a full account what this better covenant is : it 's the new covenant , wherein forgiveness of sin , among other blessings , is promised , heb. 8.9 , to 13. at most it's the covenant of grace as in the last edition . of which covenant , but on different accounts , christ is called the mediator , the surety , the testator ; and the betterness of this edition of the covenant , is founded on the betterness of christ's priesthood ; who by his blood purchased it with all its benefits , confirmed it by his death ; and by his intercession secures the great ends of it . q. d. by how much he had a better priesthood , by so much he was made a surety of a better testament , heb. 7.22 . and repeats it heb. 8.6 . he hath obtained a more excellent ministry , by how much also he is the mediator of a better covenant ; which was established upon better promises . was this the covenant of works ? surely no ; for the law of works pronounced the curse , this the blessing . the law of works bindeth guilt ; this assures us that god will be merciful to our unrighteousness , and our sins and iniquities he 'll remember no more . the law of works is a killing letter : by this covenant , of which christ is surety , god writes his law in our hearts ; and is to us a god , and we to him a people . yea , ●●rseverance is secured . our lord jesus is a surety of this blessed and better covenant ; he will see it kept by all the parties ; he undertakes to have its ends accomplished , and it fulfilled . believers shall persevere ; new testament saints shall generally have freer access to god , fear and know god more , and be holier than old testament saints . yea , i grant all the elect shall be brought into this covenant , and be saved by it . as mediator of this covenant , he died for the redemption of transgressions , even those under the first testament , viz. before his incarnation , which were pardoned on the prospect of it . and by his death he purchased , that his called might receive the promise of the eternal inheritance , heb. 9.15 . as testator he bequeaths , and disposeth by and according to this gospel testament what he acquired by his obedience , even to a bloody death ; and by that death this testamentary disposition is irrevocable . as surety he undertakes that his testament , ( which is also god's covenant with us ) shall be fulfilled , even on our parts , and also unto us . and this the apostle directly applies to christ's ever-living and interceding , as what fitted him for it , and whereby he executeth this suretiship . wherefore he is able also to save them to the uttermost who come unto god by him , seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them , heb. 7.24 , 25. many testaments are unfulfilled , because the testastor being dead , cannot see to the execution of them , and so the legatees are wronged ; but christ ever lives and attends to the fulfilling his testament , which is the same with god's covenant , with respect to wh●●● as god's covenant , he still intercedes , as well as ever lives : you 'll find this apostle lodge the height of the security of christians against , and from condemnation , upon this intercession of christ , rom. 8.34 . who is he that condemneth , it 's christ that died , yea , rather is risen again , who is even at the right hand of god ; who also maketh intercession for us . he ascribes our safety to his living and interceding rather , and more than to his meer dying ; for though by his death he acquired and bequeathed absolution , &c. for his seed ; yet it 's by his living again and interceding , he secures , and sees his seed possessed of that absolution , and all other blessings . and if we consider that this covenant mentioneth here , rather benefits promised to his seed , than conditions of any benefits as required either of him or his seed : he seems to be pointed at here more directly a surety , to see god's promises made good to his seed , than that their new covenant engagements shall be made good by his seed ; though it 's a great truth , he is a surety on our part , that we shall keep covenant , or we should soon undo our selves . i think then it 's past contradiction , that the covenant christ is surety of in this place , ( which is the only place he is called surety ) is the gospel covenant ; and if so he can , even as a money surety , hereby be bound with us to no more than what we are engaged to do and suffer by this gospel covenant . it 's true , by the covenant of redemption , he was engaged to suffer death in the humane nature for satisfaction ; and this in our place , and also to obey the whole law , and both for the salvation of his seed . but in that covenant he was principal ; for god never obliged us to redemption-work , either by our selves , or by any other ; and therefore christ herein is what the civilians call ex promissor : he is obliged alone , though he acts for another . but how strange is it , that from christ's being a surety of the new covenant or testament , men should conclude , that christ is a money-surety of the covenant of works ; and as such , paid all our old covenant debts , as debts ; and that altogether in kind , and so as we are accounted to pay that debt , and merit life by that very covenant , yea and damn all that will not say as they say , though to say so , makes either christ's obedience or his suffering needless , all forgiveness impossible , all gospel-terms of application of christ's merits unjust ; a suspension of a right to those ●enefits for any time injurious , a right in men to equal rewards with christ inviolable ; all remains of displeasure on , and the reign of sin in the unconverted elect , matter of just complaint against god ; and a claim to any greater blessings than the law of works promised , impossible . i might further argue this point by other considerations , as its inconsistency with christ's being a mediator , he being a party ; also with christ's being a proper redeemer of sinners any more than of himself ; yea , it excludes the true gospel imputation of christ's righteousness in our justification upon believing ; as having no righteousness of christ's given us ; for it was legally in us as much as in him , we having legally performed the conditions as much as him ; and so we need not look out of our selves for righteousness , though our surety did the acts from whence that righteousness resulted ; yet the law-right was in us as well as in him ; with many other . all that i aim at by insisting on this point , is to guide your thoughts to true apprehensions of the doctrin of satisfaction , and secure you against the vulgar mistakes and dangerous notions that are gathered from the abusive straining of the word surety . whereas if you consider god as rector , sinners as criminals , sin as a crime , making sinners liable to the curse according to the law ; which law must be honoured in the satisfaction of justice , and vindication of divine government . and the lord jesus on the law-givers proposing it , freely undertaking , and promising in the covenant of redemption to submit to ●●e obligation of bearing the punishment due to ; and in the stead of those sinners ; this punishment being to be endured in the humane nature , and of equal weight ; yea , in many things , of the same kind with what they were to endure : and the law-givers promising to christ for his enduring this punishment , and perfectly obeying his will , a great and certain number that should certainly believe in him ; and that all believing on him , should in his righteousness be pardoned , adopted , sanctified , and eternally saved in a way of faith and persevering holiness , to his glory : and that sinners should have an offer of these benefits on the terms of the gospel covenant ; and the benefits to be dispensed assuredly in that gospel way , &c. i say , in this manner every thing is consistent ; and with these limitations , the terms sponsor , mediator , surety , and redeemer , are proper and consistent . i proceed to the second point , viz. to prove that we are not equally righteous as christ ; and shall have occasion to shew , we are not so as to his suretiship righteousness . 1. we are not equally holy as christ ; this is a conformity to the divine image and will , and is called righteousness . have we an habitual holiness in a measure comparable to his ? or can we pretend to that purity of heart and life , or that exalted obedience to the will of god which he rendered ? our hearts must condemn such a thought ; nay , angels dare not be rivals with him therein ; much less can we , whose defects are so manifest , and defilements are so many , iob 40.4 . he is our example proposed , but in what can we imitate him in equality ? mal. 11.29 . 2. it is not true that we performed the conditions of redemption and life equally with christ. i suppose , they mean this by suretiship righteousness , who chuse that word . they think , that because a principal may be said in law to pay to the creditor the very same money as the surety pays , and in law equally with the surety ; therefore all sinners for whom christ died and obeyed , did then equally die and obey as christ himself ; or as others , whe● they believe god doth account that they died and obeyed equally with christ , and in law sense they fully answered the law of works ; and they are justified by that very law , being truly and legally innocent by the satisfaction they have made , and obedience they as one legal person with christ yielded : and so they are righteous as christ , not in similitude , but in equality . but though i grant that the righteousness of christ's , for which we are justified , be a righteousness adequate to the law , yea ; supra-legal , as well as in substance truly legal ; yet i deny that to be a suretiship righteousness , in a sense that can infer us equally righteous as christ. 1 r. i have fully proved that christ was not a money-surety with sinners or believers in the law of works , though he died in their stead , and his death secured their release and happiness , because the law-giver in the covenant of redemption admitted and promised this , and the gospel doth proclaim this , and assure christians that they shall be treated as believers ; yea , and as if themselves had obeyed and satisfied , viz. as to all the blessings promised to believers . but all this doth not infer , that we paid the price of heaven , that we legally endured the wrath of god ; there 's no suretiship that amounts to this , and therefore no suretiship righteousness that connotes it . christ was not our money-surety in the law of works , in performing the law of redemption , and therefore we cannot be said to do and suffer what christ did , equally with him ; nor consequently , to be as righteous as he in equality . obj. christ was made under the law , to redeem them that were under the law ; that we might receive the adoption of sons , gal. 4.4 , 5. ans. 1. i might shew how the context doth confine to the following sense , viz. christ was made under the jewish law , as delivered four hundred years after the promise , which could not give life , nor the spirit ; under which law the jewish believers were shut up , and it their schoolmaster , and they as servants in bondage under the elements of this world , i. e. the ceremonies ; and far from the designed liberty of adopted sons . but christ was made under this law to redeem and rescue those jewish believers from this bondage , and to bring the gentiles as well as they , and at one instant with them , to the gospel freedom and liberty ; called the adoption of sons ; even a liberty from the jewish yoak and bondage , which many were still fond of . consult chap. 3. and 4. in this sense it 's not the law of innocency , as a proper covenant of works that 's meant by the law under which christ was made . the law of innocency or works , had not in it these ceremonies ordinances ; and the like . 2. i grant , that christ in taking our nature , became a servant , and subject to the law of innocency , to its precepts , and its punishments , as a mediator , according to the terms adjusted in the covenant of redemption . 3. but how follows it , that because he obliged himself in the covenant of redemption , that he would be in our nature subject to the law for our redemption ; that therefore he was such a surety in what he did , as that we legally did what he did ; and that in the estimate and sentence of that law as a law of works . it 's so far from concluding this , that it concludes the contrary ; we did it not because he did it ; he did it to redeem us , we were to do it to prevent the need of redemption ; and had we done it , there had been no room for his doing of it : and obeying alone would have serv'd our turn before sin , and neither our obeying nor suffering have served the turn after sin. further , 4. christ did not then become a surety or undertaker to die for us , by being made under the law ; but he was made under the law , because he had undertaken to die for us : his very being made under the law of works , was but a performance of a previous engagement to to the law-giver ; this being one article in the covenant of redemption , that he should take our nature , be a servant under the law , and make his soul an offering for sin , heb. 10.9 . isa. 53. can any infer then , that because christ was made under the law , in performance of his prior engagement to redeem lost sinners , to which engagement these sinners were never obliged , that therefore these sinners did truly do and suffer whatever christ did and suffered to redeem and save them ? it 's true , but for sinners , and the law , and divine justice , christ needed not to enter into any obligation that he would be under the law , and die for sinners , and obey to make the law honourable . but what is this to make us principals in that bond , whereby h● became obliged to come under the law , and die for us ? the law is honoured , and justice satisfied , but not by us , though for us ; because he stood alone obliged by his bond to honour the law , and satisfie justice . it was not from any obligation the law of works had upon him , that he become obliged to be a subject ; or if he became a subject , that he must die whilst he was an innocent person : nor was it the law of works that gave him a right to his reward , if he should obey and die ; this law never promised his death would be a ransom for all , and he be glorious as a redeemer ; the law of works hath nothing of this ; christ had to do with a higher law before he submitted to this : a law wherein he was principal , transacting without us , though for our recovery . i 'll give you an instance , there is a law made , that he that commits high treason shall die , a thousand persons commit high treason in various degrees , and are condemned : but the law-giver , or absolute supreme ruler , makes a law , that if such a great monarch will become his subject , and die to expiate this treason , those condemn'd traitors shall be forgiven , and released in such a time and way as is agreed between the law-giver and this monarch : this monarch becomes a subject , and dieth to expiate the treason , and deliver the traitors . now here the law-giver is satisfied , the end of the law is answered ; the monarch dies in the stead and place of the traitors ; and they in a fit time and way are released . but yet they cannot be said to die , nor pay a ransom for their lives ; much less to say , that they paid as much as the monarch . 2 r. we did not equally with christ , perform the legal conditions of redemption , otherwise , we equally vindicated the honour of divine justice as christ did ; we purchased the spirits operation and faith equally with christ ; we redeemed our selves , and bought the church with christ's blood equally , as christ did ; all which are notoriously false . the ground of the consequence is this , he that equally performs that by which a thing is effected or procured , doth equally effect or procure that thing : therefore if we performed that equally with christ , by which the honour of divine justice is vindicated , we did equally honour divine justice : if we paid the price of our redemption , and that whereby faith and the church is bought , in equality with christ , we did redeem our selves , and buy faith and the church equally with christ ; the performed conditions being the ransom and price . 3 r. if we performed the legal conditions equally with christ , we then are entitled equally with christ , to all his rewards proposed to christ upon those conditions . the ground of the consequence is this , whatever is proposed and promised upon any conditions , is equally due to all who equally perform those conditions . therefore if christ is to have a name above every name , and all judgment and authority committed to him , for obeying the law and dying ; then if we have equally with christ so obeyed and died , we are to have a name above every name , &c. 4 r. if we performed the legal conditions in equality with christ , then we have an equal share in whatever contributed to make christ's sufferings and obedience satisfactory and meritorious ; and so the influence of the divine nature , into the value of all the performed conditions , was equally ours , as it was christ's . the reason of the consequence is this , whatever is essential to the performed conditions , must be equally ascribed to all that equally performed those conditions ; and none of you will doubt , that it was not sufficient to redeem sinners , that the meer acts were done , and the sufferings endured ; but that they were to be done and suffered by him that was habitually holy to perfection ; yea , by him that was the son of god , in our nature , the value resulted from the dignity of his person : had he not been the son of god , he could not make satisfaction for sin by his obedience . it then unavoidably follows , that if we equally obeyed and satisfied with christ , then we are accounted legally to have the dignity of the divine nature in what we performed , and that in equality with christ ; a thing the law never obliged innocent man to , and a thing too great to be assumed by sinful wretches . what need i more arguments to prove , that we did not equally with christ perform the legal conditions ? though we have the same right to a freedom from condemnation and to eternal glory as if we had , only we are excluded from that carnal pride , in saying we did it legally our selves , and engaged against idleness and security in our obedience to the terms of the application of what christ hath performed : if we dare not pretend that we satisfied justice , vindicated the honour of god's government , purchased the spirit of grace and faith , and redeem●● our selves , yea , and the whole church in equality with christ : if we abhor pretending to the same glory and authority , which belongs to christ as redeemer , in equality with him : if we tremble at pretending to have an equal share with christ , in the dignity and value of his obedience , from the glory of his divine person as the son of god ; we must renounce this conceit , that we equally performed the conditions , the reward whereof is our redemption and salvation ; and therefore should renounce , that we are equally righteous as christ. the performance of these conditions being the legal righteousness of christ , and that for which we are justified and saved ; but not to be equally ascribed to us and christ ; and for any pretence to it from its being a suretiship-righteousness , you have seen there is no suretiship of that kind , as will infer that we performed whatever christ performed , or suffered what christ suffered for our redemption , much less equally with him . though i might stop here , for it 's the righteousness of christ , as it was the performance of the legal conditions , which is intended by suretiship-righteousness , in respect of which we are said to be equally righteous with christ ; yet i will proceed further . 3. it is not true , that we are equally righteous as christ , as he is righteous , with respect to his right to the reward , upon his performing the conditions thereof . if any thing would afford a shadow for the assertion , this is likeliest to do it , though alas the thing intended is of a higher nature , even the performance of the condition it self ; but yet even in this lower sense it is ungrounded . by the reward , i mean what was promised christ for himself or others , in consideration of what he was to do and suffer . i shall briefly give you some considerable differences between christ's right to the reward , and our right , even though it 's in christ's right we obtain all saving blessings . 1. christ's right was by his own purchase , but we have a right by gift , and do receive every benefit as the effect of his purchase : he bought a pardon for penitent believers by his own blood ; he graciously gives believers this pardon secured by his title . is there nothing peculiarly honourable to christ distinct from us ? sure , he hath the glory of the purchase and of his beneficence , whilst we have reason of humble gratitude , as needing , and of gift receiving this , though he makes it safe to us , rev. 1.5 , 6. 2. christ is righteous , as the subject in whom righteousness inheres and formally is ; but believers have it by imputation , and hold all in dependance on it as in christ. the purchase is peculiar to him , and the right resulting therefrom , never alienable from his person ; though it be so transferred , as to be the plea and security of believers , for what is promised to them : though it be upon them , it is in christ , rom. 3.22 . sure , here is somewhat of a distinct ground , as to the degree , reason and manner of denomination ; subjectively righteous , and imputatively righteous : also originally and independantly righteous , and dependantly righteous , have not a sound of equality . the moon that borrows its light from the sun , and depends on the sun for light , is not equally light as the sun , though it have the same light. believers use and apply themselves daily to this righteousness as it is in christ , that they may be dealt with according to it . 3. christ had nothing forgiven him , and needs no forgiveness ; but believers are forgiven much , and oft need forgiveness , and are taught by christ daily to pray for it ; yea , much of their happiness and hope lies in god's forgiving them , luke 11.4 . rom. 4.7 , 8. is there a full equality between him that is happy by pardon , yea , is often pardoned actually after he is justified and most righteous ? and him that never needed a pardon for himself , yea , in whose right that pardon is granted when so often needed . alas ! believers have their right to blessedness maintained by god's frequently forgiving their sinful forfeitures : without this forgiveness they would soon be liable to misery , and to be dealt with as unrighteous : and are such equally righteous as christ ? 4. it were intollerably arrogant , for believers to plead with god , as they might justly do , if they were equally righteous as christ : dare they say , lord we need no pardon from thee , thou forgivest us nothing ; i legally paid the utmost farthing by perfectly obeying and suffering too . i will that this and that be done for me , iohn 17.24 . thou art unjust to me , as well as to my surety , and not only unfaithful if i am denied . would this sound conscientiously any more than decently , have believers a right pleadable on this head of iustice ? and yet christ is so righteous that he can plead so of right : can they be in equality righteous , whose claim is so different ? 5. we are not dealt with as if we were equally righteous with christ , and yet god is not vnjust nor vnfaithful therein . believers have much sin in their hearts , frequent offences they commit , they want much of god's image , their graces are very weak and imperfect , the spirit of god oft grieved by them , and for it abates his influences ; god is provoked frequently , and therefore hides his face , and rebukes them in displeasure ; yea , leaves them under temptations . to say nothing of other penal corrections , as poverty , cursed relations , death and the fears of it ; yet in all god is righteous , even when these are inflicted for sin ; nay , a great part of them is sin in them , though the with-holding of more grace is righteous in god , and oft repeated as penal ; yea , indeed , all remains of sin in our hearts , are the penal effects of our first apostasie , not yet removed by divine grace . can any man consider this and say , believers in this case are equally righteous as christ ? hath he no more a right to his present exalted state , than we have to our present freedom , from the effects of our apostasie ? or are we equally righteous , when all these things are justly left upon us ? had we a right to be at present free from all sin and trouble , to be immediately made fully conformable to christ , sure we should arrive thereto even now ? and if we have not a right to a present freedom from these evils , and enjoyment of the opposite good , we cannot be now righteous equally with christ : a present right to freedom from sin hereafter , is even in that an inequality to christ's right , who is entitled to a present freedom from all that is humbling or afflictive , and never was subject to sin it self . 6. christ hath a right to much more good than we shall ever enjoy , or have a right to : believers have not now , no nor ever shall have , a right to a reward equal to the redeemer's crown ; he will receive a homage as redeemer ; his humane nature possesseth a glory beyond all created beings : now can they be equally righteous with christ in matter of right , who have a right to no more than what is abundantly short of his ? it is unaccountable to denominate one righteous from the greatness or largeness of right , and conclude them equally righteous who have so unequal a right , as to the greatness of the things they are entitled to , of which this head speaks ; and in what so differenceth the nature of their right , as applied to them , of which before . christ hath given us in his right many blessings which begin the felicity he intends to compleat hereafter , according to our various capacities to receive ; but he hath not transferred to us his right to the salvation of millions , to dominion of angels , to give out the fruits of his own righteousness as he pleaseth ; and many such prerogatives that never belong to believers . i might add , we are not so solemnly adjudged righteous as christ is , and that makes an inequality : and our righteous state is sustained by a constant intercession of christ in his own right ; but i think enough is said , to conclude this point ; for if we are not equally holy as christ , nor have equally performed the legal conditions with christ , nor have an equal right to the rewards promised on those conditions as christ , nor are equally adjudged righteous by god's solemn sentence as christ was ; where is the least shadow of doubting , that believers are not as righteous as christ in equality ? no , not as to suretiship-righteousness , or in any other proper sense . obj. if my surety paid my debt , i am as free from my creditor's arrest as if i never owed him any thing ; i can tell him i legally paid him all , and he cannot charge me , &c. and therefore i am as righteous as christ. ans. the improperness of calling god creditor , and sin debts , otherwise than metaphorically , i have spoken to : the socinians have such an advantage by it , that all men who understand the true way of opposing them , quit these terms : but , 1. such as make this objection , and urge it to prove that believers are as righteous as christ , must confine our righteousness as a right only to impunity , and not extend it to positive good as eternal glory is : and is it not strange , to affirm christ by his death only paid a debt , but merited nothing ; and yet argue we are as righteous as christ , meerly because our debt is paid , which is by his death : what is not christ's active obedience a part of his righteousness ? if it be , then notwithstanding our impunity by the payment of our debt , christ is more righteous than us , as having the merit of his active obedience . 2. but it is so far from true , that the believer paid god all his debt , that it is true he paid god not one penny of his debt , neither by himself , nor by christ as a money-surety . christ made satisfaction to god the injured law-giver , as a pri●cipal undertaker to save us in his way ; but the believer never made any satisfaction to god for the least sin , as i have fully proved : and therefore it 's gross arguing , that i am as righteous as christ , because i paid all my debt , when i paid nothing , but was forgiven all . 3. the believer is contracting new debts every day , and were it not for a renewed washing or pardon by christ's blood still applied , he would be subject to new arrests , ier. 36.3 . psalm 51.9 . matt. 6.12 . is it well argued then , i am as righteous as christ , because i would daily run my self into prison ; but that i have a pardon oft repeated in the virtue of his righteousness . 4. though pardon in christ's right will keep a believer out of hell , yet he is unacquainted with the word and the dealings of god with believers , that think they feel none of the bitter fruits of sin , and several arrests of displeasure for sin , rev. 3.19 . ames 3.2 . eternal condemnation is the soarest but not the only effect of sin : is it a part our freedom that our lusts are so strong ? that the image of god is so little restored , god so much dishonoured and offended still by us , &c. will this reasoning perswade you ? because i shall be kept by christ's righteousness out of hell , therefore i am as righteous as christ , though still subject to many penal effects of sin ; and know not how much greater i may yet be subject to . 5. doth the plea formed in this objection , fit the mouth of any true believer ? lord i do not now need thy forgiving me any thing ; nor ever was indebted to thee for abating me ought ; i bore the punishment legally before i offended , and paid the debt before i contracted it : be but just towards me , and i fear no advantage thou canst have against me : let me be and do what i will or can , i am out of thy reach ; i have in the eye of thy law suffered what can be inflicted ; nay , i am as righteous as christ himself , and that in equality , therefore thou mayest as well and as much be offended with him as with me ; yea , may'st as justly deny him the reward of his obedience , as deny me any part of that reward ; for i performed the conditions in the eye of the law as much as he , and have a right equal to his ; i am equally righteous with him . are these the apprehensions of an humble broken heart ? these things are as unreasonable , as if millions of persons were liable to die for robbery , and the king and his only son should agree , that the son should die in the room of these millions of criminals , that they , owning humbly his kindness , might be released and honoured , and the son to have the glory of being their redeemer , and have homage done him as such . would it not appear strange , if one of these should , after his escape by the prince's death , say to the king , i owe you nothing for my life , i paid you in your son 's dying for me : and to say to the son , i have done and ●uffered as much in the eye of the law , to ●ave my life , as you did , and deserved it as much as you ; and have as much honour due ●o me for dying in you , as you have for dying for us millions , the king and the law look on me , and all should judge me as just a man as your self . i doubt such a man might for●eit his claim to freedom for want of humble thankfulness , and for denying the king's son ●he glory of being his redeemer . exh. with sobriety of mind keep an hum●le sense of your distance from christ , under ●he highest privileges he advanceth you to : ●dore his grace , that through his blood you ●re righteous as pardoned believers , but ●read comparing with him : he will , and it's 〈◊〉 he should , in all things have the preheminence , col. 1.18 . and sure to be more righteous than us in all respects , is one of those things : what can be a tenderer part of his ●rerogative ? 11 pro. neither faith , nor any work of believers are any righteousness , that have any share or place with christ's righteousness in justification , as this is before described : our graces do neither make atonement , nor merit pardon of the least sin , or the conferring of the lowest benefit : no acts of ours are a jot of our righteousness , or right to pardon , or glory in a way of justice : justice could not allow them that place , they being imperfect , and the actions of sinners : god hath no eye to our works , as any procuring cause of his imputing christ's righteousness , or of his pardoning , absolving or accepting us . reader , because my enlargement on this head is long , that it may be better comprehended , i shall divide it into several heads . 1. i have already told you , that justification is that act of god , whereby he imputes christ's righteousness to a believer , and thereupon pardons , absolves from condemnation , accepts and adopts him , whereby he hath a right to glory , and sentenceth him one free from condemnation , as if he had not sinned ; and an heir of glory , as if he had obeyed the whole law : this is to make us righteous as in justification . 2. in justification thus considered , the righteousness of christ is that which is regarded by god , and influential into all , as the only merit , and procuring cause ; his obedience active and passive , is the only legal consideration on which god pardons , absolves , adopts , or gives a right to glory ; yea ; it is christ's very right , wherein god doth pardon , absolve , &c. 3. justification , as including these benefits , stands entire , as to its causes , antecedently to a believer's interest therein ; it 's a blessing purchased by christ ; it 's offered to sinners , and included in the promise ; a justifying righteousness , wherein or whereby a sinner is to be pardoned and entitled to glory , is not to be wrought out by men , it 's already fulfilled by christ ; and these effects of it are lodged in the gospel , as christ's deed of gift , with his title , to be applied to all that are made partakers thereof . 4. to be justified actually , is to be made actual partakers of a gospel-right to these immunities and privileges in christ's righteousness , as it is imputed to us by god , in the applicatory sentence of the gospel-promise . we have for christ's obedience a right to pardon , &c. given us , and thereupon are pardoned , and to be dealt with and defended as such . 5. god in and by the gospel hath described and determined who shall be thus actually justified , and this by descriptive qualifications ; they are sinners condemnable by the law ( hence called ungodly , rom. 4.5 . ) but not unbelieving impenitent sinners ; for god justifies none but whom by the gospel he promiseth to justifie . now if the gospel promised justification to all sinners as such , or to all impenitent unbelieving sinners , then all sinners , all impenitent unbelieving sinners , would be justified as soon as they are such , and cease to be justified when they cease to be unbelieving impenitent sinners . but god , by his word , hath positively declared , that such he will not justifie whilst they are such , but leaves them under condemnation , and the wrath of god abides on them , iohn 3.38 . god's purpose of a better state for any , doth not prevent their being at present in this worser state ; it is his justifying act that changeth their condition from a liableness to condemnation , to a right to impunity from destructive evils : as it was his condemning act which altered their state from a right to impunity , to an obnoxiousness to ruin ; this condemning act was by the law , that absolving act is by the gospel . 6. therefore whatever god by his gospel makes necessary in a person whom he promiseth to justifie , all that , and nothing but that , is absolutely necessary in the person who shall be justified . i do not speak of what is necessary in a person after he is justified , but what is necessary in him on whom god's justifying act doth terminate : we may judge what is made necessary in the person to be justified ; thus : whoever god promiseth to justifie , as described by any personal character , such as a believer , &c. whatever god promiseth pardon to , as repentance , whatever is contrary to that , for which he declareth that he will , notwithstanding gospel-grace , continue the sentence of condemnation on sinners , and deny them mercy . as when he saith , if the wicked turn not he shall die ; thereby conversion is necessary . by these rules we may know what kind of person he must be , whom god by his gospel doth justifie ; god will not deny it to whom the gospel promiseth it ; he cannot by the gospel grant it to him whom he declares he will deny it to ; yea , on whom he still more binds condemnation . 7. faith in christ hath a peculiar aptness , and is more especially honoured in the first application of god's justifying act upon a christian , though nothing can be wanting which god hath made necessary in him whom he will justifie . this acknowledgeth christ and his righteousness , and by it we return to him , as the way to the father , heb. 7.25 . and own his authority , which is the reward of his mediation , iohn 5.23 . this is our conjugal consent , and band of union , on our part , with christ as our husband , head and entire saviour , 2 cor. 11.2 . it includes all of that regard , which is appropriated to christ as redeemer ; and therefore we are said to be justified by faith , and not by any other grace , as i remember rom. 5.1 . but yet forgiveness , and pardoning mercy , is promised to other things , especially to repentance , and we are called to repent , with this promise , that our sins shall be forgiven upon it ; and we turn to god , that we may receive remission , of sin , acts 26.18 . luke 13.3 . when i have considered that we are said still to be justified by faith , and yet repentance is so absolutely required to the pardon of sin ; i have been apt to think , that the spirit of god seems to instruct us , that justification in the first part of it , viz. the imput●●● christ's righteousness , and investing us in his right to pardon , and other blessings , is especially applied to faith ; and yet our enjoying actual pardon upon our investiture in christ's right , is promised to repentance : as if god would ascribe the first application of christ's righteousness to that grace , which more especially acknowledgeth the redeemer , whose righteousness it is , by which we are justified ; and yet , that sin which is treason against god , should not be forgiven , even for christ's sake , without repentance ; wherein god is more especially acknowledged as our god and rightful law-giver ; whence the sum of our ministry is made repentance towards god , and faith towards the lord jesus , acts 20.21 . if there be any weight in this ( which i only offer to consideration ) then faith is more especially made the condition of the first part of justification , viz. the application of christ's righteousness . and yet repentance also made the express condition of the second part of justification , viz. actual pardon ( that great privilege possessed by us ) with a right to what this pardon entitleth to : hereby the dignity of the law-giver , and the honour of the redeemer are distinctly provided for in the justification of a sinner ; yea , the gospel-order is preserved , for by christ we come and return unto god , whom we had by sin forsaken . yet remember , that repentance is still a concomitant of faith , whatever priority , as an exprest condition , i assign to it ; for no utterly impenitent person can put forth an act. of saving 〈◊〉 justifying faith. 8. our blessed lord exerts a governing authority in a way of grace , or grace in a way of governing authority , in the appointing and requiring what he makes necessary in the person to be justified . he commands men to believe , with a promise that they shall be justified if they do believe , which is the scope of the gospel : he plainly threatens all that will not believe , that they shall not be justified if they continue in unbelief , iohn 3.18 , 36. he hath appointed ministers to use the blessing of a justified estate , as a motive to mens believing , or coming to christ. thus it is as to repentance in order to pardon , &c. here 's the authority of a law-giver , yet the grace of a redeemer ; here 's a law in the obliging power of the command , and the certain connexion between the duty and the promised benefit ; and yet here is grace , meer grace in the adjustment of the sanction , as to the matter it contains , and merit it refers to . this , as to us , is governing grace , and not governing iustice ; it 's not justice that adjusts the benefit , with respect to the duty , as meritorious thereof ; here 's nothing as of debt to us for believing , yet a certainty of being justified upon believing ; here 's no pardon as a debt for repenting , yet a pardon sure upon repenting . divine justice was honoured in christ's fulfilling the law of works , where god displayed justice in government ; yea , it 's honoured with respect to christ , in god's giving all benefits in christ's right , and as christ's proper reward . but as to us it 's of grace , that a believer should be thus sure to be justified : but though grace be thus advanced in the matter given , yet here 's authority expressed in the manner of giving ; and divine government maintained according to the present state of redeemed sinners : some obedience shall be yielded , though perfect obedience is become impossible ; there shall be the reins of a sanction on our necks , though the sanction of the law of works hath and must condemn us , if christ relieves not from it : fear and hope in us shall not be useless to us , though we were by the fall , in a case , as to our selves , utterly desperate ; and as to election , and christ's undertaking , eventually safe : there shall be a law of faith to judge and save us by , though we daily transgress the law of works , and by every transgression are liable to the curse , rom. 3.27 . gal. 3.10 . i might , had i time , easily prove what i have asserted , and give you the great usefulness of this point , that the gospel , by which the blessings of christ are dispensed , is a law , or a display of grace , in a way of authority and government ; but i 'll only glance : 1. hereby the gospel is said to be obeyed and disobeyed , rom. 10.16 . 2 thess. 1.8 . 2 cor. 9.13 . 2. men become culpable as rejecters of its benefits , acts 13.38 , 41 , 48. 3. all gospel-benefits become fit and strong motives in gospel-duty , acts 2.38 . 4. the benefits are suspended infallibly till the conditions be performed , luke 13.3 . 5. they that obey the gospel , may be sure of the promised benefits , and know how to try their interest and conclude it , heb. 5.9 . 6. the gospel-blessings may be truly offered to all , and all charged to accept of them , by complying with the conditions , acts 13.38 . 7. the conditions hereby are described , stated , urged , and not left uncertain , 1 cor. 13.2 . 8. a rule of judgment is hereby fixed , whereby god is justified in saving some and damning others , who yet had the very same offers , invitations , and calls , rom. 2.16 . 9. they that disobeyed the gospel , are justly liable to sorer punishments and vengeance , than would have fallen on them for their first apostasie , matt. 11.24 . 10. here is an apt means to excite diligence , watchfulness , faith , repentance , and holiness ; and to prevent sloath , despair , presumption and disobedience . i appeal to the consciences of men , whether fallen men are liker to be governed by telling them , you are under no law but the law of works , which requires all graces and duties alike , and all to be done perfectly without sin , or you must eternally perish ; though , it 's true , if god please to justifie you by christ's righteousness , then you have legally fulfilled this law , and you are justified by it , and you shall go to heaven . but god requires no duty or care on your part , in order to be justified by christ's righteousness ; nor doth he command you to act any grace , with a promise of any benefit upon that act ; nor threaten you with any damage , whatever sin you commit ; so that you have faith as a sign , but not a condition of your pardon ; nor ought you to obey any command , as a means of good to you , but only in gratitude , that christ hath done all for you . or else this way : god hath set down this authoritative rule , to give sinners the beneficial fruits of christ's death , and commands you to obey it ; that though you are lost , yet if you believe and repent you shall be pardoned ; if not , the wrath of god will abide on you : turn to god and you shall live , i● not you shall die : fight the good fight , if you overcome you shall be crowned , and reap if you faint not ; but if you draw back , god will have no pleasure in you : be fruitful , for if you be barren you are nigh to cursing , and your end is to be burned : use your talents , for if you improve them god will reward you with greater blessedness ; but if you hide them in a napkin , you shall for your unprofitableness be cast into the lake that burns with fire and brimstone : subdue your lusts , for if sin reign in you , you shall die ; but if you mortifie the deeds of the flesh , you shall live , &c. o then attend the means of grace , look to christ , be earnest with god , watch and strive as for your lives : whether , i say , is liker to influence men to the design of redemption and obedience to god , the first or this last ? and i am sure this last is the way god chuseth , for it 's his words ; though we are not by this way excluded from adding arguments that may also excite gratitude : but are not these words of authority , the dictates of a ruler , and yet not the law of works , which promiseth nothing of good to the imperfect , and bindeth death for the lease sin ? 9. the gospel enjoineth nothing on men for the impetration or purchasing of justification , or any other benefit ; but that they may receive justification , and every benefit , as the effect of christ's merits . christ hath bought all by his obedience , and by the gospel prescribeth the way how he in his own right will give what he hath acquired . as the gospel is his testament , he describeth his legatees ; as it 's god's covenant , our consent to it is necessary to it's blessings . 10. the use of faith in order to justification is , that it renders the sinners the ordained objects of god's justifying act and gift ; according to his own gospel rule , justification brings the righteousness by which we are pardoned ; but god promiseth to justifie him that hath faith , and saith he will not justifie him that hath not faith : doth not faith distinguish him that hath faith from another that hath not faith ? and doth not god declare he will deal very differently with him that hath faith , and him that hath no faith ; he 'll justifie the one , and still condemns the other : and it 's the same as to any other condition of any other promised benefit : the condition is not that for which the benefit is given , but it renders the man the person to whom god hath promised to give that benefit in christ's right . 11. all endeavours after faith , are endeavours after justification ; and all neglects of faith are neglects of justification . this is plain , for if the object of god's justifying act be the believer , then whatever tends to make him a believer , tends to bring him into a justified state ; and whatever tends to hinder him to believe , tends to keep him out of a justified state. it 's the same as to all other promises made to any grace or duty ; though all the promises are made and performed in christ's right . yet when he describes the person by any grace ● duty who shall receive the good promised , we pursue that good promised , by following after that grace or duty to which the promise refers . therein we look to christ's righteousness with just hope , when we look to him in his promise , and follow that which he hath assured the fruits of his righteousness upon . 12. god now doth , and will hereafter more solemnly judge mens faith , and men by their faith , as far as he hath made that faith necessary to any blessing . 1. god says in his gospel , i will in and for christ's righteousness forgive him that believes , and no other ; yea , all unbelievers shall be still condemned , because they believe not , ioh. 3.16 , 19. christ's righteousness shall not be applied to them for pardon . and , 2. if the gospel hath described what this faith in truth is , and warned us of all false faith as vain and insufficient to our pardon , iam. 2.14 , 17. gal. 5.6 . if those two things be true . can you imagin 1. that god doth make no judgment of that faith , whether it be true or false ? are all sorts of faith alike in his account 〈◊〉 dead faith and a living , a feigned faith , ●●d an unfeigned faith ? doth he give and execute the pardon without any regard to their being such believers as his gospel appoints ? surely he that says be watchful , and strengthen the things that are ready to die , for i have not found thy works perfect before god , rev. 3.2 . doth distinguish between the faith the promise is made to , and the faith which the promise is not made to ; nay , which he threatens as hypocritical . 2. or can you think that god makes no judgment concerning a man's interest , or no interest in the promised pardon , with any regard to his having true faith , or his not having it ? the question is not , what righteousness that pardon is founded on ; for that is christ's , and the pardon connotes it ; but the question is , is this or that man the person to whom god hath promised to give that pardon ? doth it by that promise belong to this believer , or that unbeliever ? i ask then , will not god judge this man by having true faith , to be the very man the pardon by that promise belongs to , and that the pardon doth not belong to the other man for want of true faith ; nay , that because he hath not faith , he is subject to the threatnings denounced against unbelievers ? god's present dealings with souls according to his gospel is a kind of virtual sentence , but at the great day he will solemnly judge according to the gospel , rom. 2.16 . mat. 25. the work of that day will be , to sentence mens faith true or false , upon full evidence of its truth or falshood , and to convince the world that god hath pardoned all believers , and none but believers ; and to condemn publickly all unbelievers , and solemnize before all , the happy state of those pardoned believers . the case is the same as to every other grace or duty to which god hath promised any benefit in the gospel . as far as god makes any duty a necessary condition of any benefit by the gospel , he will judge us according to that duty ; and if we totally want it , that benefit will be with-held : he that did not repent , shall be denied the blotting out of sins at that day , acts 3.19 . 13. hence men can be said to be justified by faith as a sort of work , no otherwise than thus : that christ adjudgeth a man to be a believer who is so , and his faith a true faith ; and that he is to be dealt with as a true believer according to the gospel promise . justification in this sense , is quite another thing than justification by christ's righteousness , or by faith as it connotes that object . this is not pardoning , absolving , and accepting a guilty undone sinner , which must be upon a righteousness adequate to the law , and satisfying to justice ; no , no : it is but a determination of a particular cause , viz. he is a true believer , and not an unbelieving hypocrite ; and yet it is of great importance to our main cause , being that god hath said , christ's righteousness shall be imputed to none but the true believer : and if we must be judged whether we be believers or no , we must be sentenced to be believers or unbelievers ; and if we be sentenced to be believers , we are so far justified by faith as a sort of work ; and if our faith be tried by our words , or other works , our faith is justified by those words and works , and we are justified as to this cause in trial by those words and works , i. e. we are adjudged not to be vnbelievers ; nor to be meerly such believers whose faith was not evidenced by such words and works , mat. 12.37 . iam. 2-17 , 21 , 25. the matter is the same as to any thing the gospel indispensibly requireth , and concerning which we must be judged . 14. in the like manner faith can be called our subordinate righteousness , no otherwise than as it is the performed condition which the gospel requireth in the person , whom god promiseth to impute the righteousness of christ to for justification , or actual forgiveness and absolution . it is not the legal righteousness ; the law would condemn any man , notwithstanding his faith , if he had not christ's righteousness imputed to him : it is not the righteousness that is imputed for justification , as that in the right whereof pardon and acceptance is promised , or stands . it is not the merit that god regards , either in making or applying the promise : it is not a righteousness by acceptilation , ( which the socinians call it ) that is , it is not reckoned instead of a legal or perfect righteousness , which were to exclude christ's satisfaction , and set it instead of his righteousness : it is not a righteousness that makes up christ's righteousness , or at all serves to the same end. it 's not a righteousness by or for which god justifies us , i. e. god doth not pardon or accept us for this . but christ having a full righteousness , and promising to impute it for justification to all that will believe sincerely and requiring and commanding sinners to believe in him , with this promise , that if they will believe , they shall be justified by his righteousness ; and if they believe not , they shall not be justified by his righteousness , but die in their sins , notwithstanding the full righteousness that is i● him , and the offers made to them . i say , a far as this promise gives a believer a right to the promised benefit ; his faith is that upon which he receives that right , and so far the gospel makes him righteous by his faith , i. e. he is the man whom the gospel assures that benefit to ; which it gives the unbeliever no right to , but directly excludes him . so that this faith is no righteousness that is any part of justification , which is the benefit promised ; and subsists entirely in its own causes : but what righteousness it is depends wholly on the authority , tenure and truth of the gospel , as the instrument whereby god applies christ's righteousness to us for our justification . if the gospel doth not promise to justifie one that hath true faith , though it be imperfect , then indeed faith is no condition , nor at all a conformity to the gospel , as defining the condition ; and if the gospel doth not by its pormise or sanction , give any right to the benefit promised upon performing the condition , then indeed faith must not be called a subordinate righteousness . but if the gospel assures to every true believer , justification by christ's righteousness , then true faith is the performed condition ; and thereupon the gospel gives him an infallible title ; yea , this gospel is his title by god's gracious will to his partaking of justification by christ's righteousness ; yea , to the imputation of christ's righteousness for justification ; but still it 's christ's righteousness that justifies , and only that ; though it be thus assuredly applied to him that believes . 15. faith it self , much less any other grace or work , is not the righteousness , or any part of the righteousness wherein a believer is accepted , pardoned , or glorified , or stands in before the justice of god ; or is it pleadable against the law of works , or charge of sin. it 's christ's righteousness alone that pleads for believers in all these respects ; this answers the law , and for this we are released from the curse . by this righteousness our pardon and heaven were purchased , and for it they are given : that there is a pardon , that there is a glory for fallen man , is owing to christ , and that believers have those given to them , is also in christ's right , though his gospel assures them to believers . yea , it 's for christ's righteousness that the spirit works faith in any person . faith puts in no claim of merit , nor can it stand before governing iustice , nor admit a trial before god as creator , as what entitles any to his rewards . but to the praise of divine grace and wisdom , our blessed redeemer will own true faith as that which he hath ordained to be a means of investing us in his blessed righteousness , and what renders a sinner certain of the fruits of his merits . the believer hath a right by the gospel to plead all christ's obedience as the security of his pardon and glory ; and he hath the gospel to plead as what gives him , upon his believing , a right to use that plea. what christ hath done answers all the benefits , christ's gospel applies what christ hath so done , and gives the benefits for it . faith is the condition of the person to whom the gospel applies christ's righteousness , and gives the benefits . but is not that , for which any thing is given , or by which it 's purchased : it determineth the legatees in christ's testamentary absolution and gifts , which he bequeaths to believers , and confines to them therein ? exh. 1. be watchful that you set no grace , duty or work of yours into the place of christ's righteousness . do not think any thing you do answers the law of works , or any way proportioned to governing justice . dread a thought that any thing is due to thy best duty , as of debt , rom. 4.4 , 5. whatever seem to be good works are wholly vain , highly provoking to god , affronting to christ , and snares to your selves , if you think they are a christ , or instead of a christ to you : and this you are guilty of , if you think you hereby attone for your sins , or merit glory at the hand of governing justice ; will you rob christ of his glory , who satisfied for all your sins , and purchased all blessings alone ; and who freely gives you but the fruits of his own purchase , whatever terms he insists on for the dispensing of his gifts in a way most honourable to himself , and profitable to you ? exh. 2. yet do not thrust your graces or duties out of the place , where christ by the gospel promises hath set them . he knew what was consistent with his honour , and that it would not be injurious thereto , to insist upon terms of the application of his righteousness , and the communication of the fruits thereof in a way of governing grace ; though as sovereign proprietor , he gave the power to perform those terms : he thinks not himself debased by giving out his acquests as a priest upon his throne , or erecting a gospel kingdom as a redeemer of lost man , which the gospel dispensation is generally called as if of purpose to secure the gospel law , mat. 4.23 . 1 cor. 15.24 . search carefully whether the spirit of god hath wrought in you the conditions of the benefits of the gospel covenant . these are necessary to your actual obtaining of any benefit promised to them respectively ; and you expect those benefits without god's promise , yea , against god's word , if you neglect to act the grace the promise is made to . on the other hand you distrust god's promise in not assuredly expecting the benefit for christ's sake , when you have the graces to which the promise is made . the gospel doth not deceive us when it encourageth to duty by benefits , as rev. 22.14 . blessed are they that do his commandments , that they may have right to the tree of life , rom. 10.9 . if thou confess with thy mouth , and believe with thy heart thou shalt be saved . be thou faithful unto death , and i will give thee a crown of life . will christ fail to do what his mouth hath uttered , though he display his grace in giving us that assurance upon such duties ? christ's righteousness will be applied in making good every gospel promise : how unsavory then is it for any one to say , that all your obedience avails no more to justifie you than your worst sins ? it 's true , no duty is our righteousness for which we are justified ; but it 's as true , that the obedience and great duty of faith signifies more to our justification than that worst sin of unbelief ; for christ's righteousness will never be applied to us for our justification , unless we believe ; and if we believe , we shall certainly be justified by christ's righteousness . oh sirs ! woe to us at the last day , if we are found to have nothing but the vilest sins , and no graces or duties , for then will god judge us by the gospel , whether we are believers or unbelievers , obedient or disobedient to the gospel , godly or wicked , precious or vile , see rom. 2.6 . to 13. and be not deceived , god is not mocked , whatsoever a man soweth that shall he reap , gal. 6.7 . we may have boldness in the day of iudgment , because as he is , so are we in this world , 1 joh. 4.17 . little children let no man deceive you , he that doth righteousness is righteous , 1 joh. 3.7 . whatever christ , by his gospel , promiseth upon any duty , we follow after that in being earnest with god in christ for ability to do that duty ; and if by grace we are enabled thereto , we may rejoyce in god's truth , and be sure that in the righteousness of christ , he will perform that promise to us ; whereas if we neglect the duty , we wickedly presume to expect that blessing , and abuse and prophane the name of christ and his righteousness , in thinking that we may have that blessing by his righteousness , though we impenitently persist in our neglects . the reason is this , christ in his gospel-promises hath declared how the effects of his righteousness shall be dispensed to men , and designeth thereby to govern our hopes and fears now , and to judge us at the last day . 2. the second sense , wherein we are made righteous by christ's obedience , i should now insist on , but i have already declared what may inform you somewhat thereof , nor have i room to pursue it ; only let me hint , 1. that faith , repentance , holiness , &c. are a real righteousness ; they are oft called so by the holy ghost , and men are denominated righteous thereby : nay , these are called righteousness , and men said to be righteous , with respect to those abundantly oftner , than on the account of the imputed righteousness of christ , 1 iohn 3.7 . 1 tim. 1.9 . 1 pet. 4.18 . rom. 6.13 , 16 , &c. 2. all our inherent righteousness is owing to christ's obedience , and to effect it , was one of the principal designs of redemption : the impunity of sinners is a lower design than the restoration of the divine image to depraved man , tit. 2.14 . eph. 4.20.24.13 . he purchased our graces , and mainly attends to the mortifying of sin , and perfecting the holiness of his members ; and will at last present them to the father , fit for his delight , eph. 5.27 . 3. the oeconomy of redemption is such , that the holy ghost is to have a great hand in saving sinners ; especially in applying christ's righteousness to men , and communicating the effects thereof . hence 1 cor. 6.11 . we are justified in the name of the lord iesus , and by the spirit of our god. the father gives the redeemer , the redeemer pays the price of redemption , the holy spirit applies the price . the father gives his son to obey for righteousness , the son by obeying acquireth the righteousness , the spirit quickens and works faith in the sinner , whereby he becomes the person justified by his righteousness , according to the gospel-rule of its application , which rule was joyntly enacted by father , son , and spirit . it 's as dangerous to exclude the holy ghost from an efficiency in framing sinners for the participating of blessings in christ's right , as it is to exclude christ from the sole impetration . many little think , what a dishonour and offence they are to the holy ghost , in denying an authoritative connexion between duties and benefits , and allowing him no hand in making them the objects to whom gospel benefits are appropriated by its sanction : the language of such to the spirit is , we are without any operation of thine on us , the persons entitled to all benefits : christ hath not only a right to all these blessings , but we also are fully and constantly invested in that right , without any dependance on thee , or obligation to thee ; though we own thou workest some of those things after we have a full right to them ; and because we have that full right , yet we are at no time indebted to thee , for any ways rendring us the persons to whom that right is applied or belongs ; the vilest wretch in hell oweth thee as much thanks on that account . i would tremble to hold a principle , whereof this is the native language ; when i see that though the promises are made in christ's right , and the benefits contained in them are his purchase ; yet as they require conditions in such as shall be partakers of christ's right to those benefits , to the glory of the son , and of the father who gave his son ; so there is a wise contrivance for the honour of the holy ghost also , as it is he who enableth men to perform those conditions , for a gospel-interest in those benefits . a reply to mr. mather's postscript . i shall first consider the errors mr. m. chargeth me with , and then his defence of his own . the errors he loads with no lighter epithets than damning and blasphemou● . terms agreeable to his long known temper and charity : he introduceth his charge with an ecee , this is he , he is the man : would he infer that i am the only man ? no , the body of divines , except antinomians , affirm as i do : and in his preface it 's his moan , the number is so great . is it that i am the man that eminently defend these ? alas , i can shew him volumes of the dead , and many are yet alive , whose defence of my positions is so nervous , as renders mine truly inconsiderable , as his opposition thereto contemptible . sure then it 's either to leave a mark , that his factious design may more succeed ; or to point me the person designed by him in his sermons , page 22.64 . in words indeed too blunt for a man of his own sagacity to need another comment . yet after all his labour to make the man sure , he hath assigned the charge so falsly , that an ingenuous reader will sooner charge him for a base trick in his insinuations , than me the patron of the opinions he would ascribe . 1 charge . he is one that makes vnion to christ , our having this righteousness upon us , and our being iustified by it , to be given us in way of reward of something done by us . reply . my words which he refers to here and page 46. are these , gospel-benefits are no reward of debt , and yet they are given in a way of reward : the benefits are given not for our faith , yet upon believing ; not upon it as a meriting consideration , yet upon it , as that the presence whereof is made necessary by the gospel , this having required faith , and confined the benefit to him that believes . if a man saith , i 'll give you a thousand pounds if you will come to my house and fetch it . it is not a free gift , though the poor man must come if he will have it , and the giver is yet bound by his promise to give it if he come , and not bound to give it if he refuse to come ? defence of gospel-truth , p. 25. these are my very words he pretends to mention , and no where in my books can he find the least shadow for more . you see , 1. i mention only gospel-benefits , and not union with christ or justification . 2. it 's faith only which i mention , and not something done by us , by which he would insinuate , that other good works are meant . 3. i say it 's upon believing , and not for faith ; upon it not as a meriting consideration ; but upon it as that the presence whereof is made necessary by the gospel . doth not this sound lower than his reward of something done by us ? vpon it as a thing present , and of it as a thing meriting , are very different . 4. the occasion of my using these words was this , to prove that god by the gospel , injoyns faith as a condition of our having those good things which yet he freely gives ; and that christ shews his governing authority in his displays of grace ; and excites to duties by motives from benefits freely given ; and that gospel-conditions have no merit of condignity or congruity . and 5. i laid the vmbrage of the way of reward wholly on the gospel-promise , and not upon the least dignity of the act done . god who is our ruler , commands faith , and promiseth , as a motive to faith , the benefits purchased by christ as good things . here 's the whole of this damning error , as far as he could justly call it mine . and by this time you 'll discern as little danger to me by my opinion , as to him by his false and malicious attempt to expose my ministry , and person , not to say truth it self ; yea , and the generality of ministers and christians , who will not stoop to him as dictator . 2. i shall descend into the merit of the cause truly stated , which is resolved into two questions . 1 q. when may a benefit be said to be given in a way of reward , when yet it is not in a way of debt , or merit , or a reward for the thing done ? ans. a thing is thus given in a way of reward , when a benefit is given in a way of encouragement of something required , yea , or desired to be done , however small or unvaluable the thing done is , or however great the benefit is . if you say to your child , if you 'll make a bow and thank me , i 'll give you such an estate : when you give him such an estate upon his so bowing and thanking , you do give it him in a way of reward : it 's a gift , because that bow and thanks deserve not that estate ; it 's yet given in a way of reward , since you promised it in a way of encouragement to his bow and thanks . indeed all gospel-conditions are but a meet receiving of the benefits . 2 quest. whether god doth give gospel-benefits in a way of encouragement to our performing of any gospel-duties ? ans. can any one read the bible and not cease to doubt , that the scope of it were vain in its proposals and promises , if the thing be otherwise . for 1. are not the promises of the gospel motives to duty , acts 13.19 . repent and be converted , that your iniquities may be blotted out . matt. 11.28 . come unto me and i will give you rest . is the blotting out iniquities no encouragement to repentance ? nor rest an exciting motive to a weary souls coming to christ ? 2. is it a dishonour to christ , to perform his promise in the way and to the full ends that he makes that promise ? doth be use the benefit as a motive , but not dispense it in a way shewing his approbation of the duty whereto the motive was influential ? especially when his actual performance of his promise to some , is an encouragement to all others ; as it 's a ratification of his word , so it 's urged , heb. 6.12 . that y● be not sloathful , but followers of them , who through faith and patience inherit the promises . he would have us to this day be diligent , believing , and patient : what is his motive ? even this : others that were so , yea , upon being so , do now in heaven inherit the promised good : through faith and patience they inherit . 3. doth not god frequently express his regard to the duty performed , as what he encourageth and shews his approbation of , in applying the benefit he promised hereupon . ezekiel 18.27 , 28. if the wicked man turneth , &c. because he considereth and turneth away from all his transgressions that he hath committed , he shall surely live , he shall not die . matt. 25.34 , 35. come ye blessed , &c. for i was an hungred and ye gave me meat , &c. verse 23. well done good and faithful servant , thou hast been faithful over few things , i will make thee ruler over many things . 4. how oft are gospel-benefits called a reward in scripture ? col. 3 , 23 , 24. whatsoever ye do , do it ●eartily , as to the lord. knowing that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance : for ( or because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) you serve the lord christ. col. 2.18 . let no man beguile you of your reward ; as falling from the truth would have done . 1 cor. 3.14 , 15. if any man's work abide , he shall receive the reward , &c. verse 8. every man shall receive his own reward , according to his own labour . nay we are downright infidels , and next to atheists , who deny god is , if we do not believe that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him , heb. 11.6 . 5. the humblest saints that abhorred merit most , have been encouraged to their duty by the promised benefit , and expected to receive it in this way of reward that i contend for : gal. 6.9 . let us not be weary in well doing , for we shall reap if we faint not . 1 cor. 9.17 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. if i do this thing willingly i have a reward . this i do for the gospels sake , that i may be partaker thereof . so run that you may obtain : we strive to obtain an incorruptible crown . i therefore so run not as uncertainly , &c. 6. how oft are christians called worthy of the benefits ( in a gospel-sense ) and that with respect to their graces and perseverance ? matt. 22.18 . they which were bidden were not worthy , because they rejected christ. matt. 10.11 , 13. if the house be worthy , let your peace come upon it : that is , as v. 11. who would accept the message : in which respect the refusers of christ are called unworthy of everlasting life , though forgiveness had been tendered to them , acts 13.38 , 46. so rev. 3.4 , 5. thou hast a few names , which have not defiled their garments , and they shall walk with me in white , for they are worthy . he that overcometh , the same shall be cloathed in white raiment , and i will not blot out his name , but i will confess his name before my father , and before his angels . a persevering freedom from pollution in doctrine and practice , is the very thing that the promise refers to , in the persons thus encouraged ; for the fifth verse prevents mr. m's perverting of the fourth : though christ's righteousness is supposed to this , and all other promises , and the reward is in his right , yet it 's to all that overcome , and not to others ; and it 's on christ's account , that such that are faithful can be esteemed worthy ; but it 's the faithful , and not the vnfaithful , that in him are so esteemed worthy . 7. i have oft thought what these men think of christ , that he alone can give nothing to his followers in a way of reward , nor propose any thing to his enemies , as an encouraging inducement to become his disciples : it seems he cannot outbid satan , the world , and flesh , least he make his followers merit-mongers . 8. as strange is it , how they that credit these confused men , can ever come to any grounded hopes or assurance of an interest in any gospel-benefit . can they hope without a promise ? that 's vain . but what 's the promise to them without an interest ? no more than to such as never shall enjoy it , which are very many . then how is it theirs ? whereby have they an interest rather than others , since god offers the promised benefits to those others as well as them ? if they say , i am a believer , and those others are not so ; i a believer shall have these benefits for christ's sake , but those others shall not , because they are still unbelievers ; and so christ's righteousness shall not be applied to them for an interest in these benefits , according to these promises . alas , hereby they fall into the error which mr. m. calls damnable ; they expect the benefit in a way of reward upon being believers rather than unbelievers , 9. the ministry is by these wild notions reduced to a dead unapt thing ; take away encouragement to conversion and godly perseverance , from the benefit promised thereto , and the dangers they escape thereby ; and who will mind their telling their story as they call it ? 10. nay they confound all men in their serious endeavours ; they call men to believe in christ ; and tell them , as mr. m. in case they do so , his righteousness will be upon them ; that seems an encouragement , so far well . ay , but take heed , for if you expect that upon your believing god , will apply christ's righteousness to you , that 's damnable , and not consistent with faith. so you must pray , mourn , and reform : but you must not rejoyce in it , or look for any thing upon it , saith mr. m. that 's destructive . poor paul , our rejoycing is this , the testimony of our conscience , that in simplicity and godly sincerity , we have had our conversation in this world , 2 cor. 1.12 . and paul brings many under mr. m's damning sentence , it 's our rejoycing . yet ' i would chuse to be in their case above any men● , who talk of faith and christ if they neglect this . what shall people do in this wood ? it 's impossible to serious men , it 's injurious to christ and his promises , not to look for that promised good , upon doing what he moves us to by his promises . but yet mr. m. and party assure you are damned if you do it . the spirit saith , in keeping god's commands there is a great reward , psalm 19. 11. mr. m. tells you there is none . rev. 22.14 . blessed are they that do his commands , that they may have right to the tree of life . mr. m. saith , you are gone if you expect it . christ saith , luke 21.36 . watch and pray always , that ye may be accounted worthy to escape all these things that shall come to pass , and to stand before the son of man. mr. m. tells you , he thinks it inconsistent with faith to do so . 11. they effectually strike at christ's government in one of the principal means he hath pitched on to administer it by in our present state ; for with them it 's damnable to be excited to duty , by hope of any good upon obedience ; or by fear of missing that good if we obey not : and so in truth promises and threats are nullities , as to god's government . hence mr. m. resolves all the reasons of obedience , into motives of what god hath done for us , page 70. indeed they are motives , but they are not the only motives , nor the chief motives that god makes use of ; nor what are fittest to impress mankind , yea , or christians , whilst they be so imperfect and encompassed with s●ares . we see they restrain not wrath , malice , faction , &c. in too many . how dare men say , is it damning to submit to such arguments , which god so often useth , from future rewards and punishments ; because he sometimes moves us from past privileges or present decencies ? yea , though you should add the authority of the precepts , whilst you divest them of all promises and threatnings , to invigorate mens compliances therewith : we say , frustra est praecipere quod impune potest negligi . christ saith iohn 13.17 . if you know these things , happy are you if you do them . john 12 , 48 , he that rejecteth me , and receives not my words , hath one that judgeth him ; the word that i have spoken , that shall judge him . gal. 6.7 , 8. be not deceived ; god is not mocked : what a man soweth , that shall he reap . for he that soweth to the flesh , shall of the flesh reap corruption : but he that soweth to the spirit , shall of the spirit reap life everlasting . i might transcribe the greatest part of the bible to prove this . 12. they dreadfully contradict themselves in all the profitable sermons they preach . mr. m. saith it 's a damnable error in me , to say that god gives any benefit in a way of reward or encouragement upon believing , though not as a debt , or as if faith merited ought ; yea , and it 's in and for christ's righteousness that it is given . yet hear himself page 68. oh get faith , see that you believe , for in this way it will come to pass , that the righteousness of christ shall be upon you . if a man should ask him , doth god command me to believe ? ans. yes . but doth god by you perswade me to believe by this argument , that christ's righteousness shall be upon me ? ans. yes sure , or it 's a meer delusion . q. well , but shall i have it upon my believing ? a. yes , it is in this way . but will it be upon me if i believe not ? ans. no , i have told you page 66. your souls shall go down into hell. qu. do you intend that i may tell my own backward heart , if thou wilt believe , thou shalt have an interest in this blessed righteousness ; and so urge the worth of this , and the necessity of believing , upon my soul ? i suppose mr. m. must here suspend : but if i ask , may i expect assuredly , when i am through grace enabled to believe , that upon this god will put the righteousness of christ upon me ; and make good the word wherein he caused me to hope , viz. that if i did believe , the righteousness of christ should be upon me ? here mr. m. by his principle must cry out , o no , this is to follow a soul-destroying error , if there be any in the world. page 46. but , sir , i will not plead my faith as any merit , but only plead the promise god is pleased to make to my faith , and rely on that word now that i have faith mr. m. yet that 's damnable , for then it comes in a way of reward . then i ask again , if that be damnable , pray why did you use this motive in the name of christ to perswade me to believe ? how could it be a motive to faith , if i was not to expect it upon believing ? and if i was to expect it before i believed , in case that i would believe , why may not i expect it now that i do believe ? i know not what answer mr. m. will make , unless 1. it 's something done by man : or 2. god will be still at liberty to perform , or not perform , the benefit , though he did promise it : or 3. he will not perform it in the way he promised it ; that is , he promised it as an encouragement to you if you would believe , but he will not accomplish it as an encouragement now tha● you do believe ; nor seem so much to approve of your faith. the first were silly , because it was , a man was perswaded to do this , eve● to believe ( for i hope it 's a humane act , though by the spirits power . ) the second is , to impeach the truth of god's word . the third is , a weak foppery ; as if it were a dishonour to god to give the benefit in the way he chose to use it , as a motive to the duty ; especially when , as mr. m. owneth , it 's by the gospel-word that god puts this righteousness on us ; which is the very same word whereby he urgeth this benefit , as a motive to man's believing . if i again ask , why mr. m. would by this motive , thus perswade sinners to believe ? he would , i hope , say , this is the way god hath ordained to convert them to the faith. but why dare he preach thus , when it implies what he calls a damning error , or else it 's a meer mockery ? i 'll answer for him , he had a mind to venture a contradiction , rather than be wholly useless to those people , whom he designed to frighten from the ministry of others as damnable , that he and his party might be more considerable . reader , would'st thou know whence comes this confusion ? i 'll tell thee it is , because they consider not 1. that though the gospel be not a law , wherein governing justice displays it self in the adjustment of benefits to the duty ; yet therein there is a governing authority in a way of grace , suitable to the state of men , in the dispensing of the fruits of christ's death . 2. that a reward of grace is quite another thing than a reward of debt . 3. that all gospel-benefits are given in christ's right , and are the effects of his righteousness applied to all that partake of them . 4. that all gospel-precepts and promises do authoritatively appoint and describe the persons that are par●●kers of benefits for the sake of christ's righteousness but not their own ; and not put men on purchasing these benefits . 5. yet these do fully distinguish them that shall partake of the benefits , from others that shall not partake of them : the gospel doth hereby fix a certain rule of judgment , and doth infallibly direct mens hopes , fears and expectations : also it governs mens endeavours after graces and duties , as the certain means , on our part , of coming at the respective benefits , graciously promised in and by christ , to or upon those graces or duties . but these things i have before largely insisted on . this damning error comes to no more at last than this , the gospel-covenant is conditional , not as to the first grace , but as to the subsequent , benefits ; and so that god requires us to believe and repent , that we may escape the wrath of god ; and that there are promises made to graces : all which the assembly of divines in plain words assert ; therefore how many are und●● mr. m's condemnation . nay , it 's well if 〈◊〉 was innocent , when he prefaced mr. 〈◊〉 book called , the blow at the root ; for there all that i assert in this point is affirmed . 2 charge . he is the man that makes the state of believers to be undecided , and in suspence during this life . this is my second damning error . reply . he is very unfair in wording this , who would not infer either 1. that i affirm , that all true believers are not in a state of salvation . or 2. that an elect person that is brought to believe savingly will apostarize , and eternally perish . 3. or that a believer , during this life , may not be assured of his eternal happiness . but he knows in his conscience , that i do often , in the plainest words , assert the contrary to each of these : take a few instances out of my book ; i affirm that we are justified the same moment as we truly believe in christ , and the blessing is not suspended for any time longer : and an elect person once justified , shall , by christ's care , be kept in a iustified stated . gospel-truth stated , p. 104 , 105. again i affirm , that assurance is attainable in this life , as the effect of faith , page 74. i affirm that a penitent believer shall be saved , if he die before he hath time for further obedience . again , the essential blessings of the gospel , become the inheritance of a believer as soon as he is united to christ , page 125 , 126. do not say the elect believer will not fall away , i think the same ; yet is it the less true , that even he should perish , if he fall away ? nay , doth not god by these threats , contribute to keep hi● 〈◊〉 apostasie ? p. 138. see defence , p. 9. 2. i 'll give thee the ground upon which he wordeth this charge . p. 55. i said the reason why i use the word condition , is , because it best suits with man's relation to god , in his present dealings with us , as subjects in trial for eternity . and p. 136. how unsuitable is it , to the present state of mankind , that christ should govern us without promises and threatnings . he is a king and we are his subjects ; and we are 1. his subjects in a state of trial for another world. 2. we have great remains of sin within us , and temptations without us . these are the places that give him the greatest umbrage : now where is here that a believer's case is undecided ? 3. let us briefly examine where the very true difference between him and me consists ; for certainly ther● is one , though he thinks it the best defence of his own opinion , to misrepresent mine , or else he had gained little by calling it damning . the difference is not 1. whether all true believers are in a state of salvation . 2. whether they shall persevere . 3. whether it be by the influences of christ , through the spirit , that they do persevere . 4. nor whether the influences of the spirit and perseverance , and the certainty of their salvation thereupon , be the effects of christ's righteousness , and purchased by his obedience . all these i affirm : but the real difference is , 1. whether god require believers to persevere in faith and holiness , as the means of their continuing in a state of salvation ? 2. whether it be a blameably legal fear , to be solilicitously cautious in resisting temptations , and striving in christ's strength to persevere , least we eternally perish ? 3. whether if a man have once believed , yet if he should fall under the reigning dominion of sin and corruption , he ought to suspect that he is not in a state of salvation ? these three i affirm , and mr. m. denies , or i can make nothing of his words , which thou must joyn together . p. 50. if thou hast indeed believed with the faith of the operation of god , and they conscience knows it , thou mayst then conclude assuredly , that whatever thy sins have been , or whatever thy defects and corruptions now be , yet this righteousness of god is upon thee ; thou hast it and dost stand in it . reply . the faith is an act past ; the conclusion is at present whatever a man's corruptions be ; the only evidence of the past faith is ●he knowledge of conscience which is not infallible . and by the way i can prove , that by his opinion , as that first act is before regeneration , so no other , or after-act of faith , is necessary to continue our justified state. again , he exposeth such , p. 63. as hold that we stand in it ( this righteousness ) by our own faith. and p. 64. their continuance in obedience , and the not failing of their faith , is one of the privileges of their state , and the effect and fruit of their having this righteousness of christ upon them , and not the means or cause thereof . you see the not failing of faith , is not so much as the means of our continuing to have this righteousness on us ; for of its first being on us , he makes faith a cause , p. 51 , 52. i need not shew how oft he calls all fears about this perseverance in our state legal . i have not time to argue these , therefore shall only touch on each . 1. god doth require believers to persevere in faith and holiness , as a means of their continuance in a state of salvation , rom. 11.20 , 22. because of vnbelief they were broken off , and thou standest by faith. be not high-minded , but fear . towards thee , goodness , if thou continue in his goodness : otherwise thou shalt be cut off . 2 cor. 1.24 . by faith ye stand , how conditionally is it proposed , col. 1.22 , 23. now to present you vnblameable in his sight : if ye continue in the faith , and be not moved away from the hope of the gospel . here our unreprovableness and reconciliation in the body of christ's flesh , through death , as to continuance , is stated on this , if you continue in the faith , heb. 10.35 to 39. now the iust shall live by faith : but if any man draw back , my soul shall have no pleasure in him . but we are not of them that draw back to perdition ; but of them that believe to the saving of the soul. it 's by faith we live ; this believing is to salvation , as drawing back is to perdition . how many are the promises of salvation to perseverance , and threatnings of death against apostasie : and these uttered to believers ? yea , are a great means of their perseverance which divine wisdom hath appointed . obj. christ's righteousness upon us keeps our faith. ans. and yet keeping our faith through god's power , keeps that righteousness upon us to salvation , 1 pet. 1.5 . and know that christ's righteousness is applied in correspondence with the gospel-rule : it is not upon the apostate to give him a right to salvation , but upon the persevering believer : it is on the believer for his present right , but it is in christ for to be still applied to the persevering believer for his continued right . obj. the believer will not fall away . ans. it is not naturally impossible , but it 's by grace that he shall not fall away . but then god's helps and means must be used by him , of which these cautions are not the least ; and the connexion between apostasie , and the loss of salvation , is never the less true , and so mr. m's principal never the less false , for if ever he draw back , my soul shall have no pleasure in him , and truly you may as well infer that faith is not necessary to our justification at first , as that perseverance is not necessary to our continuing so . for it was as sure of the elect. even before they believed that they should be justified : it 's sure of the believer , before he persevere , that he shall be saved . but yet , if faith be necessary to the first , so perseverance is by as express testimony , necessary to the last . 2. it is not blamably legal fear , for believers to be sollicitously cautious in resisting temptations , and s●riving in christ's strength to persevere , and this lest they eternally perish . hold fast that which thou hast that no man take thy crown , rev. 3.10 . was a fit means to beget care in holding fast . heb. 4.1 . is a caution the apostle comprehends himself in . let us fear , left a promise being left us , any of us should seem to come short of it , any appearing challenge from within themselves was matter of fear , for on christ's part there 's no suspicion . it 's a divine charge , phil. 2.13 . workout your own salvation with trembling and fear ; not only begin it so , but so work it out . nay , in no span of time on this side the grave is the best saint exempted . pass the time of your sojourning here in fear , and the reason is , if you call upon the father , who , without respect of persons , judgeth according to every man's work , 1 pet. 1. 17. these men now tell us , there is no judicial process of believers , no judgment by a gospel-rule : it will not be asked you what sin you have committed or forsaken , or duty you have omitted , or good you have done ; but are you in christ ? as if these were of no use to determine whether we are in christ truly or no , and as if a privilege were the proper matter of a judicial trial. mr. m. may know whose these are . oh christians ! is our race as yet run , our fight already fought , or our dangers past ? are we still in via , or in termino . 3. a man that hath once believed if he should fall under the reigning power of sin and corruption , ought to suspect that he is not in a state of salvation . rom. 8. 13. if ye live after the flesh ye shall die , but if ye mortifie the deed of of the flesh by the spirit ye shall live , was a truth directed to all the saints at rome ; and let me tell you , the dominion of sin is a more sure evidence that men are now out of a state of salvation , than the knowledge of their consciences that they formerly believed , is of their ever being in a state of salvation : for this may be a mistaken knowledge , but the other is the divine word . these conceits are obviated , ezek. 33. 13. when i say to the righteous , he shall surely live , if he trust to his own righteousness , and commit iniquity , all his righteousness shall not be remembred , but for his iniquity that he hath committed he shall surely die for it . i. e. if because he began to do well , and because he hath done so for a time , he ventures to give up himself to a course of sin , he shall certainly perish for it . this is the plain sense of the place , notwithstanding mr. m. forced perversion of it against our expecting any benefit upon performing any duty . the apostle paul thought not himself above this rule , 1 cor. 9.11 , 24. i keep my body under lest when i have preached to others : i my self should be a cast-away . what a damning sentence would mr. m. pass on turretin , perkins , mr. anthony burgess , and most of our old divines , who jointly assert , that if david had died before he had repented of the murther of vria , he had been damned ? nay , that comfortable text , rom. 8.1 . brands his position , there 's no condemnation to them that are in christ , who walk not after the flesh but after the spirit ; whence it 's evident , that if they now walk after the flesh they shall be condemned , at least from its being inconsistent with their present being in christ , whatever they think of their former believing . i will not retort damning on mr. m's opinion ; yet to such souls who credit his notion , that whatever thy corruptions now be , if thy conscience know that thou hast believed formerly , they salvation is safe . i must in pity say thou mayest eternally perish by it . for thou canst not judge now it was a true saving act , but according to the sentence of conscience ; and they conscience may be mistaken , yea , if thy corruptions now have dominion over thee , and continue so , god warns thee , let no man eeceive you with vain words , for these things the wrath of god comes upon the children of disobedience , eph. 5.6 . 3 charge . and whether he do not in truth disown the imputation of our sins unto christ , and of his righteousness unto us : it is like , if he live , the world will see more fully , for he hath given such pregnant indications thereof , as do amount to at least , just cause of iealousie . repl. 1. is it come so low as a jealousie now ? when he was one that under his hand affirmed thus of me . he teacheth that the righteousness of christ is imputed only as to effects , with a purchase of a conditional grant , viz. this proposition , he that believeth shall be saved , and they cite for it , though in contrary words . gospel truth , p. 39. where my words are these . i affirm , that christ , by his righteousness , merited for all the elect , that they should , in his time and way , be certainly partakers of its saving effects , and did not only purchase a conditional grant of those effects , viz. that proposition , he that believeth shall be saved . and besides , these effects being made ours , the very righteousness of christ is imputed to true believers , as what was always undertaken and designed for their salvation , and is now effectual to their actual pardon , and acceptance to life , yea , is pleadable by them as their security , and is as useful to their happiness , as if themselves had done and suffered what christ did . reader , were these men duly tender or honest when they pervert words ●o plain , and ascribe to me what is as directly contrary to my words as yea and no. they say i affirmed what i do deny , and that i denied the very thing i affirmed : but the turn could not be served without these methods . 3. the ground of jealousie i 'll give , and judge you how just it is . 1. i did affirm that christ did bear the punishment of our sins , yea , and he bare the guilt of our sins , which is that respect of sin to the threatning of the law , whereby there is an obligation to bear the punishment of sin. but i denied that sin it self , as to its filth and fault , was transacted on christ , and that christ was made and accounted by the father the very transgressor , the adulterer and blasphemer . gospel-truth p. 10 , 11. here 's my crime , for mr. m. hath oft preached up the later . 2. i affirm as thou seest of the imputation of christ's righteousness ; but my fault is , that i deny that god accounts that we legally died and obeyed , that we made satisfaction to god , though i grant that christ died for us , yea , in our place and stead . 3. i have , through the goodness of god , lived to declare , in this book , enough to confute his prophesie , and his opinion too ; though i think he should pray for a more calm and charitable spirit before he pr●tend to predictions concerning his brethren . 4. will he repent of his rigid censorious slander ? for i 'll here declare that i assent to his own words , p. 18. by imputed i mean , that it ( christ's righteousness ) is looked on by god as belonging to us , in order to our being judicially dealt with according to the merit thereof . this i have oft affirmed , but it 's far short of what elsewhere he strains it too . 4 charge . the son of god was united to an embrio , which is a piece of ignorant blasphemy . repl. my words were ; oh! for god-man to be at any time unactive as an embrio , or child in the womb , for him to be born of a woman . i said not that the son of god was united to an embrio , unactive as an embrio is another thing : and i 'll ●●ing him twice ten to oppose his two witnesses . but had i said it , where is the blasphemy , when the divine nature i hope was united to christ's dead body in the grave as all grant . and very many say , that the divine nature was united to the flesh before it was organized or animated , of whom turretin's instit. theol. p. 372. etsi anima infundi non potuit in corpus . nisi jam organizatum , &c. non sequiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non potuisse carnem statim sibi unire cum opus ejus non possit aut praesente aut absente , anima sibi coarctari . pierson and multitudes are blasphemers with this bold man. but , ( supposing that though the virgin conceived by the power of the holy ghost , and went her usual time , and that christ was like other children , and the faetus had matter and nourishment ministred thereto by the virgin , who conceived by the power of the spirit . ) yet , that the divine person was not united to the flesh before it was animated : but are not many phisicians so ignorant as to judge the soul is united to the body unorganized ; and if so , either the humane nature of christ had a separate subsistence from the divine person , which is false , or the divine person assumed it when the body was unorganized . but it 's a theme not fit for me to pursue , who must confess my ignorance therein in comparison of mr. m. who can tell us how the humane nature of christ leans on the god-head in the son , and hath the eternal power of the deity clasping about it , and holding it in that vnion , p. 63. may not this seraphical , yet very dull author , call what he please in this point a piece of ignorant blasphemy , whatever greater divines , or skilful phisicans say to the contrary . 5 charge . because i would wash off all his dirt at once , i 'll give you one charge out of his book that he forgets in his postscript , though it hath been their best tool . viz. that i lick up bellarmin's vomit in my exposition of phil. 3.8 , 9. repl. this is as true as the rest , for when i expounded that text , i plainly affirmed , tha● 1. we are justified by christ's imputed righteousness only . 2. that all holiness compared with winning christ , is to be esteemed as dung. 3. the best thing in us is vile , compared with christ's righteousness . and indeed if that text speaks only of justification , and that the apostle designes to oppose his own righteousness to christ's , then his own and ours are as unfit as dung to be found in . 4. but i then judged ( and still do ) that the apostle there designed to proclaim the preferrableness of christianity to judaism , and what was pharasaical , yea , or self-invented : and therefore , as he enumerates all the dignities of judaism , so he ascribes to christ the whole glory of his entire redeemed state , shewing that not only his justification , but his sanctification too came from and by christ ; both which were of a diviner nature , as well as appointment , than what he arrived to whiles he was a stranger to christ , and therefore expected and pressed after a perfection therein , whiles he despised all things , priviledges and attainments which stood in competition with christ : yea , was glad he had lost them all for union with him ; a perseverance in whom with higher communications from him was the very main aim of his life and endeavours . i am sure this sense best agrees with the context , and is far enough from bellarmin's sense , neither want i reasons sufficient to prove it had i room , yea , my exposition of that text is so far from militating against justification by christ's righteousness , that it proves it strongly . 2. i come now to consider mr. m's defence of his own errors . he confines them to two . saying , i kept silence as to more . when others read this book they 'll see a greater number , though it seems he could not perceive them when he read my notes ; and hath left out of his printed sermons many obnoxious passages ; yet he 'll meet with his suretiship righteousness , the debtor being as clear as the surety , p. 24. with his limiting so far christ's merit to his active obedience , p. 13. with his position , that all graces of the spirit are effects of our being justified , and not at all the means thereof , p. 32. that all our obedience avails no more to our justification than our worst sins , p. 71. though he ascribes a causality to faith , that the crown of glory is due to us in justice , p. 12. even a remunerative justice is exerted to us , p. 15. &c. but let us take what he thinks most concerns him , the first whereof is , that christ's incarnation was no part of his humiliation . 1. he grants the point which ought to be the real question . 2. he sets up for his chimera with a false state of the question and its terms . 1. he tells us if you take incarnation largely , as christ's taking our nature and the common sinless frailties of it , together with his being in the form of a servant , and made under the law : i know not why it should be denied to be a part of his humiliation . p. 73. reply . well christ's taking our nature is granted by him to be part of this large sense : and who can fairly exclude the rest out of the subject of this question ? was christ's incarnation part of his humiliation ? did not christ assume our nature with these frailties , and in the form of a servant ? is our question concerning an ens rationis , i.e. supposing christ had taken our nature without taking the form of a servant , which was next to impossible ; or without its sinless frailties which were then natural to it ; and not under the law which was the next end of taking it ? what would it have been then , i. e. if it had been what it never was , nor never would have been , whatever some popish schoolmen talk , is that to be the subject of this question ? is this meant by incarnation ? whereas , as it indeed was , or as christ was incarnate , and the only way he was incarnate , mr. m. grants it was humiliation , and so he fairly yields the cause . but where will you hold him ? in a few lines , he drops the form of a servant , as not so proper a part of christ's humiliation , because christ in his exaltation hath still the form of a servant : well recalled because so soon ; but it is to get creditable company in his oversight , for he chargeth the apostle with the same slip , humiliation , &c. which the apostle calls taking on him the form of a servant , or rather being made under the law : between which there may be conceived some difference , for christ is still god's servant , &c. p. 73. it 's well the apostle added this in another place . but what gains our author by this halt . 1. either he engageth against him , phil. 2.7 . where the form of a servant is part of christ's exaninition ( and note that the best authors esteem christ's taking the form of a servant for his very incarnation , and not any humbling circumstances consequential of it ) or else mr. m. answers himself , and his poor argument too , and sure that 's convictive : for if christ was humbled in taking on him the form of a servant , though he keeps the form of a servant in his exalted state , then christ might be humbled in assuming our nature , though he keeps that nature in his exalted state. 2. yea , i think one may follow him to gal. 4. 4. for if there the apostle more properly mentions christ's humiliation , and instanceth christ's being made under the law , yet he fails not to join therewith christ's being made of a woman , to share in the humiliation with his being made under the law : it would seem mr. m. thinks the apostle had better served his purpose , if not written more accurately , had he set made under the law in the room of taking the form of a servant in phil. 2. 7. but it will be no otherwise , yet he sits not down with it ; for after all his mending and winding in vain , to confine all christ's humiliation to his being made under the law ; he hesitates and will be halving that too . and therefore tells us , he is not new under the law as he was in the days of his flesh. then the whole of christ's being under the law is not a part of his humiliation ; it must be confined to an as he was in the days of his flesh : and what 's all this toil for ? you 'll presently see , it 's to keep all humiliation within the compass of the curse ; as he had before , p. 7. all the while christ was in a state of humiliation , he was under the curse . a point which that difficult text gal. 3.13 . will never prove , as to the whole time . let us now review what he hath brought his first state of the question to , which promised so well primo intuitu , we have lost christ's taking our nature , which was never intended ; we have lost the form of a servant , as what is still retained in heaven ; we have lost all that 's included in being under the law , except as it was in the days of his flesh. 2. it 's time to see what use he 'll make of all this , and how he supports his chimaera by a further false explaining of the terms of the question ; and this he doth by confining humiliation to what is far less than it truly is ; and making incarnation to be such an abstracted thing as it never was nor possibly could be . 1. humiliation is fulfilling the law , either in the precept or the curse of it , p. 75 as before , p. 7. he confined it to being under the curse . reply . the disjunctive may help , otherwise he hath given so hard a definition of humiliation , by making it convertible with the curse , that it would sound ill to ascribe it to the eternal word , unless on the account of our flesh already assumed ; yea , or so as our author intends by the curse : but the best of it is , this is gratis dictum ; but where is the proof , that 's a thing he seldom mindeth ; that he saith it , is enough to bring you under his damning sentence if you deny assent . but 1. there is a very great part of christ's humiliation as the son of god , which is no part of the humbling curse as upon the son of man : his exaninition , or laying aside of his glory , is humiliation in the account of the holy ghost ; and this was true of the son of god , as to his very assuming our flesh , abstructed from its humbling circumstances , as i have fully proved . is it strong reasoning then , because the humiliation of christ hath more parts than one ; therefore that which is not that one part of it , is no part at all of it ? 2. christ did assume our nature in obedience to a law , even that of mediation ; to which he had subjected himself as our sponsor ; this also i have proved . and sure if obedience to the law of works , as he grants , would render the incarnation a part of humiliation , why will not obedience to another law , especially from him who owed no obedience but for our redemption , and by his own consent . 3. mr. m. will hazard his ill-jumbled hypothesis of suretiship , unless he 'll grant , that supposing the son of god would be a redeemer of man , the very law of works required his incarnation : if so , then mr. m. hath allowed , that it must be a part of humiliation in his own proper sense . 4. yea , i know a notion of his that must fall ; that supposing the compact between the father and son , antecedent to the incarnation , the son stood obliged to assume our nature with its frailties ; and that because it was our nature whom he was to redeem , and because it was in that state by our sins , which he had obliged himself to expiate . yea , 5. upon his being thus obliged , millions of sinners were pardoned and saved before his incarnation ; and therefore he stood charged with their concerns , so as to be obliged to satisfie for their sins , and that in their nature ( for out of their nature would not serve . ) put these two last together , and we shall come , even with mr. m's own good liking , to our point , viz. that humiliation doth properly predicate of the incarnation strictly taken : yet i suspect it will hardly go down : why ? because mr. m. is so very fond of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and filth of sin being on christ , that he cannot think christ humbled sooner , or longer , than he can with some tolerable decency call christ the very murtherer , adulterer , blasphemer , &c. which hath too frequently preached ; and in his book p. 14. he a little washeth , by saying , he put on the sinners garments ; and our guilt , our sins , were upon him . ( crispian phrases , which for some end or other he still likes to consecrate . ) with him the true model is , christ must be as unrighteous as sinners , that sinners may be as righteous as christ ; and our saviour cannot be humbled till he be a sinner , nor sinners happy till they be saviours . here is the arcanum , whatever be the pretence . 2. the next term he dissecteth and strictly garbleth , is incarnation : it is strictly his dwelling in flesh , comprehending under it both the act of assumption , and the relation or vnion effected thereby , between the humane nature so assumed , and the person of the son of god. reply . if one should ask him , how the dwelling in flesh comprehends under it the act of assumption , which is supposed to it as much as entring into an house , is to a man's abode in it , i know not what answer he will make , unless that the son of god repeats the act of assumption as long as he dwells therein , by that which he calls the divinity clasping the humanity , p. 63. if one should again demand , why he leaves out all that is proper to real dwelling ? since there might be assumption , and relation , though it had ceased the next moment . i judge he must answer , pardon my improper speaking , in making that the principal thing , which nothing of what i speak saith any thing to . but if he should answer , by dwelling in flesh : i do intend , christ's still remaining in our nature , and only suppose to it the act of assumption , and the relation effected thereby . i reply , that this is the grossest fallacy ; for christ's continuing in our nature , is remaining incarnate , and not formally incarnation ; which is the term in the question . and the design of this fallacy , is to change the question for the sake of an argument that he greatly wants ; since the question thereby would be , is the son of god's continuing in our nature , a part of his humiliation ? and is any so foolish as to say , that this is the same question , as was the son of god's incarnation a part of his humiliation ? where the term incarnation is the very assuming our flesh into relation and union ; and is so far from being comprehended in the son of god's still dwelling in flesh , that it is supposed thereto , yea , as its cause ; yea , and doth not so much as connote it , but as he assumed it to dwell in it for ever : such juggling it seems is necessary . but the main enquiry i now come to , viz. whereby was the act of assumption ? how did the son of god take our flesh into union to his divine person ? was this in and by his conception ? to this mr. m. answers . mr. m. p. 74. christ's incarnation is one thing , his conception another ; by the one he became man , by the other he became the son of man : the former implies only his participation of the nature ; the other , together with the nature , the manner and way of his partaking it , though in christ they did concur and coexist . reply . it seems then being man , and being the son of man , differ ; and that so far , as humbled and unhumbled : but did not the son of god become man by becoming the son of man ? if so , then he was humbled by becoming the son of man , but again unhumbled by becoming man. he saith , they coexisted . what as two separate things ? no : he tells you it's as a thing , and the way and manner of that thing therewith . but to the loss of his fancy , he will find that the thing hath its being , by what he calls the way and manner of that thing ; for the son of god's incarnation was by his conception , as the means and cause of it ; and therefore if he was humbled by his conception , he was humbled by his incarnation too ; for he became incarnate by being conceived . he tells us , they did concur as well as coexist in christ : what meaneth he ? did christ's being man , as by incarnation , concur to make him the son of man by conception ; as his being the son of man by his conception , did concur to make him a man , or incarnate . i. e. he took flesh as a man , that he might be conceived , as much as he took flesh by being conceived . at last finding , upon a long rolling in his mind , that if to be conceived was to be humbled , the son of god then must be humbled by becoming incarnate . he leaves this profane cant , and tries what he can make of granting , there was an abasement in the manner of his conception , but not in his being conceived . but as i think he can never part them , so i have elsewhere proved , that his being conceived is ●he greater debasement ; and there was nothing in the manner of it debasing , but as supposing the thing it self was so . alas , what is this or that humane circumstance compared with god's taking our flesh ? and what are the circumstances ? mary , though no rich woman , was of david's line , a free woman , and a virgin. yet let 's hear his reason since he seldom offers any . the humane nature was really related to mary , as to its cause , for she conceived him , yet she was not a cause either of his incarnation or of his humiliation . doth he intend that mary was not the cause of the son of god's will to be incarnate , and so humbled ? but that is not the point , and none doubt it . but i ask , was not mary the cause of the humane nature , as it was christ's humane nature ? and did not it become his humane nature , as he was conceived of her , by the efficiency of the spirit ? well therein , and so far , she was the cause of his incarnation : and if she was not the cause of his humiliation , pray whence was the abasement in the manner of his conception , which mr. m. just now affirmed ? i dare not pretend to seek out any , least in naming the word embrio , he should call it a piece of ignorant blasphemy . mr. m. after all his superfine distinctions , of christ's assuming our nature being another thing than his conception ; the thing , and the manner of the thing , ( though that manner was a cause of it ) the conception , and the being conceived ; being self-conscious that he had offered no arguments fit to proselite any , his admirers not being able to understand them ; and such as could guess at what they did signifie , being sure to despise , if not abhor them ; he comes down to offer a proposal from his own choice . for my own part , i would chuse to refer christ's conception to the things that made him allied in blood to us , and so fit to act as our surety , rather than to his actual performing the work of suretiship , as antecedently standing in that relation to us , p. 75. reply . designeth he by this , to leave others to chuse for themselves , without a damning sentence ? that 's unlike the heighth and heat of the man : but what can we make of this jargon , as connected with what past before ? was not eve allied in blood to adam , though she was not conceived a daughter of man or woman ? and therefore christ might have been allied without conception . again , was not christ allied in blood to us by his incarnation , which he saith is another thing than christ's conception ? it seems by our author's words , that his abstracted incarnation was christ's taking the humane nature or flesh , but not specifically our humane nature or flesh : or was his assuming the humane nature , as distinct from conception , an assuming a humane soul not allied to our souls , as he is allied to us in blood by conception , and he doth here confine it thereto ? here we meet with another distinction , sufficient to argue him still a designing man , but not a very distinct or discerning one : here 's a humane nature , and yet not a humane nature allied to us ; a humane flesh and blood , and not a flesh and blood allied to ours . by christ's incarnation he took a humane nature , a flesh and blood , not allied to us : by conception he became allied to us in flesh and blood , and in nature too , unless he hath it in his mind , that christ hath not a humane soul allied to ours . those words also are very uncertain , antecedently standing in that relation to us . doth he mean that christ was not related to men as their surety before his incarnation ? how then were all the saints saved before his coming ? or is it that the son of god did not perform any suretiship-act in assuming our nature , or being conceived ? if so , then he had not undertaken to assume our nature before he took it ; though all that he did or suffered ( had it been possible ) would not have availed us , unless so done and suffered in our very nature : and can you suppose he engaged not that as a surety or sponsor , without which nothing had been payment ? or doth he intend that christ wa● not allied to us in blood before his conception ? it 's true , and yet as true , that he was allied to us in blood by his very incarnation , as well and as soon as by his conception : christ did not assume a humane nature before nor otherwise , than as he was by his conception allied to us in blood , and soul too : at last we are gotten out of this labyrinth , made up of nothing but ripe blown thistles . his authorities , when examined , avail him little , i have but room to examine one , yet he is at the front of them . ames , medulla , cap. 20. p. 94. humiliatio est qua subditus est justitiae dei , ad illa omnia perficienda , &c. the humiliation ( of christ as mediator ) is that whereby he was subject to the justice of god for finishing all those things which were required for man's redemption , phil. 2.8 . here he confineth humiliation to one part , viz. a subjection to justice , ( not authority ) and this to finishing ( not beginning ) what was necessary to the redemption of man ; which by the text he quotes , refers to his death or passion on the cross , of which besure he was not capable as god. but that he confined not all christ's humiliation to this which excludes his incarnation , is not evident ; for the next words are , humiliatio ista non fuit , &c. that humiliation was not properly of the divine nature or person , considered in themselves , but of the mediator god-man : therefore the assumption of the humane nature simply and in it self considered ( non est humiliationis hujus pace ) is not a part of this humiliation . that humiliation , and of this humiliation do indicate , that he had an eye to somewhat else that might be called by this name humiliation ; at least it doth not prove that christ's incarnation was not a part of any humiliation of the son of god , because it was not a part of this humiliation dr. ames limits it to this part , mr. m. concludes against any other . our author at last , having bungled so at demonstration , he falls to suspicion-work , which i confess his talent renders him much more expert in ; as if thinking no evil , were no part of charity ; or at least , want of charity were no challenge to faith. but what hath his jealous head brought forth , after so oft tumbling the word conception ? even this his own doctrin of imputation is lost , if christ's incarnation be a part of his humiliation : well , it 's a point i never thought of before ; and it 's a comfort to me , the gospel doctrin of imputation will suffer nothing , but be availed thereby ; i hope to find much more of christ imputed to me as done for me , than what i was personally obliged to do by the law , or was esteemed legally to perform ; though i own as well as mr. m. that christ died in my stead ; yea , and so obeyed too , as you 'll see in this book . but with him , farewell all christ's obedience or humiliation , if we did not legally do and endure all the very same ; and if so , he must take his leave of the greatest part of the price of redemption , viz. the value given to all christ's obedience by the divine nature ; for i hope the law never required that in man's obedience . and since he lays such stress on his point of the incarnation being no part of humiliation , let us appeal to competent judges , phil. 2.6 , 7 , 8. christ iesus , who being in the form of god , thought it no robbery to be equal with god : but ▪ be emptied himself of his glory , taking on him the form of a servant , being made in the likness of man : and being found in fashion as a man , he humbled himself , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the cross. i have rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , emptied himself of his glory , and left out the two copulatives which are not in the original . the main matter is reducible to these . 1. is emptying himself of his glory any humiliation ? i answer , it signifies more humiliation , than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is rendred humbled , vers. 8. the word is as much as rendring all glory and honour vain or void , so used 1 cor. 9.15 . 2. is the son of god's incarnation intended by the apostle when he saith he made his glorying void ? it is certainly and eminently so . for 1. the nominative case to this verb , is confined to the second person not incarnate , he being in the form of god , &c. he , even he so considered , before he was god-man emptyed himself , or made his glorying void as to manifestation , wherein could this properly be so but in becoming incarnate , for whatever debasement followed after his incarnation referred to him as the effect of thus emptying himself . 2. the whole 7. vers. is confined to his incarnation as i have fully proved , he emptied himself being made in the likeness of man. p. 24 , 25. &c. vers. 8. being found in fashion as a man , is that which lets in what followed his incarnation , though but one eminent instance be given . the assembly of divines , larg . cat. q. 47. christ humbled himself in his conception , in that being from all eternity the son of god , he was pleased in the fulness of time to become the son of man , made of a woman of a low estate , and to be born of her , with divers circumstances of more than ordinary abasement . to wrigle himself out of this which he subscribed , he doth , i suppose , use ●he former shifts . but to add no more , doctor owen's expos. on the hebrews , chap. 3. vers. 2 , 3. p. 21. this glorious one humbled himself into the form of a man , of a servant , unto death , the death of the cross , phil. 25.6 , 7 , 8. you see his comment on this text. reader , judge now of the confidence and small tenderness of this man that should have a very peculiar eye to this opinion of his when he told his hearers , p. 38. so shall it go with your souls , so will god deal with every one of you as you receive or reject those truths of his : a thing he calls a damning error in me when i say so but of mens being penitent godly believers . the second point to be marked is , that believers are as righteous as christ in equality , as to suretyship-righteousness . for that 's the point . he saith little here for it ; and i have said enough in this book against it ; therefore a few words will serve . his authors rhetorical sayings are more reconcilable to truth than his position . mr. bradshaw affirms , that pardon without the rigid imputation of the active obedience , serves to all saving purposes . but i 'll dismiss this with these remarks . 1. he builds his whole notion upon a suretiship-righteousness , and never proves christ to be any such surety as will at all infer , that we are as righteous as he on that account . i have carefully weighed what he hath written ; and find what he saith for it , pag. 10 , is , that he is called a surety , heb. 7. 22. i grant it , and he 'll find , i have proved that christ is there called only a surety of the gospel covenant ; and therefore can , as mentioned in that place , be engaged to no more thereby , than what that covenant includeth . though yet i grant , that other scriptures prove , that christ undertook to be the end of the law for righteousness , and died in our place or stead , &c. of which i have insisted at large . and if this will not serve , he adds his all : he who is obliged to pay anothers debt , or any part of it , is properly , and in strictness his surety . repl. but not always so , as that the principal can be said to pay that debt as m●●h as he , nor be as just as he , nor be said to be immediately released upon his payment , &c. for if a friendgoes to a creditor , and promiseth to pay part of a prodigals debt , agreeing together , that upon sundry terms , and in a fit time , and by degrees the prodigal shall be acquitted and released ; yea , and that his debt shall be remitted to him in a way of forgiveness by the very creditor , and he still be bound to certain services thereby ; i hope all the former daring assumptions are prevented , and yet the subsequent surety engaged to pay part of the prodigal's debt . should not mr. m. p. 10. forbear saying , that holy mr. baxter wrangles and rejects this counsel of god against himself , and cites the place where mr. b. argues this point , and offer no better proof . but that 's their way , he shall reason , and they 'll do their work by meer reproaches , and cursed censures . 2. he p. 75. saith , that christ's resurrection , ascension and intercession , are not imputed to believers : yet all the proof he brings for an eternal legal union between the elect and christ , and their being one person in law , is , that they are said to be in him in his reviving , rising from the dead ▪ and sitting in heavenly places with him , p. 59. ●●hat what in one place is the instance and ground of legal-surety-imputation , in the other is excluded from being imputed : i hope those phrases will by his followers , not again be pleaded for suretiship-imputation . 3. how dogmatically spoken is it , p. 76. that if it be the same righteousness in which christ and we stand , he and we are so far as that righteousness makes righteous , equally righteous ? repl. but sir , he and we come not alike by it ; and we depend on it as in him for all ; he stands not in it so as to need forgiveness , which we do ; yea , that forgiveness is oft repeated to us after we are made righteous : he is by it entitled to much more than we are , &c. of which elsewhere . and since he infers an equality from a sameness , let me ask , are we as spiritual as christ ? and yet it 's the same spirit that is in christ and in us . are we as much beloved by god as christ our mediator is ? and yet ioh. 17. 26. thou hast loved them as thou hast loved me , that the love wherewith thou hast loved me may be in them : here 's as and the same love , yet it were impudence to pretend to be loved equally . yea , vers. 22. the glory which thou gavest me i have given them : here 's the same glory , but must we be as glorious as christ in equality ? alas ! do not we see that the same guilt of a fact may lie upon many , and yet all not be guilty in the same degree ? judge then , what an air of assurance doth this short-sighted man breathe forth in the next words . i can hardly think any man is so forsaken of common vnderstanding as to deny it : because he cannot give convincing light , he 'll threaten us into it by calling us mad , and had he thought th●● would have sent more open mouths after us , he would have given us that term instead of semisaciniane , men that hold damning blasphemous errors , and what not . but any man that intimately knew mr. baxter ( whom he loads with these titles as well as others ) and mr. m. would not be long concluding which had more understanding , truth , love to god and man , publick-spiritedness , godliness , integrity , and whatever makes a gospel-spirit and the image of christ upon a man ; to say nothing of humility , good nature . freedom from envy and malice , &c. yea , god blessed him , more to the real conversion of souls than a hundred mr. mather's ; notwithstanding his charging him with rejecting the counsel of god against himself . p. 10. and to hold pernicious , soul-destroying errors ; for it 's him , whose words he puts in a broken light. p. 46. 4. he very oddly evades the charge of the assembly . confess . chap. 26. a. 3. viz. this communion which the saints have with christ , doth not make them in any wise partakers of the substance of his god-head , or to be equal with christ in any respect ; either of which to affirm is impious and blasphemous : this place i cited , but would not repeat the words at pinners hall. to this he tells us , p. 76. this must be taken in a limited sense , &c. for taken absolutely it will not hold , believers are menequally with christ , &c. rep. true , for he hath almost told us , we are hail fellows with christ , he was not humbled in being a man , nor is he dishonoured in our being as righteous as he . he saith , p. 7. christ's incarnation may as justly be said to be a part of his exaltation as of his humiliation : but though they intend not the being of a man in what they so severely brand , yet they mean nothing if they exclude what is so great a perfetion of christ as his righteousness is , when they fix blasphemy on saying we are equal with christ in any respect , they must think his righteousness such a prerogative , that who will equal christ in this , may next ask of him his kingdom also , and mr. m. hath given us a handle for that upon our very being as righteous as christ. for , p. 25. he at large shews that christ hath two titles to glory , a natural one , and an accumulated one , viz. an acquired title as our surety ; and if you ask what glory that is you 'll find , p. 56. it 's that special revenue of glory and praise which the father , who began his son from eternity , and loving him with an infinite love designed him . now then , if christ's title to all his acquired glory be his suretiship righteousness , and as to that we are as righteous as he in equality , what can hinder us not only to have that very same title to heaven and glory as christ hath as he is our sponsor ! but i say what can hinder believers claim and title to the very same high throne in heaven , and the very same degree of glory , as christ , as their surety hath a title to , since christ hath it ? for that very righteousness which they have as much of as he himself , and that god gives , or rather pay● them all of remunerative justice ; and that they are one mystical person with christ all which this modest author affirms , p. 55. reader ●●●ge , is this no other equality than in being men as well as christ ? 5. though he talks so much of suretiship righteousness , he gives an uncertain sound of that bond wherein christ and believers come into that legal oneness . 1. one while he was constituted a surety in that covenant between god and him . p. 10. thereby there was a legal vnion , and this vnion was from everlasting , and it was of supercreation grace , and perfected in the transaction between god and christ. p. 50 , 60. reader know ; that i grant there was a covenant of redemption beforetime , and that therein christ undertook to redeem and save elect sinners , &c. but yet i deny , that by that covenant christ and the elect were eternally one legal person , or that he is their surety in such a sense , as will render them legally esteemed to do and suffer all that christ did pursuant to that covenant ; or that thereby they are as righteous as he : thou wilt find my arguments in this book , at present it 's enough to say , we were never principals in that covenant , and therefore christ could not be such a surety . the thing insisted on in that covenant was redemption work , and the salvation of sinners , as fallen ; but the redeeming and saving of sinners , or our selves as sinners , was never proposed to us as our duty ; it was inconsistent and impossible to our state as fallen ; and with his leave , as it looks strange the elect should have two legal heads at once , viz. christ and adam , so if christ and men were eternally one legal person , i doubt it may as well be proved that christ legally broke the law in the elect's breaking it , as the elect kept the law in christ's keeping it : well , thus far , here 's a surety without a principal , and a work or debt which none was ever bound to , but him that is called a surety in a sense that many must be said to do and pay as much as he . 2. another while christ's name was put into the original bond in which we by the law and covenant of our creation were bound , p. 10. he told us before he was constituted a surety in another bond , viz. the eternal compact ; if so , then his name is put into this bond , in performance of his antecedent suretiship , and not made a surety by putting his name in this bond ; then it follows , that what he doth pay of this bond can be said to be paid by us no otherwise than according to the nature of his suretiship in the former bond , wherein we have seen he was principal and sole undertaker , i am glad by this that i need not argue with him , that if christ was a pecuniary proper surety with us in the covenant of works , then it was either absolutely or disjunctively : if absolutely , that he would keep it , then we were not parties at all engaged . if disjunctively , viz. that either we or he would keep it , then it was never broken , for he hath kept it , and his obedience , without any suffering sufficed to fulfill it , &c. but mr. m. granting , and that truly , that christ was constituted surety in the covenant of redemption prevents my insisting on such things , only still note , as i have elsew●ere proved , that christ being made under the law ( which he means by putting his name in the bond ) was the effect of christ's suretiship . 3. yet inconsistently enough , p. 14. christ was made our surety , his name was not only put into the covenant of works , but into it as a broken covenant . here all is ruffled again , and how shall we unriddle it ? he was but now constituted a surety in the eternal bond , but he is here made a surety in the broken bond : he that distinguished between assuming our nature and being conceived , no doubt , will find some difference between constituted a surety , and made a surety ; for that he must do or he contradicts himself . well , i grant that christ came in our nature to obey the law we had broken , and bear the punishment we had deserved , and answer the end of the law which we had frustrated . but this will not make him such a surety in this broken bond , as shall make us legally accounted to do all , and suffer and answer all , and be as righteous as he that did it , though it be in his very righteousness that we are saved , notwithstanding we have failed in all this . for i ask when he put his name in this broken bond ? sure not before it was broken , then he was surety before : again , when he did put his name , did , he do it to the same very purpose as we were originally bound , viz. that we might live by our innocency and obedience as our righteousness ? no , it was to redeem us from the effects of our own disobedience . did he engage that we should do and suffer what would be a price of our redemption and salvation ? no , he was to do it himself in his own legal person , i say legal , because the divine dignity of his person gave the legal , yea , supralegal value in god's account to what he did and suffered ; for one meer man's doing and suffering what the meer law injoined , would not have satisfied for millions , and the broken bond it self did not require a divine person 's obeying any more than the whole bond did , though the attainment of its ends did so . again , if christ's suretiship was so limited within this broken bond , than as he was bound to do and suffer no more than it required , so neither he nor we are entitled by that obedience to any more than this broken bond at first covenanted to give : yea further , mr. m. faith , p. 57. the elect were constituted ( at first ) under another head , and under another covenant , which had nothing in it of christ and his righteousness , either to be brought in for them , or to be applied to them . reply . but if christ's righteousness be no higher than that covenant did require before it was broken , the righteousness of perfect adam had been as great as christ's : and if the unbroken covenant was the same as the broken bond , how should the unbroken covenant neither have nor require any righteousness of christs , and yet the broken bond measure and limit christ's righteousness , and sentence us legally righteous for it . but if , as mr. m. saith , the covenant with adam and the elect was another covenant from the broken-bond ; then we are not under the covenant requiring what at first it injoyned , and being federating parties only in the first , and subjected to penalty only by it as it 's broken : here 's no obedience-work for a surety , nor place for a proper surety in bearing the penalties . but i have elsewhere enlarged , and therefore conclude , that such confusion about the suretiship should abate mens regard to his censures , against such as will not own he himself knows not what , and proveth none sees how . 6. i find after all , that this equality of righteousness between christ and us , is not so much from legal union , or judicial imputation , but from a coalescence of believers into one mystical person with christ by vital union . thus p. 55. between our believing and our being justified , there comes in our coalescing into one mystical person with christ by this vital vnion , and our having his righteousness upon us unto the iustification of life ; and so our being justified is not the next or immediate effect of our believing , &c. here indeed ; if i understand what one person is , he may well argue we are as righteous as christ ; for we are christified with christ , not in name , or on account of his undertaking , or his being the head of the church as his mystical body : but as being one mystical person , opposed to a legal person , than by pointing at any believer , you may avoid the danger of ioh. 8.24 . if you believe not that i am he , you shall die in your sins . mr. m. may rise higher than that we are as right●●us as christ , and say we are as holy as christ , as honorable as christ , as wise as christ ; and so interpret his proof , 1 cor. 1.30 . nay , are we not assumed into a personal union with the eternal word , as the humane nature of christ is ; which i think is unavoidable , unless christ hath more persons than one ? besides , his being a legal person , which he opposeth this mystical person to . and that he means something like this , hear him p. 60. it 's called a vital vnion , because in effecting it ; there is a vital touch , as i may say , between christ and us , and a clasping each on other . compare this with p. 63. the humane nature of christ leans on the godhead in the son , and hath the eternal power of the deity clasping about it , and holding it in that vnion , &c. the eternal power of the godhead in christ ( and not so much the strength of any created principle of grace in us ) holding our hearts unto him , and causing them for ever to live upon him . can you find much difference , though he pretend a disproportion ? the awfulness of the subject restrains me from exposing this affected cant , which is the only gospel with these men , because its mystery , i. e. unintelligible nonsence fitted to a rosocrucian or behemist : it is not enough that christ is the author of all in us , and the securer of all promised good to us ; and that he condescended to confirm this , and comfort our souls by such gracious instances of a mystical union , as that between vine and branches , head and members , husband and wife ; yea , that the same spirit dwells in christ and us , each of which inform and assure to us , the blessing designed to be signified thereby , but not whatever our profane fancies may wrest a metaphor , or force an expression to . must men strain it to one person , whereby christ's prerogatives and our vile defects are in common to christ and us ? is this to let christ in all things have the preheminence ? col. 1. 18. the scriptures needed not so many metaphors to represent to us the several benefits we have by union with christ : this one would have served for all , yea , far exceeded all ; only that one person would consist but with few of them , nay with none ; head and members do not make one person , but one body ; yea , one spirit in christ and us doth not make one person , unless you 'll make the holy ghost to be an animating soul to the body , and so be the chief constitive part of the whole person : what will a deluded vain fancy expose men to at last ? exceptions against some more passages in mr. m's book . i have been already engaged to hint at some , yet among many obnoxious enough , let 's consider some more of his stamina . 1. that god hath ordained christ to do all with god for the elect , and that he shall be a●● from god to them , &c. all , i say , that in this ruined condition they need to bring them to that heighth of happiness , &c. p. 56 , 58. reply . if he had meant only that christ was to do all with god in a way of satisfaction , impetration , merit , or intercession , it were true ; but as he words it , it may be very erronious ; and it is to scrue an error he doth thus express it . hence , because he finds repentance and faith are so necessary to our salvation , he hath in his pulpit endeavoured to inform men how christ repented , and that he repented for us ; and though he doth not-publish it in this sermon as he did elsewhere , that christ believed for us ; yet you 'll see presently , how much he endeavours to convince us that he did so ; for if he believed whilst humbled , it was for us , and it 's imputed to us , as he oft in this book affirms . had i mr. m's liberty , what would i call this error ; for though it 's in christ's strength and grace that we repent , believe , turn to god , and do good works ; yet if we do not these as our personal acts , misery will be our portion . if you ( not i ) believe not , you shall die in you sins , john 8. 24. except you ( not i ) repent , you shall all perish , saith christ , luke 13. 3. i say , except your righteousness ( not mine ) exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pharisees , you shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven , matt. 5.20 . had mr. m. been an auditor , he had not said , lord thou understandest not the gospel ; it 's thou art to do these things , this is the deep counsel of god , however legally thou speakest : he might as well say , it 's thou christ shall perish , as thou christ art to repent . 2. faith is a prime and principal part of our being , conformable to the image of christ , &c. he is the first pattern and original copy of believing , p. 62 , 63. reply . is christ's faith the pattern of faith in christ ? i remember somewhere dr. goodwin speaks of god's trusting christ till he was incarnate ; and of christ's trusting the father since the time of his sufferings : yea , we may easily grant that christ believed god's promise ; and , as a man , depended and relied on god's power and truth . but this is no other faith than adam in innocency acted , than the law of works directed to . by this account we may think better of the state of pagans than most do ; for without gospel-revelation they may believe in god , trust him , and depend on him . but what is this to the account the scripture gives of faith in christ ? did christ come to himself as a saviour ? did he receive himself as a crucified redeemer ? did he eat his own flesh , and drink his own blood for eternal life ? did he plead his own merits , and rely on his own righteousness for pardon , and restored peace ? did he consent to be married to himself ? did he look to himself for healing ? or to use mr. m's account of faith in this very page , did he go out of himself unto himself for all ? yea , take part of his description of faith in christ , p. 39 , 40.1 . the subject of faith is the heart of a convinced broken-hearted sinner , &c. the very nature of faith , and the acting of the soul in it , is such as doth imply and include a sight and sense of sin and misery , and a lively heart-influencing conviction of utter helplesness in a man's self , and unworthiness to be helped by god , &c. reader , doth christ's faith in the nature of it , imply a sense of utter helplesness and unworthiness in himself , or of his sin and misery ? the reason he gives for justling out such as abram , and setting up christ for the original copy of believing in himself is this , the humane nature of christ lives and subsists in the second person , leaning on the eternal deity of the son of god , it hath its subsistence in the bosom of the godhead , &c. and hath the eternal power of the deity clasping about it , p. 63. the apostle did not know this faith , when he said that charity was greater than faith : well , as sublime as this reason seems to be , i will venture to say , this is not that faith in christ which the gospel requires of sinners . 1. i will give you a reason of mr. m's , which besure is none of the best , p. 7. christ's dwelling in our nature is no part of the punishment of sin , for then the divine nature only is punished , and not the humane at all , nor the person . it 's a bad one for what he brings it , since that assuming the nature and dwelling in it differ , and i have answered it before , and it needs a great allowance to keep it from . but if the sufferings or acts of only one nature be not the sufferings or the acts of the person of christ ; then the acting of faith of the one nature on the other nature , is not acting of faith upon the person of christ ; and consequently not gospel-faith , which is to be acted on the person of christ ; here the humane nature believes ; but that is not with him ; christ that believes , it believes on the divine nature , and that with him is not christ who is believed on : what now is become of christ's believing even by his own reasoning ? 2. the object of faith in christ , is god-man mediator , a crucified christ , &c. but the deity of the son of god abstractedly considered , is not god-man mediator , &c. truly if our gospel-faith is specified by this , i see not the need of christ's incarnation or death , yea , or regard thereto . 3. this leaning , and especially to the purposes assigned to this act of christ's humane nature , is not all that which is essential to the faith in christ which the gospel requires . but why should i scribble the little paper left ? it 's like the reasons he gave for christ's repenting , viz. the reproaches of them that reproached thee , are fallen upon me ; and he was a man of sorrows , and acquainted with grief . 3. he plainly discovers his mind to be , that faith is an act of the soul whilst spiritually dead and unregenerate , p. 61. he joins with such as say , faith is the means and way of our being made spiritually alive , rather than our acting life , as being already brought into a state of life , as the bodies clasping hold on the soul by the animal spirits , which are corporeal things , is rather the means of life , than an act of life , &c. p. 62. suppose that the principle of grace begotten and created in us in regeneration contain in it the habit of faith , which i will not now call in question : yet &c. p. 32. all our new obedience , and all the graces of the spirit comprized under that one word love , are the effects and fruits of our being justified . p. 60. in vnion ( by faith which is the cause of this union ) we are brought immediately into a state of spiritual life , first relative , then qualitative , &c. repl. here , with the arminians , he denieth the habit of faith necessary to the actings of faith : he is contrary to the assembly of divines , who tell us , that god in effectual vocation , takes away the heart of stone , and gives a heart of flesh , renewing their wills , and by his power determining them to that which is good , and effectually drawing them to jesus christ , conf. cap. 10. a. 1. & q. 2. man is altogether passive therein , until being quickned by the holy spirit , he is thereby enabled to answer this call , and to embrace the grace offered , and conveyed in it . large cat. a. 73. faith justifies a sinner in the sight of god , not because of those other graces which do always accompany it , or of good works that are the fruit of it . here we see , that there is a quickning regenerating work and change on the heart and will , in order to the act of faith ; and that there is no faith unaccompanied at any time by other graces , and that by good works they intend not such graces , &c. did not mr. m. tell us , p. 60. that in effecting our vital vnion , there is a vital touch as i may say between christ and us , and a clasping on each other . is there a vital touch before life , or a clasping while we are dead ? doth the mind see christ whilst it 's blind , or the will embrace him whilst it 's morally dead , impotent , unperswaded , and averse ? do we consent to christ , and covenant with him , whilst satan , sin and enmity reign in our faculties ; or open the door to christ whilst these keep the keys ? god , saith the natural man , receiveth not the things of god , because they are spiritually discerned , 1 cor. 2.14 . but mr. m. saith , yea , it 's while they are natural that they see christ and close with him : here 's a knowledg of an ignorant mind ; here 's a coming and receiving without life . here 's a faith the gospel covenant never promiseth ; for it 's not included in god's writing his laws in the heart . the whole stress of salvation is laid by him on an act of a dead unregenerate sinner , and men are justified while the soul is not turned from darkness to life , nor from the power of satan unto god , acts 26. 18. it were worth asking h●m , whose act this act of faith is ? it 's not a humane act , unless you can suppose the mind and will can act without any vital principle , yea against it's own prevailing principle : here then must be a force , and unactiveness too in our very acting ; and it 's a strange clasping of what we hate and abhor . i doubt here may come in again christ's believing for us . however , he must think 1. that our faith after we are alive , is either a faith specifically distinct from that which justified us , or it 's still an act not effected by a regenerate principle , but is somewhat either below life , or above man , even when he is spiritualized , he seems to bid at both : his simile is for the first ; the spirits , which he saith are corporeal , clasp about the soul for life ; so it seems our faith is a dead thing always , never made life or living ; any more than those spirits are made soul ; otherwise it loseth its clasping meetness , as they would do in ceasing to be corporeal . yet other times he makes it look like a divinity clasp about us . 2. i do now see a little why the man is so against god's giving us any saving benefit in any way of reward , though not of debt : it 's because faith is the only thing ordained ( not required ) as a physical means on our part ; and this is so low a thing , that a dead sinner may act ; or so sublime , as not to be a humane act. 3. again , i see why he doth still confine our justification to the end , to the first act of faith ; yea , and deny the immediate influence of faith on our justification ; for if you should bring it among duties , or to be under the notion of a duty , all is spoiled : no , it must be a meer physical band of union , not enjoined by god as our ruler , but appointed as the corporeal spirits for ligaments . i dare not touch the philosophy part of that , lest if i name embrio , he should curse me anew . 4. i know now at last , why he thought me a pelegian , ( the selfish reason why he writ it to london i knew long since ) because i in a printed sermon put the act of faith after spiritual life ; it seems i should have said with him , that in vnion with christ as one mystical person ( which is by the efficient causality of faith ) we are brought into a state of spiritual life , relative in our iustification and adoption , and then and thereupon qualitative , &c. p. 60. his proofs for faith before life , because christ promiseth life upon believing , are contemptible ; as if further spiritual life , and pardon , and eternal glory , be not life as well as hell is death , ' and some sinners twice dead . 4. the faith he so much insists on , hath not all the essentials of a saving faith. i know many worthy men distinguish between faith quae justificat , and qua justificat ; and no doubt the soul hath an especial respect to christ as priest , and his righteousness in order to justification . but our discourse is of the faith quae justificat . what that faith is , he tells us p. 62. faith is a going out of our selves unto christ for all . and p. 40. the hearts acting towards this object in its believing , is most properly in a way of trust , and dependance , and affiance . rep. 1. we have just seen , it wants a vital principle as it is the act of an unregenerate dead soul. now this brings it , in the judgment of most divines , to be no saving act at all , no saving faith , because the act of a natural and dead sinner . 2. i need not mention that it is no obediential act : and note , that when our divines deny that faith is not imputed as an act of believing , or as an evangelical act of obedience ; they say , it 's not as such imputed as our justifying righteousness , which i grant . but they positively affirm , that the faith by which christ's righteousness becomes imputed , is an act of evangelical obedience , confess . chap. 11. a. 1. again , 3. i will not insist how far the assent of this faith is limited , as to its object as well as its nature . 4. i do grant , that by gospel-faith we trust in , and depend on christ as our only saviour ; and that by it we go out of our selves to christ for all attonement , merit , causality of acceptance of all we do , and strength and grace to enable us to all . 5. yet , see how much more the assembly includes in saving faith , confess . chap. 14. a. 2 : by this grace ( faith ) a christian believeth to be true , whaever is revealed in the word for the authority of god himself speaking therein , and acteth differently upon that which each particular passage thereof containeth , yielding obedience to the commands trembling at the threatnings , and embracing the promises of god for this life , and that which is to come ; but the principal acts of saving faith are accepting , receiving , and restin upon christ alone for justification , sanctification , and eternal life . 6. his faith w●nts the receiving of christ , if not wholly , yet as a prophet and lord : whereas true faith receives christ iesus the lord , col. 2.6 , 7. here 's no yielding up our selves to our redemer's conduct , no dedication of our selves to him as our owner . guide and ruler , nor consent or engagement or purpose of heart to do so : whereas gospel-faith is such a trust of and on christ , as includes a yielding up our selves to him , to be saved by him in his way ; as he sets down the terms , viz. to deny our selves , take up his cross , be his followers and disciples , isa. 44.5 . luke 19.14 , 27. rom. 6.13.16 . luke 14.26 , 27 , 33. ier. 30.21 . 8. here 's no purpose of heart to renounce the world , flesh and devil , who are christ's rivals and competitors ; to whom we before , did yield up our selves , 1 pet. 3.21 . io. 5.44 . faith is a strange conjugal consent , wherein the wife promiseth no duty or loyalty ; only expects all to be done for her . obj. if we trust and lean on christ we shall do these . ans. 1. it 's as true if we do these , we shall and do lean on christ ; and by that rule may as well call these faith , and leave out that . 2. it is not a saving trust in christ that doth exclude these , or is without them . this is plain , because the act of gospel-faith is oft expressed by these as well as by trust ; and a sentence of condemnation lies still upon a soul that wants these , and is under the power of their contraries , we will not have this man to reign over us , was the language of unbelief ; and for this they were subject to death , luke 19.14 , 27. 3. the scriptures tell us of instances of a trust and leaning , that proved destructive for want of these other things ; and certainly will prove so to all others , mic. 3.11 . the priests teach for hire , and the prophets divine for money , yet they will lean upon the lord and say , is not the lord among us , none evil can come upon us ? no doubt , the foolish virgins had a degree of trust in christ ; but were lost for want of oil , though they looked for so much from him . 4. as he wordeth it , and joineth it in other places ; it looks to be a meer contemplative act , which as a man unregenerate doth with him perform , so a carnal man may do it for indulging his sloath and carelesness , q. d. i will now and then apply to this meditation , christ shall do all for me , i trust him to do so , and therefore i am safe , though i do no more ; yea ▪ i shall be damned if i strive to do any thing else as a means of obtaining saving benefits , though it be in christ's righteousness that i expect all . we are warned mat. 7.21 . not every one that crieth lord lord , shall enter into the kingdom of heaven . but he that doth the will of my father ; and this was to enforce that charge , enter in at the strait gate . 5. he ascribes too much to faith , as imperfect , dead , and unholy a thing as he makes it ; even more than i dare for a world ascribe to that which is the true gospel-condition . p. 51. there is between our believing and this righteousness being upon us , a reference of causality . repl. we must be destroyers , and be destroyed , for saying god requires faith , suspending pardon till we believe ; and by his promise , securing it to us when we believe , though we expresly deny all causal influence , and confine the condition to the meer frame of the object ; and do leave justification in all its causes entire , as the benefit to be given in christ's right to him that is a believer . yet our accuser , witness and judge , can innocently cry up a causality , a real and proper causality ; a mediate causality of justification , an immediate causality of union with christ , which is the greater benefit . p. 52. my short legs can follow these small strides . it 's a cause of justification ; but how ? by more than that rule , causa causae est causa causati . faith is a cause of vnion , that union is a cause of christ's righteousness being upon us , and that righteousness being upon us is the cause of justification ; and so faith is an influential cause of justification . if you go forward with what justification is the cause of , and what that is also a cause of , faith is a cause of even as much , and in the same sort as it is of justification ; and if you go backward to the next cause of faith , and to the cause of that , and even all that is the cause of justification , as much , and in the same sort as faith is . and what kind of cause is faith in all ? it 's always with him a phisical cause , a natural touch and clasping . yet p. 52. he saith , it 's by god's constitution and ordination ; hopeful words ; but he soon throws it o●● of ● moral causality again and brings i●to the corporeal spicies clasping about the soul. here 's a covenant-consent , without an act considered as any way moral ; a strange thing to any man of sense , who must know , that acts are considered only as moral acts in every covenant . 6. he accounts all performance of any duty with an expectation of any saving benefits as morally connected therewith , to be in a legal manner and spirit , from legal or old covenant principles , and unto old covenant ends , &c. p. 28 . compare p. 71. reply . i have fully proved , that though nothing done by us is the righteousness wherein we stand before a just god , or the merit of any good , or atonement for sin , or instead of a legal righteousness : yet there is in the gospel a display of authority , though in a way of grace , and a rectoral way fixed for giving out the effects of christ's obedience in his righteousness , as benefits encouraging to duty : and in that way we must expect them to the glory of god's truth and promises , and we wickedly presume in expecting them otherwise ; and hereby obedience to christ and the righteousness of christ are not opposed , nor old covenant ends pursued . mr. m. saith p. 49. faith hath no influence , no not so much as in a way of instrumentality to confer upon us a right and title to christ's righteousness ; all the influence that faith hath , is to our actual possession of it . i grant 1. that faith is not our justifying righteousness . 2. that christ hath merited the elect shall have it . 3. that it is the gospel-promise is our title and charter ; yea , 4. i deny all causal influence to our possession . but as to him who ascribes to faith a causality , i would ask 1. doth not the gospel adjust by its promise , that it is the believer it will invest in this possession of righteousness . 2. doth not this promise entitle a believer to this possession , and bar the unbeliever . 3. doth faith then no way affect our right or title to the possession thereof ? doth it not render us the persons whom it so entitleth thereto ? and is this nothing , though it be not the righteousness for which we are justified as legal obedience was to be ? 7. he ventures too far in making the crown of glory and justification to be effects of remunerative strict iustice as to us , which is untrue , notwithstanding christ's righteousness is imputed to us . p. 12 , 13 , 15. among many other expressions of this kind , he saith , it is the constitution of god , that all the saving . good and blessing which shall be given us , shall be given not only by free grace , but by the hand of justice . reply . if he mean only that the consideration upon which all saving good was granted , is a righteousness that answered strict justice : i grant it . but to say ( which he seems fully to intend ) that the righteousness of christ is so impured to us , as that benefits are actually conferred on us in a way of remunerative justice as to us , i deny , and say it is a thousand fold worse than they whom he condemns durst ever have a thought of . i own also it 's a reward of justice to christ , that believers should be justified and glorified : but justification and glory are given of meer grace to those believers , though in a gospel way of government : they cannot plead , now lord i have christ's righteousness on me , i have a claim to these , as a debt or reward due to me from remunerative justice : for though christ give the crown in his own right , and his right to secure that crown ; yet he reserves the claim of justice to his own person , and we must accept of all even at god's hand of gift . sinners shall not have the saviour's plea in themselves , though he will plead it for their good. there is more spiritual pride in this kind of talk than many imagine ; ●he gift of god is eternal life , even when he gives it ; and not only as to antecedent causes , we look for the mercy of christ to eternal life , iude 21. and it 's still for christ's sake we must intreat and expect , and not for our own , nor for any thing as it 's ours , whatever be the effect of the imputation of christ's righteousness on us . 8. that which he calls telling a story to us of the deep counsels of the wisdom and grace of god , how this righteousness is upon us , from its first and highest original , is in several things an unsafe account ; and greatly to the dishonour of father , son and spirit . some parts of it i have already considered , i now shall briefly observe these things , 1. he strikes at the essential glory of the son of god. 2. he describes the fall of man very dishonourable to god. 3. he much mistakes what is most properly the glory of god. 4. he leaves out man's acknowledgment of the holy spirit in the work of salvation . 1. mr. m. strikes at the essential glory of the son of god : before i prove this , i would premise , 1. the son of god as second person in the trinity , is equal to the father in essence and glory , though he be of the father , as to the mode and manner of subsistence . hence he hath the same divine perfections and glory . 2. whatever is ascribed to christ , before he assumed the humane nature , must be such as is consistent with his divine nature as the son of god , and proper thereto . 3. nothing is added to the divine nature , as in christ by its union to the humane nature , besides relation to that humane nature . 4. the person of the son of god was compleat , before he assumed the humane nature ; and therefore the humane nature is no constitutive part of the second person ; but , as dr. ameswell saith , is only as an adjunct . if mr. m. mean more , it 's horridly dangerous , when he saith p. 8. the humane nature belongs to the constitution of christ's person as he now is . and looks the worse for his words p. 7. christ's dwelling in our nature , is no part of the punishment of sin , for then the divine nature only is punished , and not the humane at all , nor the person . as if what terminated on one nature only , did not terminate on christ's person ; and by the same rule , the acts confined to one nature , as their principle , are not the acts of his person , unless they be the acts of both natures . 5. since the incarnation we frequently meet with a personal communication of properties ; what is proper to either of the two natures ; is ascribed to christ as god-man , as christ died , &c. 6. yet there is neither a transfusion or communication of the properties of one nature to the other ; nor must we ascribe to his person any thing in any manner that would tend to the confusion of the two natures . 7. all the glory or humiliation that can be justly ascribed to the son of god as such , cannot infer any change in or addition to him , and must be confined to what is manifestative and relative : his glory may appear more , but cannot be added to ; it may be obscured , but it cannot be really diminished . 8. hence whatever addition of real glory or afflictive suffering belongs to christ , it is with respect to his humane nature . this was only capable of rewards , of being exalted , of being deferred , of god's hiding his face and dying . i shall now evidence , that mr. m. strikes at the essential glory of christ as the eternal son of god. 1. he makes christ , as the eternal son of god , capable of an addition to his real glory as god , p. 56. god the father from eternity , begat his son , the second person in the trinity , and loving him with an infinite love , designed a special revenue of glory , and honour , and praise unto him , as from all his creatures in their kind and way , so more eminently from and in a certain number of mankind , &c. the end and vpshot , and last issue that all his counsels about them comes to , is this , that they may be brought to the acknowledgment of the son of god , &c. p. 61. you see how the grand original design of god , to bring in a revenue of singular honour , and praise , and glory to his son christ , is brought about , &c. i shall presently repeat more : let 's consider , 1. it 's plain he intends the son of god as such ; it 's he as begotten from eternity ; he as the second person in the trinity ; it 's he as loved with an infinite love ; yea , from being so infinitely beloved as god's eternal son , the contrivance had its rise . the design in the vpshot is , that he might be acknowledged to be that son of god. it cannot be meant , that this additional glory might be designed for him as foreseen mediator , or as in flesh ; for this design is the first step ; and this glory of the son , is the original of all the contrivance : he was , pursuant to this purpose , made a mediator and legal head ; and he tells us , to confirm this , that for this end of bringing a revenue of glory unto his son , in the salvation of the elect , god ordained that he shall do all with god for them , and he shall be all from god unto them ; which is his second step ; and therefore what is subsequent to this in intention , cannot be before the other ; his office and incarnation are but means to this end : so that no doubt can remain , that christ is in this design considered as the eternal son of god. 2. let 's weigh how he describes the glory intended : it 's an especial revenue of glory and honour : it 's a revenue of singular honour and glory , somewhat that made him more glorious than he was as the son of god ; nay , it was his being acknowledged to be the son of god ; which is the vpshot of the design about him ; as if though he were son before , yet he would not have been acknowledged to be the son of god , without this added revenue of glory . 2. he makes the eternal son of god , considered as to his divine nature , to be for a while under the frowns and displeasure of god. 3. he makes the eternal son of god as god , to be capable of an acquired right , superadded to his natural right , even to his essential glory as god ; and also of an acquired right to that love , which he enjoyed as the son of god in the divine nature before he was the son of man. take his words , p. 25 , 26. 't is true , christ hath another title and right to the love of god and unto heavenly glory , viz. by the prerogative of his birth i mean his eternal generation as he is the only begotten son of god : but though he was rich , yet such is his grace , that for our sakes he became poor , he consented ( not to forego his title ) but for a time to forego the actual enjoyment of the full fruit and benefit of it . he was contented to lay aside his glory for a time , and to dwell here below on earth , under the frowns and displeasure of god his father , untill he should fully , to the utmost farthing , have paid our debt , but then he was to be restored and raised up to the enjoyment of his father's love , and heavenly glory , in the virtue of that forementioned double right or title , viz. both as the son of god by nature , and as also having discharged all the debt of the elect as their surety . this latter being accumulated and superinduced upon the former , and therefore being not a natural but acquired title . 1. you see that it is the eternal son of god , considered as to his divine nature which was under god's frowns and displeasure ; for it was only as to that nature his person was the subject of god's love before his incarnation , and it was that love he alone could be restored and raised to , which he had before his incarnation , and there could not be a restoring and raising to the enjoyment of this love as to this nature , unless that he was under the frowns and displeasure of his father as to his divine nature . for , whatever nature he enjoyed the love of god in , before he did forego the enjoyment of it , and to the enjoyment of which he was raised and restored , must be the nature he endured those frowns and displeasure in , which are opposed to the actual enjoyment of that former love. he tells us that he did forego the actual enjoyment of this love , and so dwelt under his father's frowns here below on earth ; therefore it must be as to his divine nature he did forego the enjoyment of that love and glory : and consequently , as to that nature he endured the opposite frowns ; since that he had not enjoyed that love in his humane nature before he dwelt on earth . 2. it 's as plain that he makes the eternal son of god , as to his divine nature , to have a superadded right to that essential glory from god which he had a former natural right to : for the glory he enjoyed before his incarnation , was his essential glory as the son of god ; and it was his essential glory he had a natural right to . again , he had no glory in his humane nature before he was man , to be restored to ; therefore the glory he had an acquired right to , being a glory to which he was restored and raised , must be his essential glory enjoyed only by the divine nature : he could be restored to the actual enjoyment of no glory , but what he actually had before he affirmed our flesh , and could not be restored to any glory which he had not till he assumed our flesh. the matter is the same as to the love that his father bare to him as his eternal son ; for it 's the love he was restored to the enjoyment of , which christ is said by mr. m. to have an acquired superadded right to ; which must be no other than he was the object of before his incarnation ; yea , he tells them it 's that very love and glory which was due to him by privilege of birth , that he had this superadded title to ; yea , even that which he did not forego his title to , though he did forego the actual enjoyment of for a while ; and to this he was restored in the vertue of this double right ; so he tells us christ was rich , yet he became poor : how poor ? by foregoing the actual enjoyment of the full fruit and benefit of it , which he enjoyed before : the meaning of the place he refers to is , that though the son of god was maker and heir of all things ; yet , as to his humane nature , he was in a necessitous suffering case . but hence mr. m. infers , that christ , as the son of god , did forego the actual enjoyment of the full fruit of his inheritance , which he fully possessed before , and in that respect was poor : this is plainly his sense , for he speaks of his being rich as he was antecedently to his incarnation , as to enjoyment as well as title ; and as to riches he did not forego his title to , as he was the son of god ; and yet the full benefit of those very riches he was so entitled to as son of god , he did forego the actual enjoyment of ; whereas he might as well say he did forego the enjoyment of all the benefits as any , and of his title as of the enjoyment , all being alike possible to the son of god ; who still enjoyed that whole inheritance to the full ( as son of god ) as he enjoyed it by his title before he was the son of man , to forego the manifestation and the actual enjoyment differ as to his glory . and as to riches , it 's one thing for the human nature to want , for the divine-nature to abate any enjoyment of what it was entitled to , is quite another thing . a poor god is a wild phrase . obj. had christ , as our redeemer , a right to no glory as a reward ? ans. 1. yes , to a glory and riches as to his humane nature . but , 2. that was not a restauration of what the son as god enjoyed before his incarnation ; but a glory and riches granted as to his humane nature which fully commenced upon his exaltation , though eternally decreed . and to both indeed there was a title from the union of the human nature to the divine person ; and also as a reward of what was suffered and done in the human nature . 3. the utmost glory belonging to or received by christ as acquired , was of another kind than what belonged to him as god , and which he enjoyed before the incarnation . the ●ne is dependant , the other independant ; the one is creature glory , though above angels , the other is increated , essential , and divine , even the same with the father's . obj. did not christ lay by his divine glory ? a. 1. he could no more part with it , no , nor with the enjoyment of it than he could part with his divine essence . 2. he voluntarily agree'd to have it vailed as to manifestation for a time ; but in the least quitted not the enjoyment of it as the son of god. 3. the sensible communications of it , and of the divine favour were a while much suspended from the humane nature : but considered as the son of god , he always alike possessed and perceived the divine glory and favour . the father could as well be displeased with himself as with his son , as he was god. 4. hence , though what christ did and suffered , did entitle him to the restoring of the sensible enjoyments of the divine favour to the humane nature , yet there was no place or room for acquiring a right to any sencible communications of love , riches or glory to him , as son of god : for they were never suspended , they were essential to him ; and to suppose an acquired right were to make that love and glory dependant , and bring them within a creatures state ; whereas you may see christ in his humbled state , still when he speaks as the son of god , asserting his title and possession in equality with the father , yea , to be the fame , ioh. 16.15 . ioh. 5.18 , 19 , 26. ioh. 1.18 . reader , judge how he honoureth christ ; i could tell him what names the ancient church gave to such a heresie , but i better like that he gives to my opinion causlesly , the name of blasphemy , than that i should give so just a cause , though i met with a man so ●ld , as should hope it was only ignorant . the son of god as god , capable of an addition of real glory ; and be the object of god's frowns and displeasure , and capable of parting with the enjoyment of god's favour , and the glory and riches he had before he was incarnate ; and that he could have an acquired right to that essential glory and love , and riches , superadded to his natural right thereto , are such positions as should make a man to tremble how he ventures afterwards to meddle beyond his depth . my concern for these things prevents my using the advantage mr. m. gives me . 2. he describeth the fall of man in a manner very dishonourable to god : 1. he makes it a designed necessary means resolved on , to bring to the son of god that revenue of honour and praise which the father had before designed for him : this is fully expressed by him in his model of the eternal decrees . the 1. step is the design of that revenue of glory to the son. 2. step is christ's being to do all for the elect with god for them , &c. 3. is making a man innocent . 4. is the fall of man. 5. the double union issuing in legal and mystical persons . 6. faith is the means of mystical union . 7. this faith in its nature , is to rest on christ for all , p. 58 , 59 , 60. the thing i infer is , that the fall being the fourth step , must needs be not a thing supposed to the fathers design of the revenue of glory to christ ; by some mens acknowledging him to be the son ; for that 's first in order resolved , and then the fall appointed ( not over-ruled ) as a necessary means thereto ; as that by which he was to obtain this glory , and without which he must have gone without it , and been limited to the privilege of his birth . therefore he tells us , p. 58. the fall of the elect into a state of sin and death , and wrath may seem somewhat remote from the point in hand . but it is not ; for hereby a door is opened to the son of god to step in , and do all with god for them that in this ruined condition they need , &c. so that as christ speaks of the blindness of him , ioh. 9.3 . that it was that the works of god might be made manifest in him ; we may say this of the fall of the elect , it was in the counsel of god designed to this end , that the depths of the riches , the knowledge of god might be manifest in them ; and as christ speaks of lazarus his sickness and dying , it was not to death , &c. so must we say of this falling of the elect into a state of spiritual death in sin and trespasses ; it is not unto death for ever . but for the glory of god , that the son of god might be glorified in recovering them . repl. i am sure the son of god did not need any such glory ; he had been as happy , and perfectly glorious as now he is , though man had stood . 2. it seems very unagreeable to the purity and goodness of god to design the breaking of his own laws , the destroying of the greatest part of mankind , the defacing of his own image , the gratifying of the devil in the sin and misery of men , such dishonour to his own name , &c. and this as a necessary means to glorifie his son ; to decree the permission of the fall , and so to over-rule it to good ends , is another thing . 4. by this model it was as impossible for man to have stood , or for the mo●● of mankind to have avoided sin and eternal ruin , as it was for man to have hindred god to give to his son that special revenue of glory as he designed for him ; which i think would be a greater ease to the damned than their consciences will feel , or the pleadings of god with men will import . 5. it greatly abates that admiring and thankful regard to god and our saviour , which the scriptures always direct us to : for if mr. m's model be right , it was love to the son of god that brought men to need a saviour , and not love to sinners that enclined god to give his son , and the son to give him-self , to be a saviour , ioh. 3.16 . the utmost which this model can rise to is , that since god resolved for the glory of his son , that all should fall into a state of sin and death , and wrath , that thereby some of them might be to his glory , they were ordained to be some of those ; which indeed is a mercy , but not so greatly displaying of divine pity , love and grace , as the word represents it . therefore 6. to suppose man foreseen as fallen and self-ruined , and thereupon a saviour ordained to recover , and actually save a certain number of these : and for this to be in his suffering nature to be rewarded , and eternally exalted , receiving the praises of his saved ones , fully answers the account the scripture gives of the oeconomy of redemption , rev. 1.5 , 6. man is supposed thus fallen in all the. texts which mr. m. cites for god's design of a revenue of glory to his son from the elect , eph. 1.3 , 4 , 5 , 6. we are chosen in christ ; in what state ? you 'll see that by the nature of the blessings we are to obtain by him , to be holy , who were by the fall unholy : to be without blame before him in love , who were so reproveable and hateful to the adoption of children ; who had by sin lost our natural birthright , and become aliens ; accepted in the beloved , to the praise of the glory of his grace , who had made our selves unacceptable and condemnable in the eye of justice , redemption in him , and forgiveness of sin according to the riches of his grace , who had enslaved our selves , committed sin and were incapable to redeem our selves , make atonement , or merit our recovery : and then he addeth , vers. 8. that in all this he abounded towards us in all wisdom and prudence . amazing wisdom ! to find a way to sanctifie the depraved , justifie the blamable , love the hateful , adopt the alien , accept the vile and unworthy whom justice condemned , redeem the captive , and forgive the guilty sinner : here 's work for all wisdom , and prudence to abound , much more than it was to resolve first to glorifie the son of god , and then find out a way for it by designing to make men fall into misery and death , that he might come to this glory by it . look into vers. 9. and you 'll see that according to what i have shewen to be the apostle's model , he concludes this is the counsel of god's will and his purpose in himself , even to recover by christ sinners , thus in his eye fallen and miserable . the same sense is plain in rev. 5.11 , 12.2 thess. 1.10 . eph. 4.13 . i confess , when i consider some mens temper i am at a loss whether they are led , by what themselves are , to think of god as so cruel and far from goodness ; or that the strange representations of god , which they believe , do form them to what they think is his resemblance , would any divine else dare to preach that god took the sin of adam and squeezed out the quintessence of it , into the humane nature , to propagate to the world. and god took delight to see the wicked sin ; as one that sets rats-bane to kill rats , looked through the key-hole with delight to see the rats eating the rats-bane , knowing it would kill them ; so god looked at the wicked through his fingers with pleasure , to see them sinning , knowing it would destroy them . and the spirit of god striving with sinners , did enlighten them , reform them , &c. but why did he thus strive with many whom he did resolve he would never save ? it was that they might be brought to those higher degrees of torments in hell , which he had fore-ordained them to . as iudas went to his own place , that is , to the higher torments in hell , which god had decreed him to , he could not come to this but by falling from his apostleship , he could not fall from his apostleship if he had not been an apostle , and he could not have been an apostle if the spirit of god had not striven with him . mr. m. i suppose , hath not forgotten these unsavory passages , which i do not think i have varied a word of ; at least i am sure this is the substance , and not aggravated at all , as i have abundant witnesses to prove . 3. he mistakes what is the glory of god , as to its principal sense ; this consists in his essential perfections as in himself ; yea , the manifestative glory of god , father and son , is not so much in the creatures acknowledgments , as in the display of his own perfections , in a way commanding their admiration and love : mens hosanna's are a poor-thing comparatively even therewith : he made all things for his glory , i. e. to express thereby his wisdom , goodness , power , justice , &c. his glory shines forth more in the impresses of his excellencies on any being , than in their thankful returns of gratitude to him , or oral mention of his praises : men by these do their duty , and contribute to their own good , but add not to his glory ; yea , his manifestative glory is not hereby so promoted by those men , as by his image on them , and his authority acknowledged by their obedience and good works , matt. 5.16 . god is glorified by christ , as redeemer in our nature , as his government was honoured , justice satisfied , his hatred to sin expressed , his image restored , his authority among men acknowledged , his blessed nature exemplified in the humane nature and behaviour of christ , his love and mercy to sinners made manifest by his death : by these i say , much more than that some few men do own him to be the son of god , yea , our redeemer , even as in our nature is more glorified by honouring god , vindicating his government from contempt , opening a way for mercy , to exert it self without injury to god's holiness or justice , accomplishing god's purposes and promises , having all fullness of grace in him , authority and judgment committed to him ; defeating satan's projects , and breaking his strength and power even by the humane nature ; his giving his spirit , restoring the image of god to a degenerate world , rendring men subject to the divine laws , imitaters of his example , subject to his authority , 2 thess. 1.10 . raising the dead , judging the world , his wise , equal and effectual managing his kingdom , &c. he is by them honoured , i say , far more than in a few persons acknowledging his sonship ; and being that his sonship became obscured by his dwelling in flesh , i admire that mr. m. would place the vpshot of christ's acquired glory in the elects acknowledgment of his sonship ; as if he took a vail to do and suffer so much , chiefly if not only to buy off its being a vail . 4. he leaves out the holy spirit , as to the mention of any g●●●y designed to him in the oeconomy of the salvation of sinners . yet sure the eternal spirit hath a glory superior to christ's humane nature , and a right thereto superior to christ's acquired right . yea , we are baptised as redeemed ones , into , or in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , matt. 28. but with these men his honour is little regarded , he shall not have a hand so much as to render some sinners to be the persons that shall rather than others be invested in christ's right to any saving benefits according to a gospel-rule . though god hath so wisely contrived the acknowledgment of father , son and spirit , in the saving of sinners ; the father gives and sends his son to redeem , the son pays the price of redemption , the holy spirit applies it , by rendring sinners the objects of the respective effects thereof , as the gospel determines the distribution of them . his notion of legal union , between christ and the elect from eternity , as being one legal person , is an unscriptural notion which i have confuted , though i acknowledge christ from eternity undertook to redeem and save the elect ; but that is far from one legal person ; being that we are not reputed to redeem or save our selves , alike ungrounded , is one mystical person . it 's time to put an end to my remarks on his story made up of steps , which i wonder he hath acquired no better skill in relating , than to represent the counsels of god , in a manner so inconsistent with , nay , reproachful to the glory of the blessed god. 9. i shall not take notice of such things as these , all your obedience to the law avails no more to justifie you than your worst sins ; the not failing of faith is not a means of our continuing justified ; repentance is the effect of pardon , and not necessary thereto . these and the like being already insisted on in this book and elsewhere , neither shall i demonstrate as i might ; it must be his judgment , that all our sins are pardoned at once , even past , present , and to come ; and that god cannot be displeased with , or afflict believers for their sins , &c. 10. he vainly supposeth many things possible to be in unbelievers , which are certain evidences of true faith , effects of faith ; yea , they are the execution of the consenting act of faith , and without them ( if men have time ) all his faith is but a dead faith , that will never save . i will admit that no act of grace or godliness can save us without faith : but i as positively affirm , that there is no one act of real grace or godliness without true faith ; nor yet any true faith without acts of other graces . why then should he put the graces of the spirit into a war , and tell us of mending our ways and reforming our lives and our hearts too , so as never more to sin , and live as a saint dropt down from heaven , &c. yet they are not faith , and the righteousness of christ would not be upon thee , p. 67 , 68 , &c. can mens hearts be changed , and their lives thus reformed in obedience to the call of christ's gospel , and not accept of christ , and trust in him ? no. and i ask , if any man go out of himself to christ for all , and yet never repent , nor have his heart and life changed , nor love god : would that man have the righteousness of christ upon him for salvation ? yet this is as possible as the other , yea , and more easily mistaken : 1 thess. 1. from 5. to 10. you 'll see the spirit of god makes the things concur , which mr. m. would set at so great an opposition . to me it 's evident that christ's righteousness extends it self through all the benefits and privileges of a saint , as the sole meriting cause , whatever be the condition : and all the after-gracious acts and godliness of a believer are the operations of faith ; they are his first conjugal consent executed , as well as the effects of his dependance on christ for new supplies . 1. faith , as it acts upward towards christ , still craves , prays , hopes , trusts , expects , with affection adheres , and renews self-dedication and consent . 2. as it looks into the word , it finds motives , excitements , directions , &c. to urge and apply to it self from invisible things realized . 3. as it acts under the power of both the former , with respect to external and internal effects , it purifieth , melts , loves , quickens , strengthens to duty , and against temptations , comforts , reclaimeth , recovereth , guardeth , watcheth , &c. so that our renewed act of repentance , love and fear , &c. our godliness , reformation , zeal , and all sincere obedience , is the operation of faith , and the obedience of faith : faith is in them , and they are in faith not formally , but in the way above expressed : whence i conclude it 's a false faith that omits obedience to christ in all these , as it is a false obedience which excludes a dependance on christ in or by any of those . 11. mr. m's criminations of his brethren are intolerable , becoming neither an honest man , nor a true believer , and much less a gospel-minister ; more wicked malice and falsehood hardly any man can be guilty of , than his accusations and insinuations are justly chargeable with ; unless they proceed from real ignorance , which charity prompts me to hope . i have instanced already how he hath perverted my words ; but had he confined his reproaches to me , i should not think my resentments so fit to be expressed , but he spares not the dead , he strikes at the body of our usefulest ministers alive , and at their ministry too : who or what could excite any man to render the labours of so many ministers useless , when so adapted to promote the kingdom of christ in the world ? who will dare to attend their labours , or avoid being filled with jealousies , prejudices , and abhorrence , that believe this fiery man when he saith , they hold soul-damning errors , if there be any in the world , p. 46. that they have a dislike and heart-hatred of standing in the righteousness of christ imputed , and it only , that lies at the bottom in these oppositions ( to our being as righteous as christ ) p. 76. and the devil ( by them ) laboureth to forestall and shut up mens hearts against ( what he calls ) the blessed truths ; nay , his malignant spirit riseth so high , as to call them oft semi-socinians , and studiously brands them with that name ( as what he would have them called by ) in his preface , as well as socinians in his sermons ; and that the gospel of our salvation is craftily and insolently assaulted by them in the very vitals and fundamentals of it . and this and much more , as an apostasie from the truth , he fixeth on old and young , even many of the rising generation , not only among conformists but dissenters also . reply . the angel said , the lord rebuke thee ; when he durst not bring railing accusation , sure he knoweth not what spirit he is of , nor who doth instigate him to these things , any more than holy peter did , whose design was better . after long working at this trade under ground , he proclaims it when he comes into open air , and hides not his spirit or his purpose . i hope others injured so deeply , will joyn with me in forgiving him , and praying for his repentance , that the blood of prejudiced souls may not be required at his hands , nor these injurious reproaches be imputed to him . i shall make a few remarks on the names he give us : 1. he of all men seems least allowed to give us any name , for we are not the children of his church-members , and others he will not baptise ; he pleads that the ancient church , called the off-spring of pelagius his heresie semi-pelagians : may therefore one that utterly denies a catholick visible church pretend to it ; yea , who thinks he ceaseth to be a minister , when his relation to his particular flock is at an end . nay , he is of so rash a spirit , small skill in the reason of names ; and lavishly disregardful of truth in this matter , that a nick-name must be the effect of his giving any to such as are not of his own faction . 2. he quits all truth and modesty , in giving us the name of socinians or semi-socinians . he saith , our opinions are the off-spring of socinianism : what meaneth he by off-spring ? is it 1. only that socinianism was the occasion thereof : or 2. that they are of the same genuine nature with socinianism . the last is an abominable slander , hatch'd by no good spirit ; 1. the former may be pretended , but then an immediate descent must be denied : socinianism tempted weak men to the opposite extream of profane antinomianism : this extream was perceived equally ●atal to the vitals of practical christianity , as socinianism ; and also to give advantage to the socinians by its wild positions , and weak arguments consonant thereto . therefore our best learned divines , at once to prevent the triumph of the socinians , and the growth of antinomianism , waved many of those terms which had obtained among the orthodox in speaking of christ's satisfaction , without any due regard to either of these fatal errors . hence dr. owen of the trinity and satisfaction , p. 153. it appears from what hath been spoken , that in this matter of satisfaction , god is not considered as a creditor , and sin as a debt , and the law as an obligation of that debt , and the lord christ as paying it . he then shews the difference , and tells us , god must be considered as a rector , &c. p. 113. and p. 141. there is an allusion to them ( the socinian argument ) to a debt and payment , which is the most improper expression used in this matter . the same you 'll find , essenius triumphus crucis p. 391 , 399. turretin . instit. theol. par . 2. p. 264. 462. in like manner they place satisfaction in an equivalent in many things , and not the same for kind in all , essenius p. 340. dr. stillingfleet of sufferings of christ , p. 244 , 245. many more instances might be given . 2. but our principles are far from being the off-spring of socinianism , as being of the same nature with it , which he meaneth . they are nothing which is properly socinian , or condemned as such by either synod or men of learning : so far are we from being half socinians . the socinian principles are summarily reduced to that of the trinity , and that of christ's satisfaction . they deny the deity of christ as the son of god by eternal generation : we affirm it , they deny the personality of the holy ghost , we affirm it . the malice of our author cannot pretend to touch us there . the socinians deny that christ died a proper sacrifice for sin ; we affirm it . they deny that christ's sufferings were the punishment of our sins , we affirm it . they deny that christ satisfied divine justice , or died in our place : we affirm he satisfied justice , and that christ died in our place and in our stead : he died that we might not die , who were liable to die : he gave his life for ours . they say christ died for our good , not by way of merit at all strictly : we affirm that christ properly merited all the saving good we enjoy . the good they say christ died for is , the giving us an example of patience , confirming his doctrin , and at highest , the ratifying the covenant wherein our own faith and obedience is by acceptilation accepted instead of a perfect legal righteousness , and this exclusive of christ's satisfaction and righteousness ; and that he attends to this is what they mean when they say christ in some sort may be said to give us life . but we affirm , that the good christ merited is reconciliation with god , pardon of sins , and eternal glory , &c. as well as that he gave us an example of patience , &c. and we truly affirm that we have no righteousness that answers the law but christ's , and that christ's righteousness is imputed to us , as that wherein we stand before a just god , and is as available to us for salvation , as if we had done and suffered what christ did ; and we renounce all our own obedience and works legal and evangelical as any part of that righteousness in , or for which we are pardoned , accepted , or glorified . our very faith , and much less our repentance or other good works , is not any merit or procuring cause of our justification . the whole use and place we assign to faith in our justification , and to repentance in the pardon of sin , is , that they are the things which the gospel requireth in those whom god will impute the righteousness of christ to for actual pardon , and a title to eternal glory ; as promising to impute christ's righteousness to believers , and actual pardon to the believing penitent ; as also , the possession of glory to such as persevere in faith and holiness ; and all in , by , and for the only righteousness of christ , as the sole meriting , enclining , and procuring cause . reader , judge between us , yea , let the searcher of hearts judge , whether we are not wronged by this brother . i have in this book as well as formerly , shewed , that by reward is meant no more than an encouragement to a duty established by the gospel , as a law , not whereby governing iustice enjoineth us to work out a righteousness as our title to eternal life ; but a law , wherein grace in a way of government , appoints conditions that render us the subjects of saving benefits , as the effects of christ's righteousness , and to be received and enjoyed in his right . again , whereas some call faith our subordinate righteousness , i have evidenced that they intend no more than a performed condition of the gospel , and no way a righteousness of the same kind , or to the same end or purpose with christ's righteousness . also when any of us say that we are justified by faith as an act , justification is then taken in quite another sense from justification by christ's righteousness ; the last being universal as to our persons and state ; the former being only of a particular cause , viz. are we believers ? and but consequently , are we the persons the gospel promiseth to deal with as believers ? also i have shewn , that justification is entire in all its causes ; and that faith doth no more than connote us the objects or subjects on whom this justification is conferred by god as a benefit , or the object on whom the justifying act terminates by the gospel . if these be semisocinian principles , i undertake to shew , that all or most of the noted protestant confessions of faith , and the body of our protestant divines of name , yea , especially such as have written against socinianism , are semisocinian . sure then our author either reads our principles in a false glass , or he knows no more of socinianism , than that it is a scandalous word , and so fit to brand those with , whose worth , acceptance and usefulness , he beholdeth with an envious eye ; wherein i except my self . mr. m. hath done more to favour socinianism than all those whom he accuseth . 1. by calling such semisocinians , whose doctrin and principles will approve themselves to most men to be orthodox . many will abate their prejudice against the real socinian , as not being so bad as the word imported . 2. he falls in wholly with the socinians , in denying christ's incarnation to be a part of his humiliation , and deprives us of the force of one of the greatest texts for the deity of christ , phil. 2.6 , 7. 3. he supports the socinian cause , and one of their strongest topicks against the satisfaction of christ ; by speaking still of god as a creditor , sin as a debt , the law as a money bond , christ as a money surety ; whereas all our divines find it impossible to defend that doctrin , without denying this metaphor , and therefore plead , that god is to be considered as a rector , sin a crime , sinners criminals , christ a sponsor , in consistency with his being redeemer , mediatour , saviour , sacrifice and priest , &c. for if sin were a money debt , why could not god forgive it without satisfaction , as well as other creditors do , &c. 4. he grants the absurdity in the sense objected by the socinians , and still opposed by our divines , viz. that we are as righteous as christ in equality ; turretin . instit . theol. p. 714 , 715. proves that licet , &c. though we are justified by christ's righteousness imputed , non sequitur nos non minus justos esse quam christum ; it doth not follow that we are no less righteous than christ : so doth dr. owen of iustif. p. 509 , 510. all our celebrated opposers of socinianism do the same . mr. m. may say as well of these as he doth of us , for denying it as they do ; they have a heart-hatred of standing in the righteousness of christ. 5. the socinians have their whole cause favoured against the deity of christ ( or at least the arrians ) by what he asserts concerning the person of the son of god. he makes him such a god as was capable of a real glory to be added to him , that as god he might be under god's frowns and displeasure ; might quit and forgo the actual enjoyment of that love , glory and inheritance , which as son of god he was entitled to , and possessed of before his incarnation , ( not in a way of manifestation , nor as to his humane nature , but in reality , and as to his divine nature , in which alone he acted before his incarnation ) a god capable of an acquired right , superadded to his natural right to those very riches , love , and glory , which he enjoyed before he was son of man. and also , that the humane nature belongs to the constitution of the person of the son of god as it is now , p. 8. &c. are not these bold strokes , which i have before fully proved to be his assertions ? though charity binds me to acknowledge , that i think he designeth not to oppose the eternal deity of the son of god , by assertions so unsuitable to the divine essence ; and so mistaketh what god is , rather than who he is . 6. i might add , he blasts all the opposition made by our best authors against socinianism , by branding even them as semisocinians . to say nothing of his representing the doctrin of imputed righteousness in a manner not defensible , and tempting to most mens being socinians , unless they have a better notion of it . few will believe , that we did legally do and suffer what christ did ; that we are as righteous as christ ; and that the gospel enjoineth no duty as a condition on us for obtaining the blessed effects of christ's merits , which be the only ground of his quarreling thus hotly with us . men of his suspicious temper will judge , he designeth to favour socinianism , by calling us semisocinians . 12. mr. m. attempts to instruct us how to preach , but with an evil insinuation , and in some things very contrary to apostolical preaching . thus your teachers should instruct and lead you . this is the apostles direction to titus , that he should teach them that have believed , to be careful to maintain good works ; not to teach and press sinners in their vnbelief , to fall to doing of good works first , and overlook believing wholly , or to postpone it after them , p. 69. repl. 1. which teacher of his hearers doth teach any to postpone faith , or overlook it wholly , or delay it at all ? if by believing he means a due accepting of a whole christ , yea , do not they direct them to expect all from god through christ , and look to christ as he in whom all fulness is ? but our author is one of them who think , christ is never preached , unless his name be mentioned , and that as a priest too . his revealed truths , and enjoined laws , &c. are not preaching christ. 2. but may one call sinners to no duty till they are believers ? must they not be prest to examin themselves , pray , read the word , hear it preached , fear god , teach their families , love their wives , meditate , consider , strive with their hearts , resist temptations , believe the scriptures , nor relieve the poor , till they be believers ? peter was to learn of our author to preach ; for though he knew simon magus to be in the gall of bitterness , yet he bids him then repent of this thy wickedness , and pray god if perhaps the thoughts of thy heart may be forgiven thee , acts 9.22 . perhaps he 'll say he believed ; true , in such a manner as i fear some that pretend high to faith exceed not . paul gives such an account of much of his ministry at first to jews and gentiles , acts 26.20 . that they should repent and turn unto god , and do works meet for repentance ; the baptist was an ill teacher , and christ's sermon on the mount , mat. 5. and paul's at lystra , acts 14.15 , 16. needed mr. m's direction . paul saith to unbelievers , we are men of like passions with you , ( thus far he 'll agree ) and preach unto you , that you should turn from these vanities unto the living god that made heaven and earth , &c. a good work is pressed before they believed . here mr. m. would have told him , you paul should not teach thus . but what are his reasons ? 1. they that believed in god should be charged to excel in good works ; therefore they that believe not in christ , should not be pressed to endeavour to set upon doing any good work , hos. 5. 4. they must not so much as frame their doings to turn unto the lord. 2. a few words after ; through faith that righteousness will be upon you ; and being upon you , it will produce good works . here it seems ( as i have oft heard it urged ) ministers should not urge you , nor you strive and labour after good works , this righteousness will produce them ; but are all that i hope have faith , so abundant therein , as not to need spurs ? do all that pretend to it , shew that they have it by it's fruits ? and how can we know them ? and is its being upon us the next principle of good works ; for though it be the meriting cause of all as it is in christ , yet holy habits are the next principle with the spirits influence : and above all , must we cease to declare the whole will of god to all that hear us , till we know is christ's righteousness upon them ? yea , is it because they are dead in sin before faith , that we must not press them to repent , fear and love god , &c. the same reason will hold against pressing them to saving faith , which of themselves they can as little perform : and if it be by the word that god regenerates our hearers . why may not the spirit infuse life , by calling men to repent , &c. as well as to believe ; and a true principle of life will act duly , though i think not in the same order of discernable actings in every convert . but however it 's certain , that if by preaching repentance the spirit quickens a soul , that soul is as sure to believe when quickned , as it is to repent when it believes . and so our author makes but a spiteful flourish , when he would induce our hearers to think we teach them amiss , because we learn not of him . since the printing of my answer , to what mr. m. calls my second damning error , viz. that i make the state of believers to be undecided , and in suspence during this life . i have found the word vndecided in my gospel truth stated , p. 55. which i then was ignorant of , though i cast my eye on the bottom of that very page . my words are , the covenant , though conditional , is a disposition of grace ; there 's grace in giving ability to perform the conditions , as well as in bestowing the benefits : god's enjoyning one in order to the other , makes not the benefit to be less of grace , but it is a display of god's wisdom , in conferring the benefit suitably to the nature and state of men in this life , whose eternal condition is not eternally decided , but are in a state of trial ; yea , the conditions are but a meetness to receive the blessing . but as i have in my answer shewed , that i oft in gospel truth stated , affirm , that the elect shall persevere in faith , and that every true saint is now in a state of salvation . so i shall only add , 1. i do not here mention believers , but men in general , yea , rather unbelievers . 2. by eternally decided any man may see , that i had an eye only to god's iudicial decision at death , and the more solemn sentence at the last judgment ; when we die , our warfare is finished , and our state , as viatores , is at an end . 3. what meaneth all the scripture cautions ( even to believers ) such as watch , &c. pass the time of your sojourning here in fear , &c. if all our state be decided so , while we have many years , temptations , and persevering work before us ; as it will be beyond the grave : alas how many are long deceived by the meer form of godliness , and they that are godly , are called to caution and care , on this very consideration , that they are to be judged , 1 pet. 1.17 . which were useless to such as are in termino , 2 tim. 4.7 , 8. rev. 2.10 . see more in my answer . the point of the embrio was not fit for my large insisting on , or i could have proved , that an embrio is not an unformed , unorganized mass or lump , &c. finis . the five following books have been lately published by the author of this discourse : printed for john dunton at the raven in the poultry . 1. gospel truth stated and vindicated ; wherein some of dr. crisp's opinions are considered , and the opposite truths are plainly stated and confirmed . the second edition . 2. a defence of gospel-truth : being a reply to mr. chancy . 3. the vanity of childhood and youth ; wherein the depraved nature of young people is represented , and means for their reformation proposed : being some sermons preached at the request of several young men. 4. a discourse , shewing that repentance of national sins god requires , if ever we expect national mercies . 5. man made righteous by christ's obedience : being two sermons preached at pinners-hall , with enlargements , &c. also some remarks on mr. mather's postscript , &c. an essay upon reason , and the nature of spirits . by dr. burthogg . heads of agreement assented to by the united ministers in and about london . the fourth volume of the morning exercise . there will also be extant in a few days , the second volume of the french book of martyrs . published by her majesties royal priviledge . there is in the press , remarks upon bishop king's late book , concerning the inventions of men in the worship of god. by the reverend mr. iohn boyse . malbranch's search after truth , will also be published in a few weeks . a reply to mr. rutherfurd, or a defence of the answer to reverend mr. herles booke against the independency of churches. vvherein such objections and answers, as are returned to sundry passages in the said answer by mr. samuel rutherfurd, a godly and learned brother of the church of scotland, in his boke entituled the due right of presbyters, are examined and removed, and the answer justified and cleared. / by richard macher [sic] teacher to the church at dorchester in new england. 1646. mather, richard, 1596-1669. 1647 approx. 445 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 67 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a88948 wing m1275 thomason e386_9 estc r201478 99861982 99861982 114129 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88948) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114129) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 61:e386[9]) a reply to mr. rutherfurd, or a defence of the answer to reverend mr. herles booke against the independency of churches. vvherein such objections and answers, as are returned to sundry passages in the said answer by mr. samuel rutherfurd, a godly and learned brother of the church of scotland, in his boke entituled the due right of presbyters, are examined and removed, and the answer justified and cleared. / by richard macher [sic] teacher to the church at dorchester in new england. 1646. mather, richard, 1596-1669. [12], 80, 71-109 [i.e. 119], [1] p. printed for j. rothwell, and h. allen at the sun and fountaine in pauls church-yard, and the crown in popes-head alley, london : 1647. text is continuous despite pagination. annotation on thomason copy: "may 8th". "macher" is altered in ms. to "mather" on t.p. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rutherford, samuel, 1600?-1661. -due right of presbyteries -early works to 1800. herle, charles, 1598-1659 -early works to 1800. church of scotland -government -early works to 1800. independant churches -england -early works to 1800. congregationalism -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. church polity -early works to 1800. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a reply to mr. rutherfurd , or , a defence of the answer to reverend mr. herles booke against the independency of churches . vvherein such objections and answers , as are returned to sundry passages in the said answer by mr. samuel rutherfurd , a godly and learned brother of the church of scotland , in his booke entituled the due right of presbyters , are examined and removed , and the answer justified and cleared . by richard ma●her teacher to the church at dorchester in new england . 1646. london , printed for j. rothwell , and h. allen at the sun and fountaine in pauls church-yard , and the crown in popes-head alley , 1647 , the authors preface to the reader . christian reader , having published some yeares agoe , a small treatise , in way of a brotherly answer to reverend master herle ; i now present unto thy view a defence thereof against such objections and answers as have been returned to sundry passages therein , by reverend and learned master rutherfurd . in which undertaking it hath been farre from my intention to increase or uphold the differences that have appeared of late yeares in england amongst the servants of the lord , about matters of church government . for i had much rather bring prayers and teares for the quenching of such fires , then fewell or oyle for the increasing thereof : neither shall the same i hope , be any thing at all increased by what here i present now thy view . at the least this i may say , that i intended no such thing but the contrary , even the promoting of truth and peace , if it were the will of god so to blesse my desires and endeavors . true it is , i have taken the liberty to consider and try some things delivered by that reverend brother whom here i have to doe withall , but this i trust cannot be justly offensive , in as much as the spirit of the prophets is subject to the prophets , 1 cor. 14. 32. and the doctrine of the apostle himselfe was examined by those noble bereans , whom the holy ghost commendeth for searching the scriptures daily , whether those things were so act. 17. 11. it is also true which our reverend brother saith in his epistle to the reader , before his peaceable plea , that there is great cause of sorrow that all the lords people should not minde one thing , and sing one song , and joyne in one against the children of babel . neverthelesse , this may be some comfort against this sorrow , that by the providence of the lord this diversity of opinions and disputes , if it be christianly carried as it may , may occasion and produce in the issue the further clearing up of truth . for as our author well observeth , from the collision of opinions resulteth truth : and disputes as stricken flints cast fire for light . due right of presbyt . epistle to the reader . the desire and hope whereof , together with the advice of such brethren as i consulted withall , was that which chiefely prevailed with me for the publishing of this reply , wherein the reader will finde sundry scriptures and questions controverted in these times , discussed and considered so farre as the nature of a reply or defence did lead thereto ; and i hope some or other through gods blessing may receive some profit thereby . and if the humble christian who desires to know , and love and practise the truth , shall receive any benefit or help for attaining these ends by meanes of this labour of mine , it is that which i intended and aimed at , and for which i desire that god alone may have the praise and glory . if any shall still remaine otherwise minded ; yet in due time i hope god shall reveale even this unto them . in the meane time , diversity of apprehensions in these points ought not to bred any alienation of affection amongst those that are otherwise orthodoxe , and sincere . it were a thousand pitties , if it should . for my part , i cannot but approve what this reverend brother sometime professeth , that he doth both love and dispute , contradict and reverence at once : peaceable plea : epist . yea , he counts himselfe a debtor for love , charity , honour and all due respect in christ jesus , and a seat and lodging in his heart and highest esteeme to all those that be godly , lovers of the truth , and sufferers for the truth against prelacy , though possibly they like not well of presbyteriall government : ibid. in answer whereto ( for i would be loth that such love should be lost upon us , without due returne of the like ) i would for my part professe the like deare and due respect to all those that are qualifyed as here he doth describe ( of which sort i know there are many ) though possibly they may like better of the way that is called presbyteriall , then of the congregationall . for those that give apparent testimonies that they are the lord's , and so that they must live together in heavens , i know not why they should not love one another on earth , what ever differences of apprehensions may for the present be found amongst them in some things . as for bitternesse of spirit and tartnesse of contests , i never thought that to be gods way of promoting truth amongst brethren , and therefore i have endevoured in this discourse to avoid the same . for i beleeve there is more hope of doing good by solidity of argument with a spirit of meeknesse and love , then by sharp and tart language , the fruit of bitternesse of spirit , wherein for the most part right of reason is wanting , the passions being there most vehement and stirring , where the intellectuals are most ●eeble and weake . now if any aske why this defence hath been so long deferred , it being now two yeares and more since master rutherfurd his due right of presbyt . came forth , such may be pleased to consider that new england being as 't is counted 3000 miles distant from old ; therefore many books may be extant in england a long time afore we that are so remote can so much as heare any sound thereof : and those few that come to our knowledge , are commonly extant in england a matter of a yeares space afore , and sometimes longer . in which respect many things may be spoken and printed against us , whereto it cannot be expected that we should returne any speedy answer . and though it be now twelve moneths agoe or more since master rutherfurd his due right of presbyt . came to my hands , yet at that time my few spare houres from my constant and ordinary employments were wholly taken up otherwise , so that i could not attend this businesse any sooner : which i desire may be accepted as a just apologie for the late coming forth of this reply ; which as it may seeme late , so it is more large then in some respect i could have desired , by reason that i doe usually transcribe those words of master rutherfurd , whereto i d●e apply my answer ; which course i confesse i did not unwillingly ( in some respects ) chuse , partly to save the reader a labour of turning to the place in master rutherfurd which i am speaking too ; which else he must have done , or have taken things upon my report upon trust ; and partly that my candid and faire dealing with the author , whom i have to doe withall might the better appeare . for when a mans words are not kept , but forsaken , and others substituted in their place , his minde and meaning may soone be mistaken , and represented amisse unto the reader . which is a practise that i have often seene , but never approved ; and therefore i have not used it . for i would be loth to wrong any man ; specially a man of such worth as i take master rutherfurd to be , by imputing to him what he doth not teach nor deliver : and for this cause it is that i have usually transcribed and expressed his owne words ; and by this meanes my booke is growne to the greater bulk . one thing more i would advertise the reader of , and then i shall quickly have done : the figures from 185 and so forward , noting the number of the pages in master rutherfurd his treatise , are set downe twice therein , once in their proper place , and againe after the page 484. wherefore if any of these pages be quoted in this reply , as some of them are , if the thing that is alleaged be not found in the page that is named , looke for it in the other place of the booke where are the same figures , and there you may finde it . courteous reader , study the truth in a way of piety and peace : be zealous for it , but lose not love to the saints : beware , when the world is filled with disputes about discipline , that thou be not drawne onely to erroneous opinions in maine matters of doctrine . be sure to practise and expresse the power of godlinesse in humility of minde , mortification of thy own corruption , faith in the lord jesus , and love to all his redeemed ; and be not by any meanes drawne away from these things , which doe so mainly conduce to thy salvation . finally as the holy ghost saith , phil. 4. 8 , 9. whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are lovely , pure , and of good report , if there be any vertue , if there be any praise , thinke on these things , and doe them ; and the god of peace shall be with thee . improve i pray such interest as thou hast in god through the mediator , by affording the help of thy prayers for me , who am truly desirous of thy salvation , r. m. decemb. 10. 1646. a table of the contents of the ensuing treatise . chap. 1. of appeales from particular congregations , and the true cause of appeales , and whether by mr rutherford his doctrine in this point there must not be appeales to generall counsells , whose power of iurisdiction he doth not yet deny . page . 2. chap. 2. of the power of synods to give advite and counsell , and whether from thence it doth follow that they have no power to command . page . 11. chap. 3. of the assembly , acts. 15. whether they did exercise any power of iurisdiction , against the obtruders of circumcision , and whether their rebuking of them does argue the affirmative . page . 15. chap. 4. of the dogmaticall power of synods : and of the power of congregations to determine matters amongst themselves , if ability serve thereto . page . 21. chap. 5. againe of that assembly acts. 15. whether their rebuking the false teachers do prove a power of iurisdiction and excommunication in synods : and whether preaching do prove the assembly where it is , to be a church . page . 24. chap. 6. whether the power of synods be a power of iurisdiction ; and of the dependance of the synagogues upon the synedrion at ierusalem . page . 30. chap. 7. whether the lawfulnesse or necessity of appeales doe prove a superiority of iurisdiction in synods over congregations , and of sundry sayings of our author which seeme to interfere . page . 39. chap. 8. whether antioch acts. 15. had right to have ended the controversie amongst themselves , if they had bin able , and whether their sending to jerusalem for helpe , or their knowledge that other churches were troubled with the like evill , or the party among themselves who were against the truth , do prove the contrary . and of supremacy of power in congregations . page . 49. chap. 9. whether the congregationall way or the presbyteriall do make the gospel more defective , then the law of excommunication by a church that hath onely three elders , and of doing things suddenly . page . 66. chap. 10. whether the necessity of discipline be greater then of sacraments : and whether a congregation that hath neighbours may not exercise entirenesse of iurisdiction , as well as one that hath none ; and whether a man may take on him the whole minestry , having no outward calling thereto ; and may not as well take on him one act of baptising or ministring the lords supper . page . 75. chap. 11. whether the power of iurisdiction flowing immediately from the essence of a church , doe not agree to a church that hath neighbours , as well as to a church that hath none ; and whether otherwise neighbouring churches be not a losse . and whether pretence of male-administration be a sufficient reason for neighbouring churches to deprive a congregation of its power . page . 93 chap. 12. whether it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be iudge , and whether mr rutherford can safely say that none of them do so teach ; and whether this saying , that parties may not be iudges , do make against entirenesse of power in a congregation , any more then in a generall or nationall councell . page . 104. chap. 13. whether the churches at thessalonica and jerusalem , were each of them more then one congregation , and of mr. baynes his judgement therein . of the assembly mentioned luke . 12. and whether our saviour did there speake to his disciples onely , or to all the people also . page . 112. chap. 14. whether the church at corinth was one church meeting distributively in sundry congregations , or whether it was onely one congregation . and whether 1 cor. 14. 23. if the whole church come together in some place , &c. doe make for sundry congregations or for one onely . page . 123. chap. 15. whether the church at ephesus were more in number then corinth and jerusalem ; and the judgement of mr baynes whether that church was many congregations or one onely . page . 137. chap. 16. whether the church at antioch was onely one congregation : and whether acts. 14. 27. and 15. 30. doe not prove the affirmative . page . 140. chap. 17. whether or no liberties are given by christ to the people , but women must exercise the same as well as men . and of the peoples liberty about ordination , or the calling of ministers . page . 146. chap. 18. of mr rutherfords report of synodicall propositions in new-england . page . 151. chap. 19. of the appeales of luther and cranmer , and of the power of iurisdiction in generall councels denied by mr. rutherford ; whether therein be doe not contradict himselfe , and also overthrow the iurisdiction of classicall , provinciall , and nationall assemblies . page . 153. chap. 20. if it were granted that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in monarchies , whether would it not follow that the government of churches must so end , as well as that congregations must depend on the government of synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion in government to other societies . and whether the multitude of grecians and hebrewes , who ch●se the seven deacons acts. 6. were two congregations , or one onely . page . 159. chap. 21. whether congregations may be excommunicated by classes and synods , by vertue of those words ▪ mat. 18. tell the church , as containing a rule and remedy for all offences , or at the least a church remedy for the offences of churches and church members . and if yea , whether it would not thereupon follow , that a nationall church must have the benefit of this remedy as well as others ; and so have no independency of iurisdiction within it selfe , but be subject to the jurisdiction of generall counsels , which yet mr. rutherford doth deny . page . 164. chap. 22. when the supreame magistrate is a professed enemy to religion , whether then it be likely and usuall , that the greater part of the people are sincerely religious , and whether when the greater part are enemies with their magistrates , it be then the duty of a few that are sincere , to assemble in a nationall synod , and there to enter into a nationall covenant , and also to injoyne the same unto that greater part . page . 170. chap. 23. whether the word church be not given to a single congregation : and whether a congregation be a company or church-meeting onely for word and sacraments , and not for any other spirituall duties : and whether the divers duties , 1. of word and sacraments , 2. of discipline , &c. must needs argue divers churches . page . 175. chap. 24 whether those children of israell numb . 8. 10. who laid hands on the levites were elders by office , and as so considered did lay on their hands . and whether this scripture do not prove , that where there are no elders to be had , there some principall members though no elders by office , may impose hands on church-officers . page . 180 chap. 25. whether a ministers calling consist in election or imposition of hands , and whether of these is greater , and whether is prior or posterior . whether 1 tim. 4. 14. acts. 6 2 , 3 , 4. acts. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. doe prove that the ministers calling consists in imposition of hands by the presbeterie , and that such imposition of hands is not a consummatory rite or benedictory signe . also whether rom. 10. 15. do prove that a man cannot be a minister , except some presbyterie ordaine him before the people choose him , and whether otherwise the people doe send a minister to themselves . and whether the people of god may not as well discerne a mans fitnesse to be ordained , as his fitnesse to be elected . page . 196. chap. 26. whether the epistles to timothy and titus wherein there are contained rules of direction in laying on of hands , do prove that this action may not in any case be performed by non-officers , but must be performed onely by presbyteries ; and whether the argument do not make as strongly for the appropriating of laying on of hands to the prelates , as to the presbyteries , and do not as well exclude the presbyteries from medling therein , as exclude the people . page . 206. to the christian reader . in the yeare 1643. there came forth a treatise against independency , under the name of my reverend and learned brother mr. charles herle , the pastor of winwick in lancashire . this treatise , because it seemed to bee written with such a candid and peaceable spirit as might witnesse for its author that the thing he aymed at therein was meerly the disquisition of the truth ; and because the author thereof was many yeares agoe of my reverend brother mr. tompsons acquaintance and mine ; therefore we thought it might not be in vaine if we should lovingly communicate to the learned author such apprehensions of ours , whereby wee were detained from concurring with his judgement in the principall question disputed in the said treatise . and therefore in the latter end of the same yeare , there came forth a small script under our name in way of a brotherly answer to that his loving and learned treatise . against this answer mr. samuell rutherford a learned writer of the church of scotland , hath alledged and published many objections . exceptions , and answers , in his booke entituled the due right of presbyteries : i may call them many , because in that treatise of his there are no lesse then 24 or 25 severall places , wherein he bring up by name the said answer , disputing against sundry passages therein as if they were not sound ; which passages if they be indeed erronious and unsound , are a great many to bee contained and found in so small a work the whole booke as it is now printed containing in it 30. leaves : so that the leaves in the booke are not much more then the places therein which this learned writer doth object against ; which being considered , i thought it therefore needfull to peruse and weigh as the lord should helpe , the severall places of his fore-mentioned treatise , wherein he deales against the said answer : and having so done , i here present my apprehentions to publike view , leaving the prudent and judicious reader to consider and judge ; whether this reverend and learned brother have sufficiently overthrowne or weak'ned the said answer , or whether the same doe not still remaine agreable to the rule of truth , notwithstanding his objections against the same , or such answers as he doth returne to severall passages therein . chap. i. of appeales from particular congregations and the true cause of appeales ; and whether by mr. rutherford his doctrine in this point there may not be appeales to generall councils , whose power of iu●isdiction he doth yet deny . first of all in his page 315. ( for that is the first place wherein i find him medling with the answer ) speaking of doubts concerning math. 18. 17. tell the church ; in a 9 . th objection about that scripture , besides other particulers hee hath these words , viz. there is no reason to appeale to a higher iudicature because the inferiour may erre , because all above a congregation are courts which may erre ; presbyteries provinciall , nationall , the universall councill of the catholicke church may erre : and then for author of this part of the objection hee subjoyneth my name , and answer to mr. herle , cap. 2. pag. 13 , 14. answ . when hee is discoursing of doubts concerning that scripture , math 18. tell the church , i know no reason why hee should bring those words of mine at such a time or for such a purpose . for though i doe acknowledge that i wrote the words which hee hath set downe or such like , in the place by him alledged ; yet that they were brought by me for such purpose as hee doth report ( viz. for the cleering of doubts concerning the meaning of math. 18 17. ) that i doe utterly deny . he that shall looke upon the chapter and pages alledged , will find that i doe not there meddle at all with that scripture , either for one purpose or another ; and therefore cannot be truly said to have used the words alledged , in way of cleering doubts concerning the same . and albeit in another place , ( cap. 3. pag. 22. et sequ . ) i doe purposely speake to that scripture ; yet in that place there is no mention at all of the words by him alledged nor of any such like , and where such words are to be found , there that scripture is not mentioned at all . now who knoweth not that a man may be much wronged , when the words which hee hath spoken are taken and applyed to such a purpose , for which he did never bring them nor intend them . but to let this passe , let us heare what our reverend author saith against the words alledged , in his answer . the cause of appeales , saith he , is not because inferiour iudicatures may erre , for so wee might appeale from all iudicatures , even from a generall councill , for it may erre , pag. 315. lin . ult . answ . is not this the very same that was said in the answer , pag. 13 , 14. the pages which hee here undertakes to answer , is it not there said ; as for classicaticall provinciall , and nationall synods , there is none of these but those cases of deficiency and possibility of partiality may befall the best of them ; and therefore if for these causes the single congregations may not be indep●ndant , but there may be appeales from them , the synods being subject to the like , there may bee liberty of appeales from them also — . for as the congregations may be partiall and erre , so we suppose it will not be denyed but the classis may erre , the provinciall synod may erre , the nationall may erre , yea generall councils may erre ; and so by this reason not synods nor generall councils may have entirenesse of jurisdiction , but there may be liberty of appeales from them also . these are our words in those very pages which here mr. rutherford pretends to answer and disprove or confute . but in stead of a confutation we see we have nothing but a plaine confession or affirmation of his owne , that the thing is even so as was affirmed by us before . now why hee should make a show of taking away or weak'ning that which we had said , and then in stead of accomplishing what he undertakes , to doe no more but onely to say the same thing againe which wee had said before , what reason i say he had for this i know not ; but plaine it is that for the particular in hand , the answer which he pretends to weaken , is not yet weakned at all , but rather strengthned and confirmed by his apparent yeelding the cause , and affirming the same that was before affirmed by us . but saith hee pag. 316. the true cause ( viz. of appealing to higher courts ) is , 1. because they doe not so frequently erre . 2. they are not so inclined and disposed to erre ; for many eyes see more then one , and doe more seldome miscarry in taking up the right object : 3. because wee conceive more equality and lesse partiality in higher courts . answ . these three reasons seeme much what the same , or to hang one upon another ; for therefore they doe more seldome erre because they are not so disposed and inclined to erre , and they are not so inclined because they are more in number , and because there is in them more equality and lesse partiality : so that upon the matter it is but one reason , viz. because though they may erre , yet not so frequently and likely as the congregation . yet ( be they three reasons , or be they but one ) let us consider what force there is in this sa●ing to take away entirenesse of iurisdiction from a congregation , and to establish the necessity of appealing from the same unto a synod , for this is the thing that should be cleared . first of all it may be a question , whether synods doe more seldome erre then the presbyteries of congregations : and the reason of the doubt is ; because the promise of the presence of ch●●st is not made meerly to multitude or greatnesse of number ; but if they bee but two or three gathered together in his name , his promise is that hee will be present in the midst of them , math. 18. 20. now the promise of his presence being to so small a number gathered together in his name , why may not a congregation and its presbyterie being so gathered , though they be a lesser number then synods and councels ; yet bee partakers of the benefit of this promise , for the preserving of them from error , as well as those greater assemblies ? 〈…〉 not but in multitude of counsellers there is safety : nor doe i doubt but synods and council● gathered together in the name of christ , may expect the per●●●●ance of this promise of our saviours presence : but the thing i doubt of is this , whether a congregationall church of saints , furnished with an able and ●aithfull presbyterie ( for of such onely doe i speake ) may not by vertue of this promise bee as frequently preserved fro● error as those greater assemblies of synods and councils , posito that the synods and counci●ls did as frequently come together as the congregation doth : for otherwise i grant , the synods meeting more seldome may erre more seldome : but let the comparison be equall in respect of the time of assembling and comming together , and then i doubt whether synods 〈◊〉 preserved from error any oftener then the fore-mentioned lesser assemblies . it is well knowne what n●zianzen said of synods or councils in his time , viz. that hee had never seene good and happie end of any of them , and that evils were not so much redressed as increased thereby . epist . ad procop●um , quae est numere 42. referr . whitak de concill . q. 1. cap. 3. true it is , nazianzen lived as dr. whi●●● observeth , pessimis & turbulentissimia ecclesiae temporibus , in very corrupt and troublesome titues , when by reason that valens the emperour was averse from the truth , h●retickes much prevailed and corruptions greatly increased ; and this might make the good man something more to dislike all councils then there was cause . neverthelesse his words doe apparently witnesse , that in his time synods and councils did not seldome erre but very often ; so that hee for his part had never seene good that had come by any of them . then which saying i suppose one would not speake more hardly of a particular congregation and its presbyterie ; and therefore by this testimony of his my doubt is increased ; whether the matter be in 〈…〉 mr. rutherford doth say , viz. that synods and councils doe rariùs erra●● , more seldome erre then such a particular congregation as here i am speaking of . but suppose it were so as hee doth affirme ( and i will not deny it , onely as i said i doubt of it ) yet i doe not see what great matter hee can gaine thereby for the furthering of his purpose , that there must be liberty of appeales from particular congregations unto classes and synods , as unto higher courts . for if this be the reason 〈◊〉 such appeales , because such assemblies doe more seldome erre , because many eyes doe see more , and doe more seldome miscary in taking up the right object ; then it will follow that the greatest assemblies , in as much as they have the most eyes , doe of all others most seldome erre , and so to them there must bee the most appeales . for the learned author well knowes , à quatenùs ad omni● valet consequentia . and so by this meanes the true cause and reason of appeales lying ( according to mr. rutherford his apprehension ) in the rarenesse and seldomnesse of erring in such assemblies to whom appeales are made , and the cause of this seldomnesse of erring lying in the multitude and great number of eyes in such assemblies , it must needs thereupon follow , that vniversall or generall councils as having in them the most eyes , are the assemblies that doe most seldome erre , and so un●o them there must be most appeales . which if it be gran●ed , the classicall , 〈◊〉 , and nationall synods , are all by this meanes deprived and stri●t of 〈◊〉 of ●●●●diction as well as the particular congregations , the synods by 〈◊〉 to generall councils , as to those that doe ra●iùs c●rare , aswell as the 〈…〉 appeales unto the synods : and so thera must be no entirenesse of 〈…〉 onely in the generall councils , but from all other synods there must 〈◊〉 liberty of appeales , aswell as from the congregation . this consequence for ought i see doth unavoidably follow upon that which mr. rutherford lay undowne as the cause of appealing from a particular congregation : and so ou● brethren by this meanes have spun a fine thred , drawing forth a conclusion which is every what as prejudiciall to their owne cause as to ours . if any aske why may not this consequence be owned ? why may wee not say , there must bee liberty of appeales from all synods and presbyteries , except onely the generall councill ? the answer is , th●t wee may not so say ; because then causes would be too long depending a●ore they could come to issue , yea perhaps would never come to issue as long as this world shall endure : for by this rule they may by appeales upon appeales be protracted untill they be brought to a generall councill to be determined there . now as there hath not beene any such councill for many ages by-past , so it is very uncertaine when there will be one assembled , whether ever or never whilst this world stands . but wee thinke christ jesus hath provided better for his church then so , and hath not appointed such a necessitie of appeales upon appeales , but that causes may bee determined afore any generall councill can be assembled . besides , if such assemblies might be frequently attained , yet it is not yet cleered , that when they are assembled they have any power of iurisdiction at all ; but onely a doctrinall power to cleare up the rule , the power of iurisdiction remaining in some other assembly . sure it is , mr. rutherford thus teacheth expresly , for his words are these ; verily i professe i cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandals can be in a generall councill ; there may bee some meerly doctrinall power if such a councill could be had , and that is all . due right , &c. pag. 482. and in the end of the same page and beginning of the next , speaking of those words , math. 18. tell the church , hee saith thus ; because ordinary communion faileth when you goe higher then a nationall church , and christ's way supposeth an ordinary communion — ; therefore i deny that this remedy is needfull in any church above a nationall church . by which sayings it appeareth , that he counts christs remedy to censure scandals not needfull in a generall councill , yea and hee seriously professeth , that hee cannot see that such a councill if it could bee had , hath any power of iurisdiction at all to censure scandals . which being so , it must needs follow , that scandals must be censured , and causes ended somewhere else , afore they can come 〈◊〉 such end to a generall councill . and if this bee so , then how can that stand which here hee affirmeth , that the true cause of appealing to synods in this ; because they doe rariùs errare , more seldome erre , then the particuler congregation , and having many eyes doe more seldome miscarry in taking up the right object : for this cause is most properly appliable to the generall councill , unto whom notwithstanding hee denies any power of iurisdiction to censure scandals ; and if they h●ve no such power , there can bee no appeales to them for such purpose and end . and how these things can stand toget●er , that the true cause of appeales to such or such assemlies doth he in this , that they doe more seldome erre as having many eyes , and yet that to generall councils there should be no appeales at all , as having no power of iurisdiction , though of all others this cause be most properly ●ound in them , i for my part doe confesse i doe not understand . if any shall say , that as mr. ruthe●ford doth make that which i have mentioned the true cause of appeales , so hee doth also hold a power of iurisdiction even in generall councils ; and shall therefore doubt whether i doe truly report him 〈◊〉 touch the contrary , i would wish no more favour of such a one but to peruse the places which i have here above alledged , and then i hope hee will ●nd the words to bee no otherwise , but as i have set them downe . i know indeed there are some places in him which doe looke another way ; as that where hee saith , it is by accident and not through want of inuat● and intrinsecall power , that the court of a catholick councill can not in an ordinary and constant way exercise that power which now we are speaking of due right , page 308. and a little after hee saith , he seeth nothing to prove that a generall councill hath not power to excommunicate a nationall church . yea and further , that if there were a generall councill at this d●y , they might lawfully in a iuridicall way ( so are his words ) doe that to the faction of romish pretended catholicks ; which hee saith , is excommunication in the essence and substance of th● act. and in the page next ensuing he saith , this of our saviour , tell the church , is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to a catholick councill . these places i confesse doe seeme to me not very well to agree with the either afore alledged : for in the one he plainly affirmes , there is in generall councils power of iurisdiction to censure scanda●s , and in the other hee doth as plainly deny the same . but it is the former places and not these latter which i doe stand upon ; in which former as i conceive him to hold the truth , so for ought i see , that which hee saith in this place wee have in hand about the true cause of appealing from congregations to synods is much infirmed thereby . for how can that be taken to be the true cause of appeales , which is most properly found in such assemblies ( i me●ne in generall councils ) unto whom as having no power of iurisdiction , there must be no ap●eales at all ? to conclude this chapter : when wee doe enquire about power of appealing , and unto what courts appeales must be brought , our way is not to seeke for such ●ourts as cannot erre , for such wee shall never find ; nor for such as we thinke will more seldome erre , as mr. rutherford would have it ; for that rule is also subject to much uncertainty and exception , as hath beene already declared . but the best way is to enquire where the lord jesvs hath placed the power of the last and finall censuring and determining of causes , and when that is found therewith to rest contented . and as for synods and councils , it is neither their not erring , nor their seldome erring that can bee a suffi●ient argument to place the power of iurisdiction in them ; unlesse the lord iesus had so appointed and ordained , which yet doth not appeare . and so much for this first place , wherein our brother deales against the answer . chap. ii. of the power of synods to give advice and counsell , and whether from thence it doth follow , that they have no power to command . the next place wherein i find this learned author dealing with the answer , is in his page 381. where having in the close of a 4 . th objection in the prece●ent page brought in these words , viz. a synod in dogmaticall power ariseth no higher then this ( viz. a man , or a single congregation ) as that a divine institution doth fall upon it . amongst other things in his answer to the objection hee saith thus , viz. i would know if a synods dogmaticall power be above the power of single congregations ; i think saith he , it is not by our brethrens tenents ; for they say expressely that every particular church hath right , jus , to decide dogmaticall points : this right the church of antioch had ( act. 15 ) an● laboured to end that controversie within her selfe , which sheweth that they had right an● power : but they had not ability ; and therefore in that case they seeke for counsell , light , and advise from other churches — . and then amongst other places for proofe that this is our tenent , hee alledgeth in his margent my name and mr. tompson● in the answer to mr. herle , chap. 2. and after the words above rehearsed and some others to the like purpose , hee inferreth thus : hence saith hee , the power of synods is onely by way of counsell and advise . answ . to omit ( at least for this time ) the other places alledged in his margent , and not to examine how farre his answer reacheth to satisfie the objection , as himselfe hath propounded it ; i will onely consider of such things as doe directly concerne the answer , for that is the scope ●ayme at , and i endeavour to keepe close thereto . first therefore i have this to say , that for the dogmaticall power of synods above congregations , for the right and power of the church of antioch in particular , and for the power of synods to bee onely by way of counsell and advise , there is not in the chapter alledged so much as one word about any one of those 〈◊〉 either one way or another ; so that i cannot but marvell why this reverend brother should alledge that chapter for such a purpose . 2. although in another place of the answer , viz. page 4● . there be words to the like purpose with those which our author here sets downe concerning antioch , yet for the conclusion and consequence which hee would thence inferre , viz. that the power of synods is onely by way of counsell and advice , as there is nothing said ● the chapter by him alledged that lookes that way , so there is nothing in the page or chapter where a●tioch is spoken of , nor any where else in all th● booke 〈◊〉 as i doe remember , that can any way serve for the proving of such a conclusion and tenent to bee ours . the author alledgeth no place that hath such a conclusion in it , either in direct words or by just consequence : and i professe that for my part i doe not know of any such . 3. but this i doe know that the direct contrary to what here is expressed is plainly to be found in another place of the said answer , viz. pag. 7. where there are these words , viz. if a synod may b● called a church , and if power by disputation and disquisition to cleare up the rule , and then to command obedience thereto , may be called government , then they ( viz. the independants as they are called ) doe admit a synod to bee a governing church , for the power here m●ntioned they doe allow unto synods . now the power here mentioned being , as we see , not onely a power by disputation to cleare up the rule , but also a power to command obedience thereto , they allowing this power unto synods as they doe exprestly say that they doe ; i know not why our brother should say , that they allow unto synods onely a power of counsell and advice . for power to command obedience , and power onely by way of counsell and advice , i suppose are not the same ; and if they be not , i know not how this report in this particuler can bee made good . to me it seemes apparent and undenyable , that they who have power to command obedience , have more then only a power to counsell and advise ; and they who have onely this latter have no power of the ●orme● at all . even interiours , as naamans servants , 2 king. 5. have power to counsell and advise their master , and yet i hope they had no power to command their master to yeeld obedience . 4 suppose it bee true ( which i deny not ) that the answer in another place , ( ●hough not in the place by him alledged ) doth say , that a●tioch had right to have ended the matter amongst themselves , if ability had served thereto , and that by reason of distention and through want of light they were forced to send out to ●●rusalem for helpe , must it needs follow thereupon that his assembly at ierusalem had no more power but onely by way of counsell and advise ? ( which is the conclusion which hee endeavours to draw ●●om that which is said concerning antioch ) i ●●●ceive there is no necessity at all of such a consequence . for whence must the same 〈◊〉 i suppose from one of these two , either from this , that antioch is supposed and said to have had right within her selfe , or else from this that jerusalem gives counsell and advise . any other colour for concluding such a conseptionce as is in question , the answer affords none that i know of . 〈◊〉 for these two particulers here mentioned , they are both insufficient for such 〈◊〉 purpose . for what should hinder but there bee more power in the synod of ●erusalem towards them of antioch then only by way of counsell and advise , even power to command them to do what is their duty , though antioch have right to end the matter themselves , if ability serves thereto ? doth right in one person or assembly to end their ma●●ers if they be able , extempt them from being under the command of others ? hoshoulders have right to governe and order their families , if so be that they be able : doth it follow therefore that superiors in church or civill state have no power to command housholders to do their duty herein , but only to give counsell and advise ? or if housholdere have such right , doth it follow that therefore they are under no command , in church and common-wealth ? i suppose it will not follow at all . or shall we say , that classes and provinciall synods have no right to end their own matters within themselves , if a nationall synod have power to command them ? or if they have such right , shall we therefore say they are not under the command of the nationall synod , and that the nationall synod hath no power over them but only by way of counsell and advise ? wee suppose master rutherford will not say so : and yet he might as well say it , as say as hee he doth , that because antioch hath right to ●nd her own matter if they be able , therefore a synod hath no power but only by way of counsell and advise . and though the synod is to give counsell and advise ( which was the other ground whereon the conclusier afore mentioned seemes to be built ) yet neither will master rutherford his conclus●on , that the power of synods is only by way of counsell and advise , follow from thence at all . for who knoweth not that . counsell and advise may be administred and given by them , who have also power to command ? not every one indeed as may advise and counsell , may forth with command and enjoyne : neverthelesse , counsell and command are not so repugnant , but that they who may command , may also advise . paul had power to command and enjoyne phyl●mon to do what was convenient , and yet for loves sake would rather beseech him , philem. 8. 9. the lord iesus to doubt hath absolute authority to command , and yet we find him sometimes speaking to the sons of men by way of counsell or advise . revel . 3. ●8 . i counsell thee to buy of me gold , that thou mayest he rich , &c. shall we now inferre from hence , that the power of the lord iesus is only by way of counsell aud advise , and that his power cannot amount to the nature of a command ? i suppose we would be afraid and abhorre to deduce such a consequence . and therefore , though a synod may advise , yet their power to command ( which is more then meere counsell and aduise ) is not from thence concluded to be null . and so much for master rutherford his second place , wherein he deales against the answer . chap. iii. of the assembly , act. 15. whether they did exercise any power of iurisdiction against the obtruders of circumcision , and whether their rebuking of them do argue the affirmative . in his page 388. he laies downe this as a 2d. object . viz. that there is no censuring of persons for scandals , and that meeting , act , 15. because there is nothing there but a doctrinall declaration of the falshood of their opinion who taught the necessity of circumcision : and that all is done by way of doctrine and by power of the keyes of knowledge , not of iurisdiction , is cleere from the end of the meeting , which was verse 2 & 6. to consider of that question : consideration of questions being the end of the synod , is a thing belonging to doctrinall power meerely . and then he s●●joyneth my name , and in the margent alledgeth the answer , chap. 1. page 8. ans . whereto i first of all returne this answer . first , that the thing here in question being about the power of that meeting acts 15. there is nothing in the place alledged by master rutherford that can warrant him to frame such an objection under master tompsons name and mine , as proceeding from us : and the reason is , because that meeting acts 15 , is not mentioned at all in the place by him alledged , neither for that purpose which he sets down , nor for any other ; much losse is the objection ours in terminis . now to frame an objection , and to alledge chapter and page for proofe that the objection is ours , when as neither page nor chapter aleadged do speake any thing at all of that matter , what reason can be given for this i know not . neverthelesse , because the matter contayned in the objection doth not much differ from my apprehension and judgement , and something in the answer elsewhere may possibly intimate such a thing , though but briefly touched , i will therefore consider of what he saith for removing the objection as himselfe hath propounded the same . it is false , saith he , that there is no censuring of persons here , for — it is more then evident that the publike synodicall censure of rebuke is put upon those who held and urged the necessity of circumcision , and why not excommunication also in case of obstinacy ? for the synodicall censure of a publike synodicall rebuke is only gradually different , not specifically from excommunication , & both must proceed from ou● & the same power . so then the summe is , the synod had power of rebuking , and therefore of excommunication also . answ . the consequence is not cleere , for who knoweth not that there may be power to rebuke , where there is no power of excommunication ? is it not the expresse law of god , that every man shall plainly rebuke his neighbour and not suffer sin upon him , levit. 19. 17 ? and are not our 〈◊〉 words as plaine , if thy brother trespasle against thee rebuke him , and if he repent forgive him , luke 17. 3 ? whereby it is evident that one particular person hath power by the law of god and christ to put a rebuke upon another , if there be occasion for it . but will it follow hereupon that one particular christian hath power to excommunicate another in case of obstinacy ? i suppose master rutherford will not say so ; and yet unlesse this be said , i know not how his consequence can be made good , that if a synod may rebuke , they may excommunicate also . i know indeed he saith , the synodicall rebuke is only gradually different from excommunication , and not specifically , and that both must proceed from one and the same power . but this would require some proofe , and should not nakedly be affirmed without any proofe at all . for of it selfe it is not evident , that where ●ver there is power to rebuke , there is power of excommunication also . the contrary i suppose is evident from that which hath already been said from levit. 19. 17. and luke 17. 3. and from many other scriptures , and reasons , which shew that one man alone hath power to rebuke , who cannot for that be concluded to have any power of excommunication . i know the learned m●n is copious in proving from the words of verse 24. certaine men went from us , and have troubled you with words , subverting your soules , &c. that this assembly doth not only in a doctrinall way confute the false opinion and doctrine of these teachers of circumcision , but doth also rebuke them for another fault , to wit ; their obtruding their false way upon the soules and consciences of others , and for their wilfull and obstinate upholding that opinion and raysing a schisme in the church . but if all this were granted his purpose were not gained thereby , unlesse he would prove that which he doth but only affirme , to wit , that a synodicall rebuke is not specifically different but only gradually from excommunication , and that both must proceed from the same power , which ye● he hath not proved at all . but saith he , i argue thus : if the apostles do not only in a doctrinall way refute a false doctrine in this synod , but also in church way and by a juridicall power do rebuke and synodically charge the authors as subverters of soules , and lyers , then they doe not onely use a meere doctrinall power in this synod , but also a juridicall power : but the former is true : ergo , so is the latter . answ . with favour of so learned a man , i thinke this kind of argu●ng is but a begging of the thing in question , and a proving of idem per idem . for if the synod did not only in a doctrinall way refute a false doctrine , but also by a iuridicall power rebuke the authors of it , then it must needs be true indeed that they did not only use a doctrinall power , but also a iuridicall power ; that is , if they did so , they did so : if they did use such power , they did use it . but there still lyes the question , whether they did so or no : and whether they did use such power or not , and this kind of arguing doth not cleere it all . if we on the contrary should argue thus , if this assembly did not put forth any power of iurisdiction or discipline , but only in a doctrinall way con●ute a false doctrine and rebuke the authors of it , then they did onely put forth a doctrinall power , and not any power of iurisdiction , one of farre lesse abilities then our learned author , would soone espy the loosenesse of such reasoning : at least himselfe , we doubt not , would soone espy it , for sometimes we heare him say , friend your logick is naught , page 177. and yet ( be it spoke without offence ) the logick which himselfe doth here use is not so good , as to be altogether without fault , no not for the forme of it ; and therefore , we do not see how any thing can be concluded th●reby . but to leave this mistake , and to consider of the matter it selfe . if it were granted that this assembly doth not only in a doctrinall way consute a false doctrine , but also rebuke the authors thereof , must it needs follow that this rebuking was done in a iu●idicall way ? is there no rebuking of offenders for their faults , but only in a way of ●●●●ction and discipline ? i suppose much needs not to be said for the cleering the truth to be otherwise . for master rutherford himselfe confesses page 394. that there is great odds to do one and the same action materially , and to do the same formally : and page 393. that one apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of circumcision . which being so , it followeth thereupon that though this synod ( to call it so ) act. 15. had a doctrinall power , yea and a power of rebuking these false teachers ; yet the thing that he from thence would inferre , viz. their power of rebuking in a iuridicall way , and their power of excommunication , these are neither of them proved thereby . for if it should be said , that though rebuking do not alwayes imply iuridicall power , yet if it be a synod that doth rebuke , then the power here spoken of may be concluded thence to be in a synod . the answer is , that this will not helpe at all , because this is nothing but the bringing in of another efficient , viz. the synod , for effecting or acting the same effect . now master rutherford confesseth pag. 393. that he doth not fetch the specification of this rebuke and of those decrees from the efficient causes ; and gives that for his reason , which to me is unanswerable , to wit , because one apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of circumcision : and in the page next ensuing he confesseth also , that actions have not by good logick their totall specification from the efficient cause . which being so , then though it were granted that any synod may , and that this synod did performe this action of rebuking , yet the thing in question , to wit , that the power of a synod is a power of iurisdiction and of excommunication is not at all gained thereby . at the least wise ( to end this passage ) this i may say , that if this reverend brother will be true to his own principles , and not gainsay what himselfe hath already written , he for his part cannot conclude the synods power to excommunicate from this argument of their power to rebuke , nor yet from any other argument whatsoever : and the reason is , because he doth elsewhere confesse that synods are not to excommunicate any , and not this synod in particular to excommunicate these false teachers , but to remit the censuring of them to other churches , commanding them to doe it . his words as they are to be seene in his page 413. are these , viz. i could easily yeeld that there is no necessity of the elicit acts of many parts of government , such as excommunication , ordination , admitting of heathens , professing the faith to church-membership , in synods provincicall , nationall or oecumenicall ; but that synods in the ease of neglect of presbyterycall churches , command these particular churches whom it concerneth to doe their duty : and in this sence act. 15. is to remit the censure of excommunication to the presbytery of antioch and ierusalem , in case of the obstinacy of these obtruders of circumcision . in which words we have two things concerning excommunication ( to omit other particulars ) first , that there is no necessity that synods should excommunicate any , but only command the churches to do their duty therein . secondly , in particular concerning that synod acts 15. that they were to remit the censure of excommunication to the presbyteries of antioch and jerusalem , in case of the obstinacy of these obtruders or circumcision . which particulars being most true ( as i for my part so esteeme of them ) it followes thereupon , that what master rutherford saith in this place we have now in hand , is greatly weakned thereby . for how both these can stand together , that this synod should have power not only to rebuke , but to excommunicate these false teachers , and yet neither provinciall , nationall , nor oecumenicall synods to excommunicate any , nor this synod in particular to excommunicate these false teachers , but to remit the censure to other churches to whom it concerned , commanding them to do it , how these things i say can stand together , i for my part am not able to understand . chap. iiii. of the dogmaticall power of synods , and of the power of congregations to determine matters amongst themselves if ability serve thereto . in his page 396. alledging mr. tompsons name and mine , and chap. 1. page 9. of the answer . he saith we there teach that there is a power of cleering truth dogmatically , & that ultimately where the controversy is ended : but he saith , we will have this vltimate power not in a synod only , but also in a congregation ; and then no answereth three things which there ensue . answ . our words are these , by power of decrees we understand power to cleere up the truth dogmatically ; for the word translated decrees is dogmata in the originall , act. 16. 4. and this power we confesse is in a synod , though not all in a synod alone , but also in the presbyterie of a single congregation . now these bring our words , if therefore this reverend brother would overthrow our tenent in this particular , he should have proved that there is not any power as all in the presbytery of a single congregation to cleere up the truth dogmatically : this indeed had been directly contrary to what we teach : but this be neither proveth , nor once attempteth to prove ; and therefore our tenent herein doth yet stand good , for any thing he hath said to the contrary . and no marvell , si●h the expresse words of the text do witnesse that every bishop hath power and is boand by his office and duty , by sound doctrin● both to exhort and convince gainsayets , tit. 1. 9. and accordingly the presbitery of antioch did labour to cleere up the truth in that controversy about circumcision ; and had much disputation about it amongst themselves , afore there was any speech of sending to jerusalem for help , act. 15. 2. which sheweth that they had power or right to have cleered the matter amongst themselves , if ability had served , or else this indeavour had been sinful as being an attempting to do that whereto they had no right . so that for ought we yet soe , the power that we speake of , and which wee hold to bee in the presbytery of a congregation is there indeed by the appointment of the lord. but let us heare master rutherfords answer . first , saith he , they seeme to make this dogmaticall power a church power , and the exercise thereof formally an act of church government ; and so it must be church power and church government in the synod , as well as in the congregation . answ . whence doth it seeme that we do so make it ? are there any such words as here he sets down ? or any words equivalent thereto ? or doth the place make any mention of church-power , and church government at all ? or is there so much as one word that looketh that way ? if there be , let our brother say that we seeme to ●each as he doth report ; but if there be not , we are sorry he should report us to teach o● seeme to teach , that which to our remembrance we never said nor thought . and sure it is , we have expresly said the direct contrary in page 7 , the page next save one afore this which heere he is dealing against , where wee have these words , it seemeth to us ( say we ) that this power , viz. by disquisition and disputation to cleere up the rule ( and then to command obedience thereto ) is not properly a power and exercise of government and jurisdiction , but a power of doctrine , and so a synod is rather a teaching then a governing church . these are our words in the page afore alledged ; wherein we plainly expresse what the power of synods seemeth unto us to be , even the direct contrary to that which he saith we seeme to make it ; wee on the one side affirming and expressing , that it seemes to us , the power of a synod is no power of government and iurisdiction , but a power of doctrine : and he on the other side reporting that we seeme to make the exercise of dogmaticall power to be formally an act of church-government , and so to place church-government in the synod . in which report we must needs say , wee are plainly mis-reported . his second answer is this . the last period and conclusion of the controversie cannot be both in the congregation by right only , and in the synod by right only : for two last powers cannot be properly in two subordinate iudicatures . answ . this is very true , but it toucheth not us at all . for we never said the last period of the controversie is both in the congregation only , and in the synod onely . if we have so said , let the place be produced where we have said it ; for the place by him alledged doth afford us no such thing , nor any place else that we know of . all that the place affords concerning this point is only this , that there is a power of cleering the truth dogmatically in a synod , though not in a synod only , but also in the presbytery of a single congregation . and this doctrine i hope our brother will not deny . but whether this power be last in the synod , or in the congregationall presbytery , of this we do not speaks at all ; much lesse do we say as he doth apprehend and report , that this power is both last in the synod and last in the congregation too . wherefore our defence in this particular must needs be this ; that what here he confuteth to be outs , is such a thing as never fell from our mouths or pens , nor for ought we know did never enter into our thoughts . thirdly , he saith . if a controversie concerne many congregations as this doth act. 15. i see not how a congregation except they transgresse their line , can finally determine it . answ . neither doth this touch us , except we had said that a congregation may finally determine controversies which concerne many churches , which yet we have not said . as for that controversie act. 15. it is plaine from verse 2 , that antioch did endeavour to have ended it amongst themselves , so far as they were troubled therewith . for some teaching that corrupt doctrine amongst them , they had much disputation about the point afore they determined to send out for helpe elsewhere . now to what end was thus much disputation , if they had no right to determine the matter ? might they not better have spared their paines ? or did they not transgresse their line in attempting what they did attempt ? sure it seemes they did , if they had not right to determine the matter . but for our part , sith we do not find them in the least reproved by the holy ghost for this attempt , therfore we cannot but think they did well therein . and thereupon it followeth , that if antioch was a congregationall church ( as it seemes to us it was , from act. 14. 27. ) either this controversie did trouble no church but antioch only , or else when a controversie or corrupt opinion doth trouble many churches , one of them may lawfully determine and end it , so farre at it concernes themselves . chap. v. againe of that assembly , act. 15. whether their rebuking the false teachers do prove a power of iurisdiction and excommunication in synods : and whether preaching doe prove the assembly where it is , to be a church . the new place where i find him excepting against the answer , it in his pag. 410. where he proposeth an object . to this effect , to wit. paul exercised the keyes of knowledge upon barbarians , and might have preached to indians , and did to scoffing athenians — yea paul by this power dogmaticall rebuked the athenians , act. 17. 22. yet paul had no power to excommunicate the athenians . and then he subjoyneth my name , and cites in the margent the 43 , and 44 pages of the answer . answ . this objection being taken from pauls rebuking the athenians , our brother had no reason to propose it under mr. tompsons 〈◊〉 and mine , for as much as in all that discourse of ours , the athenians to my rememb●ance are not so much as once mentioned : sure in the pages by him alledged there is no mention of the athenians at all . and therefore why this objection should bee proposed and reported by him as ours , wee doe not know . which i doe not say , 〈◊〉 though i thought the objection so weake , as though the authors of it may not well owne it . for from whosoever the objection came , for ought that i yet perceive there is good weight therein . for which cause , and because in one of those pages wee have delivered something concerning a ministers power to preach to pagans in generall , ( though nothing concerning the atheni●ns in particular , as hee reporteth ) therefore i am willing to consider what mr. rutherfor● saith , for the satisfying of the objection proposed , as not willing to passe by any thing without consideration , wherein our selves may seeme to be concerned or aymed at i deny not saith he , but there is a great oddes betwixt a concionall rebuking by way of preaching , which may be and is alwayes performed by one , and a juridicall rebuking by a power jurididicall of the keyes , which is performed only by a church society . answ . if all this were granted , you the objection is not satisfied , nor his purpose gained thereby . for the cleering whereof it is good to consider the thing in question , and how this objection comes in , and whereto it tends , and then we may better descerne how the objection is removed by mr. rutherfords answer : the thing in question is , whether a synod have power of iurisidiction and excommunication . mr. rutherford his scope in that place is to prove the affirmative ; and therefore for a dozen or 14 pages together , hee hath these words in the top of every lease , the power of a synod a power of jurisdiction : and his medium to prove this tenent is this ; because a synod hath power to rebuke . whereupon ensueth the objection , that paul might rebuke the athenians and yet might not excommunicate them ; and therefore enough a synod may rebuke , it followes not that they may excommunicate . this is the order of the dispute , as is plainly to bee seeme by p●●●sing the place . and now comes in the answer which mr. rutherford gives to the objection ; to wit , that there is a great odds betwixt a concionall rebuking and a juridicall , the one being performed by one , and the other by many ; which answer i conceive is not sufficient , because this difference may hee granted and many more may be added if hee please , and yet the thing in question not gained , nor the objection removed at all . for what though a concionall rebuking be performed by one , and a iuridicall by many ? yet still it remaineth cleare , that there may bee rebuking where there is no iurisdiction ; and therefore , though a synod may rebuke , it followes not that they may excommunicate , nor have power of iurisdiction . if our brother would have satisfied the objection , he should not have satisfyed himselfe with alledging the difference mentioned betweene a concionall rebuking , and a iuridicall or synodicall ; but should have proved that there cannot be any concionall rebuking at all , at least wise not any rebuking of athenians who are not subject to excommunication , and if this had been proved , the objection had been fully removed . but this he hath not proved at all , nor once attempted to prove it , but plainly yeelds the contrary ; and therefore for ought i see the objection remayneth in its strength , and so the strength of his argument removed thereby , who would prove the synod , power of iurisdiction from their power of rebuking . but let as heare what he answereth in the words ensuing . it cannot be denyed saith he , but the rebuking of men because they subverted soules , verse 24. is not a meere concionall rebuking which may be performed by one . first , it is a rebuking verse 24. second , it is a rebuking performed by many , by a whole synod , 6. 22. third , it is performed by a politicall society . answ , and what of all this ? may it not neverthelesse be denyed that this rebuking was any other then in a doctrinall way ? be it granted , that it was a rebuking , and a rebuking performed by many ; and if were granted by a politicall society too ; must it needs follow that therefore it was iuridicall , or in way of iurisdiction ? i see no necessity of such consequence . nay , master rutherford himselfe doth confesse ( as we heard afore ) in his page 393. that the specification of this rebuke must not be fetched from the efficient causes , because one apostle might himselfe alone have rebuked these obtruders of circumcision . if therefore it were granted that many persons , a whole synod , a politicall society , or what ever else he will call them , were the efficient causes of this rebuke , yet all this is too little to prove that the rebuke was iuridicall , unlesse the specification of it must be fetched from the efficient causes , which master rutherford himselfe disclaymes . moreover , i would put this case : suppose a pagan or a christian of another nation and kingdome , shall come into a church assembly , whether the assembly be a congregationall church , or a synod ; and in the assembly shall openly and scandalously misbehave himselfe in one kind or other , to the dishonour of god , and grieving of the godly , and the danger of corrupting others that shall behold such bad example . i would gladly know whether this assembly be it synod or other , may not lawfully rebuke this scandalous practice and behaviour , and if they may , whether it would follow therupon that they may also lawfully excommunicate the man , if his sin and impenitency shall deserve the same . if it be said they may , i would know : quo jure ? and who gave them such authority to excommunicate pagans , or men of another nation , being only there present at that time occasionally ? and if they may not so proceed against such a person , then the answer to master rutherfords alledgements in the case we have in hand , is ready and plaine : for as he alledgeth , first , here is a rebuking . second , a rebuking of many , even a whole synod . third , of a politicall society and body ; even so the same may be said in this case in all the particulars ; for first , here is a rebuking . second , rebuking of many . third , by a politicall society and body : and yet all this is too little to prove a power of iurisdiction and excommunication in the case proposed ; and therefore i see not how it can be sufficient to prove such a power in a synod , for which purpose master rutherford brings it . of necessity for ought that i see , one of these must be said , either that this assembly have no power to rebuke the man , but must suffer his sin to be upon him , though god be dishonoured , and others endangered thereby ; or else it must be said they have power to excommunicate him as well as to rebuke him ; ( neither of which i conceive can safely be said ) or if neither of these can be said , it must then follow that their may be power to rebuke , even in an assembly of many persons , a politicall society ; and yet the same assembly have no power at all to excommunicate the persons so rebuked , and so this learned brothers arguing is answered . likewise , i suppose it will not be denyed , but one congregation if need so require , may rebuke and reprove another congregation , though neither of them be superiour to other , but both of them equall and independant of each other in regard of subjection , mr. rutherf . confesseth , p. 294. that congregations and churches may admonish and rebuke each other , and sure it is , that scripture , cant. 8. 8. we have a little sister , what shall we do for her ? doth shew that churches ought to take care one for the good of another . and if they must take care and consult for one another , there is the like reason that they should reprove and admonish one another , as need shall require . now when one church doth so practise towards another , it cannot be denyed , but here are the same things which mr. rutherford speakes of , first , a rebuking second , a rebuking performed by many . third , a rebuking performed by a politicall society and body . but can any man inferre from hence , that the church thus rebuking another church hath power to excommunicate that other church ? i suppose none will affirme it . and if this may not be affirmed , i do not see how rebuking performed by many even by a whole synod , can be any sufficient ground to prove that the synod hath power to excommunicate . the apostles and elders ( saith our author ) are not considered here as meerely preachers and teachers in the act of teaching ; for why then should they not be formally a church assembly , if they be an assembly meeting for preaching the word ? pag. 411. 412. answ . when the text acts 15 , doth mention sometimes the multitude , verse 12. sometimes the brethren , verse 23. sometimes the whole church , verse 22. besides the apostles and elders , we know no absurdity in it , if one should say , here was formally a church and a church assembly ; in which church-assembly the apostles and elders were teachers and preachers , though they alone were not the church . yet though wee thinke heere was a church , and a church-assembly ; wee do not thinke mr. rutherford reason doth prove them so to be . for paul and s●las were preachers of the word in the prison at philippi , act 16. and at mar●hill , and the market-place at athens , act. 17. and yet we thinke it hard to inferre thence , that these assemblies were formally churches . yea but saith our author , the exercise of the keyes of knowledge in the hearing of a multitude , is essentially an act of preaching of the word , page 412. answ this is very true indeed , an act of preaching the word it must needs bee , the word preaching being taken in its utmost latitude . but is not unavoidably and alwayes a church-act , or an act that infallibly proves the assembly , where such an act is performed , to be formally a church ? this is the thing that should have been cleered , or else the thing is not cleered ; but this our reverend author doth not cleere at all ; and the contrary is very plaine from sundry instances in the acts , where the apostles did exercise the key of knowledge in the hearing of multitudes in sundry places , where yet for all this there was not forthwith any church ; and therfore , whereas he saith , the apostles and elders are not considered in this assembly as preachers and teachers in the act of teaching , because then the assembly should have been formally a church , we rather thinke they that shall consider it will find that the apostles did , and other elders in these dayes may put forth the act of teaching and preaching in some assemblies ( suppose assemblies of turkes and indians ) and yet the assemblies not thereby proved to be churches . chap. vi. whether the power of synods be a power of iurisdiction ; and of the dependance of the synagogues upon the synedrion at jerusalem . next of all , in his page 414 in a 16 . th objection in this and the former page he saith thus , therefore was the synagogue of the jewes no compleat church , because all the ordinances of god cannot be performed in the synagogue : and therefore , were the jewes commanded only at ierusalem , and in no other place to keepe the passeover and to offer offerings and sacrifices which were ordinary worship : but there is not any worshiper sacred ordinance ( saith that worthy divine dr. ames ) of preaching , praying , sacraments , &c. prescribed , which is not to be observed in every congregation of the new testament , — and then he subjoyneth mr. tompsons name and mine ; and in his margent cites the answer , page 12 , 13. and further saith in the objection , that others say because there was a representative worship of sacrificing of all the twelve tribes at ierusalem , therefore all the synagogues were dependant churches , and ierusalem the supreame and highest church . answ . to leave what is alledged a● objected by others , and to consider only of that which concernes our selves . because the synagogues in israel were dependant on the great synedrion at ierusalem , therefore some would inferre that congregations in these dayes must be dependant on the iurisdiction of synods . to this argument we are endeavouring to give answer in the place alledged by mr. rutherford , where we shew that the synagogues might be dependant and not compleat churches , because the sacred ordinances of god which were of ordinary use , could not be performed in them ; but congregations in these dayes compleat and intire as having liberty to enjoy the use of all the ordinances within themselves : for both which particulars we alledge the testimony and words of dr. ames . the summe is thus much : if the synagogues could not enjoy all the ordinances within themselves , and our congregations may , then though the synogogues were dependant on the synedrion at jerusalem , it will not follow that congregations in these dayes must be dependant on synods . this is the 〈◊〉 of that which is said in the answer : in the place which mr. rutherford alledges . now what answer doth he returne to this passage ? truly none at all that i can find . none will you say ? how can that be ? doth he not propound it in his 16 . th objection , as that which he undertakes to answer ? i confesse he doth so , but neverthelesse all that he hath set down for answer is wholly taken up and spent in two other things , the objection which he proposeth as ours , being wholly left untouched . those two things are these ; the one an answer to another passage of ours in another place of the answer , the other an answer to the last part of his objection , which himselfe doth acknowledge to bee the saying of others , and not ours ; and therefore hee brings it in thus viz. others say , because there was a representative worship , &c. by those words , others say , plainly declaring that what he thus expresseth , proceedeth not from us , but from others . and so though he returne answer to this saying of others , and to another saying of ours which we have written elsewhore , yet for this of ours which he proposeth in this h●s objection , i find no answer thereto at all . and therefore i thinke the thing remaines as it was , unlesse wee shall take his meere proposing of it for a satisfying answer , which we see no reason to do . neverthelesse , though he turnes away from this passage of ours without returning any answer thereto , yet there is another which he applies himselfe more directly against , and therefore to this sixteenth objection hee begging his answer thus , surely the aforesaid reverend brethren of new-england have these words , but it seemeth to us the power ( of a synod ) is not properly a power and exercise of government and iurisdiction , but a power of doctrine , and so a synod is rather a teaching then a governing church : from whence ( saith he ) i inferre , that our brethren cannot deny a power of governing to a synod , but it is not so proper governing as excommunication and ordination performed in their congregations ; but say i , it is more properly governing as to make lawes and rules of governing is a more noble , emin●nt and higher act of governing ( as is evident in the king and his parliament ) then the execution of ●hese lawes and rules . answ . so then , th●se former words of ours proposed in the objection , are wholly forsaken and left , and instead of answering them , he fals as we set upon other words which we have written elsewhere , and applies himselfe to deale against those other . by which dealing the considerate reader may judge whether the former words being thus handsomly forsaken and left , do not still remaine in their strength : and whether it had not been as good never to have proposed them at all in his objection , as having proposed them to turne away directly and immediately from them unto other matters , without returning one word of answer to the former . the wise in heart may consider what this doth import . but sich he is pleased to acquit the former and to apply himselfe to the other , let us therefore leave the former in its strength and unshaken , and consider of what he saith in this other . wherein when he speakes of making lawes and rules of governing , either he me●nes this making lawes and rules properly so called , or else he meanes it onely of a ministeriall power to cleere up the lawes and rules of christ , and in his name to com●and obedience thereto . and it seemes by the instance which he gives of the king and his parliament , that he intends the former sence . and if so , then the answer is that this noble , eminent , and high act of governing as he cals it , doth not belong to any synods upon earth , but only to the lord iesus christ in heaven , the script●res abundantly witnessing , that he only is the lord and law giver to his church , l●● . 4. 12. isa . 33. 22. for the cleering of which point , much needs not to be said , considering that this learned brother himselfe doth elsewhere directly and in expresse termes co●fesse as much as we desire in this matter . for in one place speaking in one place of a power to prescribe rules and lawes , he doth not only distinguish them from lawes p●operly so called by the word directive , calling them directive lawes , but also for further explaining his mind , annexeth these words . they are not properly lawes which the church prescribeth : christ is the only law-giver : due right , page 395. and in the page following speaking of a societies or a synods power of making lawes , he addeth for explanation thus , i take not here lawes for lawes properly so called , but for ministeriall directories , having ecclesiasticall authority . so then the church or the synod hath no power at all to make lawes properly so called , for christ ●s the onely law giver : and if so , then the governing power of sy●ods which our brother would prove by this noble and eminent and high power of making lawes is not proved thereby at all , in as much as this noble and eminent power of making lawes doth not belong to any synods upon earth , but to christ only . and this may be an answer to what he saith or a synods power to make lawes , it lawes be taken in their proper sense . but if he intend not this sense and meaning in the place we are speaking of , but only the latter , viz that synods have power to cleere up the lawes and rules of christ , and to command obedience thereto , then i confesse the answer in the 7 . th page thereof doth acknowledge such power to belong unto synods , but how this can prove their power of iurisdiction and government properly so called , which mr. rutherford would thence inferre , we for our parts do not yet perceive . for the power here described is but a meere doctrinall power , and we have given sundry instances in the answer , pag. 43. 44. to shew that there may be a power by way of doctrine to cleere up the rules and lawes of christ , and to command obedience thereto , where yet there is no power by way of iurisdiction and discipline to punish the breach of those rules ; which instance , this reverend brother doth not satisfie at all . and therefore though synods have power to cleere up the rules and lawes of christ , and to command obedience thereto ( which power we deny them not ) yet that which he from thence would inferre , that they have also a power of government and iurisdiction , doth not follow from thence at all , unlesse we shall say , that doctrine and discipline , doctrine and iurisdiction or government are the same . briefly thus : a power of mak●ng lawes properly so called is a noble and eminent kind of government , but this power doth not belong unto synods , but to christ . a power of cleering up christs lawes , and commanding in his name obedience thereunto doth belong unto synods , but this is no power of iurisdiction and government , but a ministeriall power of doctrine , and so still our tenent doth stand , that a synod if it may be called a church , is rather a teaching then a governing church . secondly , saith our author , our brethren incline to make a synod a teaching church . answ . we never yet absolutely yeelded that a synod might be called a church , 〈◊〉 on the contrary , wee have said , that unlesse it could be proved that in scripture the name of a church is given to a synod , we are not to be blamed though we give not a synod that name . answ . pag. 1. the most that we have yeelded in this point is this , that for the name we will not contend , and that if a synod may be called a church , then sith they have power by disputation to cleere up the rule , they are rather a teaching then a governing church . answer pag. 1. & 7. this is all we have said , and we desire our words may not be stretched beyond our intent and scope therein . but let us heare what our brother would hence inferre . i inferre , saith he , that synodicall teaching by giving out decrees , tying many churches , as our brethren of new-england and the forenamed authors teach , is an ordinance of christ , that can be performed in no single congregation on earth , for a doctrinall cannon of one congregation can lay any ecclesiasticall tye upon many churches , ergo by this reason our congregations shall be dependant as were the jewish synagogues . answ . when he saith the brethren of new-england and the authors of the answer do teach a synodicall teaching by giving out decrees tying many churches , and aledgeth for proofe in his margent , answ . 7. to 32. q. 9. 14. page 43 , 44. and answer to mr. herle , chap. 4. pag. 40. 41 with favour of so learned a man , wee must returne this answer , that neither of the palces alledged will make good his purpose , in as much as neither of them doth make any mention at all of the thing which he reports them to teach , viz. such synodicall teaching as gives out decrees tying many churches . let the places be viewed and the thing will be found as i say . and therefore how they can be said to teach that which they neither teach nor mention , doth surmount my ability to conceive . if the reader would know what it is that is taught in the places , it is no more but this , that in some cases it is requisite that churches should seeke for light and counsell and advice from other churches , as antioch , did send unto ierusalem in a question which they wanted ability to determine amongst themselves , and that there ought to be synods , and that we thinke that meeting act 15. might be such an one . the first of these is taught in the form●● of the places , and the other in the other . but for giving out synodicall decrees tying many churches , this same be it within the power of synods or otherwise , is 〈◊〉 taught at all in either of the places , except wee shall say ( which we thinke were unreasonable ) that there can be no synods , nor consulting of other churches for light and counsell and advice , but there must be in those other churches so consulted withall , a power to give out binding decrees , yea decrees that shall bind or tye many churches . we thinke this latter doth no wayes necessarily follow upon the former ; and therefore though the places alledged do speake to the former , yet the latter which this author reports them to teach , they do not teach at all . secondly , i answer further , that if such a doctrine were indeed taught in the places by him alledged or any other , yet the inference which he would thence bring in , that then our congregations shall be dependant as were the iewish synagogues , th●s same doth not follow at all : and the reason is , because the synagogues were dependant on the supreame synedrion not only for light and counsell , no nor only for doctrinall cannons or decrees , but also for iurisdiction and discipline , that synodrion being their supreame court , to whose sentence they were all bound under paine of death to submit , as is cleere , deut. 17. 11 , 12. and therefore if it were granted ( which yet we do not see proved ) that synods may give out decrees and doctrinall cannons , that shall tye many churches , it doth not follow that our congregations shall therefore be dependant as were the iewish synagogues , except it were also proved that they must depend upon synods in point of iurisdiction and discipline , as well as in point of doctrine , yea and so depend as that the sentence of those synods must be obeyed under paine of death . sure the synagogues and every member of them were in this sort dependant upon the supreame synedrion : but we hope 〈◊〉 reverend brother will not say that congregations must in this sort be dependant upon synods . at the least wise this we hope he will not deny , that every member of a church is bound to depend upon the pastor of that church in point of doctrine ; and yet it will not follow that he must depend upon one pastor alone in point of iurisdiction and d●scipline . and the reason is , because doctrine may be dispenced by one pastor alone , but discipline must be dispenced by a church , which one pastor alone cannot be . and therefore if congregations were to be dependant upon synods in point of doctrine , it would not follow that they must bee dependant in point of iurisdiction and discipline . thirdly , saith he , it is a begging of the question to make ierusalem the supreame church and the synagogues dependant churches ; because it it was lawfull only at ierusalem to sacrafice ; for i hold that ierusalem was a dependant church no lesse then the smallest synagogues in all their trybes . and so he proceedeth largely , to shew that sacrificing at ierusalem did not make ierusalem supreame . answ . it this were even so as is pleaded , yet that which we have said of the compleatnesse of the synagogues and of their dependancie is not at all removed thereby : and the reason is , because we do not make the synagogues dependant nor ierusalem supreame , meerely upon this ground , because ierusalem alone was the place of sacrificing , but this is the ground upon which chiefly we go , that at ierusalem was the synedrion upon whom all israell must depend for judgement , and from whose sentence there was no appeale , which ground wee still thinke doth prove both the incomplearnesse of the synagogues , and the supremacie of the synedrion , and the contrary to this must be cleered if our tenent in this matter be removed . true it is , we thinke it some argument of the synagogues incompleatnesse and imperfection that they were not permitted to enjoy all the ordinances which were of ordinary use : but the supremacie of ierusalem we do not place in this only , that there was the place for sacrifice but in this withall that the supreame iudicatory was there , upon which all israell must depend , and from the which there must be no appeale . and yet this supremacie we do not place in ierusalem considered a part from the synedrion , but in the synedrion it selfe . and therefore , whereas he saith , pag. 415. that we might as well conclude that all the cities and incorporations of england are dependant upon london , inasmuch as the parliament useth there to sit , i conceive the comparison doth not sute , because as we do not place the supremacie in london or in westminster , considered apart from the parliament , but in the parliament which useth there to sit , so we place not the supremacie amongst the iewes in ierusalem considered apart from the synedrion , but in the synedrion it selfe , which was there seated . but because our reverend brother in the latter end of this 16 . th objection bringeth in this particular of ierusalems supremacie by reason of the sacrifices , with others say , therefore i conceive he intends not us therein , but some body else , and therefore i will proceed to the next wherein our selves are concerned . chap. vii . whether the lawfulnesse or necessity of appeales doe prove a superiority of iurisdiction in synods over congregations , and of sundry sayings of our author which seeme to interfere . in his page 422. he propounds a 19 . th objection to this effect , if the government of consociated churches be warranted by the light of nature , then this light of nature being common to us in civill as in ecclesiasticall causes , it will follow that every city governed with rulers within it selfe ▪ must be subordinate to a classe of many cities , and that classe to a nationall meeting of all the cities : and the nationall government to be a catholike or oecumenicke civill court — . and because by the same light of nature there must bee some finall and supreame iudgement of controversies , least appeales should be spun out in infinitum , it must be proved that this supremacie lyeth not in a congregation . and in the margent he citeth mr. tompson and my selfe in page 16 and page 10 , of the answer , as authors of this last bassis in the o●ectjection . answ . it is true that in one of those pages alledged we speake to the like purpose as here is reported . for we there suppose it to be cleere by the light of nature , that there must be some finall and supreame judgement of causes , and that unlesse it be determined where that supremacie doth lye , ( which we account the very thing in question ) we say the usefulnesse and necessity of appeales may be granted , and yet we shall be still at uncertainty about the thing in question , and as much to seeke as before , because that there ought to be appeales til you come to the highest is one thing , and that a synod and not a congregation is the highest is another . to this purpose we have written in one of those pages , the summe whereof is this much ; that though the usefulnesse of appeales till you come to the highest be granted , yet the supremacie of synods over congregations in matter of iudicature is not concluded thereby . now what doth our reverend brother returne in his answer ? doth he prove the contrary to what is here affirmed by us ? doth he cleere it sufficiently , that if it bee once granted that there must be appeales till you come to the highest , then the supremacie of synods over congregations must inevitably follow ? i conceive the necessity of this consequence had need to be cleered , if that which we have said be sufficiently answered . but doth our brother cleere this ? or doth he so much as once attempt the cleering thereof ? surely to speake freely what i find , i find nothing that looketh that way , and therfore cannot but wonder why our opinion should be alledged in this objection , and so his reader be led into expectation of some sufficient answer thereto , and then the answer which he returnes to be taken up in other matters , our opinion proposed in the objection , being wholly in his answer left untouched . if that saying of ours be not sound , why doth he not returne some answer ? if it be sound and good , why doth he make an objection of it , and so breed an apprehension in weake readers of its unsoundnesse , and put them in hope of a confutation , when no such thing is performed ? i leave it to the wise in heart to consider what this doth argue . neverthelesse , let us consider of what he doth returne for answer , page 423. first he saith , appeales being warranted by the counsell which iethro gave to moses — cannot but be naturall ? answ . suppose this be so , what can there be concluded hence , that makes against us ? cannot appeales be naturall , but the supremacie of synods over congregations must needs follow ? if there must be an highest , must it needs be yeelded that the synod and not the congregation is that highest ? i conceive this needs not to be yeelded at all , and therefore though appeales be naturall , i see not what is gained thereby . againe , he saith , god hath appointed that the supremacie should lye within the bounds of every free monarchy or state , so that there can be no appeale to any oecumenicall or catholike civill church , for that is against the independant power that god hath given to states . answ . let this be granted also , and are we not still where we were before ? is there in this any thing at all that doth make for the removall of our opinion , as himselfe hath see it down in his objection ? we may truly say we see it not . no , nor in that which doth follow , viz. but in the church it is farre otherwise , for god hath appoynted no vissible monarchy in his church , nor no such independency of policie within a congregation , classicall provinciall or nationall church . answ . for that which is said of a visible monarchy in the church , i confesse it is true , god hath appointed none such . but for the rest , of these words , sith they containe an expresse denyall of the supremacie of all ecclesiasticall iudicatures , except it be the generall councell , i would gladly know how our tenent afore expressed is disproved , or how the necessity of that consequence afore mentioned is at all cleered hereby . if there be no independencie of policie in congregations , nor yet in any synods exc●pt it be the oecumenicall , doth this prove that the supremacie doth lye in synods and not in the congregation ? nothing lesse : for how can our brother prove that it lyes in the one and not in the other , by saying as here he doth , that indeed it lyes in neither ? or how is that consequence made good , that if there must be appeales till we come to the highest , then the synod is the highest ? how is this i say made good by affirming , that neither the congregation nor the synod is the highest ? for my part i must confesse it passeth my understanding to conceive , how the denying of a thing should be the proving and cleering thereof . and yet except this be admitted , i know not how our apprehension in the matter we have in hand is at all disproved . for whereas we say , appeales may be granted and yet the supremacie of synods over congregations will not follow , mr. rutherford for the disproving of what wee apprehend herein , doth bring nothing in the place wee have in hand but only this , that the supremacie doth neither lye in the congregation nor in the synod . which is no disproving of us all , except as i said , that the denying of a thing may suffice for the confirming and cleering thereof . for i conceive if we be disproved the supremacie of synods must be proved and cleered , which here our brother doth not , but on the contrary denies the same . furthermore , if there be no independency of policie within a congregation , a classicall , provinciall or nationall church , as here our brother affirmeth , then what shall become of that which he tels us elsewhere , viz. page 483. that that remedie of our saviour , tell the church , is not needfull in any church above a nationall ? for sure if there be no independencie of policie in any of the lesser churches , nor yet in the nationall church , one would thinke that of our saviour should be needfull in some church above the nationall . or if it be nor needfull in any church above nationall , then one would thinke there should be some indepencie of policie in the nationall church , or in some of the former . for my part i know not how this difficulty will be expedited , i meane how both these sayings of our brother can stand good , except we shall say that which i suppose he will not say , viz. that independencie of policie is no where . and yet i cannot see but this must be said , if both the other sayings stand good ? for if independencie of policie be neither in the nationall church nor in any church above it , nor in any church below it , i know not where we shall have it . againe , if there be no independencie of policie in any of the churches afore named , what shall we say to that passage where our brother doth verily professe , that he cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandals can be in a generall councell , affirming further , that there might be some meerly doctrinall power if such a councell could be had , and that is all , pag 482. for if there be no independencie of policie in any church below a generall councell , one would thinke there should be in the generall councill some power of iurisdiction to censure scandals , yea and an independant power too ▪ or if there be not such power in the generall councill , nor yet in the nationall church , nor in any church below the nationall , we must then say there is no independant power of iurisdiction to censure scandals in any church upon earth . which latter if it be not owned , as i conceive our brother will no● , i know not how the other two can both stand . though appeales be warranted both in church and state by the light of nature , yet appeales to exotique and forraigne judicatures is not warranted by any such light , but rather the contrary . answ . let this be granted also , and are we ever a whit neerer to the point , then before ? is this good arguing , appeales to exotique indicatures are not warrantable , ergo a synod and not the congregation is the supreame iudicature ? is this consequence strong and cleere ? if it be not , how is our tenent removed ? if our brother intend it not for a removall thereof , why is it brought in for answer to an objection proposed by himselfe as ours ? further , let this sentence be compared with the former immediately preceding , and more difficulties still arise . for in this he tels us we see , that appeales to forraigne judicatures are not warrantable ; and in the other he tels us as wee heard afore , that there is no independencie of policie within a congregation , a classicall , provinciall , or nationall church . now to find how these things do agree , i am at a losse , for if there bee no independencie of policie in the congregation , nor the other churches mentioned , i should have thought , it might have been lawfull to have appealed from them to others . for why may there not bee appeales from them in whom no independen●ie of policie is seated ? yet now we are restrained from such appeales , for that all other iudicatures are accounted forraigne and exotique . so that of two sentences the one immediately following upon the other , the former tels us there is no independencie of policie in any of the churches mentioned , which are domesticque and neere , and the other tels us that other churches are so exotique and forraigne , that appeales to them are unwarrantable : and what to say for the reconciling of these things , i must confesse i find not . i grant it is true , appeales to exotique and forraigne iudicatures are not warrantable . but why are we not certified what iudicatures are to be accounted exotique and forraigne ? for here i conceive lyes the pinch of the question ; and unlesse this be determined , the thing in question is still left at uncertainty . for as in civill states there are many cities and townes which have independent power within themselves , as geneva , strasburgh , zuricke , basill , and many others , and appeales from any of these , though to the city or town next adjoyning , would be to a iudicature exotique or forraigne , so some are apt to conceive the like of congregationall churches . and therefore it had need to be cleered that appeales from such churches is not to exotique and forraigne iudicatures ; for if this be not cleered , the unlawfulnesse of appeales to forraigne and exotique powers may be granted , and the question will remaine uncleered . church appeales though warranted by the light of nature , yet it is supposed they be rationall , and grounded on good reason , as that either the matter belong not to the congregation , or then it bee certain or morally presumed the congregation will be partiall or unjust , or the businesse bee difficill and intricate ; and if appeales be groundlesse and unjust , neither christ nor natures light doth warrant them . yea in such case the supremacie from which no man can lawfully appeale , lyeth sometime in the congregation sometime in the classicall presbytery , so as it is unlawfull to appeale for illud tantum possumus quod jure possumus . answ . the short summe is thus much , that appeales are then lawfull when there is just ground and reason for them , otherwise they are unlawfull . now first of all how doth this prove ( for we would still keep to the point ) the necessity of that consequence whereof we speak afore , viz. that if appeales be lawfull , then there is a supremacie of syno●s over congregations . i conceive it is not proved hereby all ; but contrarily appeales may be granted lawfull , when there is just reason and ground for them , and yet the supremacie of synods over congregations is still uncle●red . nextly , it still remaines a question , who must be judge of the reasonablenesse of the appeale and of those cases that are put to shew when they are reasonable , viz. that the matter belongs not to the congregation and the rest that are named : and unlesse it be cleered to whom it belongs to judge these things , we are still left at uncertainty , in the maine matter , viz. in whom the supremacie doth lye , from whom we may not appeale . for to say as our reverend author doth , that in some case the supremacie from which no man can lawfully appeale , lyeth in the congregation , and sometimes it doth not : appeales when they are grounded upon good reason are warrantable , else they are not : when the matter belongs not to the congregation or the congregation will be partiall and unjust , or when the businesse is diffic●ll and intricate , then we may appeale from the congregation , else we may not , these things i say doe not cleere the matter at all , because still the question remaines who must be judge of these things , whether the party appealing , or the congregation from whom , or the synod to whom the appeale is made : and unlesse this be determined , the things mentioned alledged by our brother do afford us small help in the matter for the cleering of it . and therefore , what we said in the answer doth still for ought i see remaine sound , viz. that there must be some finall and supreame judgement that controversies may not by appeales after appeales be spun out in infinitum , and to determine where that supremacie doth lye , is the maine question , which unlesse it be determined , the usefulnesse of appeales may be granted , and yet we shall be still at uncertainty about the thing in question and as much to seeke as before , because that there ought to be appeales till you come to the highest is one thing , and that a synod and n●t the congregation is the highest is another . now whether our brother in that which we have hitherto heard have sufficiently cleered it unto us , that we may know where this supremacie doth lye , i leave it to the iudicious to consider . chap. viii . whether antioch , act. 15. had right to have ended the controversie amongst themselves , if they had been able ; and whether their sending to jerusalem for helpe , or their knowledge that other churches were troubled with the like evill , or the party among themselves who were against the truth , doe prove the contrary . and of supremacy of power in congregations . bvt though our author doe not cleere it to us where the supremacie doth lye yet in this pag 423 , and 424. he useth an argument from the practise of the church of antioch , act. 15. and our own doctrine concerning the same to prove that it doth not lye in the congregation , which argument we are willing to consider . his words are those . that supremacie of power should bee in a congregation without any power of appealing , i thinke our brethren cannot teach . for when the church of antioch cannot judge a matter concerning the necessity of keeping moses law , they by natures direction , act. 15. 2. decree to send paul and barnabas and others to jerusalem , to the apostles and elders , as to an higher judicature , that there truth may be determined : and then he addeth that mr. tompson and my selfe do teach that the church of antioch had jus , power to judge and determine the controversie , but because of the difficulty , had not light to judge thereof ( alledging for this in the margent the answer , chap. 4. page 42. ) ergo saith he , they must acknowledge appeales by natures light warrantable , as well as wee . answ . that appeales are warrantable , and warrantable by natures light till we come to the supreame judicatorie , this we deny not , but have formerly yeelded no lesse . but for that our brother here aymes at , viz. appeales from a congregationall church ( as not being supreame ) to another iudicatory , this we conceive is not proved by the example of the church of antioch , nor by any thing that we have written concerning the same and the reason it because antioch had right and authority to have ended the matter amongst themselves if ability had served thereto : and their sending to ierusalem for helpe may argue want of agreement , or imperfection of light , but argues no want of authority or right within themselves . for it is plain verse 2 , that antioch did endeavour to have ended the matter amongst themselves , and had much disputation about it for that end , afore there was any speech of sending to ierusalem . now this endeavour doth argue their right ; for otherwise it had been sinfull , as being a presuming to do that which did not belong to them . this reason we have rendered afore in the place which our author alledgeth , and he doth not at all remove it ; and therefore we are still of the same mind as before , that antioch was not dependant upon the iurisdiction of other churches , but had independant power within themselves , as many may have who yet need the help of light from others , for their direction in using their power . great kings and monarchs have received light from their councellours without any impeac●ment of their independant power , which they have in themselves , and without any ascribing of that power to those their counsellours . as we said in the place alledged , antioch may send to ierusalem for help , and yet this sending neither prove right of iurisdiction in them who are sent unto , nor want of iurisdiction in them who do send . and therefore whereas our brother saith , antioch because of the difficulty of the controversie , had not light to judge thereof , ergo we must acknowledge appeales to be warrantable , we would rather argue thus , antioch wanted light , ergo counsell and light is to be sought elsewhere ; and thus we conceive the inference will hold : but to say , ergo there must be appeales from the congregation to others in matter of iurisdiction , this we conceive will not follow at all . no more then it will follow , kings or other supreame civill rulers must seek light and direction from their counsellours , ergo there lyes an appeale from them to those counsellours , which consequence none will maintain nor affirme . if the scriptures had said that antioch did never attempt to ●nd that controversie , as knowing that the ending thereof belonged not to them but to others : or if it had said , that the censuring of these obtruders of circumcision had been performed by them of jerusalem , and not by them of antioch as not belonging to antioch but to them of jerusalem , then our brother might have had some ground from antioch to prove the necessity or warrantablenesse of appeales from congregationall churches to other iudicatories : but such no such thing is said , we see not how this example can be any ground for the establishing of such appeales , or the taking away from congregationall churches their power of iurisdiction within themselves . especially , wee see not how this our brother can alledge the same for such a purpose , considering what himselfe hath written elsewhere in this learned treatise of his wherein he examines that answer of ours . two passages in his treatise i propound to consideration , which seeme to me to make for that independant or supreame power in congregations , which here he is disputing against , the one is that which we touched before in his page 413. where he saith that synods in case of neglect of presbyteriall churches are to command the particular churches whom it concerneth , to do their dutie , as in other particulars there named , so in excommunication of offenders ; and further that the synod , act. 15. is to remit the censure of excommunication to the presbytery of antioch and ierusalem , in case of the obstina●ie of these obtruders of circumcision . which i conceive is very truly spoken , and thereupon it followes that there was a supremacie of iurisdiction in that church of antioch , and no necessity of appealing from them to the iurisdiction of others . for ●ith the synods are only to command the churches to do their duty , and to remit the censure of offenders to the churches themselves to whom the offenders belong , it plainly appeareth thereby where the supremacie of iurisdiction doth lye . the other place is in his page 307. where we have these words , viz. the power of jurisdiction ordinary intensive and quo ad essentiam ecclesiae ministerialis , according to the intire essence of a ministeriall church , is as perfect and compleat in one single congregation as in a provinciall , as in a nationall . yea as in the catholike visible body whereof christ is the head . now if there be such perfect & compleat power of iurisdiction in a single congregation , i know not how there can be such necessity of appeales from them to the iurisdiction of others as he is pleading for , nor how that supreame and independant power in congregations can be denyed , which here he disputeth against . for let this compleat and perfect power of iurisdiction be acknowledged as due to such churches , and appeales from them to other iurisdictions will be of small necessity or use . i know indeed this reverend author sayeth in the page last mentioned , and within a few lines of the words which i have here alledged , that a congregation is so a part of the presbytery that it hath not a whole intire compleat intensive power over its own members to excommunicate them — . and therefore the consociated churches must have a power over the members of a congregation . which words i confesse seeme not well to agree with the former , because in the one intire compleat intensive power is denyed to a congregation , and in the other the power of iurisdiction , ordinary intensive , is said to be as compleat and perfect in the congregation as in the great churches . but it is not the latter words but the former which i do stand upon ; and by them ( as i conceive ) the supremacie of congregations is established , and the necessity of appeales from them to other iurisdictions is cleerely takes away . for if the power of iurisdiction be as intire perfect and compleat in the congregation as in the greater churches , as our brother expresly affirmes it to be , i know not the reason why there must be appeales from the iurisdiction of the congregation unto the iurisdiction of those other churches . if the power spoken of were more imperfect and incompleat in the congregation , then it is in the other churches , then there might be more reason or ●ayrer pretence for those appeales : but sith our author confesseth it is no more intire compleat and perfect in these then in the congregation , but as compleat and perfect in the congregation as it is in the other , i am yet to seeke of a sufficient ground for the necessity of appeales from the iurisdiction in a congregation . for is it reasonable to appeale from one iudicatory to another , and yet the power of iurisdiction be as intire compleat and perfect in the former from which the appeale is made , as in the latter to which the cause is brought by such appeale ? it seemes by such appeales we are not like to be much helper , nor much to mend the matter above what it was before , and therefore the usefulnesse and necessity thereof is still uncl●●●● . i thinke the brethren erre in this to teach that antioch had power to determine the controversie , act. 15. when the churches of syria and cicilia , to their knowledge were troubled with the like question as verse 24. may cleere , — i doubt much if they had power to determine a question that so much concerned all the churches . answ . it is not cleere from verse 24. nor from any part of the chapter as farre as i can find , that antioch did know that other churches were troubled with this question ; and if they had known it , i see nothing therein but they might notwithstanding lawfully end the matter so farre as concerned themselves . for when this question was started amongst them by such as came from judea and taught this corrupt doctrine at antioch , the text is very cleere verse 2 , that they had much disputation amongst themselves to have ended the matter , afore there was any speech of sending to ierusalem : which disputation is an argument that they had right to have ended it , if ability had no● been wanting . and as for our brothers reason for the contrary taken from their knowledge that the other churches of syria and cicilia were troubled with the like question , there is not one word in the verse alledged to shew that antioch had knowledge of any such matter , nor is syria and cicilia once mentioned therein : and though they be mentioned verse 23. yet neither doth this verse declare that antioch had any knowledge that this question had ever troubled those other churches . say it be true that indeed they had been troubled therewith , and that the epistle from the synod doth intimate no lesse , this may prove that when the epistle came to be read at antioch , then antioch by this meanes might come to the knowledge thereof ; but all this doth not prove that antioch knew so much afore . and therefore they might endeavour to end the matter amongst themselves , as not knowing for any thing our author hath yet brought to the contrary , that any other churches besides themselves were troubled therewith . but suppose they had known so much , i see nothing in this to hinder but antioch might lawfully cleere up the truth in the question , and censure such of their church as should obstinately hold and teach that false doctrine , notwithstanding their knowledge that others had been troubled with the like doctrine and teachers . suppose a christian family be troubled with lying children , or servants , or such as are disobedient and undutifull in one kind or in another ; suppose they also knew that their neighbour families are troubled with the like , shall this knowledge of theirs hinder the parents or masters in such a family from censuring or correcting these that are under their government , according to their demerits ? if not , why shall antioch be hindered from censuring offending members of their church , only upon this ground because to their knowledge other churches are troubled with the like offenders ? a city or corporation is troubled with drunkards , with theeves , or other vicious and lewd persons , and knoweth that other cities or corporations are troubled with the like : a nationall church , as scotland for example , is troubled with obtruders of ceremonies , service booke , episcopacie or other corruptions , and knoweth that england or other churches are troubled with the like , shall scotland now be hindered from removing these corruptions , and the obtruders of them from amongst themselves , only upon this ground , because england to their knowledge is troubled with the like ? or shall the corporation ●ee hindered from punishing theeves and such other malefactors , only for this reason , because to their knowledge other corporations are troubled with the like lewd persons ? i suppose it is easie to see the insufficiency and invalidity of such consequences ? and therefore if antioch did know that other churches were troubled with the like offenders , as themselves were troubled withall , this needs not to hinder but they may determine questions that arise amongst themselves , and may censure such of their members as shall trouble the church or brethren therewith , and obstinately persist in so doing . this being considered withall , that in thus doing they do not go beyond their line , nor meddle with matters any farther but as they are within their compasse . for when divers churches are troubled with the like corruptions in doctrine or practise , and some one of those churches by using the key of doctrine or discipline or both , doth endeavour the removall of these corruptions , they do not hereby attempt and endeavour to remove them out of other churches ( which might be an appearance of stretching their line beyond their compasse ) but out of their own church , and only so farre as concernes themselves , and in so doing no man can justly say they meddle further then their power doth reach . but he gives another reason why antioch had not right to determine the question , and this is taken from the strong party that was in antioch against the truth , which was such as that they opposed paul and barnabas : concerning which he saith , that when the greatest part of a church as antioch is against the truth , as is cleere , act. 15. 2. he beleeveth in that they loose their jus , their right to determine eatenus in so farre ; for christ hath given no ecclesiasticall right and power to determine against the truth , but onely for truth ; and therefore in this , appeales must be necessary . answ . how is it cleere that the greatst part of the church at antioch was against the truth ? the text doth not say so much , but only this , that certain men which came from iudea , taught the brethren and said except ye be circumcised ye cannot be saved , and that paul and barnabas had no small dissension and disputation with them about the matter , and that in the issue they determined that paul and barnabas and certaine others should go up to ierusalem about the question : thus much the scripture witnesseth , act. 15. 1 , 2. but whether they that held that corrupt doctrine at antioch were the major or the minor part of the church , the text doth not expresse , except we shall say that where a false doctrine is taught by some , and greatly opposed and disputed against by others , there it must needs bee that the greatest part are tainted with that false doctrine , which wee thinke is no good consequence . and therefore whereas our author saith , the greatest part of this church was against the truth , and that so much is cleere from verse 2. i answer , first that i do not perceive this cleerenesse , neither from verse 2 , nor from any other place of the chapter . nextly , suppose this were cleere , this may argue that they wanted ability and light to end the matter , but must it needs argue that they wanted right though they had been able ? or shall we say that they who want ability to doe things as they should be done , do therefore want right to ●●al● in them at all ? i conceive it will not follow , and the reason is because this right in churches is naturall , or connaturall to every church , and this want of ability is only accidentall , and therefore this latter cannot totally hinder the former . that light of government is naturall or connaturall to every church , our brother own words do testifie page 341. where he saith this , viz. supposing that christ have a visible church it is morall that she have power of government also , in so farre as she is a church ; yea , power of government upon this supposition is naturall or rather connaturall . and in page 307 , he saith as was alledged before , that the power of iurisdiction ordinary intensive — . is as perfect and compleat in one single congregation as in a provinciall , or in a nationall ; yea , as in the catholike visible body whereof christ is the head . and in page 383. he saith , that to a congregation christ hath given by an immediate flux from himselfe a politicall church power intrinsci●ally in it , derived from none but immediately from iesus christ : and the like he saith of a presbyteriall church . now whether antioch was a congregationall church as we hold , or a presbyteriall as is holden by this our brother , yet it is cleere by those words of his here alledged , that being essentially a church ; it had a politicall church power intrinscically within it selfe , yet a perfect and compleat power of iurisdiction , yea and such a power as was naturall or connaturall unto her , as she was a church . but now the light of knowledge whereby they should be enabled well to use this power , did not adde any power unto them which they had not before , not did the want of it , being but accidentall , deprive them of that power , which was intrinscicall , essentiall and connaturall unto them as they were a church of christ . onely this want did hinder their ability to expresse their power well , but their right as being a thing connaturall did still remaine . our brother hath a saying or two about the civill power , which by proportion may well illustrate this that i am speaking o●●bo it the church-power . in one place he saith thus , there is a two-fold power in a king , one in a king as a king , and this is a like in all , and ordinary regall , coactive : whether the king be an heathen , a turke , or a sound believing christian : there is another power in a king as such a king , either as a propheticall king as david and solomon or as a christian believing king. and of this latter he saith , that it is not a new regall power , but potestas execuliba , a power or gracious ability to execute the kingly power , which he had before as a king ; page 387. &c. 388. ●ow why may it not be said in like sort , there is in a church two-fold power , one in a church as it is a church , and this is a like in all true churches of christ , whether the church in this or that particular question have light to discerne , and hold the truth , or otherwise : another in a church , as it is sound believing church , holding the truth in such or such question ; and this is but only a gracious ability to exercise the power which they had before , not adding to them any new power at all ? againe , in his page 393. he hath these words . though the king were not a christian magistrate , yet hath he a kingly power to command men as christians , and it is by accident that he cannot in that state command christian duties , and service to christ ; because he will not , and cannot command those dutyes remaining ignorant of christ ; even as a king ignorant of necessary civill dutyes cannot command them , not because he wanteth kingly power to command these civill things , for undeniably he is a iudge in civill things , but because he hath not knowledge of them . and may we not say in like sort , though a church want the knowledge of the truth , in some particular question , yet they have a church power to determine such questions , & to command obedience therein , and it is by accident they cannot in that state determine rightly , because they will not , being ignorant of the truth therein , not because they want church-power to determine such matters , but because they have not the knowledge of them . againe a little after in the same p. he tels us , that christianity addeth no new fatherly power to a father over his children , nor giveth a new husband right to the husband , once an heathen over his wife ; for an heathen father is as essentially a father over his children as a christian father , and an heathen husband an heathen master &c. are all as essentially husband , masters , &c. as are the christian husbands , masters , &c. and may we not as well say , soundnesse of knowledge in such or such a particular question addeth no new church power to a christian church over their own members , nor giveth a new church right over them which they had not before ; for a church that wanteth such knowledge is as essentially a church , invested with church power over her members as is another church ? for ought i perceive the cases are alike ; and if soundnesse of knowledge do not give to a church their church-right in this or that question , how can want of that knowledge deprive them of that right ? sure one would thinke the whole substance of christianity might do as much for the adding of kingly right , fatherly right , husband right , &c. as soundnesse of knowledge in some one particular question , for the adding of church right ; & that the want of all christianity should be as available for taking away the kingly right , the fatherly right , &c. as the want of knowledge in one particular point for the taking away of church-right ; and sith we have our brothers own testimony cleer and full for the one , it seems to me the cases are so parallel and proportionable , that the other is unavoidable : i meane thus , sith in the one case the whole substance of christianity doth not give power , nor the want thereof take away the same by our brothers own teaching , i know not how in the other case soundnesse of knowledge in one particular question should give power or right , & want of such knowledge take away the same . and so for antioch in particular , if it were as our brother supposeth that the greater part of them did hold against the truth in that question about circumcision , i see not how this could deprive them of their church right which they had before . as for our brothers reason that christ hath given no ecclesiasticall right and power to determine against the truth , but onely for the truth , this saying i confesse is very true , but doth not suffice for the purpose for which hee brings it , viz. to prove that antioch being ignorant of the truth in that question about circumcision , or holding against the truth therein did thereby lose their church right to determine . for if this reason be good , then a man may conclude against that power in heathen kings , parents , and husbands , to governe their subjects , children and wives ; which our brother , as we heard afore , hath granted and taught : for suppose that antioch were ignorant of the truth in that particular is it not cleere that the kings , parents , and husbands mentioned are ignorant of the truth in many more matters ? and it antioch do hereupon loose their right , because christ hath given no power to determine against the truth but for the truth , how will it be avoided but by the same reason , ●he kings and the others mentioned must likewise lose their right to governe their own subjects and families ? for the lord gives no right , i hope , to pagans against the truth , no more then he doth unto churches . and therfore if the reason be valid and strong in the one case , and for the purpose , for which our brother brings it , it seemes to be as strong in the other case also , which shall be contrary to what our brother himselfe doth teach . in a word ▪ churches and antioch in particular have right to determine questions , and they ought to determine only according to the truth : they have formally a right to determine , and when their determinations are according to truth , then they will ●ind vi mat●●i● which else they will not . they have right to determine in fore humano , and if their determinations be for matter agreeable to truth , they will be ratifyed in foro div●●o , but not else . now our brothers arguing doth seeme to confound these two ; and because of the latter which is freely granted , he would conclude against the former , which we thinke is not good reasoning ; but on the contrary do still thinke , that though churches ought to give out no determinations but such as are agreeable to truth , and that otherwise their determinations , in respect of the matter of them will not bind before god , yet for all this they may have right formally and in foro humano to judge , and to determine of such things . moreover , if this were granted for true , that antioch when they are against the truth do lose their right to determine controversies , yet we are not hereby much neerer to an issue , unlesse it be determined withall who must be judge whether they be against the truth or no , and the reason is because if they be not against the truth but for it , then i hope , it will be granted that they doo not lose their right at all . the question therefore still remaines , who hath this ministeriall power to iudge whether this or that church , antioch or any other be against the truth or for it ; and unlesse this be cleered we are but where we were before . but to draw towards an end of this passage about the church of antioch : whether they had right to determine controversies when ability failed , or whether they did when lose that right , i will here transcribe a few words of our brother as i find them in his second , 331. page . wherein he either cleerely yeeldeth the cause , and saith the same that we do or i am much mistaken . the words are these , there is a difference between ability to judge , and right or power to judge . a presbyteriall church , ( and he disputeth in six pages together to prove antioch such a one , page 470. 471. &c. sequ . ) may have right , jus , and ecclesiastic●ll law to judge of a point , to the judging whereof they want ability : therefore de facto , it belongeth to an higher synod where more learned men are , though de jure the presbytery may judge it . these words i wish to be well considered . for whereas in the place we have been speaking of , he saith antioch , the greater part of them being against the truth , did lose their jus , their right to determine , for which as wee have heard , he gives this reason , because christ hath given no right and power to determine against the truth but for it , yet now wee see he grants distinction between ability and right , and saith , a presbyteriall church may still retaine this latter of their right , even then , when they want the other of ability . which two sayings whether they do perfectly agree , and whether in the latter of them he do not plainly come up to us , against whom he hath been disputing in the former , i leaue it to the wise in heart , and especially to himselfe to consider . for , for my part i must confesse that these two sayings , a presbyteriall church as antioch may have right , jus to judge a point , to the judging whereof they may want ability ; and , antioch a presbyteriall church wanting ability did thereby lose their right , or jus to determine the point , these two i say , are such sayings as are not easie for me to reconcile . lastly , if it be said our brother doth not deny unto antioch , or a church in error all power simply to determine , but only to determine tali mode , that is , to determine against the truth ; for his words are , they lose their jus their right eatenus , in so far . i answer , he hath such a word indeed , as eatenus , in so farre : but if any shall say he meant no more in this dispute , but only that such a church hath no right to determine against the truth , i conceive that he that shall so say , shall therein impute some fault unto our brother , even the fault of wresting mr. tompsons tenent and mine , and suggesting against us unto his reader , as if we had held such a thing as we never wrote nor thought . for it is plain , that our brother in his pag. 424. is disputing against us ; for he saith , that we teach the church of antioch had jus , power to judge and determine the controversie , but because of the difficulty had not light to judge thereof , and sets down master tompsons name and mine as the men that so teach , in answer , page 42. and a few lines after he saith , i thinke the brethren erre in this , to teach , that antioch had power to determine the controversie , act. 15. and then hee gives two reasons for the contrary . so that it is manifest that he intends this dispute against us . now what have we said in this matter ? have we delivered any such thing , that antioch had right to determine against the truth ? let the answer be viewed in the place which he alledgeth , viz. page 42. and i am sure no such grosse tenent will be there found , no nor any where else in our writing . that which we have said , is this , that antioch had right to have determined the matter if ability had served thereto : but for right to determine against the truth , we never spake one word that soundeth that way . our brother therefore intending this dispute against us , and plainly expressing so much , and our tenent being no other then as i have said , it must therefore needs follow that his intendment is , that antioch had no right to determine that matter . but for right to determine against the truth , he cannot confute such a tenent as ours , we never having delivered any such thing , but he must withall be culpable of manifest mistaking and mis-reporting of us to the world ; and we are , and must be slow to believe that a man of such worth would willingly do us such wrong . it remains therefore , that right to determine and not right to determine against the truth , is the thing which he oppos●t● as ours , and therefore it is that in this sence and meaning i have here applyed my answer . the 〈…〉 thus much ; that antioch had right to determine against the 〈…〉 that may soone be con●uted , but the tenent is none of ours : that 〈…〉 to determine , is indeed our tenent , and whether this be con●uted 〈…〉 , let the wise and iudicious consider . chap. ix . whether the congregationall way or the presbyteriall doe make the gospell more difficultive then the law. of excommunication by a church that hath only three elders , and of doing things sudainly . in the latter end of his page 424 meaning mr t●mpson and me , and alledging page 17 , 18. of the answer . he writes that we say our opposites do much judaize in that they multiply appeales upon appeales , from a congregation to a classis , then to a synod , then to a nationall assembly , then to an oec●●●●nicke councell ; and this way while the world endureth causes are never determined , and synods cannot alwayes be had ; even as in ierusalem the supreame iudicature was farre remote from all proselites , as from the eunuch of ethiopia , act. 8. and from the remote●● parts of the holy land : but god hath provided better for us in the new testament , where every congregation which is at hand may decide the controversie : and then , page 425. he subjoyneth his answer . answ . though i deny not but some of the things here alledged are written by us in the pa●●● nam●d , yet that they are written for the purpose which our brother expresseth , viz. to shew that our brethren of the opposite judgement do much iudaize , that i do utterly deny . for the places being viewed will plainly witnesse that wee bring the things alledged for another end , viz. to shew whether the way that is called independencie , do make the people ( as some have thought of it ) more defective and improvident then their law. for this being objected against that way , wee in answer thereto do shew by sundry particulars , that it is not that way that is justly culpable in this respect , but the way of our brethren of the other iudgement ; one way on the one side making the state of christians in these dayes in some things equall to the iewes , and in other things more excellent ; and on the other side the way of our brethren making our condition in many things more defective then was the condition of the iewes . so that ( not iudayzing but ) making our condition more defective then the iewes , is the thing which we here note in the doctrine of our brethren . nor do i see how our brother in his answer doth free their doctrine and way from being justly culpable in this respect . if we had intended the thing which he reporteth , we would never have used such a reason as he truly report● us to use , viz. that by appeales upon appeales causes according to our brethrens way may be so protracted as never to be determined nor ended . for this reason hath neither strength nor colour of strength for such a purpose , as he saith we bring it for , inasmuch as it is well known , that the iewes had a supreame iudicatory for the finall ending of causes among them . and therefore to say that our brethren do iudaize , and then to give that for a reason which doth shew that the iewes and they are very unlike , the iewes having a supreame iudicatory for the finall ending of cruses , and they having none , were to shew our selves very irrationall or worse : end why our brother should put such a thing upon us , we being no wayes guilty thereof , we do not know . but we desire that our reason may be applyed to our own conclusion , to which we did and do apply it , and not to this other expressed by our brother , which indeed is none of ours , and then we are content that rationall and judicious readers may judge whether or no there be any sufficient weight therein . which that they may more readily do , i have here recollected the same into this short summe , that they may briefly behold it with one view , viz if the iewes had a supreame iudicatory for the finall ending of causes , and the congregationall way hath the like : if the iewes had a standing iudicatory alwayes in readinesse for the hearing of causes , and the congregationall way hath the like : and if the supreame iudicatory among the iewes was very farre remote from many of them , and in the congregationall way be more convenient and neere at hand , then the congregationall way is in some things equall to the iewes and in other things more excellent . but the first is true in all the particulars , and therefore the second is true also . againe , if the iewes had a supreame iudicatory for the finall ending of causes , and the way of our brethren hath not : if the iewes had a standing iudicatory alwayes in readinesse for the hearing of causes and the way of our brethren hath not : and if the supreame iudicatory among the iewes was very remote from many of them , and synods among our brethren are the same , then the way of our brethren is in some things as defective as the iewes , and in other things more defective then theirs . but the first is true in all the particulars of it , and therefore the second is true also . both the assumptions in all the branches thereof , i conceive are cleerely proved in the answer in the pages which our brother doth alledge , and whether the consequence be good let the wise judge . having thus reduced our argumentation to its own proper and genuine shape , let us now consider of mr. rutherfords answer thereto . first , saith he , the speedinesse of ending controversies in a congregation is badly comprised with the suddainnesse and temerity of delivering men to satan upon the decision of three elders , without so much as asking advise of any classes of elders , and with deciding questions deepe and grave which concerneth many churches , which is a putting of a private sickle in a common and publicke harvest . answ . if advise from other churches may be had , we never spake word for doing weighty matters without the same , but in such cases it is both our practise and advise to make use thereof , and therefore this delivering men to satan in way of temerity or rashnesse toucheth not us whose opinion and practise is other wise . as for suddainnesse , i conceive if the same be sometimes accompanyed with temerity and rashnesse , and so worthy to be blamed , yet not alwayes : for in the reformation of the house of god in the dayes of hezekiah , it is said , that the thing was done suddainly . 2 chron. 29. 36. where suddainnesse doth not signifie any sinfull temerity or r●shnesle . but contrarily doth testifie gods great goodnesle that had so prepared the people to so good a worke : for this cause this suddainnesse was to hezekiah , and gods people an occasion and ground of great joy and gladnesse , which temerity could not have been . and therefore suddainnesse and temerity must not alwayes be confounded and coupled together , as if they were the same . though hasty delivering of men to satan without due consideration be not good , yet overlong delay of due proceeding against delinquents is bad also , for the holy ghost tels us because sentence against an evill worke is not executed speedily , therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set to do evill , eccl. 8. 11. for which cause execute judgement in the morning , that is to say speedily is sometimes expresly required , jer. 21. 12. which being spoken of justice to be executed by civill authority doth hold by proportion and like reason in ecclesiasticall censures , for as much as speedinesle is a duty , and delayes are daangerous in the one case as well as in the other . whereas our author thinkes much that excommunication should proceed upon the decision of three elders , as we know nothing but a congregation may have more elders then the three , if god provide them fit men and the numerousnesse of the congregation so require , in which case our author saith nothing to the contrary , but they may have power to excommunicate , so if they have but three , we know nothing in this , but they may have power to excommunicate notwithstanding , since himselfe teacheth , due right . page 61. that the iewes had their congregationall churches as we have , and had their meeting in their synagogues , not only for doctrine , but also for discipline and excommunication ; which if it be so , it seemes there might be excommunication by as small a number as three , unlesse it could appeare that in every synagogue the elders and rulers in it were a greater number then is here mentioned , which is more then i do remember to be expressed in scripture . yea and further he tels us , that the inferiour iudicatures in israel had power of life and death , page 315. now the iudges in these inferiour iudicatures though they must never be under that number of three , yet they did not alwayes exceed the same , for ought that doth appeare . and if three iudges had power of life and death , why may not a congregation with three elders have power of excommunication ? moreover , in his page 454. he gives us these words for a proposition , that it floweth connaturally from a church to which agreeth the essence of church to exercise jurisdiction over all its own members ; to which those words do also agree , page 287. viz. the power and right to discipline is a propriety essentiall to a church and is not removed from it till god remove the candlesticke , and the church cease to be a visible church : and in page 302. hee affords us these words for an assumption , that a congregation is a church , wanting nothing of the being and essence of a church : and hence the conclusion is obvious , that a congregation may exercise iurisdiction over all it own members : and in as much as a congregation in which are but three elders , is a congregation , it followeth that a congregation in which are but three elders may exercise such iurisdiction . this conclusion our author cannot deny in as much as it necessarily and directly followeth from premises which are both his own . yea in his page 302. h● saith , that this is a principle of church policie , that every politicke body of christ hath power of church government within it selfe . either therefore a congregation with only three elders is no politicke body of christ , or else it must have power of church government within it selfe . besides , if the power of iurisdiction ordinary intensive be according to the entire essence of a ministeriall church be as compleat and perfect in one single congregation , as in a provinciall , nationall , or catholike church as our author saith it is p. 307. it is then a marvell why such a congregation having onely three elders , may not have power to excommunicate . lastly , his words are expresse , page 338. where there are not many churches consociated , then ordination and excommunication may be done by one single congregation . if therefore a congregation have not above three elders , yet being not consociated with other churches , it may lawfully excommunicate , by his own grant . for deciding questions that concerne many churches , if they decide them no further but onely as they concerne themselves , this is no putting a private sickle in a common and publike harvest , but a medling with matters onely so farre as they doe concerne themselves . secondly , he saith , all appeales without warrant from christs will we condemne , as the abuse of appeales to a court which is known shall never be , page 425. answ . if appeales without warrant from christ will be condemned , why are wee not told what appeales they are , that have the warrant of christs will , and what appeales have not ? for such a generall word a● this , of the warrant of christs will , without some further and more particular explication doth leave the matter as darke as it was before . if the meaning be , that only such appeales are unwarrantable as are made to a court which is known shall never be , and that all others are warrantable , then it will follow that appeales to generall councels and all other courts , except only from a generall councell are warrantable , for who doth certainely know that a generall councell will never be ? and so by this meanes the classes , 〈◊〉 synod , and the nationall church are all deprived of supremacie , and independencie of iurisdiction as well as the congregacion . thirdly , he saith , antiochs appeale to a synod 200 miles distant as our brethren say , was no judaizing but that which paul and the apostles were guilty of as well as we . answ . whether antioch and jerusalem were 200 miles distant or no as we have never affirmed so much , so i will not stand now to inquire . but this i stand upon , that no scripture doth witnesse that antioch did appeale to jerusalem in the point of iurisdiction , about which our question doth lye , if they did appeale to them for a doctrinall decision or determination of the question , that nothing hindereth our cause who do not deny such a doctrinall power in synods . but their power of iurisdiction is the thing that should be proved . lastly , if this example of antioch doe prove that there may bee and ought to bee appeales from congregations to synods , though those synods be 200 miles distant , then that which wee said in the answer is here confessed to be true : viz. that according to our brethrens iudgement the state of the church in point of discipline is as defective and burdensome in the time of the gospell , as it was in the dayes of the old testament . for as then the supreame iudicatory at jerusalem was many miles distant from such as dwelt in the furthest parts of the holy land , and specially from the proselites that dwelt in other countries , so here our author seemes to yeeld that in these dayes of the new testament there must or may be appeales to synods , though they be 200 miles distant . i hope then if others blame our way for making the gospell as defective and improvident as the law , or more defective then it , yet this our brother will not do so , but on the contrary will acknowledge for us and with us , that the way which himselfe pleads for , is more justly culpable in this respect . fourthly , he saith , matters concerning many churches must be handled by many . answ . this may be granted in a safe sence without any prejudice at all unto our cause , for we are well content that so farre as they concerne many they may be handled by many , so that each congregation may have liberty to deale in them so farre as they concerne themselves . and thus you have all which mr. rutherford hath brought against that passage of ours wherein we say it is not our way but theirs , that doth make the gospell more defective then the law , instead whereof he is pleased to make us say that they doe iudaize ; but for eleering their way from that which wee object against the same , or for convincing out way to be guilty thereof as by some hath been objected , which is the thing in question in the place by him alledged , for ought i perceive there is nothing in the foure particulars of his answer , that doth any thing availe to either of these : for if a rash delivering of men to satan have more evill in it then speedy ending of controversies hath good ▪ if appeales without warrant from christs will , be unlawfull : if antioch did appeale to a synod 200 miles distant , and if matters concerning many churches must be ended by many , which foure particulars are the whole substance of his answer , what is there in all this ( for i would gladly apply his answers to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the thing in question , what is there i say in all this that 〈◊〉 convince our way to be more defective then the way under the old testament ? or that doth cleere the way of our brethren from being truly culpable thereof ▪ let all the evill that can be found in rash delivering men to satan be extended to the utmost , and let the rest of the foure particulars be granted , doth all this sufficiently cleere it that the way which we plead for is more defective , or the way of our brethren more perfect and excellent , then the way that was used under the law ? if they do not amount to the cleering of this , they do not come up to cleere the thing in question , which for ought i perceive doth still remaine as it was notwithstanding all that our brother here brings . chap. x. whether the necessity of discipline be greater then of sacraments : and whether a congregation that hath neighbours may not exercise intirenesse of iurisdiction as well as one that hath none : and whether a man may take on him the whole ministery having no outward calling thereto ; and may not as well take on him one act of baptizing or ministring the lords supper . the next place where i find our reverend brother dealing with the answer , is in page 453 , 454. where disputing that there was a presbyteriall church at ierusalem , he saith it is objected by us ( alledging the answer , page 6. ) that if a church in an iland by divine institution and so the first congregation as ierusalem which did meete in solomons porch had once an intire power of iurisdiction , though in an extraordinary case , the case is ordinary , as in the dominion of wales there is scarce a congregation to be found within 20 , or 30 miles . 2. suppose the case were extraordinary and rare , may they violate the ordinary rules of christ ? for so some may thinke and say that though according to ordinary rules , baptisme and the lords supper must be dispensed only by men and by ministers , yet in the want of these the one may be dispensed by a woman or mid-wife , and both of them by such as are no ministers . and then hee subjoyneth his answer . answ . our authors scope and intention being to prove a presbyteriall church at ierusalem , i cannot apprehend a good reason , why now he should fall upon the place of the answer alledged , in as much at the place makes not any mention of ierusalem at all , nor of any presbyteriall church there , either one way or other . but it seemes he was willing to go something out of his way that so he might have a saying to the answer , yet if it must needs be so , i could have desired that the words of the answer might have been kept , without making alteration by leaving some things out , and putting others in of his own accord , and by mentioning others with another face then was ever intended by us . for though he is pleased to mention a church in an iland and the first founded congregation at ierusalem , in his objection which he● brings in under mr. tompsons name and mine , yet he that shall peruse the place will find that neither of these are once mentioned by us at all , and why then they should be brought in as ours i do not know . and for the former part of our answer , wherein we show that for a christian congregation to want neighbour congregations to whom they may with conveniency have recourse , and not so unusuall as some may imagine , we do not only alledge for that end the dominion of wales as our brother doth report , but also the remoter parts of the north , and specially the state of things in times and places of generall persecution and generall prophanenesse , and new plantations in heathen countries ; all which our brother doth omit , as if wee had not mentioned any of them . and whereas we mention the scarcity of congregations in the remoter parts of wales and of the north , as intimated by our reverend brother mr. herle in that learned and loving discourse of his , whereto we doe apply our answer , mr. rutherford concealeth that we do mention this , as the apprehension or intimation of another , and instead thereof makes bold to set it downe under our name , as if we had delivered it as our own . all which alterations , omissions and additions are such as wee for our parts would not willingly have made the like in any worke of his nor of any other man. for let such liberty as this be taken in repeating what men do speake or write , and misapprehension of their true ●ntent and meaning must needs be bred hereby in the minds of all those that shall read or heare such reports and beleeve the same . neverthelesse , let us consider what our brother doth returne in his answer . we thinke saith he , a ministery and discipline more necessary to a congregation in a remote iland , or to the church of ierusalem before they increase to such a number as cannot meet for their numerous multitude in one congregation , then the sacraments when there be no ministers to dispense them . answ . would not one thinke by th●se words , and the other laid down in the objection , that we had spoken something of a church in an iland , and of the church in jerusalem ? else why should these be objected , and answered as ours ? but th truth is we have not spoken one word either of the one or the other of these particulars : which will plainly appeare to him that shall view the place . something wee have spoken in the generall of a congregation that wants neighbours , which we did being thereunto led by our reverend brother mr. herle , but of a church in an iland , and of the church at ierusalem in particular , of which mr. rutherford heere speaks , of these we have said nothing . second , the former part of our answer , that for a congregation to want neighbours is not so unusuall as some may imagine , this mr. rutherford wholly passeth over in silence , only he propounds it in his objection in such sort as we have heard , and so leaves it , whereby it seemes he yeelds the thing . and thereupon it followes , that intirenesse of iurisdiction in a congregation must be yeelded frequently lawfull , it being frequently seene , that congregations want neighbours in which case their intirenesse of iurisdiction is not denyed . third , for the second part of our answer , we thus expresse our selves therein . viz. that we suppose it is good to take heed how farre we yeeld it lawfull in extraordinary cases to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , whereof wee render the reason , least some body doe thence inferre the lawfulnesse of ministring sacraments by non-ministers , in case ministers be wanting . this is that which we have said in this matter . if therefore mr. rutherford would take away what we have said herein , he must say it is not good nor needfull to take such heed , but men may yeeld it lawfull in such cases to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , and never need to take heed how farre they yeeld therein . this indeed were contradictory to what we have said , and if this be once cleered for truth , then i must confesse our saying is cleerely disproved . but the cleering of this we hope our brother will never attempt : sure yet he hath not done it , and so our saying yet remaines as it was . fourth , whereas he saith he thinkes a ministery and discipline more necessary in the cases he speaks of , then sacraments and there be no ministers , though this be not directly opposite to what we have said , yet because i would consider of every thing wherein he seemes to ayme at us , therefore i am willing to consider of this also . our reverend brother thinkes discipline in the cases mentioned more necessary then sacraments : and yet in his page 287 , 288. handling that question , whether discipline be a marke of the visible church , and laying down sundry distinctions about the same , hee gives us these severall propositions in termes : first , care to exercise discipline may be wanting in a true church . second , right discipline is not necessary to the essence of a visible church as a city may bee without wals , a garden without a hedge . third , the exercise of discipline may be wanting , and the church a true visible church . fourth , the church may retaine the essence and being of a visible church , and yet have no discipline in actuall use or little , in which place he cites and approves the judgement of parker , cartwright and others ; who make discipline necessary only to the wel-being of the church , as being not indifferent but commanded in the word and necessary in respect of its end . now if this be all the necessity that is in discipline , how is discipline more necessary then sacraments ? for may not as much bee said of them as here is said of discipline ? are not sacraments necessary to the well-being of the church , as being commanded in the word , as well as discipline is ? and serving for excellent ends , as well as discipline doth ? i suppose it will n●● be denyed , and therefore the necessity of discipline above sacraments doth not yet appeare . especially if that be considered withall which our brother teacheth else-where . viz. in his second p. 211. & sequ . where he tels us , that sacraments are not only declarative signes , but also reall exhibitive seales of grace , having a causality in them to make a thing that was not , and so excelling all civill seales which do adde no new lands to the owner of the charter sealed therewith . now if sacraments be thus excellent and effectuall , how is it that in the place wee have in hand , discipline is made more necessary then they ? for a greater elogie then here hee gives to sacraments , i suppose himselfe would not give unto discipline . yea in p. 302 he expresly affirmes , that preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments are essentiall notes of the visible church . but of discipline i conceive he will not say the same , sure it is in the page following distinguishing betwixt notes of the church which are necessary ad●sse , to the very being of a visible church , and such as are necessary only ad bene esse , to the well-being thereof , he expresly makes discipline a worke or note of this second sort , and as we heard ere-while , he in page 287 expresly affirmes it is not necessary to the essence of a church . and therefore it is some marvell why now 〈◊〉 makes discipline more necessary then sacraments . but he gives us two reasons of this greater necessity of discipline then of sacraments . first , that intire power of discipline in a congregation that wants neighbours is not extraordinary second , that there is no such morall necessity of sacraments , as there is of discipline , page 455. concerning the former his words are these , viz. that the church be in an iland it selfe alone may possibly be extraordinary , but that in such a case they have intire power of discipline whole and entire within themselves to excommunicate scandalous persons is not extraordinary . wherein first of all i observe a difference between him and our reverend brother mr. herle , who having granted that where there is no consociation or neighbour-hood of congregations , there a single congregation must not be denyed intirenesse of iurisdiction , doth presently adde that the case is extraordinary , and so fals not within the compasse of the question of the ordinary rule of church-government : independencie of churches , p. 2. plainly confessing that the case is extraordinary , whereas mr. rutherford here saith it is not . second , as he expresly differs from mr. herle , so it is considerable whether his words do well agree with themselves . for saith he , that the church be in an iland it selfe alone may be extraordinary , but that in such case they have entire power of iurisdiction of discipline within themselves , to excommunicate scandalous persons , is not extraordinary . which saying needs good explication . for it seemes hard to conceive how the power and actions of any subject or efficient should be more usuall and ordinary then it s very being and subsistance : which yet must needs bee , if this stand good that the being of a church in an iland is extraordinary , and yet the power of such a church to excommunicate is usuall and ordinary third , if their power of discipline , yea intire power be in the case expressed or●●●ary , shall we then say that if the case ●e otherwise so that a church be not alone but have neighbours , entirenesse of power in such a case is extraordinary ? it seemes a● must ●ay 〈◊〉 , or else wee must say that intirenesse of power in both cases is ordinary . if this latter be said , it is as much as we desire : for then i hope it must not be a small 〈◊〉 ordinary matter , that must hinder a church that hath neighbours from exercising 〈…〉 ●●●●diction within themselves , no more then a church that lives alone , 〈…〉 power being ordinary in them both . for if it be so in them both , in the one as well as in the other , i know not why any small or ordinary matter should hinder the one church any more then the other from the use and exercise of such entire power . if we say that entirenesse of power in a church that hath neighbours is extraordinary , though in a church that is alone it be ordinary , besides that such a saying sounds harshly and seemes very improbable , we shall by this meanes make cases extraordinary to be very frequent & usuall , in as much as all men know it is very usuall for congregationall churches to have neighbours : and so if entirenesse of power in a church that hath neighbours be extraordinary , it will follow that extraorninary power is very usuall and frequent ; so that inconveniences on each side do seeme inevitably to follow against our brothers cause , upon this which here he affirmeth , that entirenesse of power in a church that is alone is not extraordinary . but let us here his reason in the subsequent words , why this entirenesse of power in a church that is alone is not extraordinary . for it floweth saith he , continually from a church , to which agreeth the essence of a church , to exercise iurisdiction over all its own members . and i suppose he must meane this of iurisdiction entire and compleat , for of this is the question , and a few lines afore , he expresly cals it entire power of discipline , whole and entire within themselves . now if this be true which here is said , as for my part i conceive no other of it , that it floweth connaturally from a church , to which agreeth the essence of a church to exercise entire iurisdiction over all its own members , then it will follow that a church that hath neighbours as well as a church that hath none must have this entirenesse of iurisdiction , sith the essence of a church doth agree to the one as well as to the other , to a church that hath neighbours as well as to a church that is alone . our author tels us page 302. that a congregation in an iland is a church properly so called , and hath the essentiall notes of a visible church agreeing to it , and wants nothing of the being and essence of a church . and if this be true of a church that is alone , shall we thinke it is not true of a church that hath neighbours ? doth the accession of neighbours to a congregation take away from such a congregation the essence of a church which it had before ? i conceive none will so say . and if every church to which agreeth the essence of a church may exercise entire iurisdiction over all its own members , as our brother doth acknowledge , it followeth unavoidably thereupon that all congregationall churches , such as have neighbours and such as have none may exercise such entirenesse of iurisdiction , sith the essence of a church doth agree unto them all . vnlesse he will deny the essence of a church to a congregation which hath neighbours , which hee freely yeeldeth to a congregation which is alone , he must grant entirenesse of iurisdiction unto them both , because he grants it to the one upon this reason , that the essence of a church doth agree thereunto , which reason if it agree to both , how can i● be avoided but entirenesse of iurisdiction must be in both ? and how can it be affirmed or imagined that a congregation having the essence of a church afore and have neighbours , should lose this essence of a church when neighbours are added to it ? a family having the essence of a family now it is alone , doth not lose this essence by meanes of other families added . nor doth a city that is such , as it is alone lose the essence of a city by the accesse of other cities : and the same might be said of a corporation , a province , a kingdome , or any other society whatsoever . and that it should be otherwise with a congregationall church , that it should lose the essence of a church as other neighbours churches do arise , doth seeme very strange and unreasonable . and let the essence of a church be still retayned by such a congregation , as i conceive it must , and then intirenesse of iurisdiction must not be denyed to such a congregation , sith it doth flow connaturally from every church to which the essence of a church doth agree . if there bee no more consociated with that church that is by accident , and an extraordinary exigence of gods providence . as a master of a family is to educate his children in the feare of god , but if god take all his children from him by death , he doth not transgresse the ordinary rule of educating his children in the feare of god , as he hath none . answ . if this comparison doe suit the present purpose and case in hand , then this master of a family is a congregation , and these his children are the members of other congregations : and so as a master of a family needs not to educate his children in gods feare , when they are all taken from him by death , so a congregation needs not to governe the members of other congregation as there are no other congregation extant , but it selfe is left alone in an iland . in which kind of arguing sundry things may be excepted against . as fir●● of all that there should be such power in a congregation as in a master of a family over his own children , which needs a good deale of proofe afore it may be yeelded , in as much as the power of the one is plainly and plentifully taught in the scripture , as eph. 4. 6. col. 3. deut. 6. 7. deut. 21. and many other places . but i desire one cleere place of scripture , in all the book of god either old testament or new , to shew the like power in a congregationall church , over the members of other churches . againe , when a master of a family hath all his children taken from him by death , he hath then no children of his own to governe , but wants a congregationall church & is left alone in an iland , the presbytery of that congregation is left alone , but have still the members of that congregation whom they may and ought to guide and governe in the feare of god , which is another particular wherein the comparison failes . but though the similitude as mr. rutherford hath laid it down , doth not confirme his purpose , yet i conceive it may be ▪ so framed and applyed as that it may well serve for the weekning thereof , thus ; a master of a family having ( when that family is alone ) entire power to governe his family in the feare of god , when other families do arise that become neighbours neere adjoyning , he is not by this meanes deprived of the power which he had before , but still retaines the same entire and compleate as formerly it was : even so the presbytery of a congregationall church having ( when that congregation is alone , ) entire power of iurisdiction over its own members , is not when neighbour congregation do arise , deprived by this meanes of the power which it had before , but still retaines the same entire as formerly it was . againe , though when god takes away a mans children by death , he is no longer bound to educate and governe those children in the feare of god , yet as long as his children live with him in his family , it is not the sitting down of other families neere by him that can take away this power from him , or discharge him of this duty : even so , though when members of a congregation be taken away by death or otherwise , the congregation or its presbytery doth no longer stand charged or bound with the oversight and government of such members yet as long as they live in the congregation , it is not the arising of other congregations neere to them that can free them from the power wherewith they were invested , nor from the duty wherewith they were formerly charged towards such members , thus the comparison runs even , and we see our brothers cause is not a little disadvantaged thereby . but as he hath laid it down , it doth so apparantly faile that i do not perceive how it can afford him any helpe at all . this argument supposeth that the congregation hath no power of excommunication at all , either compleat or incompleate , as the midwife hath no power to baptize , either compleate or incompleate . answ . suppose a congregation have an incompleate power when they have neighbours , how shall it appeare that when they are alone their power is now compleat ? or how will it be avoided but by the like reason , one elder alone may excommunicate in case there be no other elders to joyne with him ? for plain it is , that one elder when their is a full presbytery or classis hath an incompleate power , though not a compleat . and yet i hope this incompleat power in one elder when there are other elders joyned with him , will not warrant him to exercise a power compleat when he is alone , because such a power must be exercised by a church , with one elder alone cannot be . and if one elder having an incompleat power when he is joyned with others , may not exercise a compleat power when he is alone , how will the incompleat power of a congregation when they have neighbours ( suppose that in such case their power were indeed incompleate ) how will this i say warr●nt that congregation when they are alone to exercise a compleat power ? for ought i see , the compleat power of the congregation is no more warranted upon this ground , then the like power of one elder upon the same ground , the cases being alike in both . neither doth a congregation transgresse any rule of christ at all when it exerciseth entire power of censures within it self , whereas there be no consociated ●hurches to share with it in that power . answ . this i grant is very true ; and i desire it may not be recalled , but may still stand as here it is expresly given to us ; and then i desire to know what rule of christ is transgressed , if an other congregation , i meane a congregation that hath neighbours , do exercise the like power . for my part i know no such rule , nor any good reason but if that the one congregation may so practise , the other congregation may do the like , and that the grounds ( at least some of them ) which will warrant the one , will also suffice to warrant the other . neverthelesse when any rule of christ shal be produced that doth restraine a congregation that hath neighbours of this entire power , which is so freely and plainly granted to the congregation that is alone , i shall then grant that the former must have lesse liberty to exercise this power , then is here granted to the latter . in the meane time , that which here is yeelded to the one doth amongst other things induce me to thinke that the same ought to be granted to the other , and so that entirenesse of power is in them both . a congregation ( viz. which is alone ) is capable of entire jurisdiction because it is a church . answ . how will it then be avoided but a congregation which hath neighbours , or a congregation which was alone and now hath neighbours added to it , how will it be avoided i say , but such a congregation as this is also capable of entire iurisdiction ? for can it be denyed but such a congregation is a church , as well as the other ? sure if mr. rutherford his doctrine elsewhere delivered do stand good , this cannot be denyed at all . for in his page 301 he saith , that is a church , and hath the essence of a church , to which agree the essentiall notes of a visible church , and preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments saith he are essentiall notes of a visible church . which if it bee so , then a congregation that hath neighbours is a visible church , and hath the essence of a church , because preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments are cleerely found in such a congregation . and if such a congregation be a church , then by his own doctrine in this place which we have in hand , such a congregation is capable of entire iurisdiction . for thus i argue from his own words every congregation which is a church is capable of entire iurisdiction . but a congregation which hath neighbours is a church . therefore a congregation which hath neighbours is capable of entire iurisdiction . the conclusion is that which we stand for , and it makes directly against our brother , and yet i see not how he can avoyd it , because both the premises are his own . for the proposition is plaine from the words we have in hand , v●z . a congregation is capable of entire jurisdiction because it is a church . now if this be the reason why it is capable thereof , then looke to what congregation this reason doth agree , every such congregation must be so capable . for our author well knoweth that à quatenus ad omnia consequentia . and for the assumption , the same is confirmed by his words , page 302 , where he makes that to be a church , and to have the essence of a church , to which the preaching of the word , and administration of the sacraments do agree . and these agreeing to a congregation that hath neighbours , it followeth that a congregation that hath neighbours is a church . vnlesse hee will deny to a congregation that hath neighbours power of preaching the word and administring the sacraments ( which i am perswaded he will not deny at all ) it will unavoidably follow from his own ground that such a congregation is a visible church . and if such a congregation be a visible church , then by his own ground also , such a congregation must be capable of entire iurisdiction : which conclusion if it bee granted we desire no more , for it is the thing that we hold . a woman in no case is capable of administring baptisme or the lords supper , except she were extraordinarily and immediately inspired to bee a prophetesse , but for the exercise of entire power of jurisdiction by a congregation in a remote iland , i hope it hath no such need of immediate inspiration . answ . nor do wee thinke otherwise ; but ( that we may keepe to the points and bring up the dispute to the thing in questio ) if such a congregation having no such inspiration may notwithstanding lawfully exercise intire power of iurisdiction within themselves , and that upon this reason , because they now are alone , which if they had neighbours were not lawfull for them to do , then let it be well considered , whether by the like reason in the like extraordinary case , baptisme and the lords supper may not be administred the one of them by a woman , and both of them by such as are no ministers . for as in one case the plea , to make it lawfull is this , because such a congregation hath no neighbours , so in the other the plea is because the congregation hath no ministers , nor perhaps there are no men at hand . and if the one which at other times were unlawfull , yet in such an extraordinary exigence of gods providence may be lawfully done , though there be no immediate inspiration to warrant the same , why doth there need such immediate inspiration to warrant the other , the extraordinary exigence of gods providence being alike in both . i desire i may not be mistaken in this passage , for i doe not affirme ( nor ever did ) that the dispensation of discipline and of sacraments in the cases mentioned are both alike unlawfull , or else both alike lawfull . the answer will not witnesse that i have so affirmed , neither yet this present discourse t● much lesse do i hold that sacraments may be dispensed by women or by men that are not ministers . all that i have said in this matter is thus much , that it is good to take heed how farre we yeeld it lawfull in such extraordinary cases , as want of neighbours , to transgresse and violate ordinary rules , least some body do thence inferre that sacraments may be dispensed by women or men that are no ministers , in case that ministers or men be wanting . this i have said indeed , as being tender and afraid to open a dore too far for liberty of transgressing ordinary rules , and conceiving that keeping close to those rules is the safest way . if any man be more bold and dare open the dore further then i dare adventure to do , and thinke he can easily shut the same againe , to stop the inconveniencies and ill consequents which i feare may thence ensue . i shall leave him to his discretion , and the guidance of god therein , onely craving thus much for my selfe that no more may be imputed to me , nor reported of me in this or other matters , then indeed i have affirmed or expressed . concerning his second reason of the greater necessity of discipline then of sacraments , his words are these . there is no such morall necessity of sacraments as there is of the ministery of the word and consequently of the use of the keyes , where a scandalous person may infect the lords flock : for where vision ceaseth the people perish . but it is never said where baptisme ceaseth the people perish , pag. 455. answ . how shall we be sure that by vision , prov. 26. 18. is meant discipline ? yea discipline not in a large sense as comprehending generally all order and behaviour concerning a church and outward duties therein , but discipline strictly taken for administration of censures ( for of this is one question ) how i say shall wee be sure that by vision is meant this discipline ? the usuall expositers tremeli●● and junius , 〈…〉 , and others doe expound the same of the preaching and dispensing of the word , making no mention at all of discipline as meant thereby . and the 〈◊〉 branch of the verse , he ●hat keepeth the law is blessed , doth ●hew that by vision in the former branch is mean the law , or doctrine or word of god. and if the scripture do not s●y , where baptisme ceaseth the people perish , yet neither doth it say , where administrat●on of censures ceaseth the people perish ; and therefore no necessity of censures above sacraments can be concluded hence . vncalled ministers in case of necessity without ordination or calling from a presbytery may preach and take on them the holy ministery and exercise power of jurisdiction , because of the necessity of the soules of a congregation in a remote iland requireth so . answ if they may do these things without ordination ( as for my part i deny it not , so that the election or consent of the congregation be not wan●ing , for that i suppose might be a good part of an outward calling ) then i demand whether one minister alone may not thus do , i meane whether one alone may not in the case proposed take on him the holy ministery and preach the word as a minister . if many may do it , then i suppose there is no question but one may do it much rather . and if so , then i demand further whe●her such a single minister may not also administer the sacraments to such a congregation : i suppose it cannot be denyed , for if he lawfully take on him the ministery and preach as a minister , what should hinder , but he may also baptize , and minister the lords supper ? and if hee may thus doe , then i demand lastly , whether this single minister may also administer discipline and censures in that congregation . if he may , then either the power of those censures must be in himselfe alone , or in the congregation also , in himselfe alone it cannot be , because censures must bee dispensed by a church , and one man alone cannot bee a church , if it be in the congregation also , then here is a power of excommunication or other censures even in the people which is against our brothers judgement . if it be said that this single minister as long as he wan●s other ministers joyned with him may not administer censures or discipline , then it will follow that power of censures is not alwayes annexed to the ministery as an inseparable adjunct thereof , nor are censures to be preferred before sacraments as more necessary , as our brother would have it , for as much as here is a ministery and the administring of sacraments , the necessity of the soules of the congregation requiring so , and yet for all this not any power of censures at all . our brother therefore may make his choyce , whether hee will grant the power of the keyes of discipline to bee in the people , or whether he will say the necessity of the soules in a congregation doth require sacraments more then discipline ; for though these be both against himselfe , yet upon the ground which himselfe doth here lay , the one of the two is unavoidable . but i hope no necessity in any of the most extraordinary case requireth that a midwife may baptize , or that a private man remaining a private man may celebrate the lords supper to the church , without any calling from the church . answ . concerning the midwife i thinke the same that he doth . and concerning the private man , i also therein ●●curre that without calling from the church hee may not performe what here is spoken of . but here i would make this quare whether 〈◊〉 man that never was a minister may not as well in an extraordinary case performe 〈◊〉 act of administring of baptisme or the lords supper , without any calling from the 〈◊〉 bytery or the church unto whom the office of ministery , as take on him without any such calling the whole ministery , and so preach and exercise the power of iurisdiction as a minister for as for the one of these , our brother expresly grants a man m●y lawfully take it on him without any such calling , the necessity of the soules of a congregation in an iland requiring so ; and if this necessity will warrant the one which is the whole and so the greater , why will it not warrant the other which is but one act and so the lesser ? one would thinke one act of dispensing baptisme or the supper were a lesser matter then the whole ministery , and all the actions thereof . and marvell it is , that the necessity of the soules of a congregation should warrant this which is the greater , and yet the same necessity should not be sufficient warrant for the lesser , a mans calling being otherwise alike unto both , that is , having an outward calling to neither himself doth sometimes reason thus , if wee give to beleevers that are not in office one pastorall act , wee may with the like weight of reason give them all : peaceable plea , page 272. now if this reasoning be good from one act to all , why is no this as good , from all to any one or to some one ? and why may we not in like maner argue thus , if persons uncalled may without ordination or calling take on them the whole ministery , why may not persons uncalled without ordination or calling take on them to baptize or minister the supper ? not that i thinke such a practise to be lawfull , but only i intend to make quaere about the validity of our brothers kind of arguing . yea , it is elsewhere his arguing , that it persons not in office of ministery may execute censures and discipline , they may then administer the sacraments . for saith he , what hinders by this reason but they may also without ministers prea●h and administer the sacraments : peaceable plea , page 196. yea saith he , i s●e not but with a like warrant private men may administer the sacraments : vbi supra , page 196. this we see is his arguing elsewhere : and yet in the place we have in hand he grants that persons uncalled may in case of necessity without ordination or calling take on them the ministery in generall , and in particular may exerc●se the power of iurisdiction , and yet for all this he sayes , that no necessity will warrant a man to celebrate the lords supper without a calling from the church . which two sayings for ought i perceive do not agree . for in the one it is affirmed that if they may exercise discipline and censures , they may by the like reason administer sacraments : and the other saith they may exercise discipline and censures and yet may not administer sacraments ; and yet both the sayings are expressed by the same authors pen. chap. xi . whether the power of iurisdiction flowing immediately from the essence of a church doe not agree to a church that hath neighbours as well as to a church that hath none : and whether otherwise neighbouring churches bee not a losse . and whether pretence of male-administration be a sufficient reason for neighbouring churches to deprive a congregation of its power . the next place where i find mr. rutherford dealing with the answer , is in his page 455. where he brings in these words under mr. tompsons name and mine , viz. if the power of jurisdiction flow immediately and necessarily from the essence of a church , and a congregation be essentially a church , then this power agreeth to all churches whether consociated , or not consociated , and without respect of what neighbours they have , whether many or few , whether any or none . second , a congregation it selfe alone cannot have sole power of iurisdiction and then be deprived of it , when god sendeth neighbours , for then neighbouring churches which are given for help should be given for losse , the contrary whereof ames saith no. doe synods saith he , constitute a new forme of a chur●h . thus farre mr. rutherford who in his margent alledgeth mr. tompson and me , 16. pag. 4 , 5. answ . in one of these pages of the answer , viz. p. 5. there is nothing at all to be found that looks toward such a purpose as our brother hath in hand , and therefore this page should not have been here alledged . the words of dr. ames are more imperfectly cited by our brother , then they were alledged in the answer , for the answer alledgeth them thus out of medull . theol. lib. 1. chapter 3. sect 27. that the combination of churches into classes , and synods doth neither constitute a new forme of a church , nor ought by any meanes to take away or impayer that liberty and power which christ hath given to his churches , sith it serveth only for the directing and furthering of the same . wher●as our brother expresseth only those first words that synods do not constitute a new forme of a church , but all the rest wherein the chiefe strength of dr. ames his testimony doth lye , them he doth wholly omit and leave out . he also leaves out the assent which is given by mr. paget , to this testimony of dr. ames , which assent as it is expressed in his defence p. 107. in these words , this we do willingly grant , is also in the ●ame words alledged by the answer in p. 4. but this is wholly passed over by mr. rutherford in silence . now two such men as these being alledged in the answer , as plainly affirming that the combination of churches into classes and synods must neither tollere nor minuere , take away not impaire or diminish the liberty or power of churches , but only serve for the directing and furthering of the same , and the one of them being the chiefe patron of the power of classes and synods , it is some marvell to me that no word of answer is vouchsafed to them by mr. rutherford , but that their words are thus passed by with silence , and the name of one of them not so much as mentioned . how ever this is cleere , that he that gainsayes the answer in this passage , hath not only the answer , but also the reverend author here mentioned to be against him . but let us come to consider of mr. rutherford his answer which he subjoyneth in these words , viz. power of iurisdiction floweth from the essence of a congregation in an iland , ergo a totall and compleat power of iurisdiction floweth from the essence of a church or congregation consociated , it followeth no wayes . answ i desire the reason may be laid down according to our true meaning therein , and in its full strength ; and then the former part thereof must not only speak of power of iurisdiction flowing from the essence of a church that want neighbours , but of entire power , for thereof is the question ; and in the latter part the termes must no : be a church consociated but a church that hath neighbours ; now if entire power and iurisdiction do flow from the essence of a church , and therefore this essence of a church being found in a congregation that wants neighbours , this entirenesse of power mu●t thereupon be granted to such a congregation ; i then demand why the like entirenesse of power must not be granted as well to a congregation that hath neighbours , sith the essence of a church is found in this congregation , as well as in the other . for ought i see either the essence of a church must be denyed to a congregation that hath neighbours or else it will follow that entirenesse of power must be granted to such a congregation , risibility and power of reason flowing immediately and necessarily from the essence of a man , and power to defend it selfe and purge out excrements flowing in like sort from the essence of a humane body , and power to governe it self with family government flowing in like sort from the essence of a family ; therefore we must not grant these powers to be entire in such a man , such a body , or such a family as is alone , and deny the same to one that hath neighbours , but must grant them alike unto all , because this power flowes from their very essence , which is as truly found in such as have neighbours , as it is in those that are alone . and the like may be said in other cases . and why it should be otherwise in a congregationall church , that the power of the iurisdiction flowing from the essence of such a church should therefore be entire in such a congregation as is alone in an iland , and yet not entire in a congregation that hath neighbours , though this congregation hath the essence of a church as well as the other , why these congregations i say should thus greatly differ in their power , and yet be alike in their essence from whence their power doth flow , for my part i yet do not understand the reason . nor doth that satisfy which mr. rutherford here alledgeth , that one pastor in a congregation hath as a pastor power to rebuke sin and to administer the sacraments , and yet when three pastors are added to help him he hath not the sole power of rebuking sin , and the sole and entire power to administer the sacraments , but these three pastors have power with him : this i conceive doth not help the matter at all : for though it be true that these three pastors being added to the first have each of them the like power as the first had , yet the power of the first for the performance of these things mentioned , is as comple●t in him notwithstanding this addition , as it was before , and not any whit abated nor impayred thereby : and the reason is , because matters of order flowing from the essence of a pastor may bee sufficiently and compleatly performed by one pastor singly , which acts of iurisdiction cannot . mr. rutherford his own words in this case are these , viz. a single pastor may ministerially give out commandements in the authority of christ , but hee cannot himselfe censure or excommunicate the contraveners of those commandements : due right , page 387. and againe , page 387 , 388 it is proper is acts of iuris●iction ecclesiasticall that they cannot be exercised by one alone , but must be exercised by a society : but a pastor as a pastor himselfe alone without any collaterally joyned with him exerciseth his pastorall acts of preaching and administring the sacraments . now if a pastor as a pastor himself alone without any collatterally joyned with him , may thus exercise his pastorall acts , then indeed the accesse or addition of other pastors is not at all destructive of his pastorall power , but he still retaineth the same as compleat and perfect as before , because hee doth these acts as a pastor and remaineth a pastor still . but how this example and instance can any thing further mr. ruth●rford his purpose , i do not understand . for his intention is to make good that a congregation may have entire power when it is alone , a●d yet not so when other congregations do arise ; and for the consuming of this hee brings this instance and example from a pastor that hath a pastorall power afore other pastors are added ; who by the addition of others hath no lesse power then afore ; which example i conceive rather makes against him then for him . for saith he , page 456. their pastorall power added to him is cumulative and auxiliary , but not privative or destructive of his pastorall power , and therefore that the first pastor suffereth losse by the addition of these three to him , who , saith he , will say this ? answ . i know none that will say it ; but if their power be cumulative and auxiliary to his pastorall power , and no wayes privative or destructive thereof , then what power he had afore they were added , the same he hath still in as great measure as formerly , and so his pastorall acts are as perfect and valid as they were before . now let the same bee granted to a congregation that hath neighbour congregations added , and we have what we demand : and if this be not granted , then though the power of those other pastors be cumulative and auxiliary to the other pastor , yet the power of those other congregations seemes not so to the former congregation , but rather privative or destructive of its power , and then how can this example confirme our brothers purpose , or how can it be avoided but the example which he produceth doth make against himselfe ? sure if the power of these other pastors bee not destructive to the former pastors power , but auxiliary thereto , so that what power he had before , the same he retayneth still , and in the same measure , then it must bee so likew●se in a congregation when neighbour congregations are added , or else this example will not suit : but make the examples to agree and our cause is advantaged thereby . our brethren doe conceive the power of congregations in its kind and essence to be monarchicall , so as if any power from consociated congregations be added thereunto , the congregations power monarchicall is diminished and the essence of it changed . answ . the power of congregations we ●old to be ministeriall , as being delegated from christ iesus , and to be exercised according to his appointment ; and in him alone and in no other do we place this monarchicall power ; according to what the holy ghost witnesseth , that there are differences of administrations but the same lord , 1 cor. 12. 5. and though our brother is pleased to put this upon us , that we conceive the power of congregations to bee monarchicall , yet in truth the same is farre from us : nor do i thinke that so much as one of us can be named , that at any time hath so spoken : nor doth such a thing follow from any thing delivered by us concerning the power of congregations . for as for that which here he intimateth and elsewhere expresseth more plainly , so that the power of iurisdiction in congregations is closely made void or destroyed by that power which some ascribe unto classes , if this be holden by us , doth it thence follow that we hold the power of congregations to be monarchical●● it followes not at all . for then by the like reason i could prove that himselfe d●th hold a power monarchicall in the universall or provinciall churches : for he expresly affirmeth , page 337. that the popes power destroyeth the power of the church universall , and the prelates power destroyeth the power of the church whereof hee is pretended pastor . and yet i hope he doth not hold a monarchicall power in the one chu●ch nor in the other , nor in any church or churches but in christ alone ; nor can the same bee truly concluded upon that which hee affirmeth of destroying the power of churches by the power of the pope and prelate . and if not , how then can any man conclude against us that we hold a monarchicall power in congregations , though wee should hold that the power of congregations is destroyed or diminished by that power which some would give unto classes● if our pr●mises will warrant him to fasten such a tenent upon us , his own will give a warrant for the like against himselfe . and if the ground be insufficient to beare such a conclusion against him , as i confesse it is , i know no sufficient ground why the same should be imputed unto us . compleat and en●ire power to rule both the congrega●ion and members of consociated churches in so farre as they do keep communion with that congregation , and may either edifie or scandalize them , floweth not immeaiately and ●ecessarily from the essence of every congregation even in remote ilands not consociated with others , that we never said . answer . indeed it were an absurd and grosse saying for any man to say , that a congregation in a remote iland not consociated with others should have power , yea compleat and entire power to rule the congregation and members of churches consociated and that this should flow immediately and necessarily from the essence of such a congregation . but there is no need that our brother should cleere himselfe from this saying , for i know none that imputes it to him . neverthelesse , the saying here ●●joyned cannot be denyed , for they are his own verb●ti●● . first , the ordinary power of iurisdiction because of neerest vicinity and contiguity of members is given by iesus christ to one congregation in an isle , because that church is a church properly so called : it is a little city , and a little kingdome of iesus christ , having within it selfe power of the ●ord and sacraments and that is a church and hath the essence of a church to which agree the essentiall notes of a church : now preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments are essentiall notes of a visible church : page 302. second , a congregation is a church wanting nothing of the being and essence of a church , page 302. third , where consociation is not , ordination and excommunication may be done by one single congregation , page 338. fourth , that in such cases ( viz. when a church is in an iland it selfe alone ) they have the word preached and entire power of discipline whole and entire within themselves to excommunicate scandalous persons , is not extraordinary , page 454. fift , it floweth co●naturally from a church to which agreeth the essence of a church , to exercise iurisdiction over all its owne members , ibid. sixt , neither doth a congregation transgresse any rules of christ at all , when it exerciseth entire power of censures within it selfe , whereas there be no consociated churches to share with it in that power , ibid. seaventh , a congregation is capable of entire iurisdiction , because it is a church , ibid. such sayings as these himselfe hath delivered in the pages and places here cited , and in the words and termes here expressed ; and therefore from these he cannot cleere himselfe and if from these the entirenesse of iurisdiction in a church that hath neighbours may justly be deduced , as i conceive it may , and have above manifested , it will then but little availe him to wash his hands from the stayne of that other absurd saying afore mentioned , which no man that i know do charge him withall . for as long as these other sayings do stand unrecalled , so long wee have cleere grounds from himselfe and his own words , for entirenesse of iurisdiction in every congregationall church , and so for the weakening of his cause , and for the strengthening of our own . a power to governe well and according to the rule of the word added to an other power to governe well and according to the word , is an auxiliary power and no way destructive to that power to which it is added . indeed a power to governe well added to a power of male-administration in a congregation is destructive of that power , and reason it should bee so , because christ never gave any such power of male-administration to a congregation . answ . here our brother speakes of two cases , first of a power of governing well added to a power of governing well . second , of a power of governing well added to a power of governing ill ; but besides these , there is a third case which had need to bee considered also , viz. a power of governing ill added to a power of governing well , which may be the case when the power of classis is added to a congregation ; for it is not impossible but the congregation may be in the right and the classis in the wrong . now what shall be said or done in this ●ase ? shall the congregation now have the free exercise of its power , or shall it not ? to say yea , would satisfie the minds of many , if the congregation themselves may be judge that they are in the right , or if it were determined who must judge thereof . and to say no , and that the power must still be in this erring classis , were to subject righteousnesse to wickednesse , and truth to falshood , and i conceive our brother will not maintain such power in a compound or presbytery or classis . for in page 335. speaking of this very case , and the greater presbytery is wrong in their voicing , and the elders of a congregationall church are right , and have the best in judging of a case before them , he plainly affirmeth , that the power which in this case the presbytery exerciseth is not of christ , and that de jure the power of the greater presbytery in this case ought to be swallowed up of the voices of the elders of a congregation , though they be fewer in number . now if this be so , then the thing in question is still as uncertain as before , and still wee are to seeke where the power of censures or iurisdiction doth finally reside . for in the one place our brother tels us , christ never gave power of male-administration to a congregation , and in the other he tels us the like of a classis or great presbytery , and that christ hath given no power to any church to erre . by which sayings we are left at great uncertainty : for still the question will be whether the congregation doth erre or no , and so whether the classis do erre or no , and unlesse it be determined who must judge of this , we are still but where wee were , and no neerer an issue then before . this indeed is most true and must be so acknowledged , that though the lord almighty have given a power unto societies , whether they bee families , common-wealths , or churches , and have made sundry of them subordinate to none other the like societies in the exercise of their power , but to have supremacy of power within themselves , yet he hath also given them just and holy rules in his word for the directing of them in the use of this power , from which rules it is not lawfull for them to swerve or go astray ; but if they do , it will be sin unto them , and he will surely require it of them : but now between these two the power it selfe and the abuse or right use of the power , we must carefully distinguish , for though abuse of their power bee not given of god , from whom comes nothing but good , yet the power it selfe being good is given of him , and is so to be acknowledged . and though abuse of their power do justly deserve at his hands that they should be deprived of the power it selfe , ye● god doth not alwayes forthwith deale with men according to their deserts herein , but many times continues still to them their power , though they have abused the same , much lesse doth he allow others to deprive them of this power because of every abuse thero● : witnesse among others the examples of the pagan princes in the apostles times , who through their ignorance , infidelity , pride and other sins , could not but in great measure abuse their authority , and yet the holy ghost commands the christians to be subject and obedient thereunto , rom. 13. 1 , 2. &c. t it 3. 1. not to obey them indeed , in doing evill at their commands , for in such case they must obey god rather then man , as act 5. 29. yet still they must be subject to the powers either actively or pa●●ively , even then when the powers were sinfully abused . even so , if a family shall abuse their power , it doth not follow that other families , may lawfully for this cause take away their power from them : or if a corporation shall so offend , it will not follow that other corporations may deprive them of their power . and if it be so in commonwealths , and families , why may wee not say the same of churches ? or how will it follow , if a church shall abuse their power , that other churches in such eases may take away the power from such a church ? for ought i see , this will not follow at all , no more then the other . for though christ have not given to any church a power of male administration as mr. rutherford speaks , yet hath he given to every church a power of administration , which if they manage not aright but do abuse the same , the lord iesus will be displeased with them for this abuse , and other churches may and ought to advise them and admonish them and testifie against them for the same ; but for the power it selfe , as christ himselfe doth not forthwith deprive them thereof , so much lesse may other churches take it from them , for who gave them this authority ? per in parem non habet potestatem : and churches are all of equall authority , and not one superior or inferior to another , as therefore when children or servants in a family are not governed as they ought to be , yet neighbour families have not warrant because of this male administration to invade the rights and destroy the power of such a family , even so it is in this case of churches ▪ this male-administration in a church is not forthwith a sufficient warrant for neighbour churches to invade the rights of such a church , and to take away its power from it . especially if we do consider that this male-administration in a congregation may possibly be but pretended and not reall , and that the administration of the classes may paradventure be really such ; in which case mr. rutherford saith the power of the classis is not of christ , but their voices ought de jure to be swallowed up by the congregation and the elders thereof . this argument therefore from male-administration of the power of a congregation , which mr rutherford saith , it is reason should be destroyed by another power added to it , meaning the power of a classis is of no sufficient force to take away the power of a congregation at all , not to establish the power of the classis over the same , being as justly applyable against the classis it selfe : therefore for ought that doth yet appeare , supreame ministeriall church power which i conceive must needs be somewhere , may as well be in the congregation as in the classis , and can neither by this argument of male-administration nor by any other that we have yet seene , bee placed in the classis any more then in the congregation . chap. xii . whether it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be judge ; and whether mr. rutherford can safely say that none of them do so teach , and whether this saying that parties may not be judges do make against entirenesse of power in a congation , any more then in a generall or nationall councell . the next place where mr. rutherford deales with the answer , is in his p. 456. where alledging mr. tompson and me , page 5. he hath these words as ours , viz. if it be against the light of nature that the adverse party be the sole iudge , which must be if the sole power of iurisdiction be in the congregation ( as wee grant in an extraordinary case and the congregation is in an iland it selfe alone ) and so it shall be lawfull for a single congregation to do that which is against all equity , and the very light of nature , it must then follow , that it is not against the light of nature that a congregation though consociated with other congregations have entire jurisdiction within it selfe . answ . our words in the page alledged are more prospicuous and cleere , then these which are here set down for ours : neither do wee make any mention of a congregation in an iland , nor yet of a congregation consociated with other churches , least of all do we say ( or report others to say ) that it is lawfull for a single congregation to do that which is against all equity and the very light of nature ; none of these things are ours . and therefore , that our true meaning may plainely appeare as it is , i will transcribe a few of our words , which are these , viz. sure we cannot thinke that there can be such a case imagined , wherein you would grant it lawfull for a single congregation to do that which is against all equity and the very light of nature , and yet you grant that the case may be such that a single congregation may have entirenesse of jurisdiction within it selfe ; which seemes to us plainly to prove that for a congregation to bee so independent as to be the finall judge of offences within it selfe , is not against all equity nor against the light of nature , as is intimated by you . these are our words , much differing from those which mr. rutherford sets down as ours , which i thought meet to relate out of the answer , that our meaning might appeare as it is , and no otherwise . and now let us heare what our brother subjoyneth for answer . none of us , saith he , do teach that it is against the light of nature that the adverse party be the iudge : it might fall out in a generall councell lawfully convened from which their is no provocation : yea and in a nationall councell ( for all councels may erre ) the adverse party may judge ; as it was a lawfull councell according to a church constitution that condemned christ of blasphemy and they were also his enemies . answ . and may it not also fall out in a provinc●all synod , and in a classis or presbtytery of many churches ? i suppose it cannot be denyed , but the iudges in all these may be the adverse parties ; and so if the adverse party may not be iudge , then neither generall nor nationall councels , nor provinciall synods , nor classes , nor presbyteries may be iudges ; because there is none of these but possibly they may be parties . and so this argument , parties may not be iudges , doth make no more against the congregations power of judging , then against all ecclesiasticall assemblies whatsoever . vnlesse therefore men would overthrow the power of all ecclesiasticall iudicatories whatsoever without exception of any , they can have no help from this argument to overthrow the power of iurisdiction in congregations . not to insist upon that which might also be truly alledged , that the objection hath the like force , ( if any at all ) against civill iudicatories . but is it so indeed as our brother affirmeth , that none of them do teach that it is against the light of nature that the adverse party be the judge ? i thinke he should not thus have spoken , for i am much mistaken if the contrary hereunto be not certainly true . for first of all , i alledge the words of reverend mr , herle , in his book of independency page 5. alledged in the answer : page 6 , the very pag. which here mr rutherford is dealing against . in which place of mr. herle there are these words , viz. that there ought to be graduall judicatories , wherein the agrieved party may appeale from the lesser to the higher , that against the very light of nature the adverse party be not the sole iudge and party too in the cause , there can be no ceremony or type in this , next of all i alledge the words of the same reverend author in his page 10 ▪ ( which is also alledged in the forementioned place of the answer ) where the words are these , what if a brother offend not a particular brother , but the whole congregation ? what if ten brethren offend the whole or part ? shall we thinke the offence fals not within our saviours remed or complaint or appeale here ? that the offended party be not against all equity the sole and finall judge of the offence . in which places wee see it is plaine , yet this reverend author counts it against the very light of nature ; that the adverse party should bee iudge and party too in the cause , and that it is against all equity that the party offended should bee sole and finall iudge of the offence . and therefore it is marvellous that mr. rutherford should say that none of them do so teach : yea , it is the more marvellous inasmuch as both these places of mr. herle are expresly mentioned in that very page of the answer which here mr. rutherford is disputing against . and therefore it he had not remembred that himselfe had read the same in mr herle , as like enough he had , yet finding the same alledged by us in that scripture of ou●s , it is marvell hee would not turne to the places alledged to search and see whether the thing were so or no , afore he had denyed the same . whereas on the contrary , whether he searched or searched not , this we see that he roundly affirmes , that none of them do so teach ; to which saying i know not how to assent , our eyes having so plainly seene and read the direct contrary , yea and further , it is yet more marvellous that mr. rutherford should thus write , considering not only what hath been already said , but also what himselfe hath written elsewhere : i will mention a few of his own sayings , and then himselfe shall be ●udge , whether the thing we have now in hand was by him advise●ly and well spoken . in his pe●ceable plea , page 218 he hath these words , when the graecian church offendeth the hebrew church , the hebrew church cannot complaine to the graecian church , for the law forbiddeth the party to bee judge . and what law hee meanes may be perceived by his words in page 208. of the same treatise , where he saith , if one man be wronged and see truth suffer by partiality , the law of nature will warrant him to appeale to an assembly , where there is more light and greater authority , as the weaker may fly to the stronger . now let himselfe be judge whether in these testimonies compared , he do not teach , that it is against the law of nature that parties should be iudge● , and that therefore men may appeale from them . againe , those words page 27 of the same book are so plaine as that nothing can be more , these words saith he what soever yee bind on earth , &c. must be meant only of the apostles , and of the church , verse 18. yea , and it must exclude peter and his offending brother , suppose they were both beleevers ; because parties by the law of nature and nations cannot be iudges . las●ly , those words are expresse in his due right of presbytery , in his see ●nd p. 338 , 339. where hee writes thus , if according to the law of nature and nations , no man can be iudge in his own cause , then are appeales from the eldership of one congregation , when they are a party to the caused person , naturall — but the former is reason , nature , law of nations . ergo so is the latter . in the assumption of which sylogisme he plainly affirmes that it is reason , nature , and the law of nations , that no man may be judge in his own cause , and by all this i suppose t● is manifest that the thing which he saith none of them do teach is expresly and plainly taught by some of them , and among others even by himselfe , who therefore ought not to have denyed the same , nor can bee cleered from much forgetfulnesse in so doing . and if so great an oversight be found in him , i hope himself may thereby be intreated to be tender of agravating matters against us or others , at leastwise not so farre to agravate them , as to impute unto us matters which we do not hold : for a mans owne infirmities should make him more equitable and favourable towards others . and christian readers may be warned hereby not hastily to receive all that mr. rutherford hath written , afore they have duly examined and tryed the same , whether the things bee so or not , for wee see through forgetfulnesse or otherwise hee may greatly mistake himselfe , and misse of the truth , and give forth such sayings and expressions for truth , as are in no sort to be maintained but recalled , though neverthelesse he is otherwise a man of great worth , and so ever to be acknowledged . we teach that it is not congruous to the wisdome of christ , nor to the light of nature , that christ should have appointed all the ordinary church courts , so many thousand congregations , who may rather crie then extraordinary and higher synods to bee the onely ordinary iudges in their own cause . answ . these qualifications and limitations of the matter of parties being iudges are such as to my remembrance i never heard given afore now . now indeed it is said 1. that all congregations being so many thousand . 2. may not be the only ordinary iudges in their own cause , but it would bee against the wisdome of christ and light of nature if it should so be ; yet formerly it was delivered absolutely and simply , that it is against the light of nature for parties to be iudges , without any such modifications and qualifications as now mr. rutherf . gives to help the matter withall . neverthelesse by qualifying the thing in this sort , it seemes thereby to bee still granted that though so many thousand congregations may not ordinarily be iudge in their own cause , but the light of nature will be against it , yet for some congregations and at some times the thing may be allowed well enough : else why is the thing denyed only to so many congregations , and ordinarily , if it be not thereby implyed that some congregations and at some times may thus practise ? now hereupon the question groweth , whether some at some times may bee allowed to do contrary to the light of nature , though all may not : or whether the light of nature bee changed when there comes to be many congregations , and be not the same that it was before , when there was no more congregations but one , whether i say some new light of nature do arise with the rise of new congregations , so that when they are many it would be against this light for them thus to bee iudges , though it was not so when there was but one : or whether we must say the light of nature remaining in the same , one congregation remaining alone may be allowed to do contrary thereto , but many may not . it seemes to be inconvenient and ha●d to affirme either of these ; and yet the one or the other seemes unavoidable by this that mr. rutherford here teacheth . for let it be granted that a congregation that is alone , yea a generall councell , yea a nationall councell also may be iudges in their own cause , and that no light of nature is against the same , and yet many congregations may not be so , but then the light of nature will be against it , let these things i say be granted , which are all of them granted and taught by mr. rutherford , and then i desire to know how the inconveniences mentioned can be avoided ; i meane how it can be avoided , but either some men or church assemblies may lawfully do that which is against the very light of nature , or else that the light of nature is changed when many congregations do arise , from that which it was when there was but one . yea the difficulty and intrica●y in this way is yet more , if it be well considered . for first of all when a congregation is alone , it is yeelded that it is not against natures light for them to bee iudges in their own cause . secondly , when many congregations do arise , now it is said it is against such light , that they should so be iudges : yet thirdly , when these congregations do gather into a nationall councell , then this light of nature will allow them to be iudges , as in the first case of a single congregation that is alone : and the same is also said of the generall councell : so that here is strange varying and changing of the light of nature , and of that which is against it , lawfull or unlawfull thereby . and when good reason and ground is given for the cleering of these things , we shall then consider further thereof , and see more then yet we do . in the meane time taking what is granted , that no light of nature forbids a congregation when it is alone , to have entirenesse of iurisdiction within it selfe , nor forbids the same to the generall or nationall councels , i thinke it may thence be inferred , that the like must be allowed to congregationall churches that have neighbours , and that entirenesse of iurisdiction in these is no more against the light of nature , then in the other . for to say that one congregation may have this entirenesse of iurisdiction and the light of nature allowe● it , and others may not but the light of nature forbids it ; yea to say first the light of nature allowes it , and then it forbids it , and then it allowes it againe , these are such abstruse and intricate things , yea so apparantly incongruous and inconsistent , that it passeth my understanding to perceive how they can stand together . chap. xiii . whether the churches at thessalonica and ierusalem , were each of them more then one congregation ; and of mr. baynes his iudgement therein . of the assembly mentioned luke 12. and whether our saviour did there speake to his disciples onely , or to all the people also . it is a wonder to me saith our author page 457. that thessalonica was but one congregation — yet the apostle ascribeth to them that which is a note to worthy baynes of the unmerous multitude of the church of jerusalem , from whence went the word of ged to all the world. 1 thes . 1. 8. for from you sounded out the word of the lord not onely in macedonia , and achaia , but in every place your faith to god-ward is spread abroad . answ . all this doth not hinder but thessalonica might be one congregation , though perhaps a great one . for that the word did sound out from them to others , and their faith to godward was spread abroad , what is there in all this to prove they were many congregations in one church ? and for mr. baynes whom our author worthily counts a worthy man , there is nothing in him that will serve mr. rutherford his purpose , but much that makes for the contrary . for it is well known in his diocesans triall he maintaines at large , that churches by the appointment of chr●st are congregationall , and denyes that one congregation may be one church : and in the particular instances of the church , at jerusalem , at co●i●th , at ephesus , at antioch and others , he holds the very same that we do , and the direct contrary to that which mr. rutherford stands for . and therefore whereas he wonders that thessalonica should bee one congregation , considering what the apostle saith of them , and what mr. baynes hath said of jerusalem , i may more justly wonder that he should once mention mr. baynes in this cause . for if ever there was man in this world that deny●d many congregations to be one church , and allowed onely such churches to be instituted of christ as may meete ordinarily in one congregation , this mr. baynes was one of them ; and therefore a wonder it is to me that mr. rutherford should thinke to have help from him in this question . but let us consider what it is that mr baynes doth say of the church at ierusalem : why , this which the apostle affirmeth of the thessalonians mr. baynes doth make a note of the numerous multitude of the church at ierusalem . but doth hee make it a note of many congregations in one church at ierusalem ? if he do , this were something to the purpose , i grant . but i hope mr. rutherford will not so report of mr. baynes ; for it is plaine mr. bayne● doth not so speake , but expresly saith the direct contrary ; and therefore what ever numerous multitude might be in that church , and what ever might be a note of such multitude , except mr. baynes had said that the multitude was such as made many congregations and yet all but one church ( which he never said but the contrary ) there is no help to be had from mr. baynes in this businesse . for who knoweth not that there might be a numerous multitude , and yet but one congregation ? sure in mr. baynes his judgement it might be so , and therefore though hee grant a numerous multitude in this church at jerusalem , yet mr. rutherford purpose for many congregations in thessal●nica and yet all but one church , is not gained , nor at all holpen thereby . which will better appeare if mr. baynes his argumentation in the place which i conceive mr. rutherford aymes at , be considered in page 3. of his diocesans tryall , he propounds an argument of theirs who would have many congregations to be one church , taken from the example of the ancient churches of rome and alexandria , laid down in these words : if the multitude of christians did in ierusalem so increase within a little time , that they exceeded the proportion of one congregation , how much more likely is it that christians in rome and alexandria did so increase in 200 yeares , that they could not keepe in one particular assembly : but the first is true , ergo also the latter . now when he cames to answer this argument , pag. 18 , 19. what doth he then say . first of all he saith , the proposition is not of necessary consequence , for there were saith he very extraordinary reasons of that which was effected in ierusalem : and so he proceeds to mention 5 , or 6. reasons in particular , of which one is this which it may be mr. rutherford hath an eye unto , that the state of this church was such as that it was to send out light to all others , a common aursery to the world. and therefore if the thing were granted that in jerusalem there was a numerous multitude , yea such a multitude as could not be contained in one congregation , yet saith he , it doth not follow from this particular to the so great increasing of these churches , to wit , of rome and alexandria in tract of time . and even so may i say , it doth not follow to the so great increasing of the church of the thessalonians , there being such extraordinary reasons for that which was effected in ierusalem , as neither rome nor alexandria , nor yet thessalonica could alledge the same . and this is his answer to the proposition . but for the assumption , where mr. rutherford his help must chiefly lye , to wit , that the multitude of christians in ierusalem did exceed the proportion of one congregation , this mr. baynes doth expresly deny : not to mention , saith he , that we do deny the assumption . therefore , the proposition being by mr. baynes not yeelded , and the assumption expresly denyed , i see not how master rutherford can have any help to his cause from either of both . he denyes not , he saith , what mr. tompson and i do say , that 5000 may meet to hear the word , many thousands were gathered together , luke 12 to heare christ . answ . if this be not denyed , then suppose there were 5000 or more in the church at ierusalem , it doth not follow therefore that that church was many congregations , and so our purpose is gained . but we , he saith , leave out the inconveniences of thronging so all at once , for they trod one upon another . second , christ preached not to all those thousands at once , for it is expresly said verse 1. hee began to say to his disciples ; so , christ refusing to preach to such a disorderly confluence of people , who could not heare , and his doctrine being all for his disciples , the very sermon being preached to his disciples onely — evidenceth to me that christ condemneth a numerous multitude to heare at once . answ . the question is not about the conveniency or inconveniency of such excessively great assemblies ; but whether there be an impossibility in nature , and reason , that so many as are said to bee in the church at ierusalem should assemble and come together in one congregation ; for this is sometimes said for the proving of sundry congregations in that one church . now if this be not impossible , then the plurality of congregations in that one church cannot bee concluded by those great multitudes that were therein . and that it is not impossible for such great multitudes to come together in one congregation , the scripture alledged luke 12 , doth witnesse . if they trod one upon another , that might argue the assembly was very great , and that they were very desirous to bee neere unto our saviour for their better hearing , but doth not at all prove that such multitudes are so great as that they cannot possibly be spoke unto and heare in one congregation . and therefore , whereas our brother saith , christ preached not to all those thousands at once , and that he refused to preach to such a disorderly confluence of people , with favour of so worthy a man , i thinke the truth is otherwise . for though he began to speak to his disciples , verse 1. and exhorted them against worldly carefulnesse , verse 22. yet others who were not disciples were present , and did also heare his sermon : witnesse that in verse 13. where it is said that one of the company ( interrupting our saviour as it seemes ) demands of him that hee would speake to his brother about dividing the inheritance ; to whom our saviour makes answer , verse 14. which plainly ●hewes that all the p●esent company were not disciples . yea whereas it is said , that hereupon our saviour spake to them of bewaring and taking heed of coveteousnesse , verse 15. and sp●ke a parable to them of a certain rich man , verse 16. and after this said to his disciples , verse 22. take ●o thought for your life what you shall eate , &c. it appeareth hereby that these persons spoken to afterward verse 15 , 16 , &c. were not the disciples , who were spoken to afterward , verse 22. but were some other people besides . and what can be more plaine then that in verse 54. where it is expresly said , that christ spake unto the people , rebuking them for their hypocrisie , that could discerne the face of the skye , and of the earth , but could not discerne that time ? and he said also to the people , saith the text ; doth it not plainly appeare hereby that as myriads of people were gathered together , ver . 1 so our saviour spake the word unto those people ? i suppose the thing is manifest , and that therefore our brothers words cannot stand , when he saith , that christ preached not to that confluence of people , but refused so to do , his doctrine being all for his disciples , for we see the holy ghost witnesseth that hee spake not onely to his disciples , but to the people also : chemniti●s hath these words , neg●ri non potest ●n hac satis prolixi concione , &c. it cannot bee denyed that christ in this long sermon of his , directed his speech first to his disciples , second to his friends , third to one of the company . fourth to peter demanding a question . fift to all the multitude , and it seemes the ev●ngelist was willing as it were to reckon up these severall parts or members of the sermon , harmon . chap. 110. and the refuter of dr. downams sermon saith , the mention of many thousands in jerusalem doth not make the number such as by no meanes could meete together in the publike worship of god , seeing it is apparent , luke 12. 1. that the people which assembled unto christ and partake his ' doctrine were also many myriads : and albeit he began at the first to speake to his disciples verse 1. yet afterward he spake to all the people assembled , ver . 13. 15. 54. reply p. 2. p. 90. wherefore though our brother say christ spake not to these multitudes of people but to his disciples onely , yet sith wee have the ●ext it selfe , and the judgement of two divines of chiefe note , expresly witnessing the contrary , therefore we cannot assent to him herein . whereas chrysostome saith 5000 did heare his voyce at once in one congregation by meanes of scaffolds and galleries , and mr. mather is willing to yeeld 8120 were all assembled in one place to heare the word , and that all the multitude of converts at ierusalem were together in solomons porch acts 5 12. i grant 3000 could heare at once , but alas &c page 458. answ . if chrysostomes testimony be of any weight , or mr. baynes his testimony by whom chrysostome is alledged diocesans triall , page 16. then a must be granted that not only 3000 , but a greater number , even 50●0 at least may heare the word at once . and if so , then 5000 members in the church at ierusalem will not prove plurality of congregations in one church , forasmuch as here are 5000 people and yet no more congregations but one . but alas this is a great uncertainty for independant congregations , but this is to be proved , first that 8000 ( mr. mather hath not added many other multitudes mentioned , acts 5. 14. & 6. 17. ) did meete dayly in the temple . second , dayly or ordinarily from house to house . third , to celebrate the lords supper dayly in the temple and in every private house , and there were need of many scaffolds and galleries , to sit at one table . fourth , to make one judicature , &c. answ . he that shall look upon the answer page 34 will plainely see that i have here spoken to both those places of acts 5. 14. & 6 1. shewing that neither of them do prove a plurality of congregations in this church at ierusalem , but rather the contrary . and therefore this parenthesis which doth intimate that i have omitted to speake to these places , must not be assented to , but denyed . but why must these foure particulars be proved ? i suppose he meanes because of that which is said act. 2 46. they continued dayly with one accord in the temple , &c. but this doth not cleere it , that these foure particulars must needs be proved , and the reason is ; first , because iudicature which is one of the particulars , is not mentioned at all in that scripture ; nor is it said by us , that a dayly exercise thereof is necessary in every church or in any . second , the lord supper , which is another of the particulars , is not mentioned at all in that text , at leastwise not in those words or termes which mr. rutherford sets down ; much lesse is it said as he expresseth it , that they did dayly celebrate the same both in the temple and in every private house : nor can the same for ought i know be proved by this or by any other scripture , nor was such a thing ever affirmed by us , so farre as i know . i suppose if they had celebrated it in the temple alone , or in some private house or houses alone , that might have been sufficient , without any necessity of celebrating the same in both places upon one day , both in the temple and in the houses too . nay it is a question whether the lords supper bee at all intended in this place ; though i doubt not but they observed that ordinance , and verse 42. may possibly teach so much . but for the verse we are speaking of , viz , verse 46 ▪ there is no necessity that the breaking of bread there spoken of , must needs be meant of that ordinance . sure he was a judicious expositor who understands it otherwise , quod hic fractionem panis &c. that is , whereas some expound breaking of bread in this place of the lords supper , it seems to me to be farre from lukes intention : calvin in act. 2. 46. so then , of mr rutherfords foure particulars which he saith we must prove , there is not past the halfe of them that needs to be proved at all , the two last being already removed . and for a third which is of breaking of bread dayly and ordinarily from house to house , understand this breaking of bread as calvin doth , of their civill repast , and then it hurts not our cause at all , though it be yeelded that they did dayly meet for such purpose in severall companies , in their private houses ; for this they might do and bee no more but one congregation . there remaines therefore onely one that needs to be proved , namely the first , that they did dayly meete in the temple ; and this may bee proved with case , because the plain words of the text do affirme it , they continued dayly with one accord in the temple ; so that yet we have found nothing that proves ierusalem to be many congregations in one church . nay i conceive , that one of these foure particulars , viz. the first , of their dayly meeting in the temple , doth apparently shew that how great soever the number was , yet it was not exceeding the proportion of one congregation , which might come together in one place ; for the temple was but one in all the city , i meane there was but onely one individuall temple , and not many temples , which if there had been then our brethren might possibly have said , that they met distributively in sundry lesser companies , but were to many too meete all in one congregation ; for so they were wont to expound sundry other phrases used by the holy ghost , to declare their comming together . true say they , they come together , but how ? not collectively all of them together in one place , they were too many for that ; but they came together distributively , some of them in one place , and some in another , and so they think they have answered sufficiently . but now to this of their meeting together in the temple , they cannot answer so ; for then there should have been sundry temples , in which they might have met , distributed into sundry companies ; but there being no more temples but one , and the text affirming plainly that they all met with one accord , in the temple , it must needs be , that they met collectively , all of them together in one and the same place ; and hence it followeth , that they were not so many but still they might be one congregation as well as one church . so that of the foure particulars , which he saith we must prove , some wee see need not to be proved at all , and the first of them which we can prove with case doth make much for the weakning of his cause , and for the strengthening of ours . yea mr. mather will have the whole containing as one independant congregation , act. 6. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. and the many myriads or thousands of beleeving jewes , acts 21. 21 , 22 , 23. to meete as one congregation . answ . when in the answer i speake of these places , the word independant was not there used by me at all , but only is here added by himselfe , for what cause himselfe can best tell . but for the matter , i conceive the thing which i there delivered is cleere from the texts themselves , that the multitude of those iewes did assemble and come together , in one place ; for as for one of the places act. 6. it is expresly there said that the apostles called the multitude together to propose unto them the choice of deacons , verse 2 ▪ and bad them look out from amongst themselves seaven men , qualifyed as the apostles do there describe , verse 3. whereupon it is said that the saying pleased the whole multitude and they chose seaven who are there named verse 5. and presented them unto the apostles that they might lay their hands on them , verse 6. which plainely shewes that the whose multitude how many soever they were , yet were not so many , but they might all assemble in one place , to heare matters proposed to them , to consider thereof , and upon liking to put them in execution , as in other things so in this particular , of making election of officers , as there they are recorded to have done . and as for the other place act. 21. though it be a question , whether those many thousand iewes , that beleeved were all members , of that one church at jerusalem , yet it cannot be any question , whether they might come together in one place , sith iames and the elders do expresly there say unto paul , the multitude must needs come together , for they will heare that thou art come . nor can we say they might come together onely distributively , in sundry companies , but not all in one place , for the end of their comming together will not beare that exposition , which end was , that they might see , and heare paul , and try what satisfaction he would give them , in the matter whereof they were informed of him , that he taught the iewes , to forsake moses , and to omit circumcision and other iewish customes . these things they were informed to have been taught by him amongst the gentiles , and hearing that he was come to the city , they must needs come together to heare what he would say to the matter , and how hee would cleere himselfe . now if this was the end of their comming together it must needs be that their comming was altogether unto one place , and not in severall companies ; for this could not answer their end , inasmuch as paul being but one person , it was not possible they could see him , nor heare him in sundry places at once ; and therefore they might as well have staid at home , and not have come together at all , as come together in such sort . plaine it is therefore , that the multitude spoken of in these two scripures were not so many but they might meete in one congregation . which point as something hath been said in the answer p. 34 , 35. for the cleering of it , so i am the more confirmed in it by mr. rutherford his dealing concerning these scriptures . for though he make mention of them in this place , as we see , and of that apprehension of mine concerning those scriptures , yet he doth not at all remove the grounds , which were given for that apprehension in the answer , but doth wholly passe them by in silence . now taking occasion to speak of the scriptures , and relating what my apprehension was concerning the same , and yet saying nothing at all to the gronnds , whereon that apprehension was built , it seemes hereby to bee implyed that indeed he had nothing in readinesse to object against the same . so that i may still conceive of those scriptures as i did before , for any thing yet brought to induce me to be of another mind . as for that which next followes , certainly the apostles practice must be our rule , and then 500 or 1000 being so farre beneath 10 or 8000 , may well seeme a number for fewnesse not competent , and what shall wee then thinke of 7 only , or 10. answ . the answer is , that the apostles practise doth not at all condemn ours , though our congregations have not in them the like numbers , but sometimes more and sometimes lesse ; for was it not so in that primative apostolike church ? is it not plain , that that church was for number farre lesser at the first , then afterward , when they grew to 4000 or more ; and yet after this they grew to be fewer againe , when persecution scattered them all abroad except the apostles , act. 8. 1. and therefore if 10 or 8000 , being once the number in that church , be a rule condemning out churches , as being for fewnesse not competent , when they are beneath that number , how will it be avoided but by the same reason the practise of that church at one time , shall be a rule , for the condemning of it self at another time ? for sure it is , their number was not at all times alike , but sometimes more , and sometimes lesse ; as in the sea it is not alwayes full tyde , but sometimes low ebbe , nor is the moone alwayes at full , but sometimes at the change ; nay if the apostles practise must be our rule , then inasmuch as their churches , had not alwayes the like numbers of members in them , but sometimes the number was greater , and sometimes lesser , it will follow therefore that the number of members in our churches needs not alwayes to bee the same , but though greater numbers be lawfull , yet the lawfulnesse of lesser numbers may not be denyed . chap. xiv . whether the church at corinth was one church , meeting distributively in sundry congregations , or whether it was onely one congregation . and whether 1 cor. 14. 23. if the whole church came together in some place &c. doe make for sundry congregations or for one onely . page 464. i cannot but thinke that weake which mr. mather and mr. tompson say ( answer page 37. ) the place 1 cor. 14. 23. that speaketh of the whole church comming together to one place doth unavoidably prove , that corinth had their meetings and not by way of distribution into severall congregations , but altogether in one congregation : and it is plaine , that though they had variety of teachers and prophets , yet they all used to come together to one place . answ . if that which wee say be weake , it is more easie for one of such ability and strength as mr. rutherford to overthrow the same . yet it is not words that will suffice , but weight of reason that must availe thereto . let us heare therefore his answer to this passage which he thinkes and censures to be so weake . the place saith he , 1 cor. 14. 23. if the whole church come together &c. deth evince the contrary . for the apostle doth there reason ab absurdo , from a great incongruity : it were incongruous saith he , and ridiculous that the whole church of corinth and all their guifted men speaking with tongues ( so that they could not be understood by infidels ) should all convene in one place , and speake with divers tongues : for the unlearned and unbeleevers would say they were madde ; therefore hee presupposeth that the whole church should not all come to one place , but that they should so come to one place , in divers assemblies . — answ . and is it true indeed , that this place doth evince the contrary ? viz. that the church at corinth did not all meet in one congregation : how shall we be assured that such a thing is evinced by the place ? for as for the reason given , &c. that the apostle d●th there reason ab absurdo , or from great incongruity , this doth not prove the thing at all , partly because they might practise something that were not meete but had incongruity in it , and partly ( and more especially ) because the apostle doth not lay the absurdity where mr. rutherford layes it , viz. in the convening of the whole church in one place , but in their speaking with strange tongues when they were convened and come together . touching the former of these , mr. rutherford reasoneth to this effect . if it were an incongruous or un●it thing that the whole church at corinth should come together in one place , then they did not so come together : but the first is true , ergo the second is true also . in which kind of reasoning ( such is our weaknesse ) we thinke neither part of the argument to be free from just exception . for as we wholly deny the assumption , so we also thinke there is no sufficient strength of consequence in the maine proposition , forasmuch as sundry things were practised in that church which were no wayes fit not meet to be practised , and which the apostle doth therefore reprove , and seekes the redresse of the same : witnesse their factions and divisions : chap. 1. & 3. their neglecting church censures against the incestuous person , and on the contrary being puffed up , chap. 5. their going to law one with another before the infidels , chap. 6. their abuses in prayer and prophesying , their women uncovered and their men covered , chap. 11. their abuses in the lords supper , when they so came unto it that one was hungry and another drunken , chap. 11. now as it were an unsufficient kind of arguing to say , these things were unfit and unmeet , and therefore that church did not so practise , even so mr. rutherford his arguing seemes to be no better , who would prove they did come together in one place , because the apostle , as he thinks , did count such comming together unmeet . for if it were granted that such a comming had been unmeet , yet it doth not follow , but such might bee their practise notwithstanding : and therefore as hee counts our apprehension in this matter to be weak , so i leave it to himself and others to consider , whether in this consequence , it was not meet they should all come together in one place , ergo they did it not , be very strong . i desire here not to be mistaken : for i do not grant that their comming together in one place was unmeet , nor that the apostle doth reprove them for the same ; i have already said the contrary , in denying the assumption afore mentioned , which i do still deny . but the thing i intend , is to consider the strength of mr. rutherford his reasoning , and for that cause to apply it to the thing in question , which i still desire to keepe close unto , if it may be . now the thing in question , being this , whether the church at corinth , were so many at that they could nor meet together in one assembly , but had many congregations , and all but one church , and mr rutherford maintaining the affirmative , and bringing this reason for it , taken from the congruity of meeting all together , i therefore thought meet , to weigh the strength of this reason , which i do not perceive to be in any wise convincing : but supposing the apostle had counted such meetings , inconvenient and unmeet , yet this reason as i conceive , is too weak to prove mr. rutherford his purpose , that their number was such as that they could not all possibly meet in one place ; for they might possibly do that which were unmeet to be done , in this particular as well as they did in many other things . but in this particular i do not thinke , they did any thing absurd , or unmeet at all ; and therefore for further answer to this reason i would say : that the apostle doth not say the absurdity , where mr. rutherford layes it , to wit , in that the whole church did convene , and come together , but in speaking with strange tongues when they were convened , this latter being incongruous : and absurd indeed ; for the infidels comming into the church assembly , and hearing them so speake , might thinke them madde , as the apostle sayes ; but for assembling all in one place , i know no madnesse that was in that ; nor shew thereof ; nor do i yet beleeve that the apostle doth place the absurdity there . for though mr. rutherford bee a worthy man and learned , yet such a thing as this had need of some further proofe then his bare word . if a church should meet distributively in divers assemblies , and being so met should speake with strange tongues , i demand whether this manner of speaking , do prove such a way of meeting absurd ; i suppose he will say no , because it is the way of meeting which he holds the apostolike churches did use ; and if so , then suppose they should so speake with strange tongues , when they meet collectively all in one assembly , how can this manner of speaking conclude the absurdity of such kind of meeting any more then it did in the other ? for my part , though such kind of speaking have incongruity and inconveniency in it , yet i conceive assembling collectively and in one congregation is no more prejudiced thereby , then assembling distributively in many . hee ( that is the apostle ) presupposeth that the whole church should come to one place , in divers assemblies , and all prophecy in a tongue known to the infidels , as the unbeleever being convinced and judged of all the prophets might fall down in his face , &c. answ . if the prophets were met in divers assemblies at once , i marvell how the unbeleever should be convinced and judged of them all ; for i hope one singular and individuall unbeleever was not present in divers assemblies at once , nor convinced and judged ( as here he is said to be ) by those prophets , from whose assembly he was absent . eithe● therefore the prophets were all met in one assembly and not in divers , or else it is yet a quaere how he could be convinced by them all . for sure the unbeleever could not be present in sundry assemblies at once . page 465. the whole church is not the whole much people of corinth that beleeved , that did ordinarily meet in one place , the text saith no such thing , and that is to be proved and not taken as granted . answ . suppose it were true , that the whole church was not the whole much people of corinth that beleeved , this doth nothing prejudice our cause , for as much as our question is not about the whole much people that beleeved , but about the whole church . if therefore it be granted that the whole church collectively did come together in one place , we have what we desire , and require no more . as for the whole much people that beleeved , whether this be the same with the former or no , wee shall have no need to prove or take for granted that these did in like manner come together , for as much as our question in the termes of it is not about these , but about the other . but why is not the whole church the whole much people that beleeved ? shall we say the whole church is more then the people that beleeved ? or shall wee say it is not so much ? i conceive it must be one of these , or else it must be the same . if it be said it is more , then still we have our desire , if not more then we demand . for if a company that is greater then all the much people that beleeved , were neverthelesse not so great , but they might and did assemble in one congregation , then that much people that beleeved might so assemble much more . for if there be no impossibility but a company that is greater may so assemble , i suppose the same cannot bee denyed of a company that is lesser . againe , to say this whole church was a greater number then the much people that beleeved , is directly to gainsay himselfe , who in page 460 , 461. makes the much people a greater number then the congregation meeting for the word , sacraments , and church censures ; because such a congregation , he saith , could not conveniently exceed one thousand , whereas the much people must bee much in comparison of thousands of jewes who rejected christ , for that otherwise it would not have beene much for pauls comfort , for which end it is mentioned and brought . if it be said the whole church be lesse then the people that beleeved , then it followes that some of those beleevers were not of the church , and so what himselfe hath written , page 125. 242. 251. will not stand . for in page 125 , hee saith , that the seale of baptisme and the profession of the truth is that which makes one member of the visible church — and by this are all the citizens and domesticks in-churched , and received into a visible church . and page 242. he saith any who blamelessely professe christ is ecclesiastically — in foro ecclesiae , a true and valid member of the church visible , having ecclesiasticall power valid for that effect , and page 251. he saith , a visible profession of the truth and doctrine of golinesse is that which essentially constituteth a visible church and every member of the visible church . now if these things be so , then it followes that this whole people that beleeved were all of them members of the church , inasmuch as they were all partakers of baptisme and profession , which he saith do essentially constitute the visible church and every member thereof . and they were all members of the church , then the church was not a lesser company then they . nor can hee say it was a greater company , for the reasons mentioned before . and if it was neither a greater company nor a lesser , was it not then the same . and if it was the same , then how can this stand which he affirmeth in the place wee have in hand , where hee saith the whole church is not the whole much people that beleeved ? it seemes to me , that which way soever he shall take , his own pen will be witnesse against himselfe ; for in the place wee have in hand , hee saith the whole church is not the whole much people that beleeved : and in another place hee tels us , that the much people that beleeved was a greater number then the whole church meeting for word , sacraments , &c. and yet in a third place hee tels us , that in effect it was not greater , inasmuch as all baptized professing beleevers , hee saith , are of the church . further , when the text speakes of the whole church comming together in some place , let the wise judge whether it be a good exposition to say , by the whole is not meant the whole , but only a part . which i conceive is mr. rutherfords exposition , who will not yeeld that the whole did come together in any one place , but part in one place , and part in another , the whole being distributed into severall parts , and those parts into severall places . so that the whole church comming together into some place , must have this meaning , the whole came not together in any place , but part in one place and part in another , which i feare is too much violence offered to the sacred text , which should be handled with reverence . but he brings a reason for this exposition , and that is this , because else we must say that at any one assembly all the prophets and teachers did prophesy at corinth ; for the text saith , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all , whereas the consequence should bee absurd , it should bee a longsome and wearisome meeting , page 465. answ . and if they prophesyed not all in one assem●ly but divers , how could the unbeleever bee convinced and judged by them all ? it will not bee easie to conceive how it could be , they prophesying in such a way : for the unbeleever sure could not be present in sundry assemblyes at once , but in one onely . and therefore , those words , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all , will lay as much absurdity upon his exposition of the words as upon ours , or rather a great deale more . for as for ours , there is no absurdity therein at all , for asmuch as by all the prophets is meant all that prophesied at the time , when the unbeleever was present , and not that all must prophesy upon one day as mr. rutherford would have it . but the text doth not so say , nor any interpreter that i have met withall . sure i am beza saith , the expresse contrary , for upon verse 31. ye may all prophesy one by one , &c. he hath this note , non eodem sane die , sed ternis &c. that is indeed not all upon one day ( which is mr. rutherfords exposition ) but three at every moeing , having their turne to speak till all had spoken by course . interpreters say they met in divers assemblies , page 465. answ . let those interpreters be named ; and there words set down , and then by gods help we shall consider of what they say , and of the grounds and reasons thereof ▪ in the meane time to say that interpreters say it , and yet neither to tell us the reasons nor the words of those interpreters , nor so much as the names of any of them , how should this prevaile with us to turne us away from our former apprehensions in the point ? true it is in another place , &c. pag 461. speaking of verse 31. yea may all prophesy one by one , hee there tels us that diodatus understands it that they might prophecy , by course and in divers or sundry assemblies ; and essius , saith he , saith the same , to wit , that these prophets were to prophesy in divers assemblies . answ . for diodatus i have him not at hand , and therefore i cannot peruse the place ; but for estius , this i may say , that he neither saith what here is reported in his commentary upon the verse alledged , nor upon any verse else in all the chapter , as farre as i can observe , and i have read and perused him on purpose to see what were to be found in him : but though i cannot find him affirming that which mr. rutherford brings him for , yet i find sundry places , wherein he seemes to me to affirme the contrary ; for instance , commenting upon the verse alledged , hee hath these words as the sence which he most preferres , viz. quod si non unus tantum propheta sed plures &c. that is , if not only one prophet but sundry , yea all do speake in the assembly in order , it will come to passe that those all may also learne , and receive exhortation , there being never a one of them , who is not also a hearer . wherein we see he speaks not one word of prophesying in divers assemblies at the same time , but that they were so to prophesy that all of them were to be hearers , and learners , as well as speakers . which doth plainly imply , that there must be many prophets in one assembly at once . againe , upon verse ●9 , he hath these words as the sense of the place , quamvis forte multi suit in ecclesiae — vestra prophetae &c. that is , although perhaps there be many prophets in your church , yet it will be sufficient if two or three do speake at one meeting , and for others it shall be their duty to judge , that is to say , to examine and try whether these things be true and sound which are spoken by them that speake . wherein he plainly shewes his judgement to be that at one meeting they were to have many prophets present , of whom two or three onely were to speake , and the rest to try and examine what was spoken . and to the same purpose he speakes upon verse 32. which he counts to be the same with that of judging , verse 29. further these words verse 23. of the whole church comming together into one place , he expounds thus , alicujus loci totus populus fidelis , that is , all the faithfull or beleeving people of a place ; which is contrary to mr. rutherford who will not have the whole church , to be the whole much people that beleeved . finally , speaking of those words verse 24. if all prophesy , he hath these words , nec omnes inteligit absoluté , &c. that is , the apostle understands not all absolutely but to this sense , to wit , if all that speake in the assembly of the church do prophesy , that is , if prophets only do speake , and they that have the gift of tongues do hold their peace . which is contrary to mr. rutherford who understands the text so , that they were all to prophesie at one time ; and because at one meeting there were but two or three to prophesie , which two or three hee thinkes could not be all , hee will therefore have it that they were distributed into severall assemblies , and so did prophesie all at once , though onely two or three at one meeting . for which interpretation , though he alledgeth estius , yet estius wee see affords him no help at all . whereupon i have marvelled why estius should be alledged , sometimes thinking with my selfe whether his name might not bee mis-printed by the printer , instead of some other man ; sometimes thinking whether mr. rutherford his memory might not faile him in this particular , having read the thing in some other author , and supposing it had been in estius . but what ever might be the reason of this mistake , he that shall examine estius will not find in him any help at all for mr. rutherfords cause in this particular , but the contrary . the text saith expresly , verse 29 , that at one time they prophesied but two or three . answer . this is a mistake also : for the words are , let the prophets speake two or three , and let the other judge . now let them do so , doth not shew their practise , but their duty : not what they did , but what they should have done . the text saith , if there be no interpreter let him that hath an unknown tongue keepe silence in the church , verse 20. and let your women keepe silence in the churches , verse 34. now shall any man say , that these texts do expresly prove that it was the manner of their women and of their men that had unknown tongues to keepe silence . i suppose no man can say it , the words being not a report of what their practise was , but a rule of direction to shew them how they ought to practise . and so wee say of the case in hand . but let it be supposed that it was not onely their duty , but also their practise to prophesie at one meeting but onely two or three , what can master rutherford gaine heereby ? his words following do tell us , where hee saith , if two onely prophesyed at one assembly , as this text will warrant cleerely . answ . not so , the text allowes three , which is more then two onely . but go on , and let us heare the consequence . then how doth this whole church consisting of all the beleevers at corinth , as is supposed by our brethren , convince the infidell , so as it may beare this sence , he is convinced of all , he is judged of all ▪ can two prophets be all prophets ? answ . though wee suppose the whole church consisted of all the beleevers at corinth , yet that the whole church did convince the the infidell , this wee never said nor supposed at all : for wee supposed and so do still , that hee was to bee convinced onely by the prophets , besides whom there were many others that were of the church . but for his demand , whether two prophets can bee all prophets , the answer is , that though two bee not all where there are more then two , yet if there bee no more , there it is otherwise ; and so where there are but two or three that doe prophesie at one meeting , there hee that is convinced by those two or three , may bee said to bee convinced of all , that is of all that doe prophesie . this sence of the place must needs bee received , else how shall the apostles words bee reconciled and stand together ? for as in one verse hee requireth , that the prophets speake two or three at one meeting , and the rest to iudge , verse 29. and in another verse affirmeth that the infidell in the case there proposed , is judged of all , verse 24. so hee doth not onely suppose in the very same verse , that they did all prophesie , if all , prophesie saith hee , and there come in one that beleeveth not , &c. but moreover in verse 31. hee expresly and plainely allowes them thus to prophesie ; yee may all prophesie , saith hee , one by one , that all may learne and all may bee comforted . which places compared doe evince the sence of the words heere given , and doe plainely shew that what hee saith verse 24. of the infidell being convinced of all and judged of all , may bee truely made good , if hee bee convinced of all and iudged of all that prophesyed at that meeting , though their number that so prophesyed were no more but two or three . and therefore whereas hee concludes , surely for my part i thinke it must unavoidably bee said , that they prophesyed distributively and in severall congregations , the answer is , that this needs not to bee said at all , but may bee avoided with ●ase ; and the contrary may bee safely held ; to wit , that they pro●●●cied collectively and in one congregation . for first , they did so prophesy , that one that beleeved not , and one unlearned might come in amongst them when they were prophesying , and by that meanes might bee convinced of all and judged of all , verse 24. which might well bee done , if they prophesyed all in one congregation , but otherwise it could not , for as much as one unbeleever could not bee present in severall congregations at once . secondly , they were so to prophesie , that the prophets when they prophecied were to have the rest of the prophets to bee 〈◊〉 , to heare and iudge of that which was delivered , let the prophets speake two or three , and the rest judge , verse 29. and the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets , verse 32. the former of which sayings mr. rutherford himselfe doth understand of a colledge prophets , having a power dogmaticall of judging , and censuring the doctrine of the prophets delivered . what they speake , saith he , page 467. is to bee judged and put under censure ; for the whole colledge must judge ; for which he alledgeth verse 29. and a little after , this is not a power of judging which every christian hath , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith piscator doth relate to the prophets , who are to judge ; but as ● take it a propheticall judging , which may warrant the iuridicall power of a presbytery , &c. by all which it plainely appeareth that when the prophets did prophesy , the other prophets were to bee present , to heare and judge of the doctrines delivered ; and if so , how can it bee that they prophesyed in severall congregations at the same time ? for had it been so , they could not have judged of one anothers doctrine , which they could not heare , being themselves at that time imployed in speaking in some other place . and therefore it seemes more likely , that they met in one congregation , where they might all prophesy , first one and then another , some at one time and some at another , and so all of them might also heare and learne , and judge of the doctrine delivered by others . chap. xv. whether the church at ephesus were more in number then corinth and jerusalem , and the judgement of mr. baynes ; whether that church was many congregations , or one onely ? pag . 470. having suggested sundry things , to prove that ephesus was many congregations , and yet but one church ; hee concludes this , viz. upon these considerations , i leave to our reverend brethren their judgement ; if mr. mather and mr. thompson say right , we doe not thinke they were more in number at ephesus then in corinth and jerusalem , where the christians met all in one place . answ . the exception then which in this place is taken against mr. thompson and me , is for this , that we doe not thinke the christians at ephesus , to be more in number then at jerusalem and corinth . concerning which , i will not say much , but onely this , that as we have onely delivered what we think in this matter , without determining or asserting any thing peremptorily ; so we shall readily imbrace the contrary , when good grounds shall be shewed for the same : which though we doe not yet perceive to be performed in all that mr. rutherford hath said ; yet i will not here spend time in examining the same , because i do not count this point of so much importance concerning the principall thing in question . for whether the church at ephesus were more in number then corinth and jerusalem , or whether it were otherwise ; there is no great matter in this as touching the maine question . for if all of them were such churches , as might usually meet together in one congregation , as i conceive they were ▪ it matters not much which of them was most in number . but doth not m. rutherford prove that the one church at ephesus was more then one congregation ? i confesse , he hath sundry things in the precedent pages , which he intendeth that way . but in asmuch as they doe not concerne m. tompson and me in particular , nor are by him applyed against any passage in the answer ; i will therefore passe them over more briefly , my purpose being chiefly , to consider of such particulars , wherein he takes exception against the answer . only , thus much i would advertise the reader , that a good part of that which mr. rutherf . brings to prove many congregations in one church at ephesus , hath been answered long agoe by mr. baynes in his diocesans triall , pag. 5. which i the rather commend to mr. rutherfords consideration , because , he counts him a man of worth , calling him worthy baynes : and for the help of such readers , as cannot readily come to the book it self , i will here transcribe a few lines out of the same worthy baynes , as they are to be found in his dioces . triall . p. 5 , 6. viz. the church of ephesus was but one flock ; first , it is likely that it was of no other forme then the other . ( sir , ierusalem , antioch and corinth , which he had before shewed to be each of them one congregation . ) secondly , it was but one flock , that which presbyters might joyntly feed : they had no diocesan paster : if presbyters onely , then none but parishonall churches in and about ephesus : theremay be many flocks , but god ordained none but such as may wholely meet with those who have the care of feeding and governing of them : peter indeed 1 pet. 5. 2. calleth all those he writteth unto one flock , but that is in regard either of the mysticall estate of the faithfull , or in respect of the common nature , which is in all churches one and the same : but properly and in externall adunation , one flock is but one congregation . thirdly , parishes according to the adverse opinion were not then divided : neither doth the long and fruitfull labours of the apostle argue that there should bee parish churches in diocesan wise added , but a great number of sister churches . but when it is said , that all asia did heare , the meaning is that from hand to hand , it did runne through asia ; so as churches were planted every where , even where paul came not , as at collosse : there might be many churches in asia , and many converted by peter , and others fruitfull labours , without subordination of churches . chap. xvi . whether the church at antioch was onely one congregation , and whether acts 14. 27. and 15. 30. doe not prove the affirmative . the answer , having in pag. 5. alledged acts. 14. 27. and 15. 30 , 31. to prove that the church at antioch was no more then might be gathered together into one place , mr. rutherford in answer hereto saith , p. 472 , 473. that the place acts 14. 27. is the representative church , and that he beleeveth the assembling of the multitude , acts 15. vers . 30. must be taken distributively . answ . this answer of mr. rutherfords , to the former place , was removed long ago by worthy mr. baynes , who also understands the latter place as we doe , and not as mr. rutherford : for in his dioces . triall , maintaining this position , that the churches instituted by the apostles , were onely such as might meet in one congregation ordinarily , and giving this very place and instance of the church of antioch , for one of his grounds , for confirming the said position , p. 5. hee comes imediately thereupon to answer an objection , which is the very same that here mr. rutherford brings to the former place , viz. that the church mentioned in that place , was the ministers or representative church : for the removing whereof mr. baynes returneth 4. things , 1. that the word church , is never so used : 2. he argues by analogy from that acts 11. where peter gives account before the whole church , even the church of the faithfull , and therefore in like sort , paul and barnabas might report before the whole church of the faithfull , what things god had done by them . 3. saith he , they made relation to that church which had sent them forth , with prayer and imposition of hands ; and this church stood of all those who assembled to the publicke service and worship of god , ( which is cleere , acts 13. 2. ) 4. his fourth particular is this other place of acts 15. vers . 30. where , saith he , the people of the church of antioch were gathered together , to consider of decrees sent them by the apostles from ierusalem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in all which , we cleerly perceive the judgement of this worthy man to be the same with us , and as clearly against mr. rutherford , as can be expressed , which being so , and his judgement being delivered upon such reasons , as seem to me weighty , and which mr. rutherford doth not remove ; i therefore see no sufficient reason to think otherwise of the church of antioch then formerly . for as for m. rutherford his reason to prove the place , acts 14. 27. to be meant of a representative church , viz. that they met for a matter of discipline , at least for a matter that concerned all the churches , to wit , to know how god had opened the doore of saith unto the gentiles : the answer is , that this doth not evince the thing : 1. because rehearsing , how god had opened the doore of faith unto the gentiles , being neither admission of members , nor of officers , nor any matter of censure , nor any thing else ; but onely a meer declaration of the gracious workings of the lord , cannot be any matter of discipline , as i conceive . 2. suppose it were a meeting for matter of discipline , must it needs be a meeting for elders alone , without the presence of the faithfull ? will mr. rutherford deny it to be l●wfull for any to be present at matters of discipline , but onely the elders ? i suppose he will not deny it at all , sure i am he hath heretofore written otherwayes ; peaceable plea p. 49. where he granteth that all matters of discipline must be done with the peoples consent , and alledgeth about 19. or 20. divines old and new for the same tenet . now if matters of discipline must be done with the peoples consent , then the people must be present thereat ; for else they give their consent blindefold . and if they must be present at such matters ; then suppose the matter mentioned in the scripture we have in hand , had been of that nature , yet the church that was gathered together about the same , needed not to be a representative church of elders alone , as mr. rutherford would have it , but might consist of the people also , who by his own grant may be lawfully present at such matters . 3. be it a matter of discipline , or a matter that concerned all the churches , or what else mr. rutherford will have it ? it is plain that paul and barnabas when they were at ierusalem , did declare such matters as here they do declare at antioch , not onely to the apostles and elders , whom he perhaps would make a representative church , but also to a church besides them , i mean besides the apostles and elders ; for so it is said , acts 15. 4. that at ierus●lem they were received of the church , and of the apostles and elders , and declared all things that god had done with them : and vers . 12. they declared to the multitude what miracles and wonders god had wrought among the gentiles by them . now if they declared these things at ierusalem not onely to the apostles and elders , as to a representative church , but to the church of the faithfull also , as the text saith , they did , what reason can be rendred that the church , which was gathered together at antioch , should be onely a representative church ? and that the people there were not present ? for my part , i see no reason for it , but that they might declare these things to the brethren a● antioch , as well as to the brethren at ierusalem ; and as well to a representative church at ierusalem , as to a representative church at antioch . and therefore sith it is apparent that at ierusalem they declared these things to a church , which consisted of others besides apostles and elders ; the church at antioch to whom they declared the same things , might be also a church of the like kinde , and not a representative church , as our brother conceives it to be . 4. the nature of the thing , which they doe declare to this church was such , as that it was fit enough for the people to be acquainted therewith ; which the text mentions in two clauses ; first , more generally , all that god had done with them : secondly , more specially , how he had opened the doore of faith to the gentiles . now suppose the people had nothing to do in matters of judicature by way of power therein , yet to be informed of other peoples conversion , and how god blessed the labors of the apostles to that end , which are the things they declared to this church , these are no such matters , but the people may bee acquainted therewith for their comfort , and that god might have praises from them all ; and therefore the church to whom paul and barnabas declared these things , needs not to be understood of the elders alone , but may well enough be a church consisting also of ordinary christians . 5. paul thought it not unmeet to make known to all the corinthians the grace of god bestowed on the churches of macedonia , 2 cor. 9. 1 , 2. and declareth to them of macedonia , the forwardnesse of the corinthians in the grace of liberality , 2 cor. 9. 2. shewing the good that came hereby , in that the example of gods grace , in some provoked many others to the like , 2 cor. 9. 2. your zeale , saith he , hath provoked very many ; and likewise in that , by this meanes , there redounded many thanksgivings unto god , vers . 12 , 13. and if upon these and other good causes he did thus practice towards the christians of macedonia and achaia , i know no good reason why he and barnabas should deal otherwise with the christians at antioch , and conceale from them the gracious workings of god by their ministery amongst the gentiles ; and make known the same onely to a representative church of elders . as for our brothers answer to the other scripture , act. 15. 30. that the assembling of the multitude , there spoken of , must be taken distributively , i conceive the text will not beare that exposition : for the words are that they gathered the multitude together , then delivered the epistle . now if this multitude was gathered together not in one assembly but diverse , how could the epistle being but one , be delivered to them all ? can one epistle be delivered to sundry or severall assemblies at one time ? i suppose it is not possible , except we shall imagine there be sundry coppies , one to be read in one assembly , and another in another ; whereof in the present case , there is not so much as the least hint . and if we would imagine such a matter , for which there is small reason ; yet since it is , iudas and silas , by whom this epistle was sent , and who were to tell the same things by mouth , and who also upon the delivering of the epistle exhorted the breathren of antioch , with many words , as is cleare , vers . 22 , 23 , 27 , 32. iudas and sila● , i say , being but two men could not be present , and speak , and act these things in many assemblies at once , but must of necessity be both in one assembly , or at the most in two : but the text makes no mention of their being in two , but plainly enough intimates the contrary , that they were both together : and yet where they were present , there was the multitude gathered together , to receive the epistle by their hands , and to heare the report and word of exhortation at their mouth . unlesse therefore we will imagine that iudas and silas could be present , and act in many assemblies at once , there is no reason to think this multitude among whom they were present and acted , to be many congregations or assemblies . and therefore for his conclusion , pag. 475 , 476. that the mentioning of one multitude in the singular number , acts 15. 30. can never prove that there was but one single congregation at antioch . the answer is , that we doe not lay the force of our reason in the mentioning of the multitude in the singular number , and therefore it can not thus be satisfied , or put off : for our words are these : the whole multitude of them were gathered together at the return of paul and barnabas from the synod at jerusalem , to heare the epistle read , which was sent from that synod : answer p. 50. wherein it is easie to perceive , that we lay the force of our reason not in this , that the church is called a multitude in the singular number ; but in this , that the whole multitude were gathered together , for such an end , as there is expressed : and this we still conceive may prove the point : for a church , which is such a multitude , as is gathered together , for the receiving of one epistle , which was sent unto them all , and which is gathered together to heare the epistle read , and also to heare the same things by mouth , the men from whose mouth they must so heare , and from whose hands they must so receive , being no more but two ; such a church as this can be no more , but one congregation , or assembly . now antioch was such a church : and therefore was no more but one congregation . if this conclusion be not granted , some way must be devised how many severall assemblies might all be receivers and hearers of one and the same epistle at the same time , there being but one coppy of the epistle , as also how they might at one time heare the same things declared to them by mouth , when there was but two men to declare the same . and when such a way is found out , we may then further consider thereof . but in the mean time , the grounds and reasons alledged doth induce me to think , that antioch , where those things were thus done , was indeed , but one congregation . chap. xvii . whether no liberties are given by christ to the people , but women must exercise the same , as well as men : and of the peoples liberty about ordination , or the calling of ministers . in the answer , p. 8. we have these words , viz. governing properly so called we acknowledge not in any , but in the elders alone , 1 cor. 12. vers . 28. rom. 12. 8. heb. 13. 17. if that word be ascribed to the people , it must be understood in a more improper sense ; for that which impropriety of speech were more fitly called liberty or priviledge : and yet this liberty when it is exercised about ordination , deposition , excommunication , &c. is of the whole body communiter , or in generall , but not of all and every member in particular , as you conceive us to hold ; for women and children are members , and yet are not to act in such matters , the one being debarred by their sex , and the other for want of understanding and discretion . this passage mr. rutherford having related ( though with some variation ) in his pag. 476 : in answer thereto , he saith thus , p. 477. if there be no governing power in women , nor any act at all in excommunication , you loose many arguments , that you bring 1 cor. 5. to prove that all have hand in excommunication , 1. because paul writeth to all . 2. all were to mourne . 3. all were to forbeare the company of the excommunicated : then belike paul writeth not to all saints at corinth , not to women , and women were not to mourne for the scandall , nor to forbeare his company . answ . if mr. tompson and i doe being such arguments from 1 cor. 5. why is not the place quoted , where we doe bring them ? i suppose there is no such place at all that can be produced ; and therefore i desire so much favour , that what we never said , may not be imputed to us , nor divulged abroad , as ours . if others doe bring such arguments from 1 cor. 5. they that bring them are able to speake for themselves , and to give account of their own arguments ; but i know no reason that doth require , that we should be drawn to defend such arguments as we never used ; nor that doth allow our reverend brother to report such arguments as ours ; which having never been used by us , i counted it therefore an impertinent digression , to spend time in the defence of them . the priviledge , saith he , being a part of liberty purchased by christs body , it must be due to 〈…〉 for the liberty wherewith christ hath made women free , cannot be taken away 〈…〉 of god from their sex , except in christ iesus there be a difference between iew and gentile , male and female . answ . that which is in the people , we say , in propriety of speech , is more ●itly called liberty or priviledge : but of liberty purchased by christs body or blood , we make no mention at all : and therefore our brother might have spared speech thereof . but it is true indeed , that the people can have no liberty , but women also may exercise the 〈…〉 else their liberty purchased for them by christ is taken away ? it seems , he so conceives : but then i desire to know how his own doctrine elsewhere , and the apostl●s w●●ds can stand together : for in one place , he saith , that acts 14. 23. proveth that elders ordaine elder , with lifting up of the hands of the people , and this , saith he , is 〈…〉 doctrine , due right p. 190. and in another place , he saith , the people have gods right to choose ministers , for so the word prescribeth ; for which in his margent he alledgeth 〈◊〉 severall texts of scripture , acts 15. 22. 1 cor. 16. 3. 2. cor. 8. 19. acts 6. 4. acts 14. 23. and in his text alledgeth tertullian , cyprian , ambrose , origen , chrysostome , the councell of nice , the first generall councell of constantinople , with other councels and authors witnessing the same : pag. 201 , 202. and in a third place , he grants that all matters in the church must be done with the peoples consent , consentiente plebe , alledging a matter of 18. or 19. authors for the same tenet . peaceable plea , p. 49. and in another place he alledgeth and approveth the judgement of mr. calderwood , and mr. cartwright affirming that this liberty is purchased by the blood of christ : due right , secondly , pag. 464. all which , do plainly shew that in his judgement , the people have some 〈◊〉 , or priviledge , or right in church matters ; yea , as himself saith in this , they have divinum jus , gods right : and yet for all this , the apostles words do plainly forbid women to speak in the church , 1 cor. 14. 34. 1 tim. 2. 12. which very prohibition to women doth also secretly imply , that men may have liberty to practise , though women may not . now then , if the people have liberty , priviledge , right to consent , and act in church matters ; yea , to speak in the church , and yet women may not speak therein , how can this stand , which here m. rutherford writes , that if the people have any liberty , this liberty must also be due to women ? if the apostles words and our brothers own doctrine in the places cited do stand , his saying in the place , we have now in hand , cannot stand , they being so contrary one to another . thirdly , saith he , what priviledge the people have in ordination to conferre a ministery , which they neither have formally , nor virtually , i know not . answ . neither formally , nor virtually ? then hear your own words , pag. 7. i deny not but there is a power virtuall , not formall in the church of beleevers , to supply the want of ordination of pastors , hic & nunc ; this power is virtuall , not formall , &c. whereas in the place we have in hand , the virtuall power as well as the formall is denyed ; which things are not free from interferring , or strong appearance thereof . our words are not just the same which m. rutherford sets downe , a priviledge in ordination to conferre a ministery ; but these are our words , a liberty exercised about ordination , &c. and who knows not but there may be a liberty exercised about ordination , or any other ordinance by way of consent thereto , or desire thereof , &c. without any authoritative acting therein ? and if this liberty about ordination be such a fault , then how shall he be justified , who doth give to the people a greater matter then this liberty doth amount unto , even a power to do that which shall stand for ordination it selfe ? which to do i conceive is more then to exercise some liberty about ordination . and when the reader shall have considered these ensuing words of m rutherford : then let him be judge , whether m. rutherford do not give this power unto the people in some cases . as a rose , saith he , caused to grow in winter by art , is of that same nature with a rose produced in summer by nature , though the manner of production be different ; so are they both true pastors , those who have no call , but the peoples election , and those who have ordination by pastors , p. 186. and in the page following , he gives two reasons to prove that in some cases election by the people onely may stand for ordination : 1. because god is not necessarily tyed to succession of pastors : 2. because where men are gifted for the work of the ministery , and there be no pastors to be had , the giving of the holy ghost is a signe of a calling of god , who is not wanting to his own gracious intention , though ordinary means faile . now if the people without pastors may do that which shall stand for ordination , and if their election do make a minister in some cases ; this seems to be more then onely to exercise some liberty about ordination , for as much as they may doe this latter , and possibly no minister be made thereby ; whereas in the other case a man is made a true pastor and minister , as well as by ordination it selfe . marvell it is therefore that the greater is allowed as lawfull , and not the lesser : that some liberty about ordination may not be allowed , and yet that can be allowed which may stand for ordination it self , and which makes a minister● as truly as ordination doth . chap. xviii . of mr. rutherfords report of synodicall propositions in new-england . next after this , our reverend author falls to scanning , as he saith , pag. 476. some synodicall propositions of the churches of new england , as he calls them , together with a table of church power , which he calls the table of new england . but with favour of soworthy a man , he doth greatly mistake the matter : for neither was there any such synod , nor synodicall propositions as he speaks of , nor any such table of new england , as hee mentioneth . there was indeed at cambridge in the year 1643. a printed conference of some of the elders of that country ; where sundry points of church judgement were privatly discoursed of , and this was all . but as the meeting was not any synod , as synods are usually understood , so neither were there any synodicall propositions there agreed upon , nor any table of propositions agreed upon to be given forth as the doctrine of new england . this i am able to testifie , having been present at that meeting from the beginning thereof unto the end : and sundry others of the elders of these churches can testifie the same , upon the same ground : and knowing full well the truth of what i heare relate , i will not spend time in replying to what he hath written upon so manifest misinformation , and mistake . what information he goeth upon , i know not : per adventure some notes may have come to his view , which one or other might gather at that conference for his own private use : peradventure some in their simplicity meaning no hurt , many have called that private conference by the name and tearme of a syno● , and m. rutherford might thereupon adventure to publish in print as here we see . but however they mistake a rose , sure i am , synodicall propositions there were none ; 〈◊〉 any synod at all , not new england table . and therefore i think himselfe and others may do well and wisely hereafter , to be informed by good and sufficient intelligence of such things as they publish to the world concer●ing the churches in new england , or else not to beleeve the same , much lesse to divulge the same in print . for what comfort can it be to any christian to receive , and publish to the world against a mans neighb●u● , specially against whole churches of christ , such reports as for the matter contained in them do not agree with truth ? chap. xix . of the appeales of luther and cranmer : and of the power and jurisdiction in generall councells denyed by mr. rutherford ; whether therein he do not contradict himselfe , and also overthrow the jurisdiction of classicall , provinciall , and nationall assemblies . in his page 482. alledging mr. tompson and me , pag. 16 , 17. hee reports us to say , that though some have appealed , as luther and cranmer from the pope to a generall councell , yet not from a congregation to a generall councell . answ . as he one of these pages hath nothing at all concerning this matter , and therefore might well have been spared , so neither of them both doth make any mention of luther , either of one purpose or other : and therefore it is some marvaile , why he should be mentioned as thus spoken of by us , who do not speak of him at all so much as one word , for any purpose whatsoever . nor do the rest of the words of appealing from a congregation to a generall councell agree with ours , as we have set them downe in the 16. page alledged ; and therefore that our mind and meaning may appeare , let me relate our own words which are these , how this example ( sc . of cramners appealing to councell , related by mr. fox ) doth suit the present question , we do not understand ; for his appeale was not from a particular congregation , but from the pope : nor was it from a synod , but to the next generall councell , which from that day to this hath not yet been assembled nor called . if we must hold a necessity of appeales to such a iudicatory as cranmer appealed unto , then the supremacy of synods provinciall , and nationall is utterly taken away . these are our words in the place alledged by mr. rutherford : now what doth he answer thereto ? in matters doctrinall , saith he , some as luther , and others have justly appealed from congregation to a generall councell , though luther and cranmer did it not . answ . say it be true , that cranmer did it not , yet for luther how can it be that he should be an instance , both of such as did it not , and of such as did it ? for luther and others have justly done it , and yet luther and cranmer are two of them that did it not , these are sayings which seem not to agree . againe , if luther did so appeale , why is no proof alledged for confirmation of what here is affirmed ? which if there had been , we might have considered thereof . but sith there is not , we may be allowed to forbeare assent , till that which is here nakedly affirmed , be further strengthened by some proofe or other , to make it good . lastly , if luther or others have justly appealed from a congregation to a generall councell , then why will it not be lawfull for others upon like occasion to do the like ? and if so , then ( as we argued in the answer ) the supremacy of classicall , provinciall , and nationall presbyteries is utterly taken away : and so , by this meanes causes and controversies may still be depending , and never come to be determined so long as this world shall endure ; which whether it be agreeable to the wisdome of christ , and good of his people let the wise judge . though verily , i professe , i cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls , can be in a generall councell ; there may be some meerly doctrinall power , if such a councell could be had , and that is all . answ . for my part , i am altogether of the same minde . but here i have a quere or two to propose to our reverend brothers serious consideration ; first of all , how this passage doth agree with that which himself hath written , pag. 387. where he saith , it may be made good that a power dogmaticall is not different in nature from a power of jurisdiction , and that we read not of any society , which hath power to meet to make lawes and decrees , which have not power also to back their decrees with punishment . yea , he saith further that if the jewish synodry might meet to declare judicially what was gods law in point of conscience , and what not , farre more may they punish contraveners of the law : for anomothetick power in a society , which is the greater power , and is in the fountaine , must presuppose in the society 〈◊〉 lesser power , which is to punish . anomothetick power ministeriall cannot want a power of censuring . so that whereto in the place we have in hand , he saith , there may be in a generall councell , some 〈◊〉 doctrinall power without any power of jurisdiction to censure , in this other place , he saith , these powers do not differ in nature , nor can the former be without the latter ; but doth alwayes presuppose the same , as that which is lesser , and which it cannot want . now how these things do agree i am not able to understand : next of all how doth this passage we have in hand agree , with that which is written p. 308 , 309. where he saith , it is by accident , and not through want of inate and intrinsecall power , that the court of a catholick councell can not in an ordinary and constant way exercise the power which christ hath given to her ; and what that power is he expresseth in two or three lines proceeding , viz. a power of jurisdiction to excommunicate and relax from excommunication even nationall churches . if the lord should be pleased to give the christian churches a generall councell this day , might lawfully in a jurisdictiall way declare the faction of the romish pretended catholicks to be mysticall babylon — which in excommunication in the essence and substance of the act . and againe , this of our saviour , tell the church , is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to a generall councell . and in page 304. he tells in that a power of jurisdiction ( though he call it extraordinary and remote , and which is but rarely to be put forth in acts ) is given to the catholick visible presbytery , of the whole catholick visible church . in all which places he plainly affirmeth there is a power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls in a generall councell , which in the place we have in hand he doth as plainly deny . thirdly , if there be no power of jurisdiction to censure scandals in a generall councell , then how shall it appeare that there is such power of jurisdiction in the classicall , provinciall and nationall presbyteries , which are farre lesse ? yea , and that there is in these presbyteries a power independent and supreame , without appeale to any other . for such power there must be in some of them , if there be any power of jurisdiction in them at all , sith we are told there is no power of jurisdiction in the generall councell to appeale unto . now how shall it appeare that any such independent supream power of jurisdiction is given to any of those presbyteries ? where are the texts of scripture that speak of such power ? for our parts we know of none , but do still think that this power is placed by christ in a single congregation and its presbytery , and are the rather strengthened in this apprehension , for that the reason which is wont to be given against the congregations power , and wherein our brethren are wont to place their greatest strength , sc . that appeals are juris naturalis , and that defects , in the parts are to be supplyed and holden by the whole , this reason we see is now removed and utterly taken away , forasmuch as all power of jurisdiction is denyed to the generall councell which is the inevitable . now if there be no power of jurisdiction within the generall councell , then there can be no appeals to such a councell for such an end : and if no appeales to that councell , then the rule doth not alwayes hold , that there must be appeals from the lesser assemblies to the greater : and if this do not alwayes hold , then there may be independent power of jurisdiction in a congregation without appeals from the same , though it be a lesser assembly then the classicall , provinciall and nationall presbyteries , and thus our purpose is gained . for how can it be avoided , except this power of jurisdiction ( yea supream or independent power ) which is denyed to the generall councell , could be proved to be in the classes , synods , or nationall presbyteries , which we think cannot be done . indeed to say on the one side , that 〈◊〉 is no independent power in the congregation , and to say on the other side , that there is no power at all of jurisdiction in generall councells , this doth inevitably lay a necessity of such independent power in these intermediat assemblies of the classicall , provinciall and nationall presbyteries ; except we shall say there is no such power at all appointed by christ in any church assemblies on earth . now if such independent power be given to the presbyteries mentioned , ( as it needs must if it be neither in the generall councell , nor in the single congregations ) then i desire to know upon what scripture or scritures , such power in the said presbyteries is grounded and built ; and whether the said power belong unto them all , or only unto some of them , and which they be , and why not to the rest as well : yea , why not to the single congregation , nor yet to the generall councell , as well as to any of them . when this quaere is answered , and the answer sufficiently proved by scripture , then we shall see more reason for the jurisdiction of such assemblies over the particular congregations then yet we have seen . in the mean , time this quaere with the rest i leave to our brethrens consideration . chap. xx. if it were granted that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in monarchies , whether it would not thence follow , that the government of churches must so end , as well as that congregations must depend on the government of synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion in government to other societies . and whether the multitude of grecians and hebrews , who chose the seven deacons , act. 6. were two congregations or one onely . pag . 482. if churches must be dependent on synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government , by the same reason churches must end in a monarchy on earth ; for which he alledgeth the answ . pag. 20. and then subjoyneth his answer , thus : i see this said without any approbation : churches depend on many above them for unity ; but what consquence in this , erg● they depend upon one visible monarch ? it is an unjust consequence . answ . with favour of so worthy a man , he greatly wrongs our words ( and thereby wrongs the reader ) by leaving out those words wherein the plainenesse and strength of our argumentation lyes . therefore i am forced here to relate the order and progresse of the dispute in that script of ours , and to set down our words there used , because as mr. rutherford hath set them down , the strength of consequence is suppressed from the readers knowledge , and so indeed his answer is made easie : but the naked truth lyes thus . our reverend brother to whose treatise we return answer in that small piece of ours , having said , that communion and assistance in government is taught by the very light of nature to all societies whatsoever , whether commonwealths , or armies , universities , or navies ; he presently addeth by way of prevention . not that therefore this government of churches should ( as those ) end in a monarchy upon earth . in answer whereto , besides other things , we have these words , pag. 21. if churches must be dependent on the government of synods , because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government to all societies whatsoever , then we see not how it will be avoided , but by the same reason , churches must end in a monarchie on earth , if it were once cleared , that the light of nature doth teach all societies whatever so to end ; so there is as good reason for this as for the other . which last words , if it were once proved &c. mr. rutherford wholy leaves out and suppresseth , and so makes his own answer more easie . but i desire so much favour , which i think is but reasonable , that he that will undertake to answer our writing , would represent our words and arguing as it is , and no otherwise , and then i am content that the same may come under tryall . now our arguing is this ; if churches must be dependent upon the government of synods upon this reason ; because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government to all societies whatsoever ; then by the like reason let it be once proved ( which is by mr. herle affirmed ) that the light of nature teacheth all societies to end in a monarchy , and it will thereupon follow that churches must likewise end in the same manner . if we yeeld thus much that what the light of nature teacheth other societies , the same must be observed in the government of churches : i think it will then follow , that if the light of nature teach other societies to end in a monarchy on earth , the government of churches must do so also . this is our manner of arguing , in which the consequence is the same with that which our brethren think so strong , viz. that because the light of nature teacheth a communion and assistance in government , therefore there must be in the churches a government of synods . if any say the consequence is not alike necessary in both cases , because the ground doth not hold alike in both , for the light of nature doth not teach all societies on earth to end in a monarchie , as it doth teach a communion and assistance in government the answer in that we have plainly said the same , in the place of the answerer alledgeth , viz. p. 20 , 21. but the main question lyes not there , whether other societies do end in monarchies , ( for though the reverend author whom we there doe answer , do seem so to judge ; yet we have there plainly declared , that we conceive of that matter otherwise : ) but here doth lye the main question , viz. suppose it were granted , that light of nature doth teach all societies to end in a monarchy on earth , whether would it not then follow that churches must also so end : and that this is the thing in question wil plainly appear to any that shall peruse the place . and to this question , our answer is that the consequence for the affirmative is as good as in that other case , in which our brethren do think it so strong : viz. for the government of synods over congregations , from the communion and assistance — government taught by the light of nature to other societies : and our reverend brother granting that the light of nature doth teach the one as well as the other unto other societies , that is , that they should end in monarchies , as well as have communion in government , our answer is that thereupon the consequence will be as strong for the one as for the other in churches . in which arguing it is easie to perceive that we go upon the ground which was laid and given us by our author : and therefore for m. rutherford to suppresse this ground which we have there so plainly expressed , and to represent and set down our arguing as if there had been no such matter ; this indeed may make way for himself to give answer to us with ease , but whether it be candid and faire thus to deale , i leave it to himself , and the godly wise to consider . in the same pag. 482. he alledgeth the answer pag. 26. and sets down these words as ours , viz. the graecians and hebrews made not two churches , but one congregation ; they called the multitude of the disciples together , vers . 2. answ . here againe our words are set down unperfectly : for the question being , whether those graecians and hebrews , act. 6. were two severall congregation in one church , or both but one congregation , we for this latter do not onely alledge that one particular which mr. rutherford mentioneth , that the apostles called the multitude of the disciples together , vers . 2. but moreover that this multitude must look out seven men duely qualified , whom they might appoint over that businesse , v. 3. and that the saying pleased this whole multitude , and that they thereupon chose seven who are there named v. 5. and set them before the apostles , v. 6. who laid their hands on them : ibid. in all which , say we , there is no hint of two congregations , one of graecians and another of hebrews , but all the businesse of chusing and ordeyning these deacons , seems to be transacted and done in one congregation . for when the text saith that the apostles called the multitude of the disciples unto them , and made a speech to this multitude being assembled , and the whole multitude did hear what the apostles spake , and well liked the same , and thereupon joyntly concurred in one act of chusing seven , and presenting them being chosen before the apostles , it seems to me more rationall to look at these things as done in one congregation , then to imagine there were two , one of graecians another of hebrews : for of two congregations wherein this choise of deacons should be made , the text for ought i perceive doth not afford the least hint . but let us hear mr. rutherford his answer . that the chiefe , saith he , of both graecians and hebrews were contained in one , to give their consent to the admission of the deacons , i conceive . answ . the chief are not so much as once mentioned in the story : but contrarily the text expressely mentioneth the multitude , vers . 2. and the whole multitude , vers . 5. now to exclude the multitude , whom the text doth expresly mention , and to attribute the assembling and acting only to the chiefe , of whom the holy ghost speaks not one word , this ( to say no more ) seems a violent forcing of the text . and if somthing had not forced him to it , i think he would not have used it ; for elswhere ( viz. p. 495 , 496. ) he alledgeth this very scripture , and that three severall times , within the space of a doozen or sixteen lines , to prove that the people , yea the multitude are to have the choise of officers ; and saith he , if it please not the whol multitude , act. 6. vers . 5. it is not a choise . and in pag. 190. he tells us , that the multitude act. 6. are directed to choose out seven men , as being best acquainted with them ; and that accordingly they did look out seven men and chose them . in which places we see he can attribute this choise to the whole multitude , without any mention of the chief , or so much as the least intimation of the action to be performed by them , the multitude being excluded or absent ; yea , he gives a reason of this choise , which will reach the multitude , and not the chief only , except we shall say , that the chief only were acquainted with these seven : whereas in the place we have in hand , he would exclude the multitude , and ascribe the action to the chiefe onely . but that all the thousands of the church of jerusalem were here as in one ordinary congregation , i judge unpossible . answ . for asmuch as the text tells us that the whole multitude of the disciples were gathered together to act as here is recorded about the election of deacons , therefore we judge that it was not unpossible for them so to do ; for how should we judge the thing unpossible , except we would judge the words of god to be unpossible to be true ? besides , how many soever they were the text tels us act. 2. 46. that they continued daily with one accord in the temple : now temples we know there were none but one ; and therefore that they should all assemble in one congregation , we dare not judge a matter unpossible , least in so judging we should seem to question the truth of gods testimony . chap. xxi . whether congregations may be excommunicated by classes and synods , by vertue of those words , matt. 18. tell the church , as containing a rule and remedy for all offences , or at the least a church remedy , for the officers of churches , and churchmembers ? and if yea , whether it would not follow , that a nationall church must have the benefit of this remedy as well as others , and so have no independency of jurisdiction within it self , but be subject to the jurisdiction of generall councels , which yet mr. rutherford doth deny ? in the same p. 482. he excepteth against another passage in the answer p. 27 , 28. where he sets down these as our words , viz. if our argument be good , if thy brother offend and refuse to submit , tell the church , because christs remedy must be as large as the disease ; then if a nationall church offend , you are to complain to an higher church above a nationall church ; and because offences may arise between christians and indians , you may complain of an indian to the church : and then he subjoyneth his answer . answ . yet againe our words are so imperfectly related , as that our scope and intent doth not sufficiently appear to his reader . i must therefore for the readers understanding , relate the passage according to the true and plain meaning thereof . the question between reverend mr. herle and us being this , whether congregations must depend on the government of synods , and this reason being brought for the affirmative , that christs remedy , matth. 18. tell the church , must be as large as the maladie , offence ; if therefore there arise offences between congregations , there must be a church of synods above congregations , and those synods must judge and redresse those offences : to this we there answer that all offences do not fall within the compasse of this rule and remedy , tell the church ; and so no dependency of congregation upon the jurisdiction of synods can be sufficiently proved by this text . first of all , we instance in the offences of nationall churches , of which we suppose our brother will not say that they fall within the compasse of our saviours rule , tell the church , for then the independency of nationall churches and nationall synods is overthrown , as well as the congregations ; which we suppose he will not grant ; and yet it cannot be avoided if his reason for the dependency of congregations upon synods do stand firm . and next of all we instance in the offences of turks and indians and other heathens , who may offend christians and yet are not to be complained of to the church , the apostle expressely teaching the contrary , 1 col. 5. this being the scope of that passage in the answer , which here mr. rutherford , excepteth against , let us now hear what it is , which he saith thereto . because , saith he , ordinary communion faileth when you go higher then a nationall church , and christs way supposeth art ordinary communion , as is cleare , if thy brother offend , &c therefore i deny that this remedy is needfull in any church above a nationall church . answ . 1. if this remedy be not needfull in any church above a nationall , then the rule doth not universally hold true , that the remedy , complaint to the church , must be as large as the malady , offence : and so our purpose is gained ; for our purpose in that place is to prove this very thing , by this same instance of the offence of a nationall church ; wherein mr. rutherford we see doth come over to us , and affirms the same that we do . to what end therefore was it to make shew of removing or weakening what he had said , sith when it comes to the issue , he plainly concurs with us ? for by this means our tenent is not confuted , but confirmed with his attest thereto . 2. though here he saith , this remedy is not needfull in any church above a nationall , yet i am mistaken , if elsewhere he speak not otherwise . for in pag. 311. prepounding this objection , viz. christ here spe●keth of a present and constant removall of scandalls — a catholike councell of the whole visible church is farre of , and cannot be had , he returneth this for answer thereto : that christ , saith he , speaketh of a present and constant remedy only , and of no remedy against the scandall of whole churches , is denyed . he speaketh of all remedyes to gain any offenders , persons or churches . and in pag. 322. he saith , christ giveth an instance only in an offending brother ; but the doctrine is for the curing of an offending church also , and for all persons to be gained , thou hast gained thy brother : and saith he , we are to gain churches , as we are not to offend churches : 1 cor. 10. 32. again in his second pag. 332. speaking of five s●rts of synods , of which he cals the fifth the generall and oecuminick councell , he saith , that all these differ not in essence but in degrees , and what word of god , as matth 18. 16 , 17. proves the lawfulnes of one , is for the lawfulnesse of all the five sorts of synods . lastly , nothing can be more plain then those words pag. 39. this of our saviour , tell the church , is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to a catholike councell : ( the same is also to be seen in the peaceable plea p. 86. ) in all which sayings , he plainly understands the text we have in hand , to speak of a remedy , for all that are to be gained , yea a remedy for the offences of all persons and churches that may give offence ; which churches he saith may do , and expresly affirms that it is to be applyed to generall councels , and that necessarily : and how these things do agree , with the place in hind , where he saith , he denyes the remedie is needfull in any church above a nationall , let the wise and himself judge . for , for my part , except there be some difference between necessary and needfull , the sayings to me do seem inconsistent , one affirming the place is necessarily to be applyed to all churches and courts of christ , even to generall councells ; and the other denying that the remedy there mentioned is needfull in any church above a nationall 2. christs remedy , saith he , is a church remedy for offences among the brethren , and members of the visible church . and indians are nomembers of the visible church , and so being without they cannot be judged , 1 cor. 5. 12. answ . that indians cannot be judged by the church is very true , but nothing against us : for the very same that here is said by mr. rutherford , was said by us before , in the place which himself doth alledge , where we also brought the very same text of scripture which himself doth bring . now why should these things be brought as a confutation of us , which are nothing but a reception of that which we had delivered afore as our own judgement ? may not his reader be induced hereby to think that we had spoken otherwise ? but to let this passe . if indians cannot be judged by the church , then still our purpose is gained ; for by this it appeareth that an offence may be committed , where christs remedy , tell the church , may not be applyed for the redresse thereof ; and so that universall proposition , christs remedy is as large as the maladie , and where an offence may be committed , there to tell the church , is the remedy for the redresse of the same , which our brethren do lay as the foundation on which to build the jurisdiction of classes and synods , the universality , i say , of this proposition is utterly overthrown by this instance of indians ; and so that scripture , matth. 18. appears to be too weak a bottome , to bear the building which our brethren would erect upon it . nor is the matter much amended by that which our brother here brings for the helping and clearing of it , that christs remedy is a church remedy for offences among brethren members of the visible church . for let this be granted , as i know none that denies it , yet still the question remains , what is that church to which our saviour here gives power to remove and redresse scandals by excommunicating the offenders ? we conceive this church is only the particular congregation , and its presbytery ; and our brethren think it is also the classes and synods : but this apprehension of theirs is not confirmed by saying our saviours remedy is a church remedy for offences amongst members of the church , inasmuch as the members of a nationall church , as such are members of the visible church in our brethrens judgement , and yet our brother holds here is nor remedy prescribed for a delinquent nationall church . and if he can so understand this church remedy , as that for all this , the nationall church must not partake thereof , so as to be censured and excommunicated by any church above it , why may not others understand it so , as that synods and classes , yea and congregations too be exempted from the jurisdiction of churches ? for my part , i know no reason , but if the congregation be lyable to the censure of classes and synods by this scripture ; because our saviours remedy is a church remedy , by the same reason the classes and synods must be lyable to censure also ; yea , and the nationall church likewise , because this reason is applyable to all these as well as to the congregation . so that this notion of a church remedy doth not help his cause at all , nor hurt ours , any more then it hurts himself . if this reasoning be good , it is a church remedy , therefore the congregationall church must be lyable to censure for their offences , then this reasoning is as good , it is a church remedy , therefore the classes , synods , yea and the nationall church must be lyable to censure for their offences : but this latter at least , for the nationall church , our brother speaks against , and therefore he may not presse nor urge the former . if he or other shall say , that this scripture contains a remedy even for a nationall church , then it will follow that the jurisdiction of a nationall church is not independent , but depends upon the oecumenicall : but this our brother cannot say , unlesse he will gainsay himself , because he hath already said the contrary , and seriously protested it w●●h a verily , that verily be cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls can be in a generall councell : onely a meer doctrinall power in all the power that he can see in such a councell , pag. 482. so that let him hold to what he hath thus seriously protested , and this rule of christ affords no remedy by way of censure for the scandalls of a nationall church . besides , if the jurisdiction of a generall councell be established by our saviour in this or other scriptures , then it will not only follow that the independent jurisdiction of nationall churches ; yea , and much more of classes and synods is overth●●wn , which i suppose our brethren will not grant , but moreover it will follow that christ hath not sufficiently provided church remedies for redressing scandal●s of church members : the reason of the consequence is , because all other jurisdictions being subordinate one to an●ther , and all of them under the jurisdiction of the generall councell , which alone is supream , there may therefore in all of them be appeals from the inferiour to the higher judicatories , till at the last ●atters and causes be transmitted from them all to the generall councell ; and so by this means matters shall or may never be ended , nor scandalls remedied , till a generall councell shall effect the same ; which generall councels all know are rare , and difficult to be attain● 〈◊〉 and therefore there were small sufficiency in our saviours remedy , if matters may or must depend till generall councels shall be assembled for the hearing and determining thereof , and may not be ended sconer . therefore we cannot see that this rule , nor any other , establisheth the jurisdiction of generall cou●cels ; and then nationall churches can have no benefit of our saviours remedy of , telling the church ; no more then the churches , which are congregationall ; and so whether is the saying universally true , that where there may be offence committed , there our saviours remedy of telling the church , may be applyed for the redresse thereof , nor doth this saying hold , being narrowed according to mr. rutherfords minde , who would have it understood onely of a church remedy , for the offences of church members . for we see there may be offences in churches , according to our brethrens judgement , which cannot be redressed by the help and remedy of this rule . chap. xxii . when the supream magistrate is a professed curing to religion , whether then it be likely and usuall that the greater part of the people are sincerely religious : and whether when the greater part are enemies with their magistrates , it be then the duty of a few that are sincere , to assemble in a nationall synod , and there to enter into a nationall covenant , and also to enjoyn the same unto that greater part . pag . 483. we say , that if the magistrate be an enemy to religion , may not the church without him conveen and renew a covenant with god ? mr. mather and mr. tompsons answer p. 29. that if the supream magistrate be an enemy to religion , it is not like , but most or many of the people will be of the same minde : regis ad exemplum totus — and then the 〈◊〉 in the land with not be able to beare the name of the land or nation , but of a small part thereof , not can it be well contained how they should assemble in a nationall synod , for that or any other purpose , when the magistrate is a professed enemy , nor doth god require it at their hands . answ . the question between mr. hefle and us , as it is spoken to , by us , in this passage , is still about the meaning of our saviours words , tell the church : which will plainly appear to him that shall look upon mr. herles treatise and our answer , and compare them together . and though we speak somthing of the churches renewing a a covenant with god , when the magistrate is an enemy to religion , yet the question lyes not meerly so and no further ; but first , this church is called the land or the whole church therein , or the whole number of beleevers . secondly , the thing inquired into concerning this church , is whether they have not power to enjoyn a solemn renewall of the covenant . in answer whereto we first of all say , that in case the magistrate be an enemy to religion , the beleevers in the land are not like to be so many , as that they should bear the name of the land or nation , but of a small part therein . second , that in such case , it is not like they can have such liberty as safely to meet in such great assemblies as nationall synods : and hereupon we conclude that renewing of covenant and enjoyning the same in national synods , being not in the power of som few beleevers in a land , is not then required at their hands . this being said for clearing the scope and summe of that passage in the answer , let us now hear what mr. rutherford saith thereto . this saith he , is a weak answer . answ . sat magistrabiter : would it not do well first to disprove and confute , and then to censure , rather then to censure first ? but if it be so weak , it will be more easie to overthrow it : let us hear therefore why it is so weak . the christians under nero were not like their prince : and it s not like , but sincere christians will be sincere christians and professe truth , even when the magistrate is an enemy . answ . and what of this ? doth this strongly overthrow that saying , which was censured for so weak ? if sincere christians be sincere christians , when the magistrate is an enemy , suppose as bad as nero , doth it follow thereupon , that in such times the sincere christians will be so many in number as to bear the names of the land or nation , where they are , ( for there lyes the question ) and that it is not like to be otherwise ? i suppose no man can justly affirm it . for were they so many in england in the dayes of queen mary ? were they so many in scotland in the dayes of popish princes , afore the reformation ? are they so many in spain , in italy , in turkey at this day ? doth not the scripture say , that when rehoboam , forsook the lord , all israel did the same with him ? 2 chron. 12. 1. and that ieroboam did not only sinne , but made israel to sinne ? and that when a ruler hearkneth to lyes , all his servants are wicked , prov. 29. vers . 12. which sayings and many more that might be alledged , besides common experience do abundantly witnesse , that when the supream magistrate is an enemy to religion , often times ( if not alwayes ▪ ) sincere beleevers in those dayes are the smaller part of that land . if m. rutherford can prove this apprehension weak , he must then prove the contradictory to be true , viz. that when the supream magistrate is an enemy to religion , it is not like that many of the people will be of the magistrates mind , but contrarily the greatest part of the land will be sincere beleevers , though the magistrate be an enemy . and when he hath confirmed this position which strong and convincing proofes ; he may then more freely take his liberty to condemne the other for weak : in the mean time , i think it were weaknesse in us to depart from this apprehension without some better grounds then yet are given to discover the weaknesse of it . 2. saith he , if your meaning be , it cannot be conceived how they should assemble in a nationall assembly , when the magistrate is an enemy , because it is not safe for feare of persecution , then you say nothing to the argument , because the argument is drawn from a duty . answ . are those things duties , which are in nature impossible ? if not , how is it a duty of a few beleevers in a land ( for when the magistrate is a professed enemy , i doe still conceive the beleevers in that land to be but few , a small part of the land ) how is it a duty , i say , for these few beleevers , in a land to assemble in a nationall synod , and there to enjoyn a nationall covenant , to be entered into , not onely by themselves , which are but a few in comparison , but also by the rest of the land which are farre the greater number ? if this be a duty , it is more then i yet understand ? suppose it be their duty to enter into covenant with god for their own part ; suppose also it were the duty of others to doe the like , yet when the greater part will not so doe , but are enemies to the truth of god like their magistrates , is it neverthelesse a duty of this smaller number to assemble in a nationall synod , and there to enjoyne a solemn covenant to be taken by the land ? i mean not onely by themselves ; but also by others , who are farre more in number then they ? do they fall short of their duty , if they do not thus assemble , and impose the covenant ? in the dayes of ieroboam , when the generality of the land walked after his wicked commandement , hos . 5. 11. who made israel to sin , yet then there were some in israel who retained their integrity , and set their hearts to seek the lord , who also for that end came to ierusalem , to sacrifice to the lord god of their fathers , 2 chron. 11. v. 16. but i doe not remember that these few that were sincere in worship , did ever come together in a nationall assembly in israel , to renew the covenant with god , and to enjoyn the same to that great multitude of the backslyding israelites , nor that such a duty was required of them , nor that they are blamed by 〈◊〉 lord , nor any of his prophets for the neglect thereof . and the case we have in stand is the same . if you mean that because the princes power is against the synodicall meeting , this is nothing against the power of the synods that christ hath given to his church . answ . we mean as we have said , that those few beleevers in a land , being overpowered with the prince and people that are enemies , therefore this assembling of those few in a nationall synod , and there enjoyning a nationall covenant is now not in their power , and so not required at their hands . if your meaning be that , it is not lawfull to them to conveen in a nationall synod to renew a covenant with god , against the supreame magistrates will ; i hope you minde no such thing . answ . if it be our meaning , how can it be hoped that we do not mind it ? can our ●●●●ing be one thing , and our mind another ? but for his satisfaction and resolution , 〈◊〉 plain answer is this , that we neither had mind nor meaning to medle at all with that question ; whether churches may assemble in nationall synods against the supreame magistrates will. for we did not think that mr. herles treatise did lead us thereunto : 〈…〉 such a matter . nor am i willing at this time to turn aside to the same , but to keep close to my scope and ayme , which is to consider of mr. rutherford his exceptions against the answer . and therefore for his discourse , which here he fals upon , maintaining at large against malignants , and namely against tho : fuller , that the reformation begun in scotland and prosecuted in england , against the kings will is lawful● and warrantable by the word● this discourse , i say , being altogether concerning others , and not us ; i will therefore passe it over , and come to that wherein our selves are concerned . chap. xxiii . whether the word church be not given to a single congregation , and whether a congregation be a company or church , meeting only for word and sacraments , and not for any other spirituall duties : and whether the divers duties , 1. of word and sacraments . 2. of discipline , &c. must needs argue divers churches . pag . 489. the name church , 1 cor. 14. 4 , 5 , 35. 27 , 28. is plainly given to that company that did assemble and come together for performance of spirituall duties , and for the exercise of spirituall gifts , as act. 14. 27. and 11. 26. and 15. 4. 22. 30. and 1 cor. 11. 18 , 20 , 22 , 23 , 3 john 6. which places do abundantly shew , that a company gathered together in one place , is called by the name of a church , as centhera , rom. 16. 1. which could not contain many congregations , being but the part of corinth . and for this passage he alledgeth the answer . pag. 32. answ . mr. herle having said , that the scripture never useth the word church for a single congregation , unlesse happily , 1 cor. 14. and that many congregations in one province or city are frequently called by the name of a church , we in answer to the former of these doe give many instances , p. 31 , 32. where a single c●●●regation is called by the name of a church , not onely in 1 cor. 14. which mr. herle acknowledgeth ( though with a perhaps ) but also in sundry other scriptures , which here mr. rutherford quoteth . now let us heare his answer to this passage . wee seek no more , saith he . answ . are we then agreed , that in scripture language the word church is sundry times given to a single congregation ? if so , then for this point the answer is not confuted but confirmed . if it be called a church which conveeneth for performance of spirituall duties , as some of your places doe well prove , ergo , no assembly should have the name of church , but such as assemble for word and sacraments , this now you cann●t affirm and it followeth not . answ . if this follow not , what needs it ? we never affirmed it , and our purpose that the word church is given in scripture to a single congregation , is sufficiently gained without it . the church spoken of matth. 18. is not assembled to word and sacraments , but to binde and loose : the meeting 1 cor. 5. is not for word and sacraments , but to deliver to satan ; the word church act. 14. 27. is not an assembly for word and sacraments , but to hear how god hath opened the doore of faith unto the gentiles . — if to be received of the church , act. 15. 4. be matter of word and sacraments , let all judge : if to send a decree of a synod , act. 15. 22. be the act of a church assembled for word and sacraments , let the world judge . answ . reverend sir , keep to the point , we never said that discipline , and all other acts , whether performed by a church , are word and sacraments : and therefore there was no need to prove they are not , and then to triumph as in a great victory : the thing in question is this , whether the name or word church , be given in scripture to a single congregation : and if this be proved ( as the instances given , i hope , do prove it sufficienly ) then it matters not what that particular spirituall church action is , for which they do meet : for whether it be that they meet for word and sacraments alone ; or whether it be for the word and prayer alone , and not at that time for sacraments at all , or whether it be for discipline , or for any other church duty , yet still if they come together into one place , be it for all or for any of these ends , they are then a congregation , ( for what is a congregation but a company so assembled in one place ) and so our tenet stands good , and our purpose is gained : for if they that come together into one place for church actions and ends , be called in scripture by the name of a church , then the word church is given to a company that so came together ; and such a company being a congregation , it follows that the word church is used for a congregation . what this congregation doth when they are come together , is not the question : but if a congregation coming together for church duties be in scripture called a church , we have our intent . if the word church , be a meeting of persons assembled to one place for spirituall duties , sometimes for word and sacraments onely , sometimes for acts of jurisdiction onely , then is the word church by our brethrens argument taken both for the congregation , and for the elders of one , or of divers churches , and so we have our intent . answ . let the antecedent be granted , yet the consequence is denied : for the word church may be a meeting assembled , sometimes for word and sacraments onely , and sometimes for acts of jurisdiction only , and i adde , sometimes for the word and prayer only , without exercise of jurisdiction or sacrament , and somtimes for some other act or acts , then any of these that are named , and yet for all this , it may not be taken for the elders alone of one church , and much lesse for the elders of divers churches ; the reason is , because all these acts may be performed by the congregation assembling sometimes for one of them , and sometimes for another . and therefore your intent is not yet attained ; who would have the word church to be taken somtimes for the congregation , and sometimes for the presbyters or elders alone ? we desire our brethren to prove ( which they must if they oppose our principles ) that the word church is never taken for the eldership alore , in all the word of god. answ . must we prove a negative : and is that saying , affirmanti incumbit ●●us probandi , now become unreasonable , unnecessary , or of no force ? for my part i am still of the mind , that he that affirms , must in equity and reason prove what he affirms . besides for our selves we have this to say further , that if we prove what we undertook , we have done as much as can in reason be required of us , though we do not prove this that mr. rutherford would impose upon us : and what was that which we undertook to prove ? nothing in this place , but onely this , that the word church is taken for a congregation , in other scriptures besides , 1 cor. 14. and this we have performed and proved already . mr. rutherford himself allowing some of our proofs for good : and therefore having performed this point , it is more then needs to be required of us , to prove another also , which we never undertook to prove , as being quite besides our question , which we were and still are desirous to keep close unto , and not to wonder or be diverted from it by any means . whereas our brethren say , a company gathered into one place ( which is nothing else but a congregation ) are called by the name of a church , i answer such a company is only ( i suppose this is misprinted , for is not onely ) called by the name of a church , for a company meeting for discipline only , is a church also . answ . if a company gathered into one place , which is a congregation , be called by the name of a church , this is as much as we desire : for our tenent is herein expresly granted to be true : if a company meeting for discipline onely be a church also , yet as long as the former is not denyed , the adding of this other doth no hurt to us at all . it is false that a company gathered into one place , are nothing else but a congregation . answ . bona verba quaso : we had thought that as a company assembled , is an assembly , a company met , is a meeting , a company convocated , a convocation ; so a company gathered together or congregated , had been a congregation : but this is peremptorily now condemned as false : yet let us hear why . as you take the word congregation : for so your congregation is an assembly of men and women meeting for word and sacraments , with the elders of the church . answ . and what if they meet for prayer also , what if for the word and prayer without sacraments , for this or that time ? what if they meet for the admission of members also , or for censuring delinquents ? can mr. rutherford prove that either of us , i mean either mr. tompson or my self , or indeed any man else of that judgement , which he opposeth , have denyed an assembly meeting for such ends , as these to be a congregation ? i suppose he cannot : and therefore it was not well done to impute unto us such a sence of the word congregation , as we never spake nor thought of , and then to say , it is false that a company gathered into one place is a congregation , as that word is taken by us . i appeale to the judgement of our reverend brethren , if the church , matth. 18. assembled to to bind and loose , if the church assembled , 1 corin. 5. to deliver to satan , ( and sundry others are there named to the like purpose ) be a congregationall church assembled for word and sacraments . answ . if the word and sacraments be not mentioned in the places alledged , but other actions and duties , must it needs follow that the churches spoken of in these places did assemble for word and sacraments ? may not one and the same church assemble for diverse ends and actions ? yea , possibly for diverse upon one day ? at the least wise it cannot be denyed , but at severall times of assembling a church may attend to diverse duties and actions , and yet still be one and the same congregation or church , at one time which they were at another . or otherwise we must say ( which were a very unwise saying ) that a church meeting for diverse actions to be performed upon one day , as the word , prayer , psalms , sacraments , &c. is not the same church is one of these actions , that it was in another , but is one church when they are at prayer , another when they are singing psalms , another when they are in exercise of the word or sacraments , &c. or if they meet one day , for word and sacraments , and another day for word and prayer without sacraments , that n●w they are diverse churches , and not the same upon one of these dayes , that they were upon another , the nature and kind of their church being altered according to the severall duties wherein they are exercised . this arguing i suppose mr. rutherford , would not own for good , and yet for ought i see , it is no worse , but the very same with that which himself doth here use , who because the church mentioned matth. 18. 1 corinth . 5. and other places by him named , is said to meet for discipline or other duties , would thereupon have it thought , that the church mentioned in those places was not a church that did ever meet for word and sacraments , but was some other church of another kinde : which arguing may be good , if these which i have here above expressed be good , but otherwise i conceive it cannot stand . chap. xxiv . whether those children of israel , numb . 8. 10. who laid hands on the levites , were elders by office , and as so considered , did lay on their hands . and whether this scripture do not prove that where there are no elders to be had , there some principall members , though not elders by office , may impose hands on church officers . the children of israel which were not the church officers laid hands on the levites , numb . 8. 10. therefore when a church hath no elders , the people may conferre ordination , and it is not to be tyed to the presbyters only : and for this be alledgeth the answer . pag. 46. and then he addeth , that other of our brethren say , ordination is but accidentall to a ministers calling , and may be wanting if the people shall chuse , in defect of elders , pag. 491. answ . this latter clause should not have been added , as deserving a confutation , except our brother would confute himself : for as we heard afore , himself doth plainly affirm pag. 186 , 187. that both are true pastors , those who have no call , but the peoples election , and those who have ordination by pastors ; and that election by the people only may stand for ordination , where there be no pastors at all : which if it be so ; why should the same thing in effect when it is holden by others , be here inserted in an objection as worthy to be spoken against , when himself doth cast the very same ? it is marvell that our reverend brother should thus go on in representing our words and mind amisse : for as here he sets down the objection under our name , some of our words are changed and altered , others being substituted in their place , some are wholly suppressed as if there had been none such , and others are added as 〈◊〉 which never came from us : of the first sort , are those of the peoples conferring ordination ; wheras our words are not so , but that the people may impose or lay on hands . now between these two himself pag. 492. doth make a great difference , even as much as between the authoritative calling of a minister , and a rite annexed to that calling : and further saith , that though he think imposition of hand● not so essentiall perhaps , at that a minister can be no minister without it , yet of ordination he thinks otherwise , and if he make so great a difference between imposition of hand● and ordination , why should our words be forsaken which import the lesser matter in his judgement , and those other which he accounts do import much more , be substituted in the room ? was this to burden our opinion or apprehension with a greater odium then our words in his own judgement will beare ? or was it to make his confutation of us more easie , then it would have been , if our own words had been retained and kept ? what ever was the cause hereof , we cannot but think it had been better if it had been otherwise . for omitting and suppressing some words of ours ( which was the second particular ) i alledge those of the time and places where elders cannot co●veniently be borrowed from any other church : the whole passage is this : viz. by which , scripture , ( to wit num. 8. 10. ) thus much is manifest , that when a ch●rch hath no elders , but the first elders themselves are to be ordained , and this at such times and in such places , where elders cannot conveniently be borrowed from any other churches , in such case imposition of hands may lawfully be performed by some principall men of the congregation , although they be not elders by office : in which place , these words , at such times ●nd in such places , &c. though they contain a great part of the case , wherein we think imposition of hands may be performed by non-elders , yet they are wholy concealed by mr. rutherford , as if there had been none such ; for what purpose , himselfe best knows . but this is apparent , that by his concealment or omission , the way is made more easie and the ground more rati●n●ll for that passage of his in the following page , where he saith , what if there be no elders in a single congregation ? it will not follow therefore the people are to lay on hands , except saith he , there were no elders in the land , or nationall church to lay on hands . now had our words been delivered and set down by him as they came from us , this speech and passage of his would have been uselesse , and apparently brought in without cause : for to what purpose should he bring in this exception , saying , except there be no elders in the land &c. when our selves had prevented him in this , by putting such an exception expresly into the prohibition , which we deduce and gather from that scripture of numb . 8. 10. sure this had not needed , but might have been spared , if our words had been fully related : but by this omission and concealement , his own speech hath more appearance of ground and reason in it , then otherwise it would have had , and our apprehension doth not appear to his reader as indeed it is , nor as himself received it from us in that our answer . which we have reason to take somwhat unkindly from him , and the rather because it is not only once , but twise at the least , that we have thus expressed our selves in that answer : once in the words which i have here above repeated and transcribed , and again in pag. 49. where speaking again of this same scripture , numb . 8. v. 10. we say thus , that we have shewed from that scripture , that if there be no elders as at the first , nor any that can conveniently be gotten from other churches , then imposition of hands may lawfully be performed by others : neverthelesse though we have thus expressed our selves , once and a second time , yet m. rutherford doth not once give notice hereof unto his reader , for ought that i can find ; but still passing by these words of borrowing elders from other churches , doth take advantage of the want thereof , which indeed are not wanting in our churches , which he deals against , but twise at the least are plainly expressed therein , and would not have been wanting in this passage , which here he sets down as ours , if himself had not concealed and suppressed the same . now to leave out those words of ours , which we have plainly expressed two severall times at the least , and then to make advantage for himselfe against us for want thereof , whether this be not such measure as we have cause to take unkindly , let himself and others consider . the third particular of adding words which never came from us , i will briefly passe over , because it is of lesse moment , as not so much misrepresenting our meaning ; yet i conceive those words , it ( by ordination ) is not to be tyed to the presbytery alone , which here are presented to the reader as ours , are not at all to be found in our writing : but i will not insist on this , but come to consider of his answer . there is not , saith he , a place in all the word of god , where people conser●e ordination to the pastors of the new testament , therefore our brethren flee to the old testament to prove it from the levites , who received imposition of bands from the children of israel . answ . we have given a reason , why no such scripture can be expected in the new testament , viz. because in those times elders were not wanting ; for there were the apostles and apostolike men , who were elders in all churches : and say we , we do willingly grant , that where elders are not wanting , imposition of hands is to be performed by the elders : ans . p. 49. now for our brethren to require of us an example of imposition of hands performed without elders in the apostles times , in which times there were elders to be had , this we think to be unreasonable , first it is our opinion , that when elders are to be had , imposition of hands is not to be performed without those elders , but by them . moreover , if it be such a disparagement to our cause , that the scripture of the new testament affords no example of imposition of hands by the people , how will mr. rutherford free his own way from another objection , which we think as sore and weighty against the same , as this which they think of so much weight against us ? the objection i mean is this , that there is not any place in all the scripture of the new testament , where ordinary pastors or elders imposed hands on ordinary pastors or elders ; but all the examples in scripture concerning this matter are such , where either the persons imposing , or the persons on whom hands were imposed , or both , were officers of extraordinary note and degree , such as now are not extant in the church , but are ceased long again : not that i deny , but an argument may be taken from those examples for imposition of hands in these dayes : but the thing i stand upon is this , that no example can be given from scripture directly parallel , to the way which our brethren in these dayes do practise and allow , but some dissonancy will be found therein : from their way as well ( and perhaps as much ) as from the way of imposition of hands performed by the people in some cases : let them tell us of act. 6. v. 6. and 14. 23. and 1. tim. 5. 22. and we answer the persons imposing hands in those places were apostles and evangelists , such as our brethren are not , nor do so account themselves . let them name act. 13. 3. and 1 tim. 4. 14. and we answer , the persons on whom hands were there laid were the like , even apostles and evangelists , whatever the imposers were , and therefore neither will these places perfectly suit the case ▪ so that if we could give no example in the new testament of imposition of hands performed in some cases by the people , we think mr. rutherford and out brethren of his way might be favourable to us for their own sake . yet for the justification of our way , and for further answer to this passage of mr. rutherford , we have this to say further , that an example in the old testament of a practise not abolished in the new as ceremoniall , typicall , or of some peculiar reason specially concerning those times and peoples , but of morall equity and reason ; such an example we think a sufficient warrant unto us , for the like practise upon the like occasion in these dayes : this i thinke mr rutherford must acknowledge , for else he shall loose many arguments which he frequently useth in this treatise , from the example of asa , hezekiah , josiah , and others in the old testament , for the proving of things to be practised in the new : and else himself and we all shall loose the argument for pedobaptisme which is taken from circumcision . yea , and which is more , if it were not thus , the apostles arguing would not be strong , who do frequently argue from the examples of the old testament to confirm and prove truth and vertue , and to reprove and to condemn the contra●y in the new : to instance in no more but 1 cor. 9. 10. 2. heb. 3. 24. which examples , together with that saying , rom. 15. 4. whatsoever was written in former time , was written for our learning ; and many more that might be alledged , do abundantly and plainly prove the point in hand : and therefore mr. rutherford should bear with us , if we somtimes argue from examples of the old testament . as for that which followeth , where he saith , but our brethren hold that the calling of the levites and of the pastors of the new testament are different , as the officers and churches of the jewish and christian churches are different ; the answer is , that i do not remember that we have spoken one word of this matter , either one way or other ; nor doth he mention any place where we have spoken ought of these things . and for the thing it selfe , though many differences may be assigned between the levites and pastors of the new testament , and between the jewish and christian churches , yet i know no such difference between them , but that in things which are of generall and common nature concerning them both , in those we may lawfully argue from them and their times , unto our selves and our times . if mr. rutherford know we have given any such difference as will not suffer us thus to argue , when he shall expresse the same , we may consider further thereof . our brethren grant pag. 49. that it wanteth all example in the new testament that the people lay on hands . answ . and we have also in the same pag. 49. rendred the reason hereof , viz. because elders then were not wanting : why then did not our brothers ingenuity so farre prevaile with him as to mention this , when he mentioned the other ? however yet this he may be pleased to observe , that as we grant the thing he speaks of , so themselves , i think must grant also , that it wanteth all example in the new testament , where ordinary elders do impose hands on ordinary elders : for my part i remember none , nor do i remember that themselves have yet produced any . these who laid on hands on the levites numb . 8. were elders , and our brethren say it is like they were ; but 1. they did not as elders : 2. but as representing the people ; not as elders civill , for that belonged to aaron and his sonnes , levit. 8. else it will follow that where a church hath no magistrates to lay on hands , there the church may doe it : nor did they lay on hands as ecclesiasticall elders , because what these which laid on hands did , they did as from the congregation : for 1. these levites were taken in stead of the first born of israel , and not instead of the first born of the elders only , numb . 3. 40 , 41. 2 they were presented to the lord as an offering of the children of israel , not of the elders onely . 3. when the multitude brought an oblation , the elders put their hands on the heads of the sacrifice , levit. 4. 15. instead of all the multitude . answ . in relating this passage , our meaning is exceedingly mistaken , and both our meaning and our words represented farre amisse unto the reader : the particulars which in this respect may be excepted against , are such as these . 1. that reporting us to say , it is like they who laid on hands were elders , he there breaks off the speech ; and so suppresseth that which follows ; wherein we first of all do give an explication in what respect they might be said to be elders , viz. as being the chiefe and principall members of the congregation ; and next of all we do adde , that neverthelesse therein example doth prove the point , if two things be considered which there we do expresse . but both these particulars , i mean , both the explication and the addition or exception , are wholly suppressed by mr. rutherford , and so the concession ; it is like they were elders , is left standing alone by it selfe . 2. he reports us to say , they did it not as elders civill : for that belonged to aaron and his sons ; wherein he fathers on us a palpable errour , of accounting aaron , and his sonnes to be elders civill , or magistrates , which never came into our thoughts : nay it was so farre from us that we plainly said the contrary , in that very place , to wit , that they were elders ecclesiasticall . our words are these , if they , ( that is , the children of israel ) did it as elders , then either as elders and governours ecclesiasticall , or as civill governours : but not the first , for that charge belonged to aaron and his sonnes : levit. 8. and these levites now ordained . in which words we plainly ascribe to aaron and his sonnes the charge of elders and governours ecclesiasticall , but not of civill governours , as mr. rutherford , is pleased to report . 3. in these words , else it will follow , that where a church hath no magistrates to lay on hands , there the church may do it ; our words are so miserably mangled , that no tolerable sence can appeare : for here is expressed an inference or consequence , that must follow , and yet no ground or antecedent at all from which it should follow , which is to represent us to the world as men that were loesi cerebro . for men that were in their right wits , i conceive , would scarcely ever argue in this fashion , as here we are reported to do : but our words are these , if the second be said , viz. that the children of israel did lay on hands as civill governours , then it will follow that civill magistrates , though no church-officers may impose hands in ordination of church-officers , and so the point is gained : ( viz. that church-officers may be ordained by those that are no church-officers ) which we do further manifest in the following words in this manner : if the magistrate may doe it , then it will follow that a church that hath no magistrate may perform this action by other the fittest instrument● she hath ; for which we there give this ground , for that this is not a work properly tyed to the magistrates office , because then the church in the apostles times wanting magistrates , could not have had officers ; the contrary whereof we say is manifest in the scriptures , act. 14. 13. tit. 1. 5. this is our manner of arguing in the place alledged , which is farre different from that which mr. rutherford reporteth as ours . 4. whereas he reports us to say , nor did they lay on hands as ecclesiasticall elders , because what these which lay on hands did , they did as from the congregation ; in this he also reports us to speak quite besides our plain meaning and expresse words . for whereas , he so sets down this sentence , as that the latter clause or branch therein is made the reason of the former ; the truth is this , that these clauses in the answer , have no dependance the one upon the other at all ; but the former hath another reason given for it , which here is not mentioned , and the latter which is here mentioned as the reason of the former is not so mentioned by us , but for another end and purpose . touching the former of these two , when we said that the children of israel , did not impose hands on the levites as ecclesiasticall elders , the reason we give for this saying is this , because that charge was onely belonging to aaron and his sonnes , and those levites now ordained : which reason mr. rutherford never mentions , but mentions another speech , as our reason , which was delivered by us for another purpose . the like measure doth he afford to us in the second branch of the sentence by him expressed : for whereas we give two reasons of the main thing in question , that this example of the children of israel , imposing hands on the levites doth prove that in some cases , non-officers may impose hands upon church officers , the one because what these children of israel did , they did it not as elders ; the other that what they did , they did it not for themselves alone , but for all the congregation , mr. rutherford applies not these two reasons to the thing in question as they were applyed by us , but instead thereof makes one of them to be a reason of the other , which was no part of our meaning , nor could justly be gathered from our words . this being said for clearing this passage of ours from his manifold mistakes , let us now heare his answer . pag. 49● . these who laid on hands did it as a work peculiar to the elders , because the elders were a part of the first borne , who by office were elders , and in whose stead the levites were assumed , numb . 3. 40 , 41. answ . if the elders were but a part of the first born , then how could all the first born be elders by office ? or if all the first born were by office elders , then how could the elders be but a part of the first born ? these things seem not to be here . but be it so , that the elders were a part of the first born as here is affirmed , how doth this prove that they who laid on hands did it as a work peculiar to the elders ? is there any necessary or clear consequence in such a proposition ? for my part , i see it not : but on the contrary , i suppose it is certaine , that the elders might be part or all of the first born , and yet they who did the work of imposing hands might neither impose as elders , nor of necessity be elders . though in the sense expressed in the answer , i will not deny but there might be elders , that is chiefe and principall members of the congregation . but if this were granted in the sense expressed , must it needs follow that they imposed hands as elders , and as elders by office too ? can a man sustain no relation , but all his actions must be actions of that relation ? cannot a man be an husband , or a parent , &c. but his actions of plowing sowing , &c. must needs be performed by him , as he is a husband , or parent ? cannot a minister pray in his family , instruct his children , or receive the bread and wine in the lords supper in the congregation , but all these things must be performed by him as a minister ? i suppose that none will say that this doth follow : and if not , then suppose that these who imposed hands were elders , how doth it follow , that when they imposed hands , they did impose as elders ? else the church of israel being a constituted church before this time wanted officers , which is against all truth . answ . else , else what ? let the antecedent or ground of this inference be taken from the words preceding , or from any of them ( and whence else to take it i cannot tell ) and no necessity of consequence i think will appear . the words preceding are no more but these , these who laid on hands , did it as a worke peculiar to the elders , because the elders were a part of the first born , who by office were elders , and in whose steed the levites were assumed , and then comes in this inference , else the church of israel wanted officers . now how this must needs follow upon any or all of those preceding , i see not . not that i deny the truth of all those preceding words , for of some of them i think otherwise , but supposing that were all true , which is more then doth yet appeare , yet here is that which i am doubtfull in , whether this inference must needs follow upon the same ? for ought i see , the church of israel might have officers , and yet the particulars here mentioned not be all true , but some of them false notwithstanding . at least wise if they were true , yet the reason here used would not inferre so much . for , to consider a little of the particulars : the church of israel had officers , ergo , the elders were a part of the first born ( which is one of the particulars ) the church of israel had officers ; ergo the first born were elders by office ; ( which is another ) the church of israel had officers : ergo , the levites were assumed instead of the first born ( which is another of them ) is there any necessity of consequence in any of these ? for my part i see it not : but suppose they were in themselves true , yet , the medium here used doth not proove them so to be . and for that which is the first , and as i conceive the cheif , to wit , that these who imposed hands did it as a work peculiar to elders , must this needs be granted , if it be granted , that the church of israel was not without officers ? i see no necessity of granting this neither , but the contrary to me seems possible enough , that thee might be officers afore this time in that church ; and yet what was now done by them who imposed hands , not be done by them , as elders by office , but as prime and principall members of the congregation . for the clearing whereof a little further , we may observe that they who imposed hands on the levites are not here called elders , nor rulers , nor officers , nor first born , nor any such like , but the term whereby they are expressed is this , the children of israel ; the children of israel , saith the lord , shall put their hands upon the levites , numb . 8. 10. now this term being used in the 9. verse imediately preceding , and in the 11. vers . imediately following , yet in neither of both can it be meant of elders and officers alone , but in both verses is undoubtedly meant of all the body of the congregation : and therefore if the context and circumstances of the place be regarded , these children of israel , who imposed hands on the levites , v. 10. cannot in that act be considered under the not●on of officers . sure it is when the verse before tells us that the whole assembly of the children of israel must be gathered together , and the verse following tells us that aaron must offer the levites for an offering of the children of israel ; in neither of these can the children of israel be understand of the officers alone , but the whole congregation is meant hereby in both verses : reason therefore requires that this tenth verse standing in the midst between the other two , the word children of israel , being used therein should be taken in the same sense in this verse , in which it is taken in the verse before , and in the verse that comes after . nay and further , he that shall peruse this chapter numb . 8. may easily finde that this word , the children of israel is used therein no lesse then fifteen or sixteen severall times ; and sometimes foure or five times in one verse ; and yet of all these , i think here is not so much as one , where it can be understood of the elders and officers as such , but is used to signifie all the congregation . and therefore to give such a singular interpretation of this word , in v. 10. so far different from the sense of the same word , in all the rest of the verses both before and after , and those being not only one or two , but so very many ; this kind of practise and interpretation had need to be builded upon very plain and pregnant , very cleare and cogent reason and demonstration , or else our brethren may excuse us if we be not over hasty and forward to receive it . again , the ninth and eleventh verses tell us plainly , that these levites were to be offered to the lord for an offering , not of the elders alone , but of the children of israel , even of all the assembly of the children of israel , and other scriptures tell us as plainly that all offerings were to be presented with the imposition of his hands , whose the offering was , levit. 1. 3 , 4 , and 4. 24 , 29 , 33. whereby it seems evident , that these children of israel , who imposed hands on these levites , at this time when they were offered for an offering , were the whole congregation or some in your name and stead , sith these levites were an offering of the whole congregation . wee grant the magistrates laid not on hands , but they who laid on hands , did it as ecclesiasticall elders . reconcile this with that pag. 188 l. 1. where t is said , the princes and heads of tribes laid hands on them : now what were these princes and heads of tribes , but magistrates ? and if they were princes and magistrates how could they be considered in this act as ecclesiasticall elders ? the reasons against this conclude not . the first reason concludeth not . ans . here again our meaning is presented amisse to the reader ; for those three reasons of ours were given by us to prove another point , and not this to which mr. rutherford , applyes therein , as is plainly to be seen in answer , pag. 46 , 47. where the reader may perceive that those reasons were brought to shew , that when the children of israel imposed hands , if these children of israel were not all the congregation , yet what they performed herein was for the congregation , and not for themselves onely : and if those reasons prove this , as i hope they doe ; it is no great disparagement to them not us , if they prove not another point for which they were never intended . but let us hear the answer . the first reason concludeth not , because those who laid on hands were the first born , who by office were church-men . answ . how shall we be sure that those who laid on hands were the first born ? though i deny it not , yet a bare affirmation proves not . again , suppose what here is affirmed were also sufficiently confirmed , how is the point in question proved hereby ? for , say they were the first born , they might notwithstanding do what they did for all the people , and not for themselves above . the other two reasons proves nothing . answ . let them be applyed to the thing , whereto they were intended and applyed by us , and then let the reader judge . the position was , that those who imposed hands on the levites , did it for the congregation or in their stead . the first of the two reasons is , that the levites were the congregations offerings , and all offerings were to be presented with the imposition of his hands , whose the offering was : the other is this , that it was an usuall thing when the congregation were to present an offering , that the elders should impose hands on the congregations offering , in the congregations stead , levit. 4. vers . 14 , 15. now let the prophets judge , whether these reasons prove what they were brought to prove , to wit , that they who imposed hands on the levites did it for , or in stead of the congregation : or whether it be as our reverend brother affirms , that these two reasons proves nothing : yet let us hear why they prove nothing . because these who laid on hands , did lay on hands as representing the whole congregation . alas it doth no wayes conclude that they laid not on hands , as it is a worke peculiar to them 〈◊〉 elders . ans . if it doe not , yet if our reasons do conclude that they did it instead of the congregation , we have our intent : but to follow mr. rutherford a little in digressing from the point ; why , do not our reasons conclude this other ? the high-priest offered sacrifice , first for his own sins , and then for the peoples ; heb. 7. v. 27. and so did represent the people ; but i hope it followeth not that therefore the priest did not sacrifice as a priest , and by virtue of a peculiar office , but only as a principall member of the congregation . answ . mr. rutherford himself gives us a distinction which may be sufficient for answer to this passage . a representer , saith he , standeth for another either objectively or subjectively . the former of these is he that doth a busines for another , or in rem ejus , for his behalf and good , as the eye seeth and the eare heareth for the whole body ; and thus objectively the presbytery doth represent the people , that is , for your good and salvation of the people . the other representing another subjectively is when the representer hath its power from that which it representeth , as he who carrieth the room and person of a king as an ambassadour : but thus , saith he , the presbytery or eldership doth not represent the people . due right of presbyt . p. 316 , 317. now as the presbytery represents the people , so may it be said of the priest , viz. that he represented the people only objectively , for their good , but not subjectively in their room and stead , and therefore the cases are not alike ; for we think that what was done by those who imposed hands , numb . 8. was not only done for the good of the children of israel , but also in their room and stead , which he will not say of the priest sacrificing for the people , having already said the contrary of the presbytery . pag. 493. you will say , in a church , in an iland , one may be a pastor without any ordination if the people elect him , and there be no elders to ordain ; i answer it is true . answ . if this be true , then what becomnes of that which was said in the precedent page , that though imposition of hands be not so essentiall , as that a minister can be no minister without it , yet for ordination it is otherwise , this being the authoritative calling of a minister , and the other but a rite annexed to the calling . in which place he counts ordination so essentiall , as that a minister can be no minister without it , and yet in the very next page confesseth , as we see , that in some case one may be a pastor without ordination : whereupon it must needs follow either that one may be a pastor without any authoritative calling or else that ordination is in effect , but the same with imposition of hands , and so there is no such difference between them as is pretended . but so many pastors send a pastor to a congregation , though that congregation never chuse him . answ . take your own words for answer pag. 496. we never read that in the apostles church a man was obtruded upon the people against their will and therefore election by the people in the apostolike church as act. 1. 26. act. 6. 2 , 3 , 4. rev. 2. 1 , 2. act. 20. v. 28. must be our rule . any election without the peoples consent must be no election , for if it please not the whole multitude as act. 6. 5. it is not a choise . and in pag. 465. he tells us that all incorporations have power by the law of nature to chuse their own rulers and officers , and that christ hath provided the same in an eminant manner for his church . and therefore for this passage that many pastor may send a pastor to be pastor to a congregation , though that congregation never choose him , we desire that he would take his own money for payment . chap. xxv . whether a ministers calling consist in election or in imposition of hands , and whether of those is greater , and whether is prior or posterior . whether , 1 tim. 4. 14. act. 6. 2 , 3 , 4. act. 13. 1 , 2 , 3. do prove that the ministers calling consists in imposition of hands by the presbytery , and that such imposition of hands is not a consumatory rite , or benedictory signe . also whether rom. 10. 15. do prove that a man cannot be a minister except some presbytery ordain him afore the people chuse him , and whether otherwise the people doe send a minster to themselves : and whether the people of god may not aswell discern a mans fitnes to be ordained as his fitnes to be elected . pag . 493. if the people may elect officers , then in some cases they may ordaine them also , because ordination is lesse then election , and dependeth upon it as a necessary antecedent , and it is nothing but a consummation of election , or the admission of a person into the possession of that office , whereto he had right before by election . if then a single congregation may elect , which is the greater , they may ordain , which is the lesse . and for this he alledgeth the answer pag. 46 , 47. and then gives answer thereto in these words , ordination is the more and election the lesser ; for ordination is an act authoritative of the presbytery , 1. tim. 4. 14. answ . take ordination as we take it for imposition of hands on a church officer , and then we think it is lesse then election , as being but a rite or ceremony used at a ministers entrance into his office , but not at all of the essence thereof . nor are we alone , or the first that have so thought : for to omit others , he that wrote the book , called the unbishoping of timothy and tytus affirmeth pag. 114. that it is no essentiall , but a ceremoniall part of ordination , which may be sufficiently made without it , and saith that angelus de clavasio , peter martyr and others both papists and protestants affirm the same . and in pag. 116. he saith it is an act of service or ministery , not of authority , and no more then an externall complement or ceremony , alledging dr. ames & others for the same tenent . but now election is more then a ceremony that may be omitted , mr. rutherford himself being judge : for in his pag. 496. he tells us , that in the apostolike churches , a minister was never obtruded upon the people against their will , but that they still had the election of their ministers , and this he saith must be our rule , so that any election without the peoples consent must be no election , for if it please not the whole multitude it is not a choise . and in p. 202. he tells us out of chrysostome that all election of pastors is null without the consent of the people . whereby it seems that election is something essentiall ; and so consequently more then imposition of hands , which is but a rite or ceremony , which may be absent , and yet a man have all the essentialls of a minister notwithstanding . as for 1 tim. 4. 14. the imposition of hands of the presbytery there spoken of , i conceive , could not be any act of superior authority but onely an approbatory signe or rite which might be used by inferiours towards your superiours . for timothy being an evangelist , how could any ordinary presbytery have authority over him , or give office or authority to him ? besides it is not said that timothy received his gift by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , but by the prophesie , and by the laying on of pauls hands , and with the laying on the hands of the presbytery . now between those two phrases , by the laying on of hands , and with the same , there is great difference , the one importing some cause or authority or power , the other importing no more but an approbatory rite , or a signe used in a solemne commending of one to god by prayers : altare damascen . pag. 161. of which more is to be seen in the plea for the churches in new england part of the second chap. 12. quest . 2 , 4. for ought i see the authors might argue thus , the people may ordaine : ergo , they may preach and baptise , for all the three are presbyteriall acts given to men in office. answ . we read in mornay de ecclesia chap. ● . that of old time it was an argument rise in the church , he may baptise , he may administer the lords supper ; ergo , he may lay on hands ; but such arguing as mr rutherford useth , they may lay on hands , ergo , they may baptise ; this we remember not that we have read in any authors , except in him : nor doe we think the consequence the same , inasmuch as in the one the argument proceeds from the greater to the lesse , and in the other from the lesse to the greater , and yet affirmatively in both . thus the argument is understood by the forenamed author of the unbishoping of timothy and tytus , who in pag. 100. speaking of these words of mornay layes down the argument thus , he can baptise , he can consecrate and administer the lords supper which are the greater and more honorable actions , ergo , he may lay on hands which is the lesse : and this kind of arguing for my part , i think to be good ▪ but for that of mr. rutherfords , i see no more consequence therein , then if one should say , he that may doe the lesser , may doe the greater also ▪ in which i see , no strength of consequence at all . pag. 493 , 494. whereas some say act. 6. 3 , 4 , 5. election of seven men to be deacons goeth before ordination or imposition of hands , v. 6. answ . election of the people goeth before ordination in the relation of luke , true ; ergo , election is prior by order of nature , it followeth not . answ . the place cannot be so satisfied ; for the text is very plain , that these seven were elected by the multitude afore the apostles laid their hands on them ; yea , and not onely afore in respect of priority of nature , but also in respect of time ; for otherwise , how could the apostles say as they doe unto the multitude ; brethren look out seven men among you whom we may appoint over this busines ? can any man imagine they would thus have spoken , if themselves had already found out the men , and likewise had imposed hands upon them ? for my part , i see no reason for such an apprehension ; but think it is undenyably plain in the text , that the election of these seven by the people was prior to their ordination , by imposition of the apostles hands , not onely in the relation of luke as mr. rutherford would have it , but also in nature and time , and that the contrary cannot be said without violence to the text , and injury and wrong unto the apostles , who by mr. rutherfords exposition are made to have bidden the multitude to look out for the men amongst them of honest report , &c. with a profession that when the multitude had so done they would then appoint the men to the businesse , when as by this exposition they had already appointed them thereunto , and had imposed their hands on them , which kinde of dealing had been such , that i think that apostles were farre from it . it cannot be that election of the people is the whol calling of a man to the ministery , and ordination only a supplement & a consummatory rite , or a benedictory sign , which may be spared . answ . take ordination as we do , and why cannot this be ? himself told us p. 492. that he thinks not imposition of hands so essentiall , but that a minister may be a minister without it , and that to him it is but a rite annexed to the calling : which is just the same that we hold , and yet when it comes from us it cannot be accepted . again , he told us pag. 186 , 187. that there are true and lawfull pastors , who have no call but peoples election : which if it be so , doth it not then follow , that the election of the people with the mans acceptance thereof is his whole calling ? for if ●●ey be true and lawfull pastors , who have no more but this election , it seems it must needs be that this is the whole , and yet here this is denyed . but let us hear the reasons of this denyall . 1. because by the imposition of the hands of the presbytery timothy was made a minister , 1 timothy 4. 14. answ . the text is not by the imposition of their hands , but with it , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as was noted afore out of didoclavius altare damascen . p. 161. who also sheweth in the same place at large , that this imposition of hands upon timothy was onely for a testimonall of the approbation of his calling , and for a ceremony used in commending him to god in their prayers . and in asmuch as the office of timothy was the office of an evangelist , how could an ordinary presbytery giving him either the gifts or the power belonging thereto ? when mr. rutherford hath satisfied mr. calderwood in these things ( a man of his own nation ) for i suppose mr. calderwood to be the authour of that treatise of altare damascen . then if we require more may be said of this place . in the mean time i proceed to the next . by this imposition of hands paul and sylas were separated to preach to the gentiles , acts 13. 1 , 2 , 3. answ . paul and sylas are not once mentioned in that place , but paul and barnabas ; but not to insist upon this mistake , let m. calderwood answer for us concerning this scripture : litigent , saith he , inter se pontifieii utrum impositio ista manuum fuerit ordinativa , &c. that is , let the papists contend amongst themselves whether this imposition of hands was for ordination , or onely for prayer : we hold that it was for prayer and comendatory ( for they commended them to the grace of god , as it s said , act. 14. 26. ) yet as they could not ord●●n them and call them to this ministery they being apostles , who were called extraordinarily , so neither could they appoint them to any certain imployment or place , for the holy ghost did direct the apostles in their troubles , and here it is expresly said , that they were sent forth by the holy ghost altare damascen . pag. 160. and then speaking of certain words of spalato , who saith , this imposition of hands was a pious ceremony , and used at that time as a certain part of an efficatious prayer ; he addeth , rectius diceret fuisse , &c. he might more rightly say , it was a rite and gesture of one that prayed , shewing the person for whom he did implore grace , rather then to call it an efficacious part of prayer . where we plainly see that he counts this imposition of hands on paul and barnabas no ordaining of them to the office , as some papists and it seems mr. rutherford would have it ; but onely a rite or gesture used when the presbytery commended paul and barnabas to god by prayer . this authour of altare damascenam also addeth , cum assumendi erant levitae , &c. that is , when the levites were to be taken from amongst the children of israel , the lord commands that they should be brought before jehova● , and that the children of israel should lay their hands upon the levites , numb . 8. 9 , 10. although the lord had commanded to consecrate these levites unto the ministery ; yet he commands the israelites to lay their hands upon the levites , as if they had of their own accord in their name given them up to the ministery , as junius in his analysis doth fitly interpret it : thus far mr. calderwood whose judgement of this scripture numb . 8. whether it be not the same with ours , which was formerly expressed , let mr. rutherford himself be judge . mr. rutherford addeth that by imposition of hands the deacons were ordained , act. 6. and that this is enjoyned with the right manner of acting it to timothy , 1 tim. 5. 22. and 2. 2. 2. as a ministeriall act . answ . whereas , he saith , it cannot be that laying on of hands should be onely a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , and brings the example of these deacons , acts. 6. for proof , i desire no more , but that he would accept his own words for answer . now in pag. 169. his words are these ; it is not said that the deacons were ordained with fasting and prayer , as hands are laid upon paul and barnabas , act. 13. 3 , 4. but simply that the apostles prayed and laid their hands on them ; which seems to me to be nothing but a signe of praying over these deacons , and no ceremony or sacrament conferring on them the holy ghost . now if it was nothing but a signe of praying over these deacons , then 1 the substance of their calling consisted not in this laying on of hands , but in some thing else ; and what should that be but their election by the people ? 2. if it was nothing but a signe of praying over then , then why is a consummatory rite and a benedictory signe gainsaid and opposed ? for what great difference is there between a sign of prayer and a benedictory signe ? and how shall he be reconciled with himself , that saith it was nothing but such a sign of praying , and yet will not yeeld that it was onely a benedictory signe ? and for the other particular where he saith , this laying on of hands was enjoyed to timothy as a ministeriall act , if by ministeriall act he mean an act that could be lawfully performed by none , but onely by a minister ; then i desire some proof that this was so enjoyned to timothy . that it was enjoyned to him i grant , but that it was so enjoyned needs some better proof then a bare and naked aff●rmation ; specially sith many things were enjoyned to timothy in those examples , which were and are justly applyable to all christians . furthermore suppose it were true that imposition of hands were enjoyned to timothy as a ministeriall act , how doth this reach to make good the thing in question ? what should hinder but the peoples election might contain the substance of a ministers calling notwithstanding ? or how doth it therfore follow that imposition of hands was not a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , but somthing more ? is there any such necessary consequence here , that the one of these must needs follow upon the other ? for my part i see it not , nor see any thing to the contrary , but if imposition of hands were such a ministeriall act , as he saith it is , yet it might still be meerly a consummatory rite or benedictory signe , and the substance of the calling consist still in the peoples election . himself doth say , as we hear even now , that imposition of hands act. 6. though here he call it a ministeriall act , was nothing but a signe of praying over the deacons . and therefore these two , to be a ministeriall act ▪ and yet to be nothing but a signe of prayer or benedictory sign ( which to me are the same ) are not so inconsistent by his own doctrine , but that they may well stand together ; and himself doth also hold that the laying on of hands mentioned numb . 8. 10. was a ministeriall act , and that they who did it , performed the same as ecclesiasticall elders ; and yet i hope , he will not deny that the substance of the levites calling was in the immediate designement and appointment of the lord , and not in the performance of this laying on of hands . and therefore it follows , that if laying on of hands were granted to be a ministeriall act , yet still it may be meerly a benedictory signe , and the substance or essence of the ministers calling not consist in it , but in some thing else . a mini●●eriall calling standeth in an authoritative sending , rom. 10. 15. and i see not well how the people do send a minister to themselves . answ . but it is not easie to see how they choose a man for a minister to themselves , being sent unto them by god ? and if god doe furnish a man with gifts , and an holy propensity of minde to the work in generall , and to such or such a people in particular , and make way by his providence thereto , then who can deny , but such a man is sent of god unto that people ? and then if that people observing gods sending of him in this s●●t , do hereupon elect and choose him , and promise to be obedient to him in the lord , what is there now wanting to the substance and offence of such a mans calling to such a people ? and yet the man is not sent by them to themselves , but sent by god , and received and chose by them : parcus understands this sending , rom. 10. of gods sending ▪ and so doth piscator , and who not ? and to understand it otherwise would be to condemne the prophets and apostles , who were not sent by men at all , and yet did truely answer this scripture , in that they were sent of god : true it is , ordinary ministers are not sent of god in such an extraordinary way as the prophets and apostles were , but in an ordinary way , and by ordinary means ; which way and means if they doe observe , they also may be truly said to be sent of god unto the people . but peradventure our brother means that the people may not lawfully choose a man for minister unto themselves , except he be first sent unto them , in an authoritative way by some other men , and that otherwise he is not sent unto them of god ; which if it were true , then it would follow , that the apostles and prophets , as i said , were not sent of god : for plain it is , that men sent them not . it would also hereupon be requisite to be cleared , that some men besides the church have authority to send ministers to the church , and who these men are that have such authority had need to be cleared also ; which i for my part think will not be done in hast . and till this be done , i know no reason , but i may still retain this apprehension , that men who are qualified according to the rule of the word and duly elected and chosen to some office of the ministery by gods people , are truly sent of god unto that people . the people have not either formally or by grant of christ virtually , the keyes committed to them , how then can they give the keyes to pastors ? answ . yet in p. 7. he tells us that he denyes not but there is a power virtuall , not formall in the church of beleevers , to supply the want of ordination of pastors , or some other acts of the keyes simply necessary , hic & nunc : and this power , saith he , is virtuall not formall . now to say they have this power neither formally nor virtually , and yet to say they have this power virtually though not formally , what is it but an apparent contradiction ? but suppose it were true that the people had not this power either formally or virtually , yet mr. ball and mr. bai●s afore him doe tell us , that ministerially they may give what they never had , viz. as ministring to him who hath power and virtue of deriving its as a man not 〈◊〉 a peny of his own may give an 100 l. if the king make him his almoner . thus the church deriveth a● taking the person whom christ describeth , and out of power will ●ave placed in this or that office in his church . the power of the imperiall dignity is not in the electo● of the emperours , nor the power of that office and authority , whereunto a minister is elected , in the church , who chuseth him to that office . ball tryall of separat . pag. 239 , 240. pag. 494 , 495. people may as the sheep of christ discern his voice , joh. 10. and so have a power of election of their own pastors : nor doth this make good what our brethren say , that therefore they may judge of a ministers fitnes ? answ . that which we say in this answ . pag. 51. there must be some ability to discerne whether men be qualified according to the rule , afore they ought to be elected and chosen into office ; and the people of god have so much ability as is of necessity required afore there be preceeding unto ordination ? wherein it is plain that our arguing is from the peoples ability to discern of mens fitnes afore they be elected , to their like ability to discern of their fitnesse afore they be ordained . they who have so much as to discern who are fit to be ordained : but the people of god may have the former . ergo , they may have the latter . now what saith mr. rutherford hereunto ? the assumption he denyes not , but in plain words grants it , saying , they may as christs sheep , joh. 10. discern christs voyce , and so have a power of election of their own pastors . it must then be the consequence that must be denyed , or the conclusion must be yeelded : what then brings he to overthrow the consequence ? nothing but this , that there is a two fold knowledge , one of christians not denyed to women and beleeving children , who cannot lay on hands , nor ordain mi●isters , as the presbytery doth . but what the other knowledge is he doth not plainly tell , except any thing may be gathered from the words following , where he saith , but for trying of ministers if they be the sonnes of the prophets apt to teach , able to convince the subtill hereticks , and gainsayers , and to put them to silence , there must be in a constituted church a colledge of pastors and prophets to try the prophets with a presbyteriall cognizance . answ . but if mr. rutherford would have spoken to the point , he should have given some reason why the people may discern a mans fitnes for election , and yet not discern his fitnes for ordination , for this is the consequence of our argument which he denyes . but in all that is here said about a two fold knowledge , one of christians , and the other of some body else , what is there in all this , that hath so much as the least shew of overthrowing or weakning the conseqence ? su●e nothing at all that i can finde : for as for that which is intimated , that christians have not so much knowledge as to try ministers whether they be apt to teach , &c. this makes nothing to the point in hand , that they can discern whether a man be fit to be elected , but not discern whether he be fit to be ordained ; but if it have any strength in it at all , it is as much against the ability of the people , which he expressely grants , as against that which he would deny ; as much against their ability of discerning his fitnes for ordination . and therefore how this should overthrow the one and not the other , i do not know : for to any mans understanding it makes no more against the one then against the other ; but either against both , which he will not grant , or else against neither which i conceive is the very truth ? to argue in this sort , they have not ability to convince 〈◊〉 hereticks ; ergo , they may not chuse their ministers , this mr. rutherford will not own ; for he plainly grants they may chuse : and therefore how can this arguing be good , they want ab●lity to convince hereticks ; ergo , they may not impose hands in ordination ? how the one kinds of reasoning can be better then the other , i do not know , except we would say some may be lawfully elected and chosen to the ministery , who cannot lawfully be ordained , but this i suppose cannot be said with truth . chap. xxvi . whether the epistles to timothy and titus , wherein there are contained rules of direction in laying on of hands , do prove that the action may not in any case be performed by non-officers , but must be performed onely by presbyters ; and whether the argument do not make as strongly for the appropriating of laying on of hands to the prelates , as to the presbyters , and do not as well exclude the presbyters from medling therein , as exclude the people . there is onely one place more where i finde mr. rutherford excepting against the answer ; and that is in his pag. 497. where alledging the answer pag. 59. which i conceive is misprinted for pag. 49. he sets down these words as ours , viz. if people may not meddle with ordination , because it is proper to timothy and titus , this may prove that they were bishops who did ordaine elders there alone , which ministers may not doe there , for these epistles are not written to them as bishops alone , nor as elders alone , but as to a mixt state including the people . answ . the order of the dispute is this : reverend mr. herle arguing for ordination of officers by a consociated eldership , and not by a single congregation with or without a pastor , brings this reason for his judgement , viz. rules of direction how to proceed in ordination , and the epistles where those rules are laid down , are not written to the churches or congregations , but to timothy and titus . in answer whereunto we spoke to this purpose , that if this be a sufficient reason to prove that the people may not in any case meddle with ordination , then by as good reason it will follow , that ordination belongs not to the presbytery or synod , but onely to one man , as the prelates would have it ; the reason we give is , because timothy and titus were each of them but onely one man. and we there further say , that we doe approve the answer given to this kinde of reasoning by the refuter of dr. down●●s sermon , at l●●beth , who shews that what was written in those epistles , was not onely written for timothy and titus , but for other ministers also , and also in some sort for all the saints , and that therefore there is no more reason to appropriate those rules , onely to the use of presbyteries and synods , then only to the use of prelates . now what saith mr. rutherford to this ? some parcell of these 〈◊〉 are written , saith he , to timothy and titus as evangeli●ts . something 's are written to them as christians ; and finaditer & objective all is written for the churches good , but the bulk of the epistles is written to them as elders , and especially . 1 tim. 5. 22. 2 tim. 2. 2. for these and the like they were to doe with the presbytery as is cleare , 1 tim. 4. 14. answ . this scripture 1 tim. 4. doth shew that timothy had a gift given him by prophesie with the laying on the hands of the presbytery ; but how doth it hence appear , that not only timothy but titus also was to dothings with the presbytery ? titus is not at all mentioned in that scripture . and as for timothy , scripture tells what the presbytery did to him , but what he must doe with the presbytery it tells us nothing at all . again , if the bulk of the epistles be written to them as elders , and the churches be no otherwise concerned therein , but only finaliter and objectively , the epistles being written for their good , then what shall be the meaning and reason of these words in the conclusion of the epistle to titus , and of the latter to timothy , where it is said , grace be with you , and grace be with you all ? doth it not plainly appear hereby , that more then elders , even all the saints in those places are written unto in those epistles ? thirdly if there be rules in the epistles that doe belong to elders alone , yet sith it is confessed , and may not be denyed , that other things therein doe concern all christians , how shall we be assured that such passages , as concern ●aying on of hands are of the former sort , and not of the latter ? for to say it is so , and it is clear , we think doth not clear it at all , unlesse some further proofe be added . lastly , if all this were granted , which here is said by mr. rutherford , yet for ought i see , our answer is not removed thereby , but still stands fair and good : for in that place of the answer alledged , we say two things , 1. that these rules about ordination in timothy and titus may with as fair a colour be appropriated to one man , as to presbyteries and synods . 2. that the epistles and the rules therein are not to be appropriated to bishops alone or ministers alone , but are indeed of generall concernment for all the christians . now neither of these two is discovered by mr. rutherford . for as for the former of them , he saith nothing thereto at all ; and the latter he doth in a manner grant , not only by saying that all here is written for the churches good , but also by saying that somethings are written to timothy and titus as christians which is in effect the same that we had said before . and how our answer can be disproved or satisfied , either by saying nothing at all thereto , or by saying the same that we had said before , i leave it to the judicious reader to consider . finis . the way cast up, and the stumbling-blocks removed from before the feet of those who are seeking the way to zion, with their faces thitherward containing an answere to a postcript, printed at the end of sam rutherford's letters, third edition, by a nameless author, indeed not without cause, considering the many lyes and falshoods therein, against the people, called quakers, which are here disproved, and refuted / by george keith ... keith, george, 1639?-1716. 1677 approx. 352 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 126 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47197 wing k233 estc r19568 12289865 ocm 12289865 58863 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47197) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58863) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 921:1) the way cast up, and the stumbling-blocks removed from before the feet of those who are seeking the way to zion, with their faces thitherward containing an answere to a postcript, printed at the end of sam rutherford's letters, third edition, by a nameless author, indeed not without cause, considering the many lyes and falshoods therein, against the people, called quakers, which are here disproved, and refuted / by george keith ... keith, george, 1639?-1716. rutherford, samuel, 1600?-1661. 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review (qc) and xml conversion the way cast up , and the stumbling-blockes removed from before the feet of those , who are seeking the way to zion , with their faces thitherward containing an answere to a postscript printed at the end of samuel rutherfords letters , third edition by a namelesse author , indeed not without cause , considering the many lyes and falshoods therein , against the people , called quakers , which are here disproved , and refuted and the truth of what we hold touching those particulars faithfully declared , according to the scriptvres . by george keith , prisoner in the tolbooth of aberdeen , with many 〈…〉 have joyfully suffered the spoiling of our goods , 〈…〉 sonement of our bodys for the precious name 〈…〉 lord jesus christ , and for the 〈…〉 who hath said , forsake not the assembling 〈…〉 together . written in the spirit of love and 〈…〉 soule traveling for the everlasting 〈…〉 souls of all men , but especially of them , called 〈…〉 to whom this answere is particularly directed . exodus . 23 : 1. thou shalt not raise a false report ; 〈…〉 wicked to be an unrighteous witnesse . prov. 14 : 25. a true witnesse delivereth souls , 〈…〉 speaketh lyes . math. 5 : 11. blessed are yee when men shall revile 〈…〉 shall say all manner of evil against 〈…〉 the preface to the reader . having seen a postscript added to the third edition of samuel rutherfords letters , upon occasion of a letter wrot by him , doubtlesse out of zeal , to some persons in aberdeen , at the time when they were endeavouring to separat themselvs from the communion of profane and scandalous people , reckoned commonly for membe●s of the chu●ch of scotland ; and also withdrawing from under the yoak of impos●ing presbyterial government ( for which he was a sufferer , by confinement in aberdeen , in the time of the former prela●s ) from which letter the author of this postscript hath taken occasion to vent and vomit forth more malice and bitter prejudice against the despised witnesses of the lord ( called quakers ) then ever the scribes and pharisees did against our lord jesus christ , when he was among them , in his bodily appearance , i have judged fit to desire all sober people , that professe the name of christians , and have any knowledge of us , or our principles , that they would seriously consider , if we or our principles deserve such characters , as this man hath put upon us ; seing we are known to many to be an innocent , harmlesse and blamelesse people in all our behaviour and conversation , makeing conscience of our duty towards god in purity of worship and tenderness of owning the same , notwithstanding any threats , punishments , fines or imprisonments for our faithfulness therein , and our real endeavours to obey all his holy commands , in which we shall never decline to be tryed by the testimony of the holy and precious scripturs of truth . nor are we less known to all neighbours , relations and acquaintances , to be just and righteous in our dealings towards men . next as to our principles , they are so often and upon so many different occasions holden forth to the world in all places , where we live ; that none can pretend ignorance thereof , unless it be wilfull . wherefore i shall not enter upon this here , being unsutable to a preface , and that so many of our friends , both in our own nation and in england , have performed this task ▪ in clearing them from all the malicious and grosse misrepresentations , which opposers have laboured to asperse them with , so that none needs remaine ignorant of them , but such as love to continue so , through wilfull prejudice , or lazyness at least . wherefore when i perceive from what a height of malice and spleen this author has vented himself against us , by which any may see that the iewes , turks and heathens had never more against christians , nor the malice and cruelty of the papists and popish inquisitors in spain , or italy , was ever greater against dissenters from them , whom they judged hereticks ; i cannot in the least doubt , but , if this man had power to influence the civil magistrate to exercise his power against us , he would not onely parallel the cruelty of heathens and turks , but equal , if not exceed , the inquisition of spaine , yea those cruel and bloody persecuters in new england , who cutt off the ears , scourged and tormented severall of our friends , till their flesh was like a gelly , banished divers , and hanged three men , and a woman , 1659 , ●660 . for no other cause , but this very thing , that they owned the testimony of that truth which we profess , and for which we are sufferers this day : which may serve abundantly to scare any sober people , that profess to owne the meek and lowly spirit of jesus , yea to cause them to abhorre to keep company , or converse with men of such spirits . and if any have not yet seen the prejudice to all civil interests , that flowes from persecution for conscience , i shall referr them to the severall books , that have been published thereanent in this age . but when i consider the great rage , that appears in this man , and many of his brethren against us , i can not impute it to any thing like zeal for the interest of the gospel , as they would willingly have people believe , it being to me most cleare , that their chief quarrel is , becaus , we , of all the people that ever appeared , are they that have most discovered their pride , ambition , greedynesse and cove●ousness , malice and the rest of their deceits , we asserting , and they denying immedia● revelation , or that god by his spirit hath any immediat converse with the souls and hearts of his people , by which he doth most clearely make known his will to them , and gives the most effectuall call to the ministry , which they have put mostly into the hands of men , and made to depend upon an humane ordination . yea some of them derive a succession from the pope of rome , and hence practically claime a power to be lords over the faith of gods people , imposing their glosses on the scripture to be no lesse believed then the scripture it self , and so all that are not of their perswasion , must be hereticall and heterodoxe , though they lay no claime to be led by an infallible spirit themselves . again : the lord hath brought us to witnesse the spirituality of worship , in preaching , praying and praising , knowing that god will accept of none but what flowes immediately from the life of his own spirit , moving in the heart : whereas this man and his brethren are for performing all those dutys , whether they have this immediate assistance of gods holy spirit , or not . for they have learned by art to supply that defect with their natural and acquired parts , else many times they would sit silent in their pulpits ; whereas now they have layd and do lay a necessity upon themselves , and their followers to goe about those dutys at their appoynted times , whatever be their temper or condition at the present . and according to our principle , other besides them , may performe these dutys in publick , as they find themselves moved and furnished by the lord , whereby their trade and traffick in the matters of the worship of god , would readily be quite spoyled , and they be necessitated to betake themselves to other callings to gaine a livelyhood to themselves and familys , seing there would be no use for studyed sermons and their rhetoricall conn'd discourses , by which they have laboured to tickle the ears and please the fancys of their hearers , and have done all , their art or eloquence could , to reach the natural affections of people . but now the lords chosen people that are taught by the true shepherd jesus christ , have learned to know his voyce , from the voyce of a stranger , and to feel more of the true life of jesus christ , raised up in their hearts , by a few words spoken from that life , though it be but in a homely way , by a trades-man , or a poor handmaid , then ever they sensibly felt by the most eloquent and meer artificial preachers , that are strangers to this life : and therefore it is but little wonder , though these men stretch forth , and employ the most of their rhetorick and parts to declare against us both in pulpit and print . for they homologate that word , which erasmus spake concerning luther , that it was a hardtask he had taken in hand , seing the popes mi●re and the monk● bellys stood in the way . so it is with the lords witnesses in this day , their work would be easier in promoting the true reformation of gods worship and people , if the pride & greedyness of the clergy , their esteeme with , & power over the people , their stipends & set rents were not concerned : for they walk no further by scripture rule ( though they call it their onely rule ) then the scripturs do stand with their interests . hence though there be no warrand to admitt of any to be members of the christian church , but true believers , that know upon what ground they owne the christian faith , yet they will have all the subjects of the nation ( whether they have any evidence of faith , or not ) to be members of their church , that their power may be of as large extent , as that of the civil magistrate : yea without any scripture warrant , they take infants to be members , by sprinkling them : & though they have no better warrand , for joyning men and women in marriage together , then a popish canon ; yet such is their love to have a hand in all the concernments of the people , that they must needs be the instruments , against which , with many more of this nature , we beare our testimony , and therefore no wonder they rage so much against us . now there being no formall charge in all the said bitter postscript , set down against us ; but that false one , that we put a false christ in stead of the true iesus , deny christ to be the second person of the trinity , & iesus the son of mary to be the true christ alone , &c. as he goes on in that pag 553. without any proof , it shall here suffice to say ( those things being so fully answered in this following treatise , and also in other books of our friends ) the lord knoweth we are shamelesly traduced & slaundered in this matter , as in most of other things charged upon us , by our adversarys , and it can not be but strange to me , that any who pretend to be christians , or gospel-ministers should be so impudent , or otherwise so grossely ignorant ( if not malicious ) in their calumnys , seing it hath so often been published both by word and writ , and in print that we owne no other saviour , but iesus christ borne of the virgin mary and crucifyed at ierusalem , and that the lords people never had , have or ever shall have remission of sins , but through the meri●s and vertue of that precious blood and sufferings , which our lord iesus the onely begotten son of god did undergoe and shed at jerusalem , that he is true god and man , yea what ever the holy scripturs of truth do witness concerning him that we dearely owne with our souls and hearts , avouching with a firme faith , that the same christ hath given a measure of light to every man , joh. 1 : 9. tit. 2 : 11. which is of a divine , supernatural , substantial being ; a beame and ray of his blessed spirit to convince the world of sin and duty , sufficient to bring all men to salvation , being joyned unto , and rightly improven , according to the testimony of many places of holy scripture , which call him the light of the world , and a light to inlighten the gentiles , the true light that enlightens every man that cometh into the world ; and that the grace of god that brings salvation hath appeared unto all men , teaching us that denying ungodlynesse and worldly lusts , &c. this is the free gift which christ hath purchased , rom. 5 : 18. and therefore ought to be taken heed to , and believed in , as iohn 12 : 36. for christ is given to be a leader to his people , and hath promised to be with them to the end of the world , and this is by his spirituall and inward appearance in the hearts of men . and , becaus we beare our testimony to this appearance of christ in us , shall we be therefore thus malitiously traduced by such prejudicated men ? i shall wish no worse to him , or them , but the lord forgive them , and open their eyes ; seing i know some that have been little inferiour to them in prejudice , in a day , to whom god hath shewed mercy , and therefore my bowels are moved for such . this man also chargeth us , that we are greater enemys to none , then to the faithfull ministers and eminent labourers in the gospel , as he doth expatiate at large in the beginning of that page 556 in the postscript . to which i reply ( passing by his ungodly and unchristian expressions and epithetes ) that we have ever had a reverent esteeme of all faithfull ministers , that in simplicity and sincerity of heart have endeavoured to preach the gospel ; though in many things short of these blessed discoverys god hath manifested to us , and we do remember them , that were such , with that due respect , that becomes , as having been faithfull according to their measure in their day , and were blessed to be instruments in gods hand to the good of many , that in singlness and sincerity of heart , did heare them . but it is not the duty of any christian to stand still , and shut out any further discovery then they attained unto : for as all the degrees of the apostasy came not at once , nor with the first or second trumpet , rev. 8. so neither is the reformation to be compleated by the first or second vial , rev. 16. and therefore though they studyed sermons , yet many of them at times spake , as the lord gave it them : witnesse iohn knox , who told the queen of scotland when she was threatning him ( as alexander petry , in his history of the kirk ▪ sheweth , pag. 236. ) that in the preaching place he was not master of his own tongue , but behoved to speak as god commmanded him , &c. so many good men , after the reformation from popery , could be instanced , who have born testimony against studyed sermons , and leaning to their notes , and limiting the holy spirit . i shall for this give but one clear instance , amongst the first reformers , for all . franciscus lambertus avinionensis in his book de literâ & spiritu . 5 tractat. fol. 84. printed 1526. his words are these , summè autem de vita , ne sequaris morem hypocritarum , qui ferme de verbo ad verbum quicquid dicturi sunt , scripserunt , & quasi recitaturi aliquot versus in the atro cum tragoedis totam concionem didicerunt : & postea cùm sunt in prophetandi loco , or ant dominum , ut linguam eorum dirigat , sed interim claudentes viam spiritui sancto , definiunt se nihildicturos , praeter id quod scripserunt . o infelix prophetarum genus , imò vere maledictum , quod à suis scriptis aut meditatione , non à dei spiritu pendet ! quid pseudo-propheta or as dominium , ut spiritum det , quo loquaris utilia , & interim spiritum repellis ? cur praefers tuam meditationem aut studium spiritui dei ? alioqui cur ipsi spiritui non te committis ? fol. 85. he adds , sed tu quisquis es , si verè propheta dei es , docebit te spiritus domini , quod sanè prophetes . which englished is thus : but chiefly be thou aware that tho●u follow not the way of hypocrits , that have writen down almost word by word whatever they are to declare , and even as stage-players , that are to repeat some verses upon a theatre , they have learned and got by heart their whole sermon , and when they are in their pulpits , pray that the lord would order or direct their tongues , but in the mean time shutting up the way to the holy spirit , determine to say nothing but that which they have written . o unhappy kind of preachers ! yea really accursed , that depend upon their own writings or meditation , and not upon the spirit of god. thou false prophet , why prayest thou to the lord , that he would give thee his spirit , by whose assistance thou mayest preach profitably , and yet in the mean time rejectest the spirit , why preferrest thou thy meditation , or study to the spirit of god ? otherwise why dost thou not give up thy self to the holy spirit ? but thou , whoever thou be , if thou art a true prophet of god , the spirit of the lord will teach thee what thou ought safely tò preach . i have set down this at large , that all sober people may observe whether the national preachers , or these call●d in derision quake●s , are in greatest unity with the fi●st reformers . to this pu●pose i might add that of calvin against the papists , in his i●stitut . lib. 3 cap. 2. sect . 39. and severall other godly men since his time , which for brevity i omitt . but seing god has promised a compleat deliverance from babylon and all anti-christian idolatry and superstition , it is sad , that they , who profess to pray for it , and expect it , should oppose it , because it comes not in that way and manner , as they desi●e it . thus that in isay 53 : 1 , 2 , 3. which was spoken of christs coming in the flesh outwardly , is fulfilled at this time in his inward appearance , for it is said , he shall grow up before him as a tender plant and root out of a dry ground , having no forme nor comeliness , when we shall see him , there is no beauty that we should desire him . he is despised and rejected of men , &c. because the discoverys of the truths of god , which he hath revealed to these despised people , called quakers , are not come out with the authority , which a general assembly , &c. had , and they are a ridiculous people in the carnal eye , therefore they are all stigmatized by the wisdom of this world , as blasphemys and heresys , and so can not be received by many , who have been educated and brought up other wayes , even as christ said , luk 5 : 39. no man having drunk old wine straightway desireth new , for he saith the old is better . and as upon this account many rejected christ and his doctrine , that were educated under the mosaical ceremonys ; so many now adays reject us and our testimony , because we are not a people in power and authority in this world , and bring new things , as to the worlds observation , which agree not with their education : and it is upon this account and the like , that we have been misrepresented by many , as the most odious and abominable people , that ever appeared . but god will vindicat his own truth in his own good time , and wipe away our reproach , and get us praise and fame in every land , where we have been shamefully used , zeph. 3 : 19. and in the living hope and expectation of the lords glorious and gracious appearance for us , we are content to suffer , and beare the most ignominious and disgracefull epithets and characters , this author with many of his brethren hath put upon us , such as his calling quakerism an abyss of all abominations . satans slime , and the botch of bell . pure devilism . monstrous brood swallowing down the dung of all desperat and soul-destroying heresys , hatched in hell by the father of falshoods and ●yes . and whatsoever is any of these heresys most dreadfull and damnable , that is to them their darling , a piece of the black art ▪ peculiar to that tribe , dishing up the dung of hell : the stink of hell . blasphemys against god , christ , his spirit , his vvord , &c. a most odious vermin of black locusts , that ever croked upon the face of the earth . the sound of their blasphemous belchings is to be fled , as the very sibilation of the old serpent . doctrins of devils , as if in this one shape and size of enemies to the gospel , were gathered together and cemented all the severall partys , that ever abaddon and apollyon comanded in his severall expeditions against the prince michaël . matters void of the whole gospel of the grace of god , and of all that blessed contrivance of salvation by the son of god as a slain saviour . satans sole trustees and his only janizarys , with a multitud of such like characters , which were tedious here to relat . against which i shall take up no railing accusation , but as the angel rebuked the devil , the lord rebuke thee , satan . it was for the sake of some sober people in this city and countrey , that i wrot this , upon the first sight of this postscript , which was in the 4 moneth , called iun last , 1676. and now seing my dear friend g. k. hath since answered it more largely , and hath discovered the folly , malice , mistakes and partialitys of the author , i have yeelded to let it be set down as a preface to the reader , as my testimony to the precious truth , which the lord is manifesting in this day ▪ wherein he is about to discover the heels , and make bare the skirts of all that have transgressed by their iniquitys , ier. 13 : 22. and if g. k. in this following answer hath dealth more plainly then will be pleasing to the author of this postscript , for which he may blame himself ( for the truth of god will not want witnesses ) yet i hope these , that are not byassed with prejudice and malice against us , will find he hath said nothing but the truth , and vindicated our principles by solide arguments from scripture , and from the unjust aspersions , t●at the author of the postscript would fix upon us . as for those that are prepossess'd with prejudice , what their tohughts will be , i shall leave them to the lord , for , as one saith , periit judicium , ubires transiit in affectum , where the affection is forestalled , the judgment will never be just . but i wish all may be so charitable to their own souls , as to make an impartial and diligent search after truth , and not relie upon the testimony of man , especially of that kind of men that any have in most of their controversys against us , been found such gross and palpable slaunderers and calumniators , that it may seeme strange , that ever such impostors should be any more hearkened unto , when they have been so often discovered in their bold and impudent lyes , even to the conviction of many , that are ready to receive all that comes from them as truth . but the cause is the lords , and in his good time he will vindicat his people , and his own truth , no less now , then in former ages . blessed are they that are not offendded in christ , who has been a stone of stumbling and rock of offence to the wise professing iewes , and foolishness to the ignorant & vain gentiles . however this may be constructed , it is my real desire to the lord , that all testimonys , that come from any of us , whether by word , or writ , may tend to nothing but the true conviction and conversion of the opposers , and edification of all the upright in heart , that love the prosperity of the kingdom of jesus christ on earth : this is the sincere desire of him , who is a real friend and wel-wisher to the souls of all men . alexander skein . from the tolbooth of aberdeen , where i am prisoner for the true liberty of all christians : the 20 of the 12 moneth , called february . 1676 / 77. section 1. 1. separation from the nationall presbyterian church no provoking sin why god , should give them up , who did so separat , to the delusions of sathan . 2. but a further step of reformation . 3. the inconsistency of this presbyterians high commendations of s. r. and of his epistles with the presbyterians doctrin , that immediat revelation is ceased since the apostles dayes . 4. other book● more wort●y of commendation . 5. that immediat revelation is not ceased . 6. a deceitfull distinction , of some presbyterian teachers , refuted . in my answer to this postscript i shall not repeat all his words , for that is needless , the book being current in the hands of professors , but onely mark the most remarkable , and he that will , may be at the paines , to read the passages at more length , in the book it self . pag. 1. lin . 7. thou art desired to take notice t● what dreadfull and strong delusions such who were ring-leaders in this separation &c. answer he meaneth some persons at aberdeen , who some years agoe did separat from the nationall church , in the time of the presbyteriall government ( so called ) onely as to the use of these externall signes of bread and wine , being so burdened in their consciences , even in that dy , to partak with such and eat with them , at that they judged to be the table of the lord , many of whom were openly known to be scandalous , and these passed under the name of independents , or of the congregationall way . now this so small a separation , this nameless author doth ●o aggravat , as if it were the main and greatest provocation why the lord , as he judgeth ▪ did give them up to the ●trong delusions of quakerism . but why may we nor much rather conclude that the lord regarding their sincerity , and tenderness of conscience , in making that separation , such as it was , did reward them with a further discovery and sight of some precious truths formerly hid from them , which though this author calls strong delusions , we know are no delusions at all , but most , usefull & comfortable truths ? but if falling into quakerism be such a proper and peculiar punishment for them who separated from presbytery , so called , how is it that so few of that separation , i mean of them called independents , have joyned with the way of quakerism in england , but have been so great persecuters of it , that in new england , the independents [ being gone from their first tenderness and sincerity ] did put four persons called quakers to death [ for no other cause , but that they were of that profession , and returned to that place after they had banished them , for worshiping god , as the● were perswaded in their consciences ] a crime more barbarous and cruell , then i have heard of committed by any called prote●tants upwards of some scores of years ? also how cometh , it that so many in this nation , are become quakers so called , who were presbyteriants , and immediatly out of the presbyterian way , came to be quakers ? and some , who were once of the episcopall way left it , and became presbyterians , and afterward quakers ? and some from the episcopall way have immediatly become quakers ? but is this a just ground for them of the episcopall way to conclude , that their ●eparation from episcopacy to presbytery was such a hainous sin , that it provoked the lord at last to give them up to the strong delusions of the quakers ? i am sure the episcopall men have as good reason to make such a conclusion against the presbyterians on this bare account of separation : yea and the papists against protestants , for some , who are now quakers , were once papists , and afterwards became presbyterians , befor they became quakers . have the papists therfor just ground to conclude , that the separation of those persons from popery to presbytery , was the sin that provoked god to give them up to the strong delusions of quakerism ? i know the● will be as ready to make such a conclusion , as the presbyterians can be , but indeed who will view the matter with a spirituall eye , will see the wonderfull goodness of god , in his leading , on the soules of them , who most love him , out of babylon , by those various steps of separation , one degree after another , till he hath brought them to zion . 2. these are they who follow the lamb whithersoever he goeth , and some of these , whom he calleth the ring-leaders of this separation , after they had walked faithfully and religiously in that way called in derision quakerism [ wich is nothing elce but pure christianity restored again , unto the world by the mighty operation of the power and spirit of god , after so long and so dark a night of apostasy ] have finished their course in that way , and are now at rest with the lord in the heavenly mansions , who , both at their death , and many times before , gave powerfull and living testimonyes of gods accepting them , and giving them more manyfest and sensible enjoyments of himself , and blessing them more abundantly , with the fruits of holyness & righteousness and victory over corruption , in that despised way , then formerly they ever witnessed , although their experience of any things , that were true , among them called presbyterians , was not short of many , if not of the most of them even in that day . pag. 1. l. 18. that which this great seer [ much upon his masters secrets , because he had frequent access , to lean his head upon his breast who come ou● of the father's bosom ] foresaw would follow upon this turning aside , and fall upon the head of such forsakers of a church so often honoured , by receiving signall testimonys of the great bridgroom's love towards her as his spouse , &c. answer . 3. i wonder how this man hath the confidence to call this author a great seer , and to tell us of his being much upon his master's secrets , becaus he had frequent access to lean his head upon his breast , who came out of the father's bosom , for these and such like expressions do plainly imply immediat revelation , and that s. r. was a prophet , and had the spirit of prophecy , in the same sense , as any of the prophets , who were pen-men of the holy scripturs , for what higher elogies could be given to any of the most eminent prophets , then these here and elsewhere given by him to this author ? and here i shall set down some other expressions parallel to these in the postscript , or rather surmounting them , to be found in the epistle to the reader , whether one man hath writ that epist●e , and the postscript is not materiall to inquire , seing doubtless they are both of one profession , if differing persons , and he that writes the postscript , ownes the epistle to the reader . in the beginning of that epistle , he tells us , considering how little need master rutherford [ as he calls him ] his letters have of any mans epistle commendatory , his great master , whom he served with his spirit in the gospell of his son , having given them one , written by his own hand on the hearts of every one , who is become his epistle , &c. this is the very same commendation , that the spirit of god giveth to paul , who was not behind the chiefest of the apostles , as you may read , 2. cor. 3 : 1 , 2 verses . and indeed this is the greatest ground why we believe the scripturs to be divinely inspired , becaus the inward testimony of the spirit of god , which is the epistle commendatory written by gods own hand , upon the hearts of believers , is the seal of confirmation unto the scripturs , as being divinely inspired and seing god doth give the same seal , as this writer plainly affirmeth , to s. r. his epistles , that he doth to the epistles of paul : will it not prove that s. r. his epistles are as really divinely inspired , as paul's epistles were , and then why may not s. r. his epistles be put into the bible , with paul's epistles ? this question is the more pertinently put to this man , and these of his profession , becaus they do so argue against us , the people called quakers , that if any of our words or writings be divinley inspired , then we equal our writings to the scripturs . for this cons●quence , if it hath any weight at all , doth as much fall upon their heads , as upon ours , and if they do still make a difference betwixt the one and the other , although both divinely in●pired , can not we do the same ? but he proceedeth in his admirable commendation of this book , thus , as being a piece ( the holy scripturs being set aside ) equall to any the world hath yet seen , or this day can shew , in respect of the spiritualness of it . a friendly testimony indeed ! i remember the presbyterians had wont to commend calvin's institutions above any book in the world , next to the scripturs , according to these latine verses , made on them , praeter apostolicas post christi tempor a chartas , huic peperere librum secula nulla parem . and i have heard an eminent presbyterian preacher in his pulpit commend the confession of faith , with the larger and shorter catechism , set out by them , called the assembly of divines at westminster above all books in the world , except the scriptur . but now both calvin's institutions and the confession of faith , must give place to s. r. his epistles , yea and most books in the world besides . i write not this to lessen any due worth , that belongs to s. r. his epistles , for i acknowledg , having read them all over once , and many of them severall times , i find many savoury expressions in them , that savour of that blessed life of christ revealed of god in my heart , yet i must needs say , i find also very many unsound and unsavoury expressions in them , that the life and spirit of christ doth not onely not beare witness for , but against , as i may afterwards shew . 4. & i do really believe that there are divers books in the world , besids the scripturs ( nor shall i bring into the compari●on , our friends books , lest any say , i am partial ) more sound , and more spirituall , then this book is , and which are more profitable to direct the minds of them , who are strangers to christ , where , or how to find him , little or nothing of which i can find in all this book of s. r. onely somewhat of his own experience , but i can not find in him any certain and clear directions , certainly and in●allibly directing strangers how to attain to the least true spirituall experience , nor can i find the least hint or shaddow of a testimony in all his book to the saving power and efficacy of that universall light of christ , wherewith christ hath inlightened every man that cometh into the world , which blessed , heavenly , divine testimony i find in many of the ancients , for which cause a few lines of them are of more value to me , and all who love gods vniversall gift , then this whol book of s. rs. and i question not but many , having as much of a spirituall tast and discerning , as any presbyterian , will affirme , that the writings of not onely augustin , and the like ancients , but of later writers in darker times , as of bernard , thaulerus , thomas a kempis , and that little booke called the dutch or german theology , are fully as ●pirituall , though i am farr from justifying any errours in these books , as neither do i the errours in s. r. his epistles . and although i know the presbyterians , some of them as have seen and read the dutch theology account it a most dangerous book and full of bla●phemyes , as i. l. did call it expresly to i. s. whereof both b. f. & i were witnesses in holland , yet luther doth commend it as one of the best books he had met with , next to the scripturs and augustin , and teaching more sound divinity , then all the divines in germany or any where else in that time , and he wrot an epistle commendatory of it , which is prefixed to it in some editions , a printed coppy whereof is by me , but of all this mans commendations , this is the most high and admirable , that followeth in his epistle aforesaid , where he saith , so that in respect of us , this angel of the church speaks , as one standing already in the quire of angels , or as an angel come down from heaven among men , to give us some account of what they are doing above . these words import not onely immediat new revelations , ( i do not say , of new evangelicall truths , not declared in the scripturs , for i acknowledg none such ) but also great abundance of them . and yet if we will believe the presbyterian confession of faith , published by the assembly at westminster , where s. r. himself was a member , those former wayes of gods revealing his will unto his people are now ceased , see chap. 1. sect . 1. and sect . 6. they exclude all new revelations of the spirit , and they tell us , the whole counsell of god concerning all things necessary for his own glory , mans salvation , faith and life , are set down in scripture . 5. and amongst other scripture testimonyes they abuse , to favour this corrupt doctrin , they cite heb. 1. 1 , 2. god who at sundry times and in divers manners spake in times past unto the fathers by the prophets , hath in these last days spoken to us by his son , &c. and their scope in this place , is to prove from these words , that there are no prophets , that is to say , no men divinely inspired or immediatly taught of god in our days , but i have shewed in my book of immediat revelation , that this scriptur doth not prove that prophecy or prophets ( that is to say , men divinely inspired , who preach and teach by divine inspiration , and as they are moved of the holy ghost ) are ceased in our days , more then in the days of the apostles . for if it could prove such a dispensation to be ceased now , it would prove it to be ceased then , even in the days of the apostles , and that the epistle to the hebrews was not divinely inspired , which is absurd , yea this scripture rather proveth mor clear revelation then formerly under the law , god now speaking to 〈◊〉 by his son , or in his son christ iesus , who is in his people , and liveth and walketh in them , and also speaketh in them . but now if the presbyterians think , that this place doth prove that prophets are ceased , how comes it that they think s. r. not onely a prophet , but a great prophet , for he that is a great see● , is a great prophet , for the prophets are called seers , in scripture ? and for a further proof that the presbyterians think that men do not speak in our days by divine inspiration , see iames dur●am in his exposition on the revelation , pag. 1. where he telleth us , that the words of the revelation are the last words , which god hath spoken unto his church . sad tidings ! that for above this sixteen hundred years , god hath spoken no words to his church , or hath had no prophets since iohn , who wrot the revelation but iohn himself was not of that mind , nor belief , for he prophecyed of two witnesses , that should prophecy a thousand two hundred and sixty days , even all the time of the apostasy : also iohn heard many voyces , coming out of heaven , long after him , and he telleth us not onely of the presence of the son of man in the midst of the golden candlesticks , but also of his voyce , which was the sound of many waters , also he saw the new ierusalem coming down from god out of heaven , and that the● of this city should see his face , and not need t●e light of a candle , nor of the sun , becaus the lord god shall inlighten them , which divers protestants understand of a church upon earth , p●rticularly thomas brightman , who doth expresly affirm , that the goodness of god shall shine forth in ● greater manner , then can be ascribed to any means so that men shall appear divinely inspired . but if god hath spoken no words to his church , since iohn's days , his words being the last , how comes it , that this presbyterian threatens us with s. r. his predictions , or of what he did foresee , would fall upon the heads of the forsakers of the presbyterian church ? for if this prediction of his , be not from the lord , we have no cause to fear , yea we know by blessed experience , it was not from the lord , for since we left that corrupt way of the presbyterian worship , and their corruptions in doctrin and disciplin , we have found the more abundant blessings of god from heaven to fall upon us , and we have enjoyed more of the presence of christ , since our separation from such a corrupt church , then ever formerly we knew , yea many of us that knew nothing , before our separation , what the enjoyment of christs presence was , are now come to know it , since we were separat from them , as a national church , although we are not , nor ever were , in spririt separated , from these few scattered ones , amongst them , that fear , or love the lord in the least measure , these are our little sister , that we pray unto god for often , and we have unity with them in every good thing , that is in them , and are only separated from the evil where ever it is , in our selves , and in all persons every where . and the lord hath let us see in his divine light that the nationall presbyterian church , at her best , was never a purely constitut church , nor ever had the pure forme of the gospell church , according to the pattern in the mount , nor was the doctrin of the gospell purely taught among them , onely some things they taught , but they did not know the truth , in some of the most weighty doctrines of the gospell . and when the lord raised up a sinceer ministry , directing to a more pure way of worship , and preaching the doctrin of the gospell more purely , then any of the presbyterian preachers did , i mean some of our brethren , whom the lord sent among them , faithfull labourers indeed , divers of whom since have put of the earthly tabernacle , and their soules are at rest with the lord , i say , when these came among them they opposed them , and stirred up the people against them , and such of the people who received them , and their testimony , they excommunicated in the west of scotland , and none were more active and industrious , in stiring up both people and rulers in that day to banish imprison , and persecute the true servants and prophets of the most high god then the presbyterian ministry , so sadly were they de●erted of god , both in england and scotland , and the common objection that both teachers and people made against our friends in those dayes , was this ; who gave yo● a call to come and preach among us ? and when they saw that many of them were unlettered men , as to the languages and heathenish philosophy , they cryed out against them , as not being fitt to teach : and when our friends answered they mere taught of god immediatly , by the divine i●spiration of his spirit ; and by that also they were called . then they cryed out blasphemy , and delusion . there are no prophets , or men divinely inspired , or immediatly taught and called since the apostles days , divine inspiration , and immediat teaching and revelation ceased with the apostles . and yet now they are not ashamed to alledge , as if some of themselves were great prophets and seers . 6. but i remember a dec●itfull distinction , that iames dur●am hath in his exposition on the revelation , that prophecy , as it is taken for an immediat revealing of gospell truths is now ceased ; but he acknowledgeth that god may in an extraordinary way indue some with a spirit of prophecy to foretell things to come● and he mentioneth some , of our nation that had the spirit of prophecy in former times . this i say is a most dec●itfull distinction , and altogether without any reall ground from scripture , as if god would reveal himself to his church , by immediat revelation as to things of a lesser moment , and not reveal himself theirunto , as to things of greater , yea of the greatest moment , such as the truths of the gospell are● but we plead not for any immediat revelation of new gospell truths not formerly revealed to others , or not declared sufficiently in the scriptures : but we say , it cannot suffice unto us , that the truths of the gospell have been immediatly revealed unto others , and from , or by them at second hand declared or reported of unto us , but we need to have the same truths of the gospell , especially such as belong to the inward testimony , experiences and feelings of life , as immediatly revealed unto us , as they were unto them , otherwise our faith and knowledge should be meerly humane , traditionall , historicall , and but after the letter . and although what belongs to the historicall part of the scripture , and particularly concerning christ his outward comminginto the world , his outward birth , life , sufferings , miracles , death , return to judgment , be indeed made known unto us , by the scripturs testimony , yet it is the blessed ●●fe and spirit of christ iesus immediatly revealed in our hearts , and the shining of his heavenly and divine light in our inward parts , that both enclines us , to beleive the reports which the scripturs give us , of things , to be true , and also opens our understandings to know , and see unto the great and blessed advantage of them , and unto the spirituall intent and signification of the things that belong unto the history itself . section ii. 1. presbyterian teachers assume the title of master , and yet give it not to the apostles . 2. s. r. his alledged prophecy against those in aberdeen who seperat from the nationall presbyterian church , of no weight . 3. divers remarkable instances of s. r. his declining from that good condition , he was once in , and also from his own principles . 4. s. r. his prophecy inconsistent with the presbyterian doctrin of once in grace and ever in grace . 5. as also with his own judgment that some independents were gracious men . but whereas this writer threatens us with a prophecy of this great seer ( whom he cals master rutherford , ) [ but why should he call him master rutherford , seing that i can not find that he , or his brethren gave this title of master to any of the prophets , or apostles ? i wonder wherefore they are so angry at the title of lord bishop and yet so allow the title of mr. unto their own teachers , seing christ did as expressly forbid the one , as the other . ] 2. let us examin what weight is in that alledged prophecy , he told them who had gone from the presbyterian way towards the independents , they would not stand or remain there , and this , saith this post-scribe , is fullfilled , for they are proceeding now to joyne with the people called quakers . but if this be any prophecy , it may be such an one , as to this particular , as was that of cajaphas the high priest , who said , it was expedient that one should dye for the people : but he understood not his own prophecy , so nor hath s. r. for he meant , that they would goe into more errors , whereas the truth is , they onely were advanced further into more clear discoveryes of truth , supposed by him and his brethren to be errors ; and that s. r. as to this particular , was as blind and dark as cajaphas was , as touching christ , i have not the least question , and indeed , if we will consider the particular time wherein s. r. wrot this epistle to these well meaning people in aberdeen , it will much help to clear it unto the impartial , how much he was then in the dark himself . know therefor reader , that when s. r. wrot this epistle to them in aberdeen , it was not in the time that he had these fresh and lively enjoyments of gods presence , and power , which he had formerly in his more pure times , wherein he both experienced , and declared of immediat revelation and the spirits immediat teachings , as his epistles abundantly witnesse , and as i intend to show in its proper place , but it was after he had in a manner altogether lost those blessed injoyments , and was become exceeding dark , and barren , which thing ●ay plainly appear by the straine of his epistles , writt in his later years , which to him , that hath the true spirituall discerning , and can savour words , as the mouth savours meat , do as farr come short and faill ( as in respect of life ) of his epistles he wrote in his best times , as a dark night falls short of a bright day , or as a cold winter of a warm and fruitfull summer . but let us hear himself , giving an account , of his inward condition , in his later times , in the 2. part of his epistles , ep. 49. he saith , but i am at a low ebbe , as to any sensible communion with christ , yea as low as any soule can be , and do scarce know , where i am , and do now make it a question , if any can goe to him , who dwelleth in light inaccessible , through nothing , but darknesse . and a little after , but what shall i say , either this is the lord making grace a new creation , where there is pure nothing , and sinfull nothing to work upon , or i am gone , i should count my soule ingaged to your self , and others there , with you , if yee would but carry to christ for me a letter of cyphers , and non-sense ( for i know not how to make language of my condition ) onely showing that i have need of his love . againe in the 3. part ep. 56. he saith but for me , i neither know what he is , nor his sons name , nor where he dwells . i hear a report of christ great enough , and that is all . o what is nearness to him ? and in this epistle he not onely acknowledgeth his own great deadness and dryness , but that it is a generall thing over professors . o ( saith he ) where are the some times quickening breathings and influences from heaven , that have refreshed his hidden ones ? the causes of his withdrawings are unknown to us . yet afterwards he pointeth , truly at the causes , saying , no doubt we have marred his influences , and have not seconded nor smiled upon his actings upon us . but let none mistake me , as if i judged that none of the faithfull servants of the lord did , or could , feell at times , withdrawings of sensible refreshment , or could not be under great heavyness at times , yea and sense of deadness , for that i most readily acknowledge : but then such times , are not of long continuance , where faithfullness is kept unto , but the lord quickly returneth unto them , and visiteth them againe with rich and plenteous visitations of his love and life , so that they can give frequent testimonies , of his living , and powerfull appearance in their soules , raising them up frequently over all heavyness , and though they have sometimes more and some times lesse of life , yet they have always some , are always in some sense of life , unless unfaithfulnes cause the removall of it from them : whereas it is manifest that the generall ●raine of s. r. his epistles in his later years holds forth ●uch a generall , and constant complaining and ●nguishing , as doth , without all controversy , ●emonstrate an exceeding great change in his inward condition , from better to worse , and that not onely , for an hour , or a day , or some days , but throughout . all which do plainly speak forth to me , that this sad and lamentable withdrawing of the lord's presence from him , and this so dark a cloud , that he was brought under , happened unto him , as the effects of his unfaithfulness to the lord , and as a reall judgment , or chastisement upon him , becaus of his not following on to know the lord more fully , but sitting down by the way , and opposing further discoveryes , and breakings forth of light in others , yea turning back again , and declining from what he once witnessed , of this i shall give ●ome manifest instances . 3. first : notwithstanding so many clear and evident testimonys , to be found in his former epistles , to god his immediat revelations and teaching● in himself , yet after all this , he joyned with the assembly of them , called divines ( though they may rather be called dry-vines , and blind diviners ) ● westminster , to oppose all immediat revelation , and to cry down the former ways of gods revealing himself to his people , as wholly ceased , since the apostles dayes , affirming that the whole counsell of go● was committed to writing . whereas in his forme● epistles , he plainly declareth , that he had the counsell and mind of god , in some things , not to be found 〈◊〉 scripture , as i may shew afterwards . secondly . although in his former years , as his epistles declare , he was exceeding zealous for privat meetings , see ep. 2. part 2. yet afterwards , he complyed with the members of the generall assembly at aberdeen 1640 to make an act , against all privat meetings , which did exceedingly gratify the profane , and sadned the hearts of the sober , and , as i heard , s. r. himself was displeased with the act , yet did cowardly comply to gratify the humor of his brethren , without giving any publick protest to the contrary , to which i may add : thirdly : his so fervent and hot opposing of further discoverys of god in both them called independents , and others , whom they invidiously brande with the name of sectaryes , as also upon the other hand : fourthly : although he complaineth sadly of the prelats their persecuting him , for his conscience , yet after , when presbytery got up , he joyned very keenly , with those , who persecuted the prelats , and banished them out of the nation , whereas he was onely confined , for some time at aberdeen , where he was very kindly received by divers , and this was the greatest persecution he did undergoe by the prelats , of whom he complained sadly . and in his ep. 24 : part 2 ▪ he regreteth his persecution , thus , our learned prelat ( said he ) becaus we can not see with his eyes , so farr in a milstone , as his ligh● doth , will not follow his master meek iesus , who waited upon the wearied , and short-breathed in the way to heaven , and where all see not alike , and some are weaker , he carryeth the lambs in his bosome , and leadeth gently those that are with young . but we must either see all the evil of ●eremonys , to be but as indifferent straws , or suffer no less then to be cast out of the lords inheritance . who seeth not , that what strength is in this reasoning ( as indeed it is strong ) was as fit against the prelats being persecuted by s. r. as it was against his being persecuted by them ? if the prelats could not see with the presbyterians eyes , so farr in a milstone , as their light doth , ( to apply s. r. his words against himself ) should he therefore persecut them , or 〈◊〉 up persecution against them , as he did , and wrote most bitterly against toleration for conscience sake ? and lastly ; addunto all this , that notwithstanding in the time , when presbyterians were low , and under sufferings , he wrote thus , to a great man , ep. 17 part 1. i am not of that mind , that tumults or armes is the way to put christ on his throne : yet afterwards , how much both he and his brethren came to be of that mind , and to preach up fighting and armes as the way to reforme , many thousands yet living do wel know yea that they carryed on their league and covenant by force of armes , rather then by that meek way , l●●d down by christ. again it followeth in that epistle , or that christ will be served and truth vindicated onely with the arme of flesh and blood : nay , christ doth his turne with less dinn , then with garments rolled in blood . but how the word [ onely ] cometh into the former sentence , i do not understand , for it marreth the sense of the discourse altogether . i never heard of any professing christ , that truth was to be vindicated onely with the arme of flesh and blood , nay , the grosse●t sort of papists will not say so , for they will acknowledg , that preaching and writing are ways also , whereby truth is to be vindicated : if this be not an errour in the printing , it seemeth to be fraudulently put in , by the publisher , to excuse the presbyterians so much using the arme of flesh and blood , to carry on that , which they judged a reformation . and how much garments were rolled in blood , by the instigation of presbyterian teachers , the whole nation was a witness ; so that many thousands were made widows , and fatherless , by that warr , they stirred up the people unto , expressly contrary to the nature of the gospell . these instances show that s. r. his testimony , especially against any further discoverys of truth , has no wieght , he being so dark himself , and having so palpably contradicted himself , in divers things of great weight : nor should any think it ●trange , that s. r. should misjudge them at aberdeen , to whom he wrot that epistle : he never looked on himself , as infallible , nor do i think that his brethren judg all his sayings infallible truths , or divine oracles , otherwise they may be bound up with pauls epistles . but let us hear himself , ep. 52. 2 : part ; the saints are not christ , there is no misjudging in him , there is much in us , and a doubt it is , if we shall have fully one heart , till we have one heaven : our star-light hideth us from our selves , and hideth us one from another , and christ from us all , but he will not be hidd●n from us .. it is no wonder to me , that s. r. found it so dark a time , to him , when he wrot this , for he was then at london , carrying on that dark work , the westminster confession and catechism , which crieth down all new revelations of the spirit , and crieth up sinn for terme of life : and in that large description , they give of god , out of the scripture , and of christ , they altogether omitt these two most excellent and significative , that god is light , and in him is no darkness at all : and that christ is the true light , that enlighteneth every man , that cometh into the world . it ●eemeth verily , the true light had small place in their hearts , that they did so altogether forget it . however it is wel , that s. r. confesseth , there is much misjudging in himself , and his bretbren . it is possible then , that he misjudged these sober people at aberdeen , as they wel know he did , for whereas he threatned , that if they did forsake the national presbyterian church , christ would forsake them , ( but s. r. is not christ , nor are all his sayings christ's ) these people have found more of christ , since that time , then before , and they may on good ground , better believe their own experience , then his rash uncharitable judgings . i write not these things in the least out of prejudice to s. r. his memory , or as if i did conclude , that he has not found mercy with the lord , god forbid i should harbour any such uncharitable thought , onely becaus the author of the postscript brings in his testimony , against those people at aberdeen , and layeth such weight upon it , i found my self more concerned in the love and zeal of god , to take some pains , to remove this stumbling block , out of the way of the simple , as becaus such a good man as s. r. judged so , of such a people , and of such a way , therefor it is bad ; which yet will have no more weight with those , that are truely judicious , then when the papists tell us , of their eminent saints , who had such holy lives , and witnessed so much of spirituall communion with god , and yet opposed the waldenses , as great hereticks , and cried up the church of rome , as the onely true church , will have weight with us , either to believe the one , or the other . and i do not question it , but bernard , who lived in the darkest times of popery , was as holy a man , and had as much , or rather more spirituall experience , as s. r. as his writings do declare to any , who have the true spirituall discerning , and shall compare bernard's with those of s. r. and yet the same bernard was a most vehement opposer of the waldenses , who were a good people , and bore a true and faithfull testimony in their day , according to the discovery , given them of god , against the idolatry and superstition of the church of rome . 4. but before i leave this particular , i shall take notice of another thing , that will serve not a little to discover , how weak s. r. his authority is , as to his peremptory conclusion , he made , concerning those few sober people at aberdeen , which was no less , then this , that if they did forsake the nationall church , christ would forsake them : which threatning the author of the postscript looketh upon , to be a divine prediction , confirmed by their since turning to quakeri●in , which he calls the abyss of all abominations . but i ask this author of the postscript , can any divine prediction contradict an article of faith ? if he say , nay , then i query again , is it not an article of the presbyterian faith , that none truely gracious in the least measure , can totally fall away from grace , or be totally forsaken of god ? this is their express doctrine ; whereupon it will follow , that none truely gracious can fall into quakerism , which he calls the abyss of all abominations , the ●otch of hell , yea pure hellism , and devilism , again seing their falling into independency , was the sinn , that provoked god ( as this author would have it ) to suffer them to fall thus , it is clear , that according to s. r. none truely gracious can turn independent , seing to turn independent , is to be forsaken of christ , as he doth positively threaten in his letter , and yet in the same letter , he telleth them of their work of faith , and labour of love and patience of hop● in our lord iesus , as also he tells them , of their being sealed unto the day of redemption , and having received the spirit by the hearing of faith. all which plainly import their being in a state of grace , and if either he , or the author of the postscript , think that after all this , they could fall away , so as to be forsaken of christ , they contradict their own principle . if he reply , that s. r. judged them to be saints , onely in a judgment of charity : i answer , by inquiring , whether this his judgment of charity was true , or false ? from his own spirit , or from the spirit of god ? for there is no midst . if he say , it was false , and from his own spirit , and not fro● the spirit of god , then surely these people , whom he so threatned , had no cause to fear , or look upon him , as a prophet , or divinely inspired , in the writing of this letter , seing he begins with a false judgment , that is confessed to be from his own spirit , and not from the spirit of the lord. and seing the author of the postscript will allow him to have been greatly mistaken , in his judging them to be saints , we may with as much ground , in all reason , judg him to be mistaken , when he did so threaten them , that christ would forsake them : but if they never had christ , how could he forsake them ? 5. we need not feare such predictions , as carry in their bosome flat contradictions , but s. r. did not think independency inconsistent with the grace of god , for ep : 53 : part 3. he giveth an express testimony of some independents , particularly thomas godwyn ieremiah burroughs , that they were gracious men , so he telleth that he conceived of them : which abundantly proves , he thought men might be truly gracious , and yet independents , and mighty opposits to presbyteriall government , as his words in that epistle shew . section iii. 1. the presbyterian reformation not a matter to make so great a boast of , as the author doth . 2. that s. r. said in presbytry , the letter onely was reformed , and scarce that , and that god will not build his zion on that skin of reformation . 3. many thousands of the presbyterian church not fit to be members of a wel ordered humane society . 4. a precious life stirring among many presbyterians , especially in the west , 40 years ago , and upwards . 5. the presbyterians did not goe foreward , but backward , and so provoked the lord. 6. the body , or generality of the presbyterian church full of ignorance , and guilty of swearing , drinking drunk , and other gross sins . 7. some , among the presbyterians , that belong to the true church of god. 8. a national church , as national , can not be a church of christ. 9. the presbyterian church deeply tinctured with the great sins of persecution and hypocrisy , 10. other churches , beyond the presbyterian , since the primitive times . now let us proceed to hear further , what this author saith , pag. 1. lin . 22. forsakers of a church , so often honoured by receiving signall testimonys of the bridegrooms love towards her , as his spouse , in rejoycing over her , with singing , and so frequently helped to give him testimonys of her endeared affection to him , as her head , husband , supreme lord and-governour . in this we may through grace humbly boast , nay despise or envy who will , we can not do less , without being guilty of the basest ingratitude , that we have not been inferior to ( o blessed be his grace , to whom we ow it , and it is for the commendation of his glorious goodness , we mention it ) whatever we were beyond , any church we know upon the earth . answer . 1. that this is not an humble boast through grace , as the author would have it , but a proud boast through flesh , i hope by the grace of god , to make appear . the apostle saith 1 tim. 3. that in the last days perilous times shall come , for men shall be lovers of their own selves , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemers , &c. having a forme of godlyness , but denying the power thereof , from such turn away . that the reformation of the church of scotland was not a matter to make so great a boast of , as this author doth , i need goe no further , for a proof , then to s. r. himself , who was so great a s●e● , in this man's account . 3. let us then hear , what s. r. saith , of the presby●erian reformation , ep. 32. part . 2. and this in the year 1640. when presbytery was up most over the whole nation , and the bishops were all excommunicated , and fled . it is true ( saith he , in his ep● to iohn fennick ) in a great part , what ye write of this kirk , that the letter of religion onely is reformed , and scarce that ; i do not believe our lord will build his zion in this land , upon this skin of reformation , so long as our scumm remaineth , and our heart-idols are kept , this work must be at a stand . and therefor our lord must yet sift this land , and search us with candles , &c. this is a notable testimony , and it appears plainly unto me , that this iohn fennick , to whom he wrot , had a true sight of the defectivness of the presbyterian reformation , of which he wrot in a letter to s. r. and which s. r. did as freely acknowledg . in which testimony note these particulars . 1. that he saith , it is true in great part , that the letter in religion onely is reformed where take notice of the word [ onely . ] 2. that even scarcely the letter is reformed , so that the presbyterian reformation , was but as the skin of a mans body , wanting flesh , bones , and sinews . 3. that the presbyterian national church was not come to the true fundation of a gospell church ; which his words clearly hold forth . i do not believe ( said he ) our lord will build his zion upon this skin of reformation : therefor , not the skin , but some better foundation , not yet discovered to the presbyterians , must be that on which god will build his church , according to s. r. and indeed this abundantly proveth , that the presbyterians began too hastily to build their church , and did not follow gods method , so that the presbyterian church could not say unto the lord , as iob said , chap. 10 : vers 10. hast thou not poured me out as milk , and curdled me like cheese , thou hast cloathed me with skin and flesh , and hast fenced me with bones and sinews ; thou hast granted me life and favour , and thy visitation hath preserved my spirit . but the national presbyterian church being onely letter and skin , having neither flesh nor bones , not sinews , how can it be a true church of christ ? how can it have life and spirit ? and surely that 's a great defect , for as the bare skin of a man , can not be called a man , so nor can the bare skin of a church be called a church . but 4. he telleth them of the remaining of their scum , and heart-idols , this sheweth they were no true spouse of christ , for he will marry himself to none , who keep idols in their hearts . and 5. he tells , that the land must be sifted , and searched with candles ; and surely that was very needfull , for the presbyterian reformation was but as a wide riddle , that did let through much more cha●● and straw , then true corn . i mean chaffy and strawy professors , to be members of the church . 3. many thousands of them really not deserving to be members of a wel ordered humane society , becaus of the grossness and scandalousness of their conversation ; farr less of such a divine fellowship , & common wealth , as the true church of christ is . i do not in the least doubt of it , but the lord had in that day , as i believe he now hath , many , that were precious untohim , among them , called presbyterians ; and did , and do belong to the catholick and universall church , even as i believe , god hath many such , not onely among them , called independents , and baptists , but also among lutherans , episcopalians , and papists . 4. moreover that about 40 years ago and upwards , there was a very precious life appearing , and breaking forth among them called presbyterians , in some corners in this nation , especially in some places in the west , i do not question , yea it is abundantly sealed in my heart , that it was truely so : and happy had they been , if they had kept faithfull unto that ; for a precious tenderness there was , and a precious sense of life , and feeling of gods blessed power among them ; especially at their privat meetings . and also , this life and power did in a blessed measure attend some preachers , in those days , in so much as divers particulars were wonderfully reached & changed in some parts , & a good simplicity was in divers , so that i am fully perswaded it was a time of love , wherein the lord allured them , and led them into the wilderness , and spake comfortably unto them , or spake unto their hearts , as the words of the scriptur are . ( hosea , 2. ) and god remembred their simplicity and tenderness , and this first love and kindness of their youth was very dear unto him , although even in that day , there were many errors and weaknesses among them yet the lord winked at these things , pittying them , for his seeds sake , and with a regard to that honest simplicity and love that was among them ; who had they continued faithfull , to that manifestation , which was as the dawning of the morning , no doubt the day of the lord would have arisen among them and the true light would have shined in that brightness , as to have discovered unto them , those errors they should have forsaken , and these truths they should have embraced . 5. but alas ! this glory of god did not long continue to appear among that handfull , who in measure saw it , and tasted of the sweetness of it , but they not following the lord , in his further requirings , and leadings , but standing still , and in divers things going back again ( as i have shewed in divers particulars , in my book called help in time of need , printed in the year , 1665. ) the lord was provoked to withdraw 〈…〉 presence by degrees , from them , till at last 〈◊〉 ●ecame opposers and persecuters of the sa●e appearance of god in others , rising up in more power and glory . but the greatest power and glory , that ever shined in this nation , in the purest and best times , since the first reformation from popery , reached onely some few particular meetings , and persons ; by which they came to have a sense of life , and feeling of gods power in their meetings . 6. whereas still the body of the national church continued full of thick darkness , knowing nothing of the power of god , and for most part extreamly ignorant of the very first doctrinal principls of chri●●ianity , as also they still continue at this day . nor was the strong current , and stream of profanity , ordinary cursing and swearing by the blessed name of god , drinking drunk , and other such scandalous practices , utterly inconsistent with the least measur of true christianity , ever stopt from running through the body of this nation : but exceedingly abounded ●n most places of the nation , even when the presbyterian doctrin worship , disciplin , and government had most sway . of the truth of this there are thousands of witnesses yet alive , but especially these ●wo abominable sins of ordinary swearing , and pro●aning the name of god , and drinking drunk still ●emained among the plurality of their church ●embers , among which , those called the com●ons , had their kind of swearing , and these , called ●he gentry , had theirs ; so that the ordinary way ●f swearing would not serve their turn ; but as they ●xceeded the commons in outward greatness , so 〈◊〉 thought it a property , to exceed them , in ●●earing more great and terrible oaths , and these 〈◊〉 called , gentl-man-oaths , which two fearfull 〈◊〉 of later years , with many more , especially for●●cation and adultery are much increased , and ●●ily increasing in that , called , the national church , ●●ich , if not prevented with repentance , the ●●rd will certainly punish , with great and sore judg●ents . 7. so that although i do freely acknowledg , that the lord had , and hath among the presbyterians some who belong to his true church , yet i cannot , i● the least , acknowledg , that ever the national presbyterian church was a true church . and that no● onely by reason of the gross and scandalous lives o● the farr greatest number of their church-members utterly inconsistent with true piety ; but also by reason of their constitution , way of worship , disciplin , and government . 8. which makes it impossible , that ever any national church can be a true church of christ , i mea● their sense of a national church , that is to say , 〈◊〉 national , so that simply , becaus men are natives and living in the nation , they and all their posteri●● must be members of the church ; and if they be 〈◊〉 willing unto it , they must be compelled . this is utterly inconsistent with the way , th● christ , and the apostles took to build the 〈◊〉 church , which began ( i mean , the primiti●● church in th● days of the apostles ) in particul●● persons and familys , and so spread more and mo●● yet never did take in , the whole body of a natio●● as such . it were indeed greatly to be wished , 〈◊〉 not onely this nation , but all nations of the 〈◊〉 were the true church of christ , but men should 〈◊〉 make such preposterous hast , to make nation● churches , by meer humane law and power ; 〈◊〉 they should wait on the lord , and joyn with 〈◊〉 ●o do it in his way , & by his power . for it is the power of the lord , that is to make the nations a willing people , and to bow them to a true subjection to the s●●pter , and dominion of christ iesus . bare humane laws , and edicts , and decrees will never do it , for indeed this hath been the ground and rise of all the persecutions , that have been in christendom , first in the times of the arian and eutychian emperors , and next , when popery prevailed , and popish emperors and kings made compulsive laws , and decrees , that all should joyn to the popish churches every where , which were national : so that this form of a national church under the gospel , is not from christ , and the apostles ; for all the primitive churches were congregational , and not national , upwards of the first three hundred years . yea i see no national church set up in the world , till after constantin , and though constantin gave great encouragment to all , to become christians , yet i find not , that he forced any , to take on the profession of christianity . but these , that will have a national church , they will have all others to bow to them , and joyn with them , and this giveth a natural and most necessary rise to persecution : so that all those , whom she can not perswade to take on her yoak , and become her members , the onely remedy in the next place , is to force and compell them , if she can ; otherwise her project is spoyl'd , & she will not be national . and as the national church is always a persecuting church ( it is her very nature ) so it must always be exceeding hypocriticall , seing it begeteth thousands to be its children and members , by the meer will and power of man , which onely makes hypocrits , for the true children of god ( who are the true children of the true church of god , ierusalem from above , who is free with all her children ) are born , not of the will of the flesh , nor of man , but of god : so that all , that are born of the will and power of man , are but bastards , and not true children of god , nor yet of the true church . 9. and indeed that the national presbyterian church was deeply tinctured with these two great sins of pers●c●tion and hypocrisy , we need seek no other instances , but what most men now living , in the nation , have seen with their eyes . they did not onely persecut the bishops , who did wel foreesee before hand , the cruel usage , they might expe●● from them , and therefore generally fled out of the nation , before they had opportunity to lay hands on them . but some of their party , that they got hol● of , they made them feel the dint , as namely , bishop wishart , who then was not a bishop , but onely of their party , this man they imprisoned , in the tolbooth of edinburgh , and used so hardly and unkindly , that he could hardly get any , to minister to his outward necessitys , but had almost perished with want of necessary things for his body . and the lord cremond , ( who was no clergy man , but onely a favourer of bishops , being then an advocat ) becaus he would not bow to their wills , was constrained to flee the nation . not to mention the fineings , and other oppressions , that many endured on that account , and the papists also , some of whom had almost their all swept away , and many fled . besides some few scattered ones , whom they called sectarys , they grievously persecuted , and threatned , as namely iohn garden of tillifroskie a baptist , whom they imprisoned in edinburgh , for a long time , and reduced to so great outward necessitys , that no body durst wel minister to him , what he wanted . but was the presbyterian national church any more favourable to their lawfull prince ? did they not also extend their power to the utmost against him , to compell him ? and what the sad effects were , which this produced , i am loath to mention ; so that none were spared , but all , great and small , must fall down , and worship this beast , as it was in the darkest times of popery : otherwise they knew what they were to expect . and it would saden a mans heart , to think , to what perplexity many simple-hearted men were brought , while things were carryed thus : on the one hand the kirk issued forth her acts , that people should do so and so ; and on the other hand the lawfull magistrat issued forth acts to the contrary ; and so the body of the nation was divided , some following the one , some the other , untill they ceased not to make the three nations a field of blood . and all this happened by that persecuting and compelling spirit in the presbyterian church , that is the very life of such a church , without which it can not subsist , as such . next , as to her hypocrisy , we need go no further , then the various changes of the farr greatest number of her church-members , and especiaily her teachers , one while episcopal ; again presbyterian , and to wheel round again , episcopal : and these changes all falling within a short time , even upon the self same persons , they who were zealous for episcopacy , and cryed it up yesterday , the next day zealous against it , crying it as much down , and then up again : one while preaching against festivall days , and set forms of worship , then for them , then against them , then lastly for them again . all this bewrayes horrible and detestable hypoorisy , especially in the teachers , who pretend to preach the word of god , and the truth of christ. whereas the word of the lord is one forever , and the truth is the same always , and is not yea and nay . and it is a thing , as manifest , as the light of the day , that the teachers , even of the presbyterian church , have been generally and for the most part , self-seeking , worldly minded and covetous men , who loved pleasures and riches , more then god. and this the m●gistrat did wel know , and saw the best way to prevail with them , was to bribe them , with augmentations and benefices , as they did in the year 1649 , and at divers other times , as they saw occasion . and in the time of great burdens upon the land of cesses and taxations , that many honest familys were redacted to great straits , by reason of these publick burdens , yet the presbyterian preachers table was as full as ever , his cup did overflow with outward abundance , he must bear no part of the publick burden , but the burdens of the people must be augmented to give him augmentations . but alas ! this presbyterian kingdom is now faln , and great is the fall of it , especially it falleth heavy upon such , as the author of the postscript ; who want those golden days , of gathering up their stipends and augmentations , but are fain to be at their purchase , or conform : which some have so much sense of shame still remaining in them , as suffereth them not to do , yet they fume and rage , and the honest , harmeless people , called , quakers must be the main butt and object of their wrath : but such paper bullets and darts that contain nothing ●olid , as this postscript , being full of horrid lyes and false accusations , will make little execution against us , but certainly return upon their heads , with shame and loss . 10. all this sheweth that the presbyterian church was not so glorious a church , as she did take her self to be : and many in the island , and elsewhere , on the one hand did judg the congregational churches farr beyond her : and those , called baptists , i mean the more sober kind of them , beyond both : yea the lutheran church , and the church of england , at lest as to divers particulars in doctrin , is really beyond her . but what shall i say , concerning the waldenses , who had all what the presbyterian church had , that was commendable , and divers other things● that they want , and wherein they do not imitat them , although they boast to be their successors ? for the preachers of the waldenses , were lay-men most of them , and wrought with their hands , as the teachers of the primitive church did , and had no s●t stipends or salarys , but preached freely , yea peter wal●● , the first , a most famous preacher of that people , was a meer lay-man , and had not philosophy , but was a merchant in the town of lyons in france , whose labour the lord did wonderfully bless , and the labour of such honest , plain , simple men , as he was . section iv. 1. that some good men have been in the presbyterian church , proves not , that she was a true church . 2. in the darkest times of popery , god raised up some good men , and prophets in the popish church , yet the popish church no true church of christ. 3. few sects but have had some good men among them . 4. the presbyterians in our days shamefully are declined from the footsteps and spirit of th●se antient good men , that were among them . 5. the presbyterian church guilty of treacherous practices . 6. christians should not make warr against the magistrat . 7. presbyterians sufferings not pure and cleanly . 8. the episcopal church had its sufferers and martyrs also . 9. the presbyterian church , especially their teachers have much blood-guiltiness upon them . 10. if the house of god under the law , was not to be built by men of blood , farr less under the gospell . 11. god will not honour the presbyterian party to build his zion , or gospell-church in this land. 12. yet he will make use of many among them , after he hath ●●ashed them from such bloody , anti-christian and unsound principles and practices . 13. of this they were warned , eleven years ago , in my book , called help in time of need , printed in the year 1665. 14. the presbyterian church of scotland guilty of apostasy and spirituall adultery , proved fully out of s. r. his epistles . 15. s. r. his faith uncertain , and he doubtfull in his later days , concerning the covenant , its being made an instrument of reformation . 16. some other testimonys of great presbyterian teachers , that god had forsaken the presbyterian church of scotland . 1. but if the author of the posts●ript think to get a fame to the presbyterian church , becaus of some noted men for piety , that have been among them ; it is easily answered , that they did not ow this piety to the presbyterian church , but to the grace of god , which is vniversall , for the grace of god , that bringeth salvation , hath shined in all ( so beza translates it ) tit : 2 : 10 , 11. and this grace teacheth to deny ungodlyness , and worldly lusts , and to live righteously , and soberly , and godlily in this present world . and whoever in any age or place of the world joyned their hearts unto this grace , and did believe and obey its teachings , it made them good and pious men , so that they did excell others , in many good things ; although by reason of the darkness and corruption of the ages and places , where they lived , the prejudice of education and custom prevailed so farr , that they also were dark and ignorant in many things . yet the lord regarding their sincerity , winked at their ignorance in those things . and thus the apostle paul takes notice of some among the gentils in the time of heathenism , who were a law unto themselvs , and did by natur ( to wit , the divine nature of the word ingrafted in them , iames 1. or by their own nature , restored and repaired by the grace of god ( as augustin expounded that place ) the things contained in the law , & such was socrates among the gracians , whom iustin martyr in one of his apologys , did expressly call a christian , and classeth him with abraham , &c. 2. also all along the dark times of popery , the lord raised up some even in the very heart of the popish church , that excelled others in vertue and piety , and were as lights shining in a dark place , and witnesses to the truth , some in some things and some in others ; and yet even these men lived still in the popish church , and in too many things were carryed away , and tinctured with divers corruptions , and superstitions . of this illyricus in his catologus ●estium veritatis , giveth an account ; and the author of fasciculus temporum , with divers other historians ; and particularly our country-man alexander petry , in his church history from the year 600 unto the year 1600 , as in the seventh century , gregory , called the great : and isidorus in the eighth century : iohn damascen , and aponius in the ninth century : claudius turinensis bishop of turin , and rabanus maurus , in the tenth century , ( a very dark age . ) theophilact arch-bishop of bulgaria and smaragdus a benedictin abbot in the eleventh century : berno and fulbert bishop of carnatum in the twelfth century : hugo de s. victore and bernard of clarevall in the thirteenth age : gulielmus bishop of paris , and ioachim abbot of calabria , in the fourteenth age or century : dante 's aligerius and robertus gallus ; this robertus gallus was a franciscan frier , and had propheticall visions , which were interpreted to him , by the spirit of god , there is a treatise under his name , printed together with the prophecyes of hildegardis , a woman prophetesse in the church of rome , of both whose prophecyes , fox takes speciall notice , in his martyrology . and in the fifteenth century vincentius a venetian , who also prophecyed against the clergy , and theodorick vrias : there was also another theodorick bishop of croatia , that prophecyed in this same age , that the church of rome should be brought to nought , and that iustice which hath been shut up in darkness , shall come into light , and the true church shall flourish in godlyness , more then she hath done . in this age also lived iohn huss , a pious and vertuous man , whom the papists burnt , as an heretick , and yet the same good man retained divers popish opinions . now in the sixteenth century , the reformation from the grossness of popery began by luther , in germany , and the lord raised up divers other instruments , in other nations , as in france , in england and also in scotland , and many worthy men dyed martyrs , and sea●ed to the truth with their blood , before the presbyterian reformation , yea some that were bishops in england , dyed martyrs , for the truth , as cranmer , ridly , latim●r . therefor , albeit i grant , that ther hath been divers pious men , among the presbyterians , & some who enjoyed communion with god in spirit , and some also who had a propheti●all spirit , and were accompanyed with the power of god , in their ministry , 40 years ago , & upwards ; and were made blessed instruments of god , to many soules , in that day , to whom the lord gave signall testimonys of his love and of his admitting them at times , unto near communion with him : among whom were chiefly , iohn welsh , robert bruce , davidson and patrick simpson , and divers others , concerning whom , the author of the fullfilling of the scripturs , gives an account . and i do verily believe , they were pious men , and had precious feelings of the life , and power of god , which did at times accompany them , in their ministry , whereby many soules were reached , and converted unto god. and as touching some things , related by the author , concerning these men , i may afterwards in its due place , take notice , which will not a little make for the present testimony of the people , called quakers . but all this will not in the least prove , that the presbyterian natio●all church was the true church of christ , and needeth no further reformation from many thing● then it will prove , that the popish church was the true church of christ , which ( as i have already mentioned ) had pious and vertuous men , and some of them indued with the propheticall spirit . also the episcopall english church , in the dayes of q. ma●● had very excellent men , that were bishops , and some of them were burned for the truth , yet thi● proveth not that the english church was sufficiently reformed , or that those called puritans , who would not conforme to her , did sin , or were guilty of schisme . and i suppose the presbyterians will no● deny , but luther for piety and zeal , may be compared with any of these in scotland , and yet luther was no presbyterian , and the lutherans have had since luther , divers excellent men , of whom i ca● not forbear to mention iohannes arnd , who hath writt a more spirituall treatise of spritual doctrin , containing more spiritual and profitable doctrin , then any book , that ever i could see , writt by any presbyterian , and yet the luther●ns differr fa●● from presbyterians . nor should the presbyterians in scotland so exalt themselves , above all other churches , becaus some in their church were indued with a prophetical spirit , for as i have already mentioned , divers in the popish church had the spirit of prophecy , as fox , in his martyrology doth bear witness , & ● i must needs say , that as for spiritual doctrin , some mysticks among the papists , hav exceeded any p●esbyterian writer , that ever i could yet see . and to speak freely , that one little book de imitation● christ● , said to be written , by thomas a kempis a popish monck , is really to me , a more usefull book , for spirituall doctrin , then all the presbyterian books in the world , that ever i saw ; and i believe hath fewer errors in it . i except the last book , concerning the sacrament of the altar , becaus , for good reasons , it is judged not to be his , but a spurious birth of some other writer , and it is not to be found in some of the most ancient coppys . this little book of thomas a kempis hath had an exceeding great reception among protestants of all sorts , onely some peevish , narrow-spirited presbyterians can not endure to hear it commended , becaus , writ by one , that lived in the church of rome , in a dark time ; and yet the doctrin of it excell●th that of their most spirituall preachers . it is a most unreasonable thing , to cry up a faction , or party , or particular church , becaus of some excellent men , that have been among them , and perhaps zealous for that way . 3. for indeed few professions , or sects in christianity , but have had some excellent men in them . the baptists in holland have had some , also they had faithfull and zealous men , that dyed martyrs , and were put to death , by papists . and both independents and baptists in england , had some excellent men among them , whose labours no doubt the lord did bless with his presence . few hills so barren , but some exc●llent medicinal herbs grow upon them , and in their bowells there are some mines of gold and silver , and some deserts yeeld diamonds , and precious stones . so i shall most willingly grant , there have been holy and spirituall men , in the presbyterian church , that have known ●ommunion with god in spirit , in a blessed measure , and were faithfull in the talents given them of god ▪ and i believe , their soules are entered into everlasting rest , and their memory is as a box of precious oyntment , among others of the lord● witnesses in other professions and places of the world . and though they have been h●noured by receiving signal testimonys of ●he great bridegroomes love , towards them , as his spouse , in re●oycing over them with singing , and frequently helped to giv● him testimonys of their endeared affection to him , ● head , husband , supreme lord and governour ; yet i altogether deny , that such high commendation doth belong to the national presbyterian church , in the heap , or indeed to any considerable part o● her , for they , who had any measure of true piet● among them , did certainly beare as small proportion unto the body of the nation , as the white of the eyes , and teeth in an ethiopian , or black mor , doth unto the rest of his body . 4. but alas ! the presbyterians in our days , both teachers and people are sh●mefully declined from the footsteps and spirit of those antient good men , and this generation now living is no more of the true faith and spirit of these worthy men , then the iewes , that put christ to death , were of the faith and spirit of abraham . 5. but that the presbyterian church deserveth ●o such commendation , as this author gives her , as ●eing so frequently helped to give him testimonys of ●er endeared affection to him , as her head , husband , ●upream lord , and governour , we need goe no ●urther to bring witnesses , to confute this , then 〈◊〉 own treacherous practices , upon every occasion , 〈◊〉 had to shew her infidelity . for although she ●●yed up the presbyterian goverenment , as being 〈◊〉 a divine right , and the onely government esta●●●shed by christ in the church , yet at two seve●ll times , the national presbyterian church , when ●●elacy was imposed by the supreame magistrat , 〈◊〉 received it , and at lest in outward appearance , ●●atever she was in her heart , turned prelatical ; 〈◊〉 most shamefully conformed to that , which 〈◊〉 hath often called anti-christian . the first time was , when king iames the sixth ●ught in prelacy , which lasted about 28 years . and the second time , when it was again introduced of late years , and is at this present day remaining . and i can not think , that the author of the postscript thinketh the national church of scotland , at this present time presbyterian , otherwise she is a great hypocrit , seing she doth outwardl● conforme to episcopacy : so that whereas there ar● reckoned to be in this nation , about a thousan● parishes , yet , so farr as i can understand , or learn● there is not one parish in all the nation , that 〈◊〉 k●ept it self intirely free from conformity . and it 〈◊〉 welknown , that the body of the nation is conformed to episcopacy , and the farr greatest number● the presbyterian teachers , conformed also ; 〈◊〉 some of them , who were zealous for presbyteri●● government , are become bishops . and inde●● they , who have not conformed , beare little or 〈◊〉 proportion considerable to them who have : 〈◊〉 the presbyterian non conformist teachers have g●●nerally manifested base and unchristian cowardi●● in running away from their flocks , through fear suffering , and exposing them , to those , they 〈◊〉 to be wolves , and some of them are fled beyo●● sea , others lurk in corners here and there , 〈◊〉 keep privat conventicles , where many times 〈◊〉 preach sedition against their l●wfull prince , instigation of whom , that insurrection happ●●ed 1666. 6. and some of them have printed books , in defence of the lawfulness of making wa●r against the suprem magistrat , in order to reestablish the presbyterian government , a way flat contradictory to the nature of the gospel , to the express commands of christ , and also to the practice of the primitive christians , to make any carnal or military resistence , so much as in their own defence , which lasted for hundreds of years , so that it is but of later times , that any professing the name of christianity , did offer to defend themselvs by carnal weapons , against their lawfull magistrats . during the ten persecutions , not so much as a shaddow of any such thing , is to be found in church history . and yet , as tertullian gives an account , who lived in the heart of those persecutions , it was not for want of number , or strength , that they did not oppose themselves in their own defence , but onely becaus they were christians . 7. and although suffering be a thing greatly commended , and also commanded under the gospell , and is as s. r. calles it , in one of his epistles , a great part of the ministry , yet i know not if the presbyterians can instance one single person of them all , since the late revolution , that have suffered , or do at present suffer , for conscience sake , in a pure and cleanly way : i mean for matters purely evangelical , and out of pure conscience ; for such of them , who did suffer , had not keept their hands clean , from too much incroaching upon affairs of the stat , and power of the magistrat , so that they had little cause to glory in those sufferings . 8. and if the presbyterians think , they have had any martyrs for presbyterian government , yet this will not commend their church above the episcopal , which hath had its sufferers also , who have suffered unto death ; and whose sufferings were as much matters of conscience unto them , as the presbyterians was unto them . yea the episcopal church gloryeth , that she had one of the most religious kings , that either then was , or had been in the world for many ages , a martyr for her , whose life was worth many thousands of others . 9. and in very truth , the presbyterian church will never be able to purge her self of the iniquity of the killing of many thousands , in the three nations , by the occasion of a most bloody warr , raised up through the instigation of the presbyterian teachers . i am fully perswaded of it , that the presbyterian church hath as much blood-guiltiness lieing on her head , unwashed off , as any people , called a church , that i know of in the world , next unto the bloody church of rome . and as she hath drunk the blood of many , so blood hath been given her to drink , and it is to be feared , that more will be given to her , as a just judgment from the hand of god , except she repent , and condemn that blood-thirsty spirit , that hath too much led and influenced her . and i am wel ass●red of it , that a bloody church is no●rue church of christ , for the true church of christ is washed by the blood of christ , f●om all lust or desire to shed blood : sh● can suffer her blood to be shed , for christ ; but she is white and pure from the blood of others . 10. the lord would not have david to build his house , becaus he had been a man of warr , and had shed much bl●●d . o! that the presbyterians could read the spiritual signification of this ! if the house of god under the law , was not to be built by a man of blood , ( although in the sheding of the blood of the lords enemies , he was allowed ) shall the house of god under the gospel be built by men of blood ; and who have shed so much of the blood of their very brethren , of the same profession , both as christians and as protestants ; onely differing from them , as to some small circumstances , and worldly matters ? surely nay . 11. and if there were no more , this one consideration might be enough , to peswad any man , that believes the scripture testimony , and hath the least ●rue understanding of the nature of a gospel church , that god will never honour the presbyteri●n party to build his zion , or gospel church , in ●his land : nay , from the lord god i have seen , and do see her rejected , from having any part , or portion in this honourable work . 12. although i do believe , the l'ord will make use of many among that people , but it will be after he has washed them , and purged from them the spirit of blood , and of much other filthyness , by his spirit of iudgment a●d of burning , that he will make them as stones of his building . but i know it from the lord god , by his spirit in me , and from the same i declare it , that the presbyterian church ▪ as such , and as holding such bloody and anti-christian , and otherwayes unsound principles and doctrines , shall never be honoured of the lord , to build his true zion in this land ; it is the word of the lord god in my heart , and the mouth of the lord hath spoken it , and sealed it again and again in me ; and their labouring to doe such a thing , shall be but as men labouring in the fire , and like unto them , who essayed again to build ier●cho . 13. and this i warned them of from the lord , about eleven years agoe , in my book , called hel● in time of need , printed in the year 1655 , whic● was a year before their insurrection in the west . yet i most assuredly know , that the lord will buil● unto himself a glorious church in this land , and therein i aggree with s. r. what he writs in divers epistles , as ep. 7. part 1. , a dry wind upo● scotland , but neither to fan , nor cleanse ; but out of all question , when the lord hath cut down his forrest , the after-growth of lebanon shall flourish , they shall plant vines in our mountains , and a cloud shall yet fill the temple . again , ep. 55. part 1. there shall be a fair green young garden , for christ in this land , &c. again ep. 70. i believe our lord once again shall water with his dew , the withered hill of mount zion in scotland , and come down , and make a new marriage again ; as he did long since . ( he addes ) remember our covenant . see also ep. 34. and 2 : part ep. 56 , and 57. and part 3 : ep. 13. 14. but what means the matter ? these words of s. r. hold forth a great back sliding and apostasy of the presbyterian church , according to this great seer s. r. otherwise what nee●d of a new marriage : but let us hear him express his mind more distinctly , concerning this so highly commended presbyterian church . part i : ep. 34. he saith , we , wo , wo be to apostat scotland : there is wrath , and a cup of the red wine of the wrath of god almighty in the lords hand , that they shall drink , and spue , and fall , aud not rise again . and part 1. ep. 43. but this nation hath forsaken the fountain of living waters . and part 1. ep. 54. this is a black day , a day of clouds and darkness , for the roof-tree of my lord iesus his fair temple is faln , and christ's back is towards scotland . and part 1. ep : 1. yet more distinctly , my heart is 〈◊〉 indeed for my mother church , that hath played the barlot with many lovers , her husband hath a mind to sell her , for her horrible transgressions , and heavy will the hand of the lord he upon this back-sliding nation . all this , and much more might be cited out of his epistles , do prove , that s. r. had no such thoughts of the presbyterian ch●rch , which he calleth his mother church , in the time he wrot those epistles , which was at aberdeen , the best time he ever knew , and had great nearness unto the lord. 15. and whatever faith s. r. had of the lord his appearing again , to reforme the land , by the covenant ; yet we find , that in his later days , his faith was very wavering and uncertain , touching the covenant its being made an instrument of reformation : for thus he writs , ep. 70. part 2. i believe he comes quickly , who will remove our darkness , and will shine gloriously in the isle of britan , as a crowned king , either in a formally sworn covenant , or in his own : glorious way ; which i leave to the determination of his infinit wisdom and goodness . it seemeth he had some other way in his view , as possible , if not probable , which god would take to reforme the church , then the covenant , ( that instrument of so much blood ) hower this is certain , his faith was very uncertain about the matter now in his dyeing days : and he speaks not at all as any true prophet of the lord , in this matter . albeit the presbyterians generally are still so blind , and darke , that they positively judg , that the covenant will be a main thing , that god will make use of , to reforme the land , and that both covenant and presbytery will up again , where as s. r. is unclear in the matter . 16. and i could tell them of one of themselves , whom they judge no lesse then a martyr for the cause , that published his mind in print , before his death , some years , that god had forsaken their nationall church , and was not like to return to her again : and he answereth all the common reasons from sciptur , or the covenant , that seemed to prove , that the lord would return unto them , and plainly sheweth the weakness and invalidity of them . the book is in the hands of many which i have read , and i had it from the mouth of an honest faithfull man , that he heard iohn livingston , say , in prayer , lord since dumbar , thou hast spit in our face , and since that never looked over thy shoulder to us again . this is he , whom the author of the postscript , calls that great man of god , and this prayer he had in a certain family in aberdeen . and this is that church , that was such an apostat , and whom the lord had so forsaken by the confession of their chief seers , and who indeed was never a true gospell church , that we the people called quakers have forsaken , and we are resolved by gods grace never to return unto her , for the lord hath said unto us , let them come unto you , but goe not ye unto them , the lord hath added divers , who were among them , and under that profession unto us , and will add many more , yea thousands in due time , for the lord hath a precious seed to gather out from among them . and there are many among them , i know , who have true breathings after the lord , and these in due time the lord will regard , and bring them to his zion , which he has begun to build in great glory , even in , and among the people , called in scorne quakers . section v. 1. what is said against the presbyterian church in general , as national and as being so guilty of persecution and blood , is not understood of all that goe under that name , many among them being free of such crimes , and of a more sober spirit and principles . 2. an apology , why i frequently use the word [ presbyterian . ] 3. presbytery too good a name for them , unless with this addition pseudo-presbytery , that is pr●sbytery falsely so called . 4. the presbyterian church guilty of denying the true christ , who would exclud him out of the very saints . 5. the presbyterian church a foolish builder , and guilty of very bad and vnchristian doctrins . 6. the presbyterian church , although she pretend to be more for a spritual way of preaching , and worshiping , then the papal , or episcopal , yet upon the matter , she is not one jot more for the same , then they are , proved by divers instances . 7. two questions put to the presbyterians . 8. a list of the r●viling , false acousations and railing speeches of the author of the postscript , against the people , called quakers . 9. presbyterian teachers have not that credit now with many people , as to make them believe , whatever they say , with an implicit faith , as formerly they too much had . 1. and as to what i have said in generall against the presbyterian church , as nationall , and as being so guilty of persecution and blood , i understand it , not of all that goe under that name , for i doe believe many among them are altogether free of having a hand in such things , and are of a more sober spirit , and of more sober principles : but i understand it of a great faction and party of them , that did most prevail , and carryed away many simple wel-meaning people along with them , what by deceitfull perswasions , and what by fears : and i know many that were so carryed away , are now come to see the evil of these practices , and are resolved never to concurre in , or countenance the like of them again . but especially the presbyterian clergy and priesthood had the main hand and stroak in these disorders , and all to uphold their kingdom , and gratify their lust , and ambition . 2. and that i have so frequently used the word [ presbyterian ] or may afterwards use it , is onely for distinction's sake , becaus i know not how otherwise to designe them , yet i am farr from judging them to be true presbyterians , or that their classicall judicatorys were true presbyterys , such as were in the primitive times . and therefore presbytery is too good a name to give them , unless with this addition pseudo-presbyter● , that is to say , presbytery falsly so called , seing they have so positively denyed that which gives the very life , and being , either to any true church , or presbytery , viz , the immediat revelation , and 〈◊〉 teachings and leadings of the spirit of christ in every member ; so that as of old , there were , who called themselvs , iewes , and apostles and were not , so these presbyterians call themselves true pre●●●●erys , but are no more so , then a dead image of a man is a true man. and indeed who ever hath a true knowledge of either the gospell , or a true gospell church , will see , that with good reason , and good ground , we have forsaken the presbyterian and nationall church , and that not only becaus of her bad practices , but also for her bad , anti-christian and unsound doctrins in many things , she denying the real in-being and reve●ation of ies●● christ in any of her members , or indeed in any men in those days . 4. and although she falsly accuse us , as denying the true christ , yet i hope to make it apparent , that she , and not we , are the denyers of him , who would exclud him out of the very saints , and altogether confine him to some particular place : but this i intend to reserve till afterwards . 5. also she discovereth her self to be a very foolish builder , who maketh her foundation so narrow , and her building so wide , for no less , then the whole nation , she would take into her building ; yea all nations , if she could . and yet the true and saving power , and grace of christ iesus , which ●elongs to the very foundation of the church , she ●ill onely have it extended but to a small number of ●er members , and that the greatest part have neither ●eceived this grace , nor ever shall ; but are exclud●d inevitably from it , without their own consent , ●y gods absolut decree , that barreth them out from 〈◊〉 possibility of salvation , before they ever came 〈◊〉 the world . surely this is too narrow a foundaion for so wide a building ; and it is but a small ●avour to so many thousands of her members , than ●hey are not so much as under any possibility of salvation : yea it seems they are rather the worse , then the better , for being her church members , seing , to the boot , they shall be more guilty of condemnation , then the heathen , who never heard the gospel outwardly preached , and yet neve● a whit the more near unto salvation . these ar● sad tidings , she preacheth to her church members again , her most eminent saints , she leaveth the● still in the dirt , and mire of sin , for term of life and tells them , they can never be free from sin , i● this life ; but sin , and can not but sin daily , in though● word , and deed , surely , such un-christian doctrins , with many more could be named , an ground enough for any man , whose eyes are true● opened to leave her , and come out of her . 6. and though she pretend to be more for a sp●ritual way of preaching , and worship , then eithe● papists , or these , called the episcopal ; yet reall● upon the matter , she is not one jot more for th● same , then they are ; but doth fully aggre wit● them , in those principls , that in their very natur●● oppose all spirituall preaching and praying . for 〈◊〉 they say , that true grace or ptety is not essential to 〈◊〉 minister of christ ? she saith the same . do the● say , that men may preach and pray , without the spe●cial and immediat movings of the spi●it of god , an● while they thus preach and pray , they ought to b● heard , if having an outward call from the church she saith the same . do they say , that immediat calls are not needfull to preachers ? she saith the same . and in a word , i know not in the least , wherein she is any more a friend to the spirit of christ ▪ and to preaching and praying by the same , or wherein she is not fully as great an enemy , yea rather upon the matter , she is greater ; for i believe there shall hardly be found any council provincial , or general among the papists themselvs , that have so expressly and directly denyed and judged out , all new revelations and immediat teachings of the spirit , as the presbyterian church have done in their assembly at westminster : and indeed all praying by the real movings of the spirit of christ , being once denyed , and a worship without the spirit being set up , it is a meer circum●tance , whether it be in a set forme of words , yea 〈◊〉 or nay ; onely that which is for a set forme of words and a stinted liturgy ( the spirit being once exclud●ed by both partys ) seemeth to be less sinfull , and al●o less scandalous , for he that prayeth by his set ●orme , is out of all hazard to use words of non-sense ●nd blasphemy , providing the set forme contain ●othing but sound words : whereas he , that pray●th onely out of his imagination , ( for out of what else ●oth he pray , seing he doth not so much as pretend to ●eceive his words from the spirit ? ) is really in this 〈◊〉 and it is wel known , how oft some have really spok non-sense and blasphemy , who had no 〈…〉 better guid , then their own roaving imagination , when they said their prayers ; and many times the people , in stead of being moved to seriousness by such prayers , were moved to laugh at the ignoran●● and folly of such speakers : and certainly of two evils it is the lesser , to have a liturgy or stinte● forme , then to suffer such abuses , as have bee● committed by some both presbyterian and episcopal preachers in their pulpits , in their pray●ers . 7. and indeed there are two questions i coul● never get resolved by any presbyterian . 1. w●● their preachers study their sermons before hand left they should speak non-sense to the people , a●● yet study not their prayers before hand , but 〈◊〉 them forth ex tempore ? 2. why they think lawfull to sing by a book , and yet think it unlavfull to pray by a book ? and these two questi●● i leave with this author of the postscript to answe● and shall proceed to take notice of his other 〈◊〉 , wherein i intend to be more brief , ha●ing no arguments to answer , and the author havi●● brought none against us , nor indeed any testimo●nys to prove the quakers guilty of any such 〈◊〉 as he accuseth them of , but spendeth most of all 〈◊〉 paper , in most horrible , bitter revilings , and 〈◊〉 accusations , some of which i shall here insert , 〈◊〉 give the reader a trial of the bitterness of this mans spirit , and that he has not the least true ground for any such revilings , in the next place i intend to shew . 8. let us then stand still a little , a●nd heare his rai●ings , and rai●ing revilings and uncharitable speeches he soameth out against us , even as a troubled sea casteth out foam and dirt : — this abyss of all abominations , de●perat quakerism , root of bit●erness , this ditch and deep pit , pernicious ways , soul-murthering delusions , spreading contagion , ●equally loathsome and hatefull to their soules with 〈◊〉 bell ; sathans slime , botch of hell , pure devilism , 〈◊〉 the dung of all these desperat , soul-destroying heresys , ● videlicēt of popery , arminianism , erastiamsm , ●socinianism , arianism , petagianism , familism , ●antinomianism , heathenism , and atheism ; 〈◊〉 ●having a speciall power and influence over and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bodys and spirits of not a few of that monstrous 〈◊〉 , dung of hell dished up with a piece of the black ●art , peculiar to that tribe ; the very stink of hell , which cometh forth at their impure and po●●u●ed ●mouths in blasphemys against god , his christ , his ●spirit , his word , his precious and pure ordinances , 〈◊〉 purchase of the blood of christ , and the means 〈◊〉 fellowship with the father , and with his son iesus ●hrist : most odious vermin , and black locusts , that 〈◊〉 crawled out of the infernal lake , or croked upon the face of the earth , blasphemous belchings , 〈◊〉 the very sibilation of the old serpent . what name or notion can be faln upon , or found fit to unfold the nature of that doctrin , comprehensive of all these doctrins of devils : whereby the gospel hath been from the beginning opposed through satans black art and utmost malice , as if this one shape and size of enemy● to the gospel , were gathered together and ceme●ed all the severall partys , that ever abaddon an● apollyon commanded in his severall expedition● against the prince michaël . and thus reader i have set before thee , som● part of this presbyterian mans rhetorick , for●●trial , and if thou hast the least measure of true di●cerning , so that thy ear can try words , as 〈◊〉 mouth tasteth meat , it will be easy for thee to judg● whence such bitter and unchristian revilings pro●ceed , and what spirit hath taught him to utter 〈◊〉 many gross lyes and slaunders against an innoce● people , and none can expect that i will be at th● pains to refu●e such stuff , it containing nothing 〈◊〉 argument nor proof , that we are guilty of 〈◊〉 things , but onely bare affirmations . 9. and though in former times , the presbyt●rian teachers had such great esteeme ( throug● the great blindness , that was over the nation ) 〈◊〉 the minds of most people ; that their bare saying 〈◊〉 were like divine oracles , yet the times are now 〈◊〉 a great measure changed , that what they say will not be believed so easily ; nay will not at all be believed by thousands , unless they bring good and sufficient proof for the truth of what they say : for there is an eye opening in many in this nation , that is seeing clearly , how these deceitfull men had too great power over them , to impose upon their faith : and they are now resolved not to be so abused by them , as formerly : and therefore i am perswaded , such bare affirmations without the least shaddow of a proof , will have weight with none , but such as yet give up themselvs blindly and implicitly to be led by these blind guids , and for such there is no remedy , untill it please the lord to open their eyes , which is my earnest desire . section vi. 1. the scripturs no warrant for peopls refusing converse with the people , called quakers . 2. they bring no doctrin contrary to the scripturs . 3. the author and his brethren guilty of horrid injustice against them , in condemning them , whom they neither know , nor their principls . 4. many of them with a blind and mad zeal refuse all means of information . 5. the presbyterian teachers in labouring to perswad people , not to converse with us , nor read our books , practise that usuall policy of the popish church , that forbids to read protestants books , or converse with them . 6. many are the more moved to read them , and seek occasion of their converse . 7. finding them grossly and falsly accused . 8. john livingston his unchristian carriage to some of their profession at rotterdam . 9. the people called quakers , not here●icks , nor their principls heretical , but truely c●●●sstian and apostolick . 10. presbyterians in great confusion and contradiction in comparing some of themselvs to the greatest prophets , and yet denying immediat revelation and spirit of prophecy . 11. a cowardly spirit in many of the presbyterian teachers . a question put to the author of the postscript . pag 5. ad sinem . and here by the way , let me set before thee , the practice of that great man of god [ master john livingston ] ( of whom without vanity , or being judged to hold mens p●nsons in admira●ion for advantage , i fear not to say , that in the day he was taken up from us , i knew not so great an ambassadour for christ left behind upon the earth . o to see some , on whom this elijah's mantle is faln ! ) as a fit patt●rn for thy in●itation , &c. 1. answer : the author of the postscript hath been giving some perswasions , why people should deny all converse with the people , called quakers , from the exampls of the apostles , paul and iohn , and lastly from the example of master iohn livingston , as he calls him . ( behold the presbyterians pride , that will honour one another with the title of master , whereas when they speake of the apostles , they give them no such titles , but bare iohn , paul , peter . but to say iohn livingston , and samuel rutherford , withholding the proud title of master , which christ did expressly forbid , doth greatly offend presbyterian ears ) but first i must tell the author of the postscript : as to the exampls of paul and john , the case doth no ways meet , for the people called quakers are of the same spirit , and hold the same principls , and have the same life and conversation , which the christians had , whom paul and john loved , and were kindly affected unto , even as parents unto children . they are neither like seducing elymas ( a title more aggreable to this author ) nor like hymeneus and alexander , whom paul delivered unto satan : nor have they the least affinity with such , as john forbad the disciples to receive into their house , or give them a friendly salutation , for such were they , who brought another doctrin unto them , then john preached . see 2 ep : ioh : ver : 10. 2. whereas the quakers bring no other doctrin , but the very same doctrin of christ , which christ himself , and both john and all the apostles preached . and this , upon trial , we are assured by the grace of god , that we can make good against this author and all his brethren ; as likewise that we can prove that he and his brethren are the men , that bring a contrary doctrin . for whereas christ preached himself to be the light of the world , and john preached him to be that true light , that lighteneth every man , that cometh into the world , that all through him might believe . and the apostle iohn said , this is the message , that we have heard of him , that god is light , and in him is no darkness at all● i● we walk in the light , as he is in the light , we ha● fellowship one with another , &c. the presbyterian teachers can not endure to hear the same doctrin preached by the quakers , and they are ready to g●ash with their very teeth at us , when we preach god to be the light , and christ to be that true light , that inlighteneth every man , that cometh into the world. and both christ and the apostles preached god and christ in men , as wel as christ his coming in the flesh , or god made manifest in flesh , in that prepared body , which was crucified at ierusalem , and afterwards raised up again , and glorified . and this same doctrin the quakers preach , whereas the presbyterians are no● for christ his being in a true and real sense no not in the very saints . 3. surely this author and his brethren have committed an horrid injustice against the people called , quakers , in condemning them , whom neither he nor his brethren do know , nor what principls they hold , whereas they believe lyeing reports , that malicious men have invented against that people , and there is a mind in them , that is too ready to give ear to such lyes , and foment yea augment them . 4. and yet i have really such charity to this man and many of his brethren , that it is through ignorance that they thus condemn us , and speake evil of us , and therefor is their sin the more pardonable , were it not that with a blind and mad zeall , they refuse all means of information , whereby to be instructed , either what we are , or what principles we hold , otherwise it were impossible they could be so ignorant concerning us , as really they are ; for thousands in this land know that we are not guilty of these horrid things , which this man layeth to our charge . 5. and certainly this is a great sin in them , and near bordering with that sin that shall never be forgiven , that they refuse to be informed of us , and are willingly ignorant themselvs , and seek by all means to keep people in ignorance concerning us , that they may not converse with us , nor read our books , an usuall policy of the popish anti-christian church , who cry out against all di●●enters from them , as damnable hereticks , not to be conversed with , nor their books to be read , upon pain of the popes curse , and surely those groundless threa●● of these presbyterian priests , have as small weight with ingenuons people , and their curses or excommunications we value as little , as the popes ; being both from one spirit , and we know the more the● curse , the lord will the more bless us , as we are faithfull in our testimony to him . 6. and it is observable , that the more these me● disswad people from reading our books , and conversing with us , many have been the more moved to read them , and seek occasion of our converse , who upon an impartial search , have found that we have been most grossly abused , and belyed by these men . 7. which hath raised in them a love to us , and an indignation against those mens deceit , who did so injuriously and basely traduce us , and thus also by degrees , their understandings have been opened ▪ and their hearts inclined by the lord to joyne with us in the same testimony . 8. now as concerning iohn livingston , whose exemple this author commendeth to be imitated , who , when a certain per●on of that profession , being his former acquaintance , came in love to visit him , and also to give him true information concerning that people , if ther had been place in him to receive it , did in a most rude , and unchristian way , refuse him accesse into his house , yet having nothing justly wherewith to charge him , and when he inquired of him , what was the reason of his carrying so towards him , he told him , that he had joyned with a people , that held blasphemous principles ; and when he again inquired , what these blasphemous principles were , he would not give an instance in one particular ; but found fault with him for speaking the plain scripture language of thee and thou , which christ and the apostles used to one person ▪ and of this rencounter b. f. a merchant in rotterdam , and i my self were both eye and ear-witnesses , then present in company with the said person , and it is a certain truth , that this was the first time that iohn livingston spake with the said person , after he was of that profession , and yet he rejected him , plain contrary to the apostle , ( upon supposition that he had been an heretick , as he was not ) an heretick , after the first and second admonition reject . and wherein also he dealt contrary to many of his own brethren , who have judged it their duty to speake with such , and conferre with us , and the apostle willed that in meekness we should instruct them , that oppose themselvs , if peradventure god may give them repentance . 9. but our great defence is , that we are not hereticks , nor our principles hereti●all , but truly christian and apostolick , and it is the height of injustice to condemn us , before we get a fair hearing and opportunity , as often as need is , to clear our selvs ; which neither this author , nor i. l. have ever given us . and therefor i leave it with all sober people to consider whether this practice of i. l. doth not more resemble the pope , who forbids to converse with protestants , or read their bookes , as being in his sense damnable hereticks , then either paul or iohn , or christ who often reasoned with the srciber and pharisees his greatest enemies , and paul disputed with the iewes , and greek philosophers , that opposed themselves to the truth , and bid reject none ▪ but such as were self-codemned , which neither 〈◊〉 author nor i. l. could justly say of any , called : quaker . 10. and here again , i cannot cease to wonde● how this author cryeth up iohn livingston , and giveth him no less tittle , then if he were another elijah , while he falleth out into such an exclamation , ● ( saith he ) to see some , on whom this elijahs mantl● is faln , & c ! which words plainly import , that i. l. was a prophet and had the same spirit of prophesy , that eli●ah had , which is enough to make a mans teeth to water , to perceive their pride and insolency on the one hand , and there confusion and self-contradiction on the other , while they plainly teach , as i have already observed , that the spirit of pr●phecy and immediat revelation , and teachings of the spirit are generally ceassed , since the apostles dayes ; as for i. l. himself , whatever he was in former times , sure i am , in his latter dayes he was much in the dark , otherwise he could not have so mistaken and misjudged us , as he hath done , if his habitation had been in the light , he would have seen and known better what wee had been . but to passe this , it doth not a little discover him to have been but a weak and cowardly man , that at the meer will and command of men , went over sea and subscribed his sentence of banishment with his own hand , as others likewise did , which the author of ius populi doth plainly acknowledge . i challenge the author of the postscript to shew me , where any of the true prophets of god , or ambassadours of christ did such a thing , surely this was no propheticall act , but rather a renuncing of all true obedience unto god , not only to desert his ●lock , but promise never to return to them , nor to his native countrey on paine of death , without leave of men . now put the case that god had commanded him by immediat revelation , or given him an immediat message to return , as he had wont to give immediat messages to elijah , did he not here bind himself up not to goe , or else to make himself a transgressour , guilty of death by his own hand-writting ? and if it ●e said , there are no such immediat messages to be expected in our dayes ; then for shame let them forbear comparing him to elijah , or telling us of i. l. 〈◊〉 mantle . 11. surely it appears to me , his mantle was ● cowardly spirit , which hath fallen upon many of them , that they are runn away from their ●locks , for they were not sent prisoners over sea , but went away to shun greater sufferings , and i. l. in his letter , to his parishoners a little before his death , is so ingenuons as to confess , he failed in his duty in not bearing a faithfull testimony before them who sentenced him , and yet i find not that he ever mended this fault , although he lived many years afterwards ; however he is now before his judge , and far be it from me , to conclud he has not found mer●y with god , nor should i have med-led with him , if the great inju●tice of the author of the postscript had not constrained me , and put me on a necessity so to doe . but what if the author of the postscript knew no● so great an ambassadour left behind upon earth ? surely there are many greater and more true ambassadours then ever he knew , and how did he know that he was a true ambassadour , i suppose he wi●● not deny his words to imply that i. l. was a very holy man. 12. now i ask him how doth he know this , what is his rule in this case ? not the scripture ; for it 〈◊〉 nothing of such a man , and as for the markes of true holiness , how doth he know that they wer●●eally applicable to him , seing an 〈◊〉 goe ●he length of all outwards , and he can not know ●he inwards of a man without immediat revelation , ●ndowning the spirit to be the rule contrary to the confession of faith , and catechism that say . the scripture is the onely rule , and immediate revelation 〈◊〉 ceased . section . vii . 1. an account of all the particulars , upon which the author of the postscript layeth the whole stress of his accusations against us , being eight in number . 2. the first accusation false . 3. we own christ to be true and perfect god , and true and perfect man. 4. his god-head is not his man-hood , yet the man christ , is god , by reason of the most wonderfull union betwixt the two natures . 5. the christian quakers free of the errors of socinians , manichees , apollinarians , nestorians , and other here●icks concerning christ. 6. the second accusation a meere quible about the invented words of mans wisdom , but the truth of the mystery is owned by the quakers . 7. father , word , ( or sone ) and ho●y ghost , are three , otherwayes then in meere union , operation , or manifestion towards us onely , but not three substances . 8. divers judged pious and learned men of the ancients denyed and disputed against 3. hypostases , and 3. persons , as jerom and augustin . 9. the third accusation a quible , and false upon the matter . 10. christ is a singular man. 11. whatever excellency other men have , the heavenly man christ iesus hath the same , and more also . 12. the man christ iesus hath a substantiall dignity , and excellency above all men in his manhood nature . 13. the christian quakers , esteeme more highly of the man-hood of christ ies●● , then either presbyterians or papists . pag. 9. to wards the beginning . and yet every article of this , that they may for ever destroy the foundations of salvation , is by them oppugned and subverted ; they puting a false christ in stead of the true iesus the son of david , our onely saviour , denying christ to be the second person of the trinity ; denying christ to be a singular person , denying iesus the sone of mary , to be the alone true christ , but affirming christ to be a common sort of thing , to be found in every man as it was in the son of mary , even the common light to be found in the mind of every man in the world , affirming iesus , the true christ , the sone of mary , to be onely an ordinary vessell , which containeth this light , as the spirit of eve●y other 〈◊〉 man doth , and so not onely pulling down our exalted prince from his throne of glory but putting their false prophets in his place cloa●hing them with the glory of his proper titeles , as being christ , as well as he , becaus containing the some light with his ? 1. answer . because the author of the postscript layeth the whole stre●s of all his accusations , upon what he doth here lay down , as the principls of the people , called quakers , and for which ( as supposing all these to be truely alledged , which ye● are extreamly false , ) he goeth on at an high rate in divers whole pages , both before and after these words of his already mentioned , alledging that we deny all the articles of the christian ●aith , strike at name & thing of christian religion , thus robing us of the whole gospell , and turning us over into pure heathenism , shuts us out eternally from all access unto god , and makes our salvation for ever simply impossible . therefore i have found it sit to sett down , word by word , these his particular charges , which are the alone foundation of his whole discourse . and allthough it may suffice to any sober man , simply to deny these charges as applicable to us , who are called quakers , and to informe the ignorant that they are a meere bundle of lyes and falshoods upon the matter ; and that this is enough 〈◊〉 overturn the foundation of his discourse , and consequently the dis●ours it self , that is built on it , seing he doth not bring the least proof for what he alledgeth against us , from the words or writings of any of that people , but meer blind suppositions and false consequences , which doe no wayes follow from our principle , yet for the further satisfaction of the sober inquirer ● intend god willing , and assisting me by his grace , to goe through every one of these particulars , and in the simplicity and nakedness of truth , to give●●●ithfull accompt and declaration of our faith , touching every particular , which are eight in number the first whereof is , that we put a false christ in ste●● of the true iesus , the sone of david , one onely 〈◊〉 . 2. this is a false accusation , for we acknowled● no other christ , but the one onely and true chri●● iesus , the sone of david , our onely saviour . 3. and that the soundnes and truth of our fait● may appear , in this particular , let the reader kno● that we do most faithfully believe and acknowled● jesus christ to be true and perfect god , and true and perfect man. 4. and that the nature and substance of his go●-h●ad is not the nature and substance of his m●●-hood , his man-hood is not his god●head , 〈◊〉 his god-head his man-hood yet the man 〈◊〉 god ▪ by reason o● that most wonderfull union 〈◊〉 the two naturs : so that , as the soule and body of a man , are but one man , by reason of 〈◊〉 union , that is betwixt them , although the soule be not the body , nor the body the ●oule : in like manner , but in a more wonderfull sort , the god-head and man-hood of christ are but one christ without any confusion or transmutation of the god-head into the man-hood , or of the man-hood into the god-head . and the god-head of christ is not any inferiour divinity , or deity , but the very same god-head of the father ; so that christ , as god , is equall with the father , and one and the same god with him , of one nature and substance . again the man-hood of christ is a true and perfect man-hood , so that christ as man hath a true and real soule distinct from the god-head , yet forever united with the same , in a most immediat and wonderfull manner of which union , no other soul or spirit of men , or angels , ever were , or shall be partakers . as also he hath a true and reall body , so that whatever per●fection , the man-hood of any other man hath , the man christ hath the same , and that much greater and more excellent , as may be afterwards shown . 5. and thus the soundnes and truth of our faith may appear , concerning the lord jesus christ our ●lone faviour where wee agree with all that are 〈◊〉 and in the faith , against the socinians who deny 〈◊〉 true god-head of christ , and who also deny that christ was before mary : whereas we believe that christ was , and is , before all , the first and the 〈◊〉 . as also against them who deny the true and reall man-hood of christ some denying him to have a true and real body of the virgin mary , but onely ●antasticall , as is said of the manichees : ot●ers denying him to have a true & reall soule , affirming that the naked god-head tooke flesh and suffered in that flesh , which is said to be the heresy of apollinarius : as also against them , who affirme upon the matter , tha● there are two christs , and two sons of god , as if the eternall word or logos were the one christ and son of god , and the man iesus , borne of the virgi● mary , the other christ and son of god , which i● said to be the heresy of nestorius ; whereas the eternall word and man jesus , are not two christs , no● two sons of god , but one and the same ; subsisting in two naturs , as the soule and body are one man according to what is already said , which example 〈◊〉 soule and body , the ancients have much used to explaine this great mystery , as also they have used another , to wit , of a red hot iron , the fire in the 〈◊〉 answering to the god-head or eternall word , an● the iron it self burning and shining by the vertue an● power of the fire in it answering to the man-hood 〈◊〉 christ , both which examples i judge to be useful and pertinent , yet falling exceeding short of th● mystery it self , which is so great that is passeth● 〈◊〉 understanding of men and angels . the second particular is , that we deny christ 〈◊〉 be the second person of the trinity . 6. this is a meer quible about the invented words of mans wisdom , which we deny , albeit the truth of the thing it self we deny not , but faithfully believe , to wit , that christ as god , is the second of the three , that bear record in heaven , which three are , the father , the word , and the spirit , and these three are one , as iohn declared , and we believe that these three , that bear record in heaven , are not three distinct natures and substances , but the one in nature and substance : not three gods , but one , onely god : not having three understadings , three wills , or three powers , but one only understanding , one only will , and one only power . 7. yet they are three , otherwise then in meer name , operation , or manifestation towards us onely , being distinct in their relative modes or propertys , so that the father is not the word , nor is the word or son the father [ allthough he be our father ] nor is the spirit that proceeds from the father and the son , either the father , or the son , the father is uncreated and unbegotten , the son or word from everlasting is uncreated and yet begotten of the father , the spirit is neither created nor begotten , but proceedeth from the father and the son , from everlasting , the father did not become flesh , nor was born , and crucified and rose , but the son or word , & yet the father is in the son & the son in the father , & the spirit that proceedeth from them , is & was in them and with them from everlasting , and is unto everlasting , and whatever the father doth , the word and spirit do the same , being one , as in nature , so in operation . this father doth all things by the word , and the father and the word doe all things by the spirit , and yet as they are distinct in the manner , or modes of being , so also in the manner or modes of operation . as the father is first in the manner of his being so is he first in the manner of operation , as the son is second in the manner of his being , so is he second in the manner of operation , and as the spirit is third in the manner of his being , so is he third in the manner of operation . yet this priority is not a priority of time , but of order , for they were three before time , even from everlasting , and they all cooperat and work together . and thus it may appear , that we are sound in the faith , as touching this great mystery , and that we differr not in the matter , or thing it self , but onely as to the manner of expression , which they themselvs grant , is not by words divinely inspired , as namely a trinity of persons , or three distinct persons . christ and the apostles , who declared of this mystery , expressed it not in these termes , of three distinct persons , nor are these words recorded in scriptures , therefor we are not bound to expresse our faith in these unscripturall termes , which the holy ghost hath not taught , nor indeed is there any need of those termes , three distinct persons , but rather they darken then explain the mystery , which have occasioned , not onely some of the vulgar , but even some of them , called the learned , to erre grossely in their conceptions about the mystery it self , as if the father , the word , and the spirit , were really three distinct substances , each having a distinct understanding , will and power , and as if the word or son were inferiour in nature to the father , and the father greater then the son , as origen is thought by some to have taught , and as some do now teach , and such although they affirme , that the word and the spirit are di●tinct substances from the father , and that the father is greater then they , yet they do not acknowledg , that the word and spirit are created , or that they have their being from the father , by way of creation , but only by way of emanation , and they affirme , that the father is onely the most high god , and the word and spirit inferiour unto him , as being god onely by participation from , and union with the father , and thus they think to defend themselvs , as not being guilty of the arian heresy , whereas it was a branch of the arian heresy , to say , that the son or word was not equall unto the father . but whither or not they be guilty of the arian ●eresy , sure i am they are in an error occasioned in great part , by these unsound and unscriptural terms of three persons in the trinity , for persons signify substances , and not the modes or propertys of one substance . 8. and it is wel known , that these words of three persons , and 3 hypostases have made great contention in former times , and divers , judged to be pious and learned men , have denyed them , and disputed against them , as namely ierome against three hypostases , and augustin disputeth solidely , lib. 5. & 7. de trinitate , that the words [ three persons ] are not properly applicable to the mystery it self ; although he doth not know , what other names to give them : and surely it is too great presumption and curiosity in any men , to dive further into this mystery , then what god hath pleased to reveal , or to give names unto it , which the lord hath not given . and yet it is more presumption , and smelleth rankly of a persecuting spirit , to impose upon others these words , which the spirit of god hath not taught , nor left upon record in the scripture ; and yet , becaus we do not own these words of mans wisdom and spirit , to cry out against us , as blasphemers , and as denying the true christ : whereas we believe in , and do own the true christ , according both to his god-head and man-hood , more according to the truth , and testimony of the scripture , then our accusers do , as i hope in its due place to shew . the third particular , whereof he accuseth us , is , that we deny christ to be a singular person . 9. but this is another quible , like unto the former ; for i ask him , what doth he mean by the word [ person ] whether the god-head , or both united ? if he place the personality upon the godhead , it resolveth into the second particular already cleared ; but the word , or godhead of christ is not properly a person , but an invisible power and life : if he place it upon the manhood as united with the godhead , this is contrary to their own doctrin , who teach , that the word did assume the nature of man , but not the person , otherwise he would be two persons , and thus they distinguish the personality from the nature of man : but this is a most foolish , and groundless distinction , that they have borrowed from the popish school-men . the scriptur telleth us nothing of this nicity , yet we do acknowledge the person of christ. 10. and if by person they understand his manhood , or the man christ iesus , we believe that christ is man , and a singular man , that is to say , he is not two , or many men , but one onely man : as also he is singular for the excellency of his nature , even as man. 11. so that , whatever excellency any other man ▪ hath in his nature , christ hath the same , and also far greater , and more excellent in his , who is the heavenly man , or lord from heaven , the second adam , that is a quickening spirit , whereas other men , in comparison of him , yea adam the first man , is but of the earth , earthly . so that , as farr as the most high heavens do excell the base and low earth , so farr doth christ even as man , excell all other men , and that not onely in accidents , as the popish school-men , and the presbyterian teachers , following them , do teach : but in nature and substance . and therefore , as the heavens do influence the earth , and make it fruitfull , by the virtue , that proceedeth therefrom , so the heavenly man christ iesus doth influence all other men , by his light and life , that they may be fruitfull in holiness , and righteousuess : and who remaine unfruitfull , it is not for want of the life and spirit of the heavenly man , as not influencing them , but becaus that by unbeliefe they harden their hearts against his heavenly breathings and influences . and this distinction betwixt the very nature of the soul and spirit of christ as man , amd that of the soules of all other men , is clearly held forth by paul , according to the wisdom given him of god , that whereas the soul of any other , as namely the soul of adam , was made a living soul , the second adam is a quickening spirit , who quickens both the souls and bodys of other men , who in faith receive his quickening life and spirit : and whatever virtue the souls of any other holy men have to quicken others , they have it not of themselvs , nor yet immediatly of god the father , but they derive it from the heavenly man , or second adam christ jesus , who hath it immediatly of the father , who is the mediator between god and man , even the man christ iesu● . 12. and this doth manifestly hold forth a substantial dignity and excellency in the nature of the man christ jesus , even as a man , above the nature of all other men and angels , which the papists and presbyterian teachers do both deny . 13. and thus it may appear , how much more we do esteeme of the manhood of christ iesus , then either papists or presbyterians . section viii . 1. the fourth accusation is false , for we owne no other iesus christ , but him who was born of the virgin mary . 2. he was the true christ of god before . 3. that the man christ iesus was from the beginning . 4. some scripturs brought and opened to prove this , as eph : 3 : 9 ▪ joh : 6 : 38. 1 cor : 15 : 47 , 48. joh : 3 : 13. eph : 4 : 9. 1 cor : 10 : 3 , 4. the same proved from 1 tim : 2 : 5. and 1 cor : 11 : 3. 5. christ was anointed from the beginning , prov : 8 : 23. psal : 2 : 6. 6. the man christ before abraham and john the baptist. 7. some more scripturs opened , as psal. 110 : 34. amos 2 : 13. heb. 6 : 6. rev : 11 : 18. and some more scripturs opened out of the old testament , to prove that the man christ was from the beginning , as gen. 32 : 24. gen. 19 : 24. 8. that the outward flesh and blood is not properly the man , but the soul or inward man. 9. more scripturs opened out of the old testament , as ezek. 1 : 26 , 27. dan. 7 : 9. 10. christ his soul and heavenly flesh and blood from the beginning . 11. the soul , life , or spirit of the heavenly man doth as far extend as his heavenly flesh and blood , even to all the saints . 12. though they have not the center or root of his soul and life in them , but onely a measure , ray or emanation of it . 13. the scripture no where saith that christ did take his soul , but onely his outward flesh of the virgin , and so according to the flesh he was onely the son of mary , david and abraham by virtue of his outward conception and birth . the fourth particular , whereof he accuseth us , is , that we deny iesus the son of mary , to be the alone true christ. 1. this is a false accusation ; we own no other jesus christ , but him , that was born of the virgin mary , who , as concerning the flesh is the son of mary , and the son of david , and the seed of abraham . 2. and yet he was the true christ of god , before he took flesh , and before he was the son of mary , or david , or of abraham : for his being born of the virgin mary made him not to be christ , as if he had not been christ before , but he was christ before , even from the beginning , as i shall prove clearly out of scripture , eph. 3 : 9. it is said expressly , that god created all things by iesus christ. now if all things were created by jesus christ , then jesus christ was before all things ; for the cause is always before the effect , at least in order of nature . but to this they object , that by iesus christ is meant the word onely in this place , whereas the word onely is not properly the christ , but the word as cloathed with the manhood , or the man as united with the word . and so i answer , that the word onely is not properly the christ without the manhood ; but it is the word made flesh , or made man , and therefore seing the apostle by the spirit of god hath declared that all things were created by jesus christ , and that jesus christ signifieth properly the word made flesh , or made man , it is clear , that according unto the apostle , the word was mad flesh or man , even from the beginning . 3. and this will yet more appear , by comparing this place with other places of scripture , as ioh. 6 : 38. for i came down from heaven , not to do mine own will , but the will of him that sent me . now christ spake this , not simply as the word or as god , but as man ; for as god he had no will of his own distinct from the will of the father , for the father and the word have but one onely will : whereas the man , or manhood of christ hath indeed a distinct will , which yet is always in union with the will of the father . and seing christ spake this as man , it is clear from his own words , that as man , he came down from heaven , and was man before he descended to take part of our flesh in the virgins womb , and therefore paul calleth him the second adam , the lord from heaven , and that heavenly man 1 cor : 15 : 47 , 48. also it is clear , that christ himself speaketh in the 6 of iohn of his flesh and blood , that did come down from heaven , whereof men must eat and drink , to the end that they may live by christ iohn 6 : 51. i am that living bread , which came down from heaven , if any man eat of this bread , he shall live for ever . and the bread that i will give is my flesh . now many understood not that saying in that day ( as many at this day do not understand it ) for they thought he had spoken of earthly flesh and blood , and therefore they were offended , and ▪ said , how can this man give 〈◊〉 his flesh and blood to eat ? whereas jesus understood it of his heavenly flesh and blood : therefore he said unto them , doth this offend you ? what if ye shall see the son of man ascend up where he was before ? so that christ was the son of man , before he descended , that is to say , true man ; for son of man is a syriack phrase signifying man. compare with this , iohn 3 : 13. no man ascendeth up to heaven , but he that came down from heaven , the son of man which is in heaven ; see also eph : 4 : 9 , 10. now in that he ascended , what is it but that he also descended into the lowest parts of the earth ? he that descended is the same that ascended farr above all heavens , that he might fill all things . and this will yet further appear , if we shall consider what paul writes of this mystery , 1 cor. 10 : 3 , 4. that the fathers [ to wit , the people of israel ] ( long before christ came outwardly in the flesh ) did all eat the same spirituall meat , and did all drink the same spirituall drink , for they drank of the spirituall rock that followed them , and that rock was christ. nor can it be said that it must be understood figuratively , to wit , the rock signified christ ; for we read no where in the scriptur of any rock that followed the people in the wilderness as outwardly , that was a figure or type of christ ; but christ himself was that rock that followed them . and certainly if the saints , before christ came outwardly in the flesh , had ●ot eat of the flesh of christ , and drunk of his blood , they could not have had life by him : but they had life by him , and therefore they did eat his flesh and drink his blood . and therefore christ had flesh and blood , to wit , heavenly and spirituall , even from the beginning , on which the saints in all ages did feed , even from the beginning , such as adam and evah , abel , henoch , noah , abraham , &c. and seing christ had flesh & blood from the beginning , he was man from the beginning ; for as god simply , he can not have flesh and blood , for god is a spirit ; therefore it is the flesh and blood of christ as he is man or the son of man , as christ said unless ye eat the flesh of the son of man , &c. 4. all which prove effectually that the man christ jesus was from the beginning , and if the man christ jesus had not been from the beginning , it would follow that the church all along from the beginning , had wanted a mediator and head , for it is the man christ jesus united with the godhead of the logos , that is the mediator betwixt god and man , as paul declared 1 tim. 2 : 5. and the head of every man is christ , and the head of christ is god. by christ , paul in this place 1 cor. 11 : 3. understandeth the man christ , which he placeth as a middle between god and men : so that god is the head of every man. but it is most absurd to suppose ; that the church and saints all along , untill christ came outwardly in flesh , wanted a mediator and intercessor , or that they wanted a head ; for even as the naturall body can not live without its head , so nor can the church , which is the body of christ , live without its head , which is the man christ jesus . 5. but let us descend more particularly into particular places of the old testament , and we shall see the same truth confirmed abundantly , prov. 8 : 23. i was anoynted from the age , from the beginning , so the words should be translated , the hebrew word nissakti signifyeth anoynted , and is so rendered by buxtorf in his lexicon , and also by the english bible psal. 2 : 6. in the margine , i have anoynted my king upon my holy hill of zion ; the hebrew root is the same in both places , and both places are to be understood of christ , as is generally confessed . 6. now christ signifyeth anoynted , and it is the man christ that is anoynted with the holy spirit , and not the word or logos , which is god himself , for the godhead anoynts not the godhead , but it is the godhead that doth anoynt the manhood of christ , which manhood hath been anoynted from the beginning , and therefore the man christ hath been from the beginning , who is gods anoynted king , and the head of his church in all ages , the first and the last , even the first-born of every creature , who said to the jewes , before abraham was i am : and it was the man christ that said this to the jewes : and of him john the baptist thus declared , iohn 1 : 30. there cometh after me a man that is preferred unto me , for he was before me , and this was the man christ of whom he spake . again let us consider psal. 110 : 1 , 3 , 4. the lord said unto my lord , sit thou at my right hand , untill i make thine enemys thy footstool . and ver . 3. from the womb before the morning-star i have begotten thee , so the septuagint and vulgar latin , which doth little differ from the hebrew it self in this place . and vers . 4. thou art a priest forever after the order of melchizedek . now that christ as man is here understood , and not simply the logos or word , i prove , first , becaus here are two lords , the lord said unto my lord , the father speaking unto the man christ , for indeed the man christ is a distinct lord from the father , as he is a distinct being and substance , as man ; and as man he is a lord and king , who said all power in heaven and earth is given me of my father : but the word simply considere● is not a distinct lord from the father , becaus not a distinct being or substance . secondly , it is the man christ that is gods high priest , and not the word barely considered , for a priest is one that prayeth unto god for the people , and mediats o● interceeds betwixt god and them ; but the word barely considered can not doe this , becaus he is no● a distinct substance or being from the father ▪ whereas the man christ is a distinct being , although not divided or separated from him : and if he be ● priest forever , then from the beginning , and consequently man from the beginning , according to which the apostle said iesus christ the same yesterday , to day and forever . yesterday , that is , from the beginning ; to day , that is , at present ; and for ever , that is , in all time and ages to come . this is the promised seed , which god promised to our parents after the fall , and actually gave unto them , even the seed of the woman , that should bruise the head of the serpent . and therefore though the outward comeing of the man christ was deferred according to his outward birth in the flesh , for many ages , yet from the beginning this heavenly man the promised seed did inwardly come into the hearts of those that believed in him , and bruised the head of the serpent , and destroyed him that had the power ●f death , that is the devil , the stronger man entering 〈◊〉 house , and dispossessing the strong man , and casting 〈◊〉 out . and thus christ is the lamb that was slain ●rom the foundation of the world , namely in that 〈◊〉 the beginning , even as soon as our first parents 〈◊〉 , the measure of the life of the lamb which 〈◊〉 in our first parents in the innocent state , came as 〈◊〉 were to be slain in them by transgression , and to ●ndergoe sore and deep sufferings by reason of 〈◊〉 sin , even as the seed christ complained by the ●rophet amos 3 : 13. behold i am pressed under you 〈◊〉 cart is pressed that is full of sheavs : this must 〈◊〉 be understood of the life of christ as man , for as god he can not suffer , nor be slain ; whereas the life of christ as man , is capable of suffering , and being crucified as unto us , ( although that life still live in it self unto god ) namely , that seed or measure of it graffed or imprinted in us , according to which the apostle declareth , that they who fall away from christ , do crucify again to themselvs the son of god , heb. 6 : 6. and iohn saw that after christ was outwardly crucifyed at ierusalem , he should be again crucifyed in spiritual sodom and egypt , whic● is the apostat church , rev. 11 : 8. and 〈◊〉 hath he been crucifyed by the wicked , even fro● the beginning , and hath lived in all saints , as 〈◊〉 before he came in the flesh , as to his outward birt● as since . so that as paul said i live yet not i , but 〈◊〉 that liveth in me ▪ the same could abraham 〈◊〉 moses and all the prophets say , that christ the heauenly man and second adam lived in them , 〈◊〉 they lived by his living in them , as he said to 〈◊〉 disciples becaus i live , therefore shall ye live 〈◊〉 but christ as he is god liveth in all , and is altog●ther uncapable of the least suffering ; and althoug● as man he may and doth suffer , yet in due time 〈◊〉 suffering life will prevail , and be raised up over 〈◊〉 its suffering in all men , where it suffers by 〈◊〉 of sin ; to the everlasting comfort of them that 〈◊〉 in him , and obey him ; but to the everlasti● torment of them that do not believe in him , 〈◊〉 give obedience unto him . 7. but yet more particularly to prove , that the man christ was from the beginning , see gen. 32 : 24. now when iacob was left alone , there wrestled a man with him unto the breaking of the day : and that this was christ , is clear from hosea . 12 : 4. for it was such a man , as was also the lord god of hosts , to whom he prayed and made supplication ; whom hosea calleth also the angel. see also gen. 18. where the man christ appeared unto abraham with two angels , that are called men , ver . 2. ( for angels are a sort of heavenly men ) and one of these three men abraham prayed unto , and therefore it was the man christ , who after he had talked with abraham ascended , and did afterwards destroy sodom and gomorrah with fire and brimston . and gen. 19 : 24. it is said the lord rained from the lord fire and brimston : therefore this was no other man , or angel , but the heavenly man christ jesus , who at divers times appeared unto the fathers in the true forme of a man , yea even unto kiug nebuchadnezar together with the three children in the firy furnace ; and although it is commonly supposed , that it was onely god that appeared thus , in a fantastical forme and shape of a man , and not that it was really the man christ jesus : yet this is by no means to be granted , otherwise we should give away the cause to the manichees , and such who affirme that christ was never a real and true man , even when born of the virgin mary and crucifyed 〈◊〉 the cross , but onely that it was a phantasme or phantastical appearance of man. for indeed , seing he 〈◊〉 called as really man , before his outward birth in the flesh , as afterwards , we have as good cause to believe him to be true and real man , before his outward birth 〈◊〉 in the flesh , as after . 8. for it is not the outward flesh and blood that is the man ( otherwise the saints that have pu● off the outward body , should cease to be men , 〈◊〉 christ should have ceased to be man , betwixt 〈◊〉 death and his resurrection ) but it is the soul or inward man that dwelleth in the outward flesh or ●ody that is the man most properly , such as christ 〈◊〉 even from the beginning . 9. and this was the man , even christ , who● ezekiel saw in his vision upon the throne above 〈◊〉 firmament , ezek. 1 : 26 , 27. and whom 〈◊〉 saw , dan. 7 : 9. and this was long before his outward birth in the flesh , and was as real a vision of the man christ jesus , as that which john ●ad , rev. 1 : from ver . 13 to 19. and this same man the lord jesus christ isaiah did see , isa. 6. sitting upon his heavenly throne , so that his traine or skirts filled the temple . the same also appeared unto adam ▪ gen. 3 : 8 , 9 , 10. nor will it prove that he whom ezekiel saw ; was not the real man christ jesus , becaus it is said that he saw as the similitude of a man , for even when christ came outwardly in the flesh , he is said to be found in fashion or likeness as a man , and yet he was a true man , and did truely and really partake of our flesh and blood by his outward birth . 10. yet before this , even from the beginning , he was the heavenly man , and had his soul and heavenly flesh and blood , by which he reached unto the saints in all ages , and did refresh and feed them unto eternall life . and forasmuch as he gave them of his flesh and blood from heaven , he also gave them of his life or spirit , as he is the heavenly man , or second adam . 11. for the life or spirit of the second adam doth extend , as farr , as his heavenly flesh and blood . and thus the word was made flesh even from the beginning , and dwelt in us , as in all ages ; and they beheld his glory , as the glory of the onely-begotten of the father , full of grace and truth , yet he dwelleth not onely in the saints , but also without them , in himself , and did so from the beginning . 12. for the saints can not contain christ , even as man ; they onely partake of some measure or ray , or emanation of him , they have not the center or spring of his soul and life in them , but onely an emanation or stream of it : the center and spring it self was for most part in heaven , untill it descended and cloathed it self with the likeness of our 〈◊〉 flesh in the virgins womb . 13. and ●herefore let all the scripturs be searched , and it shall not be found that christ became man and tooke to himself the soul of man , at his conception in the womb of the virgin mary ; but onely that he took flesh , and was the son of mary , david and abraham according to the flesh : but according to his heavenly nature , even as man , he was the son of god , and was the father and lord of all the faithfull in all ages , therefore david in spirit called him lord , whose name is wonderfull counseller , the mighty god , the everlasting father , aud prince of peace . section . ix . 1. that christ is in every man , yea in every creature in a true sense proved from scripture . 2. that it derogats no more from the honour of christ then from the honour of god the father that he is in all things . 3. christ in the saints , proved from scripture . 4. yea in all men , even the wicked , proved from scripture . 5. the god-head properly doth not suffer in men but the soule or life of iesus christ the heavenly man. 6. more scripture to prove that christ suffers in the wicked as heb. 6. 6. rev. 11. 8. 7. paul preached christ in the corinthians and galatians when unbelievers proved from 1 cor. 2. 2. gal. 1. 3. eph. 3. 8. 1. tim. 3. 16. 8. if christ be in the saints he must be in all men , proved from a most convincing reason , that otherwayes he would be divided from himself and in discontinued places . 9. christ is otherwayes in all men then in the other inferior creaturs in regard of his operations . 10. and otherwise in the saints , then in other men , not only in regard of operation but also in regard of union and communion . 11. how christ is , and yet is not , in unbelievers in different respects , cleared by two manifest examples . 12. christ is otherwise in the outward body and temple that suffered at jerusalem then in the saints . 13. the saints union with god is but mediat through the heavenly man christ whereas the union of christ with god is immediat . 14. the saints not christ , but christians , and receive all things from god by the heavenly man christ iesus : 15. how christ hath given eternall life to all flesh or all mankind according to john 17. 2. which place of scripture is falsly translated in our english bible . the fifth particular whereof he accuseth us is , that we affirme christ to be a common sort of thing , to be found in every man , as it was in the son of mary , even the common light to be found in the mind of every man in the world . 1. answer . that christ is in every man , yea in every creature , we do boldly affirme , conforme to the scripture , which saith , all things were created by him , even iesus christ the incarmate word , or word made flesh , and therefor he is in all things : and as iohn said , he was in the world and the world was made by him ; for indeed it is impossible that the maker can be separated from the thing that is made , i say ; according to the scripture that seeing all creaturs were made by iesus christ , therefore he is in them all , even as god is in all , giving them [ and upholding them ] their beings , and ministring unto every thing , what is needfull and fit , for it . 2. doth it any more derogat from the honour and glory of christ , that he is in all , then it derogats from the honour and glory of god the father , who is in all , and through all , blessed in himself for ever more . for as god is a pure being and life , that nothing can defile , even so is christ jesus , an incorruptible and incontaminable life and being , & as god is light , so christ is light , a light that shineth every where , even in the darkness , as iohn declared , but the darkness cannot comprehend it , nor can the darkness obscure and darken it , onely it can and doth obscure and darken the eyes , of them who are in darkness , that they cannot see nor behold the glory of the light. but more particularly to come to the matter in hand , i shall first prove from scripture , that christ is in the saints ; and secondly both from scripture and good reason , that is grounded on scripture , that he is in all men , in a true sense ; yea in all creatures . and thirdly i shall shew that in regard of his operations , he is otherwise in men , then in the other creaturs of an inferior degree . and fourthly that he is otherwise in the saints , then in other men , and that not onely in regard of operation , but also in regard of union and communion . and fiftly , that he is otherwise in the vessell or temple , that suffered on the crosse at ierusalem , and is now glorifyed in heaven , then he is in any , or in all of the saints , or in any other creaturs whatsoever howsoever excellent . 3. as to the first that christ is in the saints , see ioh. 6 : 56. he that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in me and i in him , see also iohn 17. 23. i in them and thou in me &c. see again , rom. 8. 10. and if christ be in you the body is dead , eph. 3. 17. that christ may dwell in your hearts by faith , collos. 1. 27. christ in you the hope of glory , 2 cor. 13. 3. seing that ye seek a proofe of christ speaking in me , and verse 5. know ye not your own s●lv●s , how that iesus christ is in you , unless ye be reprobates . many more scriptures may be brought , but these shall suffice to shew that christ is in the saints , and christ is gods anointed king , priest , and prophet , and therefor by christ is not to be understood the word simply considered , as in god , but the incarnate or ingrafted word , or the word made flesh that dwelleth in the saints , ioh. 1. 14. for the word simply considered as in god , is not the anointed , but the annointer , whereas christ is gods anointed . 4. secondly that christ is in all men , even in the wicked , see amos 2. 13. behold i am pressed under you , as a cart is pressed that is full of sheaves . this cannot be understood of god , or the word simply considered , that cannot be pressed or suffer any grief but it is well understood of the incarnat , or ingraft●d word , to wit , the precious seed of the life of christ in us . that is exceeding tender and is capable of grief , and suffering , by mens sins . psal. 95. 10. fourty years long was i grieved in this generation , isajah 63. 9 , 10. in all their affliction , he was aff●icted , and the angel of his presence saved them , in his love and in his pity he redeemed them , and he bare them and caryed them all the days of old , but they rebelled and vexed his holy spirit &c. 5. this is the holy spirit of the heavenly man christ iesus , or the ingrafted or incarnat word , that is capable of grief and suffering , whereas the godhead is not capable of any suffering or grief , for all suffering and grief is a finite and temporall thing , whereas nothing can be in god but that which is infinit and eternall , otherwise god would not be in all respects , an infinite being which is absurd . 6. see again . hebr. 6. 6. they who fall away from christ are said to crucify to themselvs the son of god afresh . now they could not crucify him , if he were not in them , because he was not outwardly present with them , in his body of flesh : so that they could not crucify him outwardly : and rev. 11. 8. our lord is said to be crucified in spirituall sodom and egypt , that is , the apostat church , babylon , the mother of fornications . 7. and when paul first preached to the corinthians , and galathians , in the time of their heathenism ; he preached christ crucified in them , see 1 cor. 2. 1. gal. 3. 1. the words in both places according to the greek , are crucified in you : and it was a great part of the mystery that paul preached unto the gentiles , to wit , christ in the gentiles , which sathan and his ministers laboured to hide and obscure , as they do at this present , but christ and his ministers labour to make known . see collos. 1. 27. to whom god would make known , what is the riches of the glory of this mystery in the gentiles . and eph. 1. 8. he preached the unsearchable riches of christ in the gentiles . and 1 tim. 3. 16. god manifest in the flesh preached in the gentiles , so the greek in all these places , but the translaters of the bible , not understanding this so blessed & comfortable a truth , have translated these places , among , and not in , whereas if christ was among them , he was also in them , seeing he was not outwardly present among them , in his body of flesh . 8. and seeing that both they who are not saints , as well as they who are saints , are created by jesus christ , he must needs be as really in the one , as in the other . also seing the saints & the wicked in this world , walk up and down together , and are scattered , among one another , good and sound reason teacheth us , that if christ be in the saints , he must needs be in all men , yea in all this world , through which the saints are scattered , otherwise christ would be divided from himself , and be discontinued , and in discontinued places , which is impossible , as all men of sound reason must needs acknowledge . 9. thirdly , all though christ be in all the creaturs , yet he is otherwise in all men , then in the others creaturs , that are of an inferiour degree , unto mankind , in regard of operation , because he exerteth or putteth forth , more noble operations , in and upon men , then in other creaturs , men having immortall souls that are more noble principles and subjects of operation , then the inferiour creaturs have , so that all men , even the worst of men are capable of knowing and enjoying the blessed life of christ , which the in●erior creaturs are not , and that which hinders them from this knowledge and enjoyment , is not the want of capacity ▪ as it is in the other creaturs , out sin , and especially the sin of unbelief ; that they will not come unto him , who is come unto them , that they may have life , as he complained against the iewes . 10. fourthly , christ is otherwise in the saints , then in other men , and that not only in regard of operation , but also in regard of union and communion , for the saints are joyned unto him by living bonds , as the branches are unto the vine , and as the living members of the body are unto the head , and they are one spirit , 1 cor. 6. 17. eph. 4. 15 , 16. ioh. 15. 5. ioh. 17. 23. also they have communion , both with the father and the son , christ jesus , 1 joh. 1. 3. and one with another in him , 1 joh. 1. 7. and christ dwelleth in the hearts of the saints by faith , eph. 3. 17. and he is formed in them , gal. 4. 19. so that they are his mother who bring him forth , by a spirituall and divine birth , matth. 12. 49. and thus the church brought him forth , long after he was outwardly born , and crucified , and rose and ascended , revel . 12. 5. and she brought forth a man-child who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron , this is the hidden man of the heart , 1. pet. 3. 4. which 〈◊〉 the heavenly ornament , not onely of all good wom●n , but of all the saints , whom they doe put on , rom. 13. 14. who is the new man , eph 24. and the heavenly man , or lord from heaven , 1 cor. 15. 47 , 48. so that having eat his flesh and drunk his blood , they are members of his body , of his flesh , and of his bones , eph. 5. 30. whereas all other men , who are not saints , they have no union nor communion with christ , and he dwelleth not in them by faith , he is not formed in them , nor revealed , as he is in the saints , as paul declared he was in him , at his conversion , gal. 1. 18. and then he preached him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the gentiles , to the end that he might be revealed in them , as he was in him , and thus the being of christ in the saints , is after a more speciall presence , then he is in others , whose understandings are darkened , being alienated from the life of god , through the ignorance that is in them , becaus of the blindness of their heart . eph. 4. 18. and here observe , that he doth not say , becaus that the life of god is not in them , but becaus of their blindness and ignorance they were alienated and estranged from it , being past feeling : so that once they had a feeling of this life , and therefore it was in them , which life is c●rist . 11. now becaus that christ is not in vnbeliever● according to that special presence and revelation , as he is in the saints and believers ; but is hid and unrevealed in them , therefore it is that sometimes christ is said not to be in them , even as we commonly say , in a cloudy and dark night , when no starres appear in the aire or firmament , that they are not in it , whereas they are in it , even then , but they do not appear in it as when the air is clear . for christ the light shineth in the darkness , although the darkness comprehends him not , and this is the night state . but when men believe , he is said to rise ●n them , and therefore he was in them before , but 〈◊〉 arisen , even as the sun is in the firmament at ●●dnight as wel as at mid-day , but the dark shad●ow of the earth hinders us from its light : and ●hus the darkness of the earthly mind hinders the ●oul of the unbeliever to see the sun of righteous●ess , who reacheth through all , and is in all , col. 〈◊〉 11. and is that true light that inlighteneth every ●an that cometh into the world , joh. 1 : 9. 12. fifthly : christ jesus he is otherwise in the 〈◊〉 , then he was , and is , in that vessel and temple 〈◊〉 suffered at ierusalem , and is now glorifyed in 〈◊〉 heavens ; for the saints have not the heavenly 〈◊〉 christ jesus , as it were , centrally and original●●● them , the spring and centre of his soul , life . 〈◊〉 light is not in their vessells , but onely in that 〈◊〉 which was born of the virgin mary : they 〈◊〉 enjoy of his life and light , as it proceeds 〈◊〉 him by way of emanation and participation . 〈◊〉 that although the true light be both in him , and 〈◊〉 ; yet it is otherwise in him then in us , as the 〈◊〉 of the sun is otherwise in the body of the sun , 〈◊〉 it is in other bodys into which it emanates : and 〈◊〉 life is otherwise in the principall part or parts 〈◊〉 the natural bodys , then as it is in the other mem●●● . and both these exampls have been used by 〈◊〉 ancients , to shaddow forth this great mystery 〈◊〉 they also are used in the scripture it self , which calleth him the head of the body , and the sun of righteousness ; and it pleased the father that in him all fulness should dwell , and out of his fulness we all receive and grace for grace , for in him dwelleth all the fulness of the godhead bodily , see coloss. 1 : 19. and 2 : 9. and joh. 1 : 16. so that in all things he hath the preheminence , as the apostle declared . and look , as the sap or moisture and living vertue is otherwise in the root and stock of the tree , then it is in the branches , although i● be really also in the branches : even thus it is as concerning christ and the saints , he is the vine , they are the branches , he is the root that beareth them , and sendeth forth his life conti●ually into them , to make the● fruitfull ; that they may bear living fruits of life . now he is the root and vine ( into which the saints are grafted ) not simply as the word , but as the word incarnate , and as dwelling in that most pure and most wonderfull vessell , that suffered at ierusalem . 13. for becaus the fulness dwelt in him , and that he was immediately and most intimatly united with the godhead , so as no men no● angels are , but onely the man iesus , he is onely the true christ. and becaus he it is alone , who in an immediate way , and originally , is gods anoynted , who hath anoynted him with his holy spirit ; and all other men ▪ even the most holy , but mediately united with god through him , and mediately by and through him receiving the anoynting or holy spirit , therefore all other holy men are not christ , but christians , not being immediately anoynted of the father , but by the means of iesus christ. 14. nor are they otherwise partakers of the anoynting , or of the holy ghost , but as they are partakers of christ. and this the name christian doth plainly import , for it is a derivative name from christ , holding forth that as we derive our name from him , so also we derive from him whatever light or life , grace or heavenly virtus we do enjoy : the father first giveth it unto him , and he ( even the man christ jesus , that was born of the virgin mary , the son of david and abraham according to the flesh ) doth give it unto us . 15. he it is , by whom grace and truth cometh unto mankind , he it is to whom the father hath gi●en power over all flesh ( as he himself declared , ioh. 17 : 2. ) that whatever the father hath giuen to ●im , he may give to them eternell life : for so the 〈◊〉 are according to the greek , and so both ●rias montanus , and the vulgar latin and dutch translation render them . so that christ hath given 〈◊〉 all flesh , that is , all mankind , eternall life ; even 〈◊〉 hath received it of the father , not that all 〈◊〉 do enjoy or possesse eternall life , but yet the seed or principle of it is put in them , which is the light of his son christ iesus that lighteth every man that cometh into the world , and thereby all men may have life ( as christ himself said , i am come that ye may have life ) and if they have it not , it is not becaus they can not , but becaus they will not have it ; for it is really tendered unto them by christ jesus , who , on this account , is the saviour of all men , but especially of them that believe . section x. 1. all true christians do worship the man christ jesus . 2. true believers worshipped him upo● earth in the days of his flesh . 3. the wise-men from the east worshipped the child jesus , but not mary , thereby condemning the grosse idolatry of the church of rome . 4. many exampls out of scripture to prove they worshipped the man chri●● jesus . 5. some presbyterians have taught tha● the man christ jesus was not to be worshipped , to the great dishonour of the christian religion 6. the christian quakers falsly accused that 〈◊〉 do not pray to the man iesus christ. 7. we ofte● expressly mention the names jesus christ in our prayers , and when we do not mention thes● names , yet praying by the movings of his life 〈◊〉 spirit , we pray always unto christ iesus , who● the heavenly man and god over all blessed for ever . 8. in what sort of expressions i have heard some of our friends pray to christ in our meetings , and which i have also used in prayer to my great comfort . 9. that becaus all true christians do worship the man christ iesus , he , to wit , the heavenly man must needs be really present in and among them , in their meetings , and consequently every where ; but this is not meant of his externall person . 10. who pray unto the man christ and do not believe him to be present , are real idolaters , as this author of the postscript . 11. that distinction refuted , that he is present as god , not as man. 12. that the man christ heareth our prayers , proveth that he is present every where . 13. that distinction refuted that the man christ iesus knoweth our prayers and thoughts not by immediat perception , but by having them revealed to him by the godhead , which is the popish evasion for worshipping saints and angels . 14. some places of scripture opened , as heb. 4 : 15 , 16. psal. 18. 9 , 10. 15. that christ did immediatly kow the thoughts of men , proved from divers scripturs . 16. omnipercipiency of the soul of christ proveth him as man to be omnipresent . 1. and for these causes it is , that all true christians do worship the man christ jesus , and pray unto him , as they do unto the father : so that he is a true and proper object of divine adoration , as is the father , yea it is in and through him that we can onely in a true and acceptable way worship the father , and call upon him . 2. and even in the days of his flesh , they who saw his glory , and did truely know what he was , did both believe in him and pray unto him , and he bid his disciples believe in him , ye believe in god , believe also in me , said he , that is , in me , the man christ jesus whom god hath sent . 3. and seing we are to believe in him , we are also to call upon him , for that which is the proper object of true faith , is also the proper object of true divine adoration , as accordingly we find , that they who had true faith in him , in the days of his flesh did also worship him and pray unto him , as the wise men that came from the east did worship him , even when he was an infant , matth. 2 : 11. and when they were come into the house , they saw the young child with mary his mother , and fell down and worshipped him . and here observe , it is not said , they worshipped mary his mother , no : they were more wise , although they did know that she was blessed above all women , yet they did also know that she was not an object of divine worship , as christ was . surely these men , although commonly accounted heathens , had more sound understanding then all the wise men , so called , of the popish church , who worship mary the mother of jesus , and pray unto her , as they do also unto other saints , which is gross idolatry . again see matth. 8 : 2. and behold there came a leper , and worshiped him , saying , lord if thou wilt thou canst make me clean , and this was the man jesus . 4. and many such examples are to be found in scripture of those that worshipped him in the days of his flesh , see matth. 9 : 18. and 14 : 33. and 15 : 25. and after his resurrection the disciples both men and women did worship him , see matth. 28. 9. 17. as no doubt they did so before and after his ascension the disciples did call upon him , see act. 7 : 59. and they stoned stephen , calling and saying , lord iesus receive my spirit . and act. 9 : 21. the disciples are said to be they that call on this name , to wit , iesvs ; and paul saluteth the corinthians thus , 1 cor. 1 : 3. grace be unto you and peace from god our father , and from our lord iesus christ : and ver . 2. unto the church of god which is at corinth , to them that are sanctified in christ iesus called saints , with all that in every place call upon the name of iesus christ our lord , both theirs and ●urs . and it is the will and command of the father that at the name of iesus every knee should ●ow , and every tongue confess to the glory of god the father . so that whatever honour or worship is given to the man christ jesus , it redounds to the father . he that honours the son , honours the father , and he that honours not the son , honours not the father . and rev. 5 : 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. all the saints and angels and every creature are brought in not onely worshipping the father , but the lamb , that was slain , and this is the man christ iesus , or word incarnate ; for the word or logos simply considered never was nor can be slain . all which scripturs and many more that could be mentioned , prove clearly that the saints did worship the man christ jesus , and did pray unto him . and they who believe not this doctrin , are more blind , then the poor blind man bartimeus , who when iesus of nazareth passed by , saw him with the eyes of his soul to be the christ of god , and prayed unto him , saying , iesus thou son of david have mercy upon me ; mark 10 : 46 , 47. also the canaanitish woman , that was not a jew , but in the jewes account an heathen , she believed in him with a great and marvelous faith , and also prayed unto him ; and when he seemed to have refused her , yet she continued in prayer , saying lord help me . 5. i have been the more full and express in this particular , for three weighty reasons . first . becaus i know that divers presbyteria● teachers in this nation have openly professed , and some have taught it in the pulpit , that christ as mediator , or the man christ , is not to be worshipped , or prayed unto , which occasioned a great contention in their synods and presbyterys in some places , of late years ; to the great dishonour of the christian religion , and of that worthy name , whereby we are called . 6. secondly : becaus that some have ignorantly accused us , that we did not pray to the man iesus , nor call upon the father in the name of iesus christ ; which is a gross calumny . 7. for many times have i both heard others , and also i my self have called upon that blessed name , expressly naming the words iesvs christ ; although when we express not these words , yet if we pray by the moving of his life and spirit , we pray in the name of jesus , and also to jesus the heavenly man , that is glorified with that glory he had with the father before the world was . 8. yea i have heard expressly such petitions put up in our prayers , at our meetings , unto christ as jesus , son of david have mercy upon us , o thou blessed lord iesus , that wert crucified , and dyed for our sins , and shed thy precious blood for us , be gracious unto us . thou that in the days of thy flesh wert tempted of satan , afflicted , bore our sins on the cross , felt our infirmitys , and wert touched with them . o thou our mercifull high pr●est , whose tender bowels of compassion are not more straitened since thy ascension , but rather more enlarged , and whose love and kindness is the same towards thy servants in our days , as it was of old ; help us , and strengthen us : and by the power of thy divine life and spirit raise us up over all tentations , and indue us with a measure of the same patience and resignation that dwel● so fully in thee , and which thou didst so abundantly manifest in all thy sufferings , in the days of thy flesh . thou art the same that thou wert , thy heart is the same towards thy servants , as when thou wert outwardly present with them in the flesh . thou art our advocat and mediator in heaven with the father : our mercifull high priest , who is not untouched with the feeling of our infirmitys . thou , even thou , blessed iesus , thou knowest our most secret desires and breathings , which we offer up unto thee , in the enablings of thy blessed life and spirit , that thou mayest present them unto thy father and our father , that in thee , we may be accepted , and our services also , and for thy sake our defects and short comings , our sins and transgressions that we have committed , may be forgiven us . these and such like expressions frequently used by us in prayer , both in secret , and also in publick , in our assemblys , plainly demonstrate , that we worship and pray unto the mediator betwixt god and man , the man christ jesus , the anoynted king , priest and prophet of his people , who also is god over all bessed forever . for he is that mighty one , upon whom the father hath laid help , so that although the father himself loveth us , and is most willing and ready to help us in all our necessitys , yet we can no otherwayes receive his help , but as it comes to us by the conveyance of the man christ jesus , our alone mediator . 9. thirdly : my third reason , ( which is mainly for my present purpose , and which alone is enough to conclude ) is , because it demonstrats this great & blessed truth , to wit ; that the man christ jesus is really present in and among us [ and consequently every where ) i do not mean by his externall or outward person , for that is ascended into heaven , but in virtue of his divine life and spirit , or soul extended into us in his divine seed and body , which is his heavenly flesh and blood , wherewith he feedeth the souls of them that believe in him . i say our worshipping the man jesus and praying unto him , doth plainly demonstrate , that he is really present in and among us , and with us , as his name immanuel doth signify , not onely as god , but as man ; for it were a most absurd thing to worship an object that is altogether absent , as the manhood of christ is , according unto these presbyterian teachers . we know how the prophet elijah mocked baals worshippers with a godly zeal and indignation , on this account , as supposing him in their account as an absent god. cry aloud , said he , for perhaps he is asleep , or hath taken a journey . as for us god forbid that we should worship an absent christ , or call upon a saviour to help us , in whom we do not believe as really present . 10. sure i am they who pray unto him , and yet do not believe him to be present , and have not some sense of his presence , are real idolaters ; for they pretend to worship an object , which wanteth a property altogether essential to an object of divine worship , that is , real presence . 11. nor is it enough for them to say , he is present as god , but not as man , for if the man be not present , he is not to be worshipped , and if he be to be worshipped , as most certainly he is , then he is present , for this is one of the great motives of worship and prayer , that he whom we worship and call upon , is present to help us , as david called him ● present help in time of trouble : and we are commanded to come and worship before his presence . 12. but again , our praying to the man jesus doth imply , that he doth really heare our prayers , and is really sensible and perceptive of them , and that not onely when we use vocal prayers , but also when we pray onely in our most secret thoughts . now it is impossi●le that he could hear us , and be sensible of our prayers , and especially of our thoughts , if he were not immediatly present in us , and with us ; for , to say that his god-head doth reveal our prayers and thoughts unto the man-hood , doth no wise answere the strength of this reason ; for hearing and perception , are immediate acts of the soul , and reach unto the objects immediately , or the objects unto them , but what is made known by revelation simply , doth not so reach , and that cannot be properly called hearing our prayers , or being sensible of them . as suppose that god should reveal immediatly to a man , in persia , or china , that i am praying here at such a distance , that man could not be said , to hear me praying or be sensible of the very breathings of my soul , as when the lord revealed to ananias , that saul , who after was called paul , did pray , yet who will say that ananias heard paul pray at that time ? surely this is such a slender and deceitfull evasion & answer , as the papists use commonly to give , when we bring this reason against their praying unto saints and angells , to wit , that they do not , nor cannot , hear our prayers every where , becaus they are not every where present nor can be , becaus of their limited capacity , they tell us , that they read ou● prayers , in the mirrour or looking glasse of the deity , or have them revealed unto them immediatly by god , which answer the protestants , most deservedly reject , for that is not properly to hear . 14. and indeed none is fit to be a mediator , but he that immediatly heareth our prayers , and hath a sense of the breathings and yearnings of our souls towards god , and is touched with the feeling of our infirmitys , as christ iesus our high priest really is , for [ said the apostle hebr. 4. 15 , 16. ] we have not ●n high priest , which cannot be touchea with the feeling of our infirmitys , but was in all points tempted like 〈…〉 , yet without sin , let us therefore come boldly unto the 〈◊〉 of grace , that we may obtaine 〈◊〉 , and find grace to help in time of need . here observ , how he makes this the reason , why we should come 〈◊〉 ●nto the throne of grace , even becaus 〈◊〉 have an high preist , that is not of so a damantine a nature , nor yet so remo●e from us , as that he cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmitys , and therefore he hath a real feeling of them , which is more 〈…〉 the prophets mantle fell , and this was a figure of this great mystery , for christ the greatest of all prophets , when he ascended , he let fall his mantle upon his disciples , to wit , a plenteous emanation of his spirituall and divine body and life , the proper vehicles and conduit of the holy ghost , and of god himself , so that they came to be wonderfully indued with the holy ghost , and indeed that which jesus christ hath left with us of his divine body , and life , is gods throne of grace , or heavenly throne , on which god sitteth , and to which we have access , while we are here upon earth , that is of the same nature with that above , and one intire being with it , the altar , the mercy seat . the cherub on which god rideth , as it is psal. 18. 9 , 10. he bowed the heavens also and came down , and darkness was under his feet , and he rode upon a cherub , 〈◊〉 did flee , yea he did flee upon the spirit ▪ so the hebrew . this cherub is the man christ iesus , the heavenly rayes of whose spirit , light and life , are his wings , on which the most glorious and most high god doth ride , and bring speedy deliverance to his afflicted saints , in all ages . and christ also is 〈◊〉 heavens that god boweth , to wit , the heavenly man , that most willingly boweth , and obey●●● the fathers commands in all things , who is the man of gods right hand , by whom he doth all things 〈◊〉 heaven and earth , he bel●g his most immediat and most universall instrument , and organ of operation , in all things , in heaven or earth , or under the earth , and therefore to him must every 〈◊〉 bow , whether in heaven , or earth or below the earth . 15. but i shall more particularly prove that 〈◊〉 man jesus , even in the dayes of his flesh , did kno● the thoughts of men , from express testimonies 〈◊〉 scripture . math. 12. 25. and iesus knew their though● see also luk. 6. 8. and john 2. 24 , 25. but 〈◊〉 did not committ himself unto them , becaus he 〈◊〉 all men , and needed not that any should testify 〈◊〉 man , for he knew what was in man. and sure●● john understood this of christ , as man , for he 〈◊〉 here speaking of the man christ , even jesus 〈◊〉 was borne of mary , but to say that he knew 〈◊〉 thoughts , not immediatly , but by revelation , 〈◊〉 to contradict the express words of this scriptur● which saith that he needed not that any should testify●● man , & so needed not divine revelation to know 〈◊〉 thoughts or hearts of men . and peter said unto 〈◊〉 man christ jesus , lord thou that knowest all 〈◊〉 knowest that i love thee : all which prove that 〈◊〉 man christ iesus , to wit , his soul hath a reall 〈◊〉 , and is really omnipercipient and 〈◊〉 , of all things , present and past , if not of 〈◊〉 things to come , for as things to come he may 〈◊〉 know them by divine revelation from his father but he cannot properly be percipient of them , 〈◊〉 sense & perception require alwayes a present object . 16. and if christ as man be omnipercipient , he is also omnipresent , not onely becaus omnipercipiency is as great , or rather a greater propriety and priviledge , but also becaus omnipercipiency doth really imply and involve in it , omnipresence ; for how that which is so altogether absent from us , can be sensible of our affairs and thoughts , is altogether unconceiveable , and puts our understanding as much upon the rack as the popish doctrin of transubstantiation , and the lutheran of consubstantiation , whereas in the way as i have expressed it , the thing ●s easy to be understood . section . xi . 1. an objection answered that i seeme to agree with the lutheran doctrin , of the ubiquity of the man christ. 2. that the externall person and body of christ is not every where , nor his soul wholly in every place , by a certain multiplication of ubications , as the lutherans commonly , but falsly teach . 3. the center , spring or fountain of his soul , life or spirit , as he is the heavenly man , is onely in that body that was crucifyed outwardly at jerusalem , and is now glorifyed in the heavens . 4. and is extended unto us by way of emanation . 5. some examples given to illustrat this truth . 6. as we agree with luther in the generall , so we differ from him in the particular manner of the ubiquity of the man christ iesus , which in their way is inexplicable and repugnant to scripture 〈◊〉 the certain instincts and dictats of reason , but 〈◊〉 our way most r●tional and agreeable to scripture . 7. the great comfort of this doctrin , that we ha●● the man christ iesus so near unto us in virtue of his divine life and soul in his divine seed an● body extended unto us . 8. that the most glor●●ous angels can not see god , but in the man 〈◊〉 iesus ; to wit , in his spirit , life and light r●vealed in them . 9. how the words of jame● concerning the word ingrafted , are to be understood : and the words of john concerning the wor● made flesh. 10. that scripture heb. 9 : 1● opened . 11. a saying of hermes trismegist●● concerning god his being a circle , whose center is every where , and is no where circum●cri●ed . 12. the man christ iesus a real a● proper middle betwixt god and us . and if it be objected , that i seeme to agre● with the lutheran doctrin , as concernin● the ubiquity of the man christ. 1. i answer , that i do indeed agree wit● them in the general ; but differ from them as to 〈◊〉 manner in great and weighty circumstances . for they say , the externall person & body of christ that suffered on the cross , is every where , even the whole in every place . 2. i say nay : his externall person is arisen , and ascended , and is not here ; as the angel said , sur●●exit , non est hîc , he is risen , he is not here : meaning his outward body , for that was it they were seeking ; and it is impossible that one and the same 〈◊〉 body can be in many places , at once . 2. they say , the whole soul of christ is in every 〈◊〉 , and in every thing , not by an extention , but a ●ertain multiplication of its ubication ; but this is as ●●possible and unconceivable as the former . 3. but i say , the whole soul or spirit of christ ●not in every place , nor in every man ; for the ●enter and spring or fountain of it is onely in that ●ody that was crucified on the cross at jerusalem , ●nd is now ascended and glorified in heaven ; which ●emaineth the same in substance , that it was on ●arth , although it be wonderfully changed as to the 〈◊〉 and manner of its being : it being no more a ●ody of flesh , blood and bones , but a pure , ethereal 〈◊〉 heavenly body , like unto which the bodys of the ●aints are to be at the resurrection . for earth●● and heavenly are not so differing , but that re●aining one in substance : they may be changed ●e into another , so that as one and the same 〈◊〉 soul may by the operation of the mighty power of god , be changed , so as to be made heavenly and pure ; even so one and the same earthly body may by the same power be made heavenly , and thus in different respects they are one and the same , and yet not the same : one in substance , and not one , but another , in the manner of being . 4. and the center or spring of christs soul remaining in that glorifyed body , it extends its precious life spirit and light into the saints , and 〈◊〉 some manner into all men . 5. even as the light of the sun , that is centra●●● in the body of the sun , and yet emanats and 〈◊〉 forth its light in most abundant streams and rays●● to all the world . and as the soul of any ordin●●● man hath its center in one principal part of the body , as some think the head , but others the hea● and sendeth forth its life and vital rays into 〈◊〉 whole body , and therefore the soul is sensible● whatever affects any part or member in the who●● body . even thus our blessed lord and saviour ●●sus christ is sensible of whatever affects or moves 〈◊〉 church , which is also his body , by the real 〈◊〉 of his divine life , soul and spirit in the divi●● seed extended into the same . 6. and thus indeed as we agree with luther an● his followers in the general , so we differ from the● as to the particular manner and way of the real pr●●sence and ubiquity of the manhood of christ , 〈◊〉 in their way is inexplicable , and repugnant to the most certain instincts and dictats of reason , that god has indued us with , as rational creaturs . whereas the way as i have expressed it , is most rational , and will be found to be most true and solid , by all , that shall seriously ponder the matter , and weigh the reasons and arguments i have given for it , and may yet further give from testimonys of scripture , and experience of the saints ; that no reason can contradict , but doth highly favour . 7. and surely it is no lesse a comfortable , then 〈◊〉 is a true doctrin , that we have the man iesus christ 〈◊〉 near unto us , in virtue of his divine life and soul , in his divine seed and body extended into us : and thus he is the incarnat word , or word made flesh , ●welling in our flesh , and is made like unto us ; for as we are flesh , so he is flesh also , but of a more excellent make or creation . and thus he is the bride●room and husband of our souls , to whom we may approach , and whom we may kiss and imbrace , and handle with the hands of our soul , and whose glory we may behold ; even the glory of the word made flesh , and dwelling in us . whereas the glory of the word as it was in god , before it became flesh , or cloathed it self with the heavenly manhood , no eye of angel or saint ever could or can behold : for the glory of the word simply considered , in god , out of the manhood of christ , is god himself , without any middle or mediator . 8. and this none hath ever seen , or can see , no not the most glorious angels ; but it is the word made flesh , or god made manifest in flesh , to wit , in the heavenly flesh or manhood of christ , that is the alone proper and adequat object of the contemplation and enjoyment of the most glorious angels as wel as of the most holy souls , as paul declared ; great is the mystery of godlyness , god manifest in th● flesh , &c. seen of angels . observe here , it is not god simply , but god manifest in flesh , that is seen of angels , and is believed on in the world ; although he was both seen of angels , and believed on in the world , long before he was manifest in that outward body of flesh , which was also a most glorious manifestation , and excelleth in glory all the outward manifestations , that ever were , or shall be ; but the angels and saints did really see him , before that nanifestation in outward flesh ; and the saints do now really see him , although his outward body and external person be not now present for us to behold . 9. yet the word incarnate , or made flesh , and called by iames the ingrafted word , we do really see , for it 〈◊〉 in us : and unlesse it were made flesh , or incarnate , it could not be ingrafted into us , for all ingrafting or implanting requireth some simili●ude or analogy of nature and substance ; therefore we can not graffe an apple or cherry-graffe upon stone ; or iron , or bare earth ; by reason of the great unlikenesse and distance of their natures : and yet the word simply and nakedly considered in god , before it was made flesh , is more unlike unto us , and in nature more remote from us , then an apple is from stone , or iron . therefore to the end that the word may be ingrafted into us , and we again ingrafted into it , the word must be incarnate , or become flesh , as we are ; for all men are a sort of flesh , and so called in scripture , in comparison of god that is purely a spirit ; and though the souls of men 〈◊〉 spirits , yet comparatively as unto god , they are as it were flesh . and thus the word is become flesh , that is to say , hath advanced a step , or degree nearer unto us , then as it was in god before any thing was made : and the word was first of all made flesh , to be the root and foundation of all other created beings , and for which they are created . 10. for it is a more noble creation then all things else ; and is 〈◊〉 this creation , as the apostle declared expressly ( heb. 9 : 11. ) the words [ not of this 〈◊〉 ] should be translated [ not of his creation ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and therefore some think fit , rather to call it an emanation from god , then a creation , to speak strictly , which i shall not dispute about ; for it rather is a strife about words , then in the thing it self . now when i say that the light , life and spirit of the heavenly man , christ jesus , is not in us , as in respect of its fountain and center , or spring , but onely by way of emanation or participation , we deriving it from that central light , and life , that was in him , that was born of the virgin mary . 11. i do by no means acknowledg , or understand , that the deity had onely its center , in that man , and from him doth ray into us ; for the most blessed and glorious deity properly hath no center , and rays distinct , by way of emanation ; but rather is all center , according to that noted saying of hermes trismegist ; god is a circle , whose cent●● is every where , and is no where circumscribed . and therefore the blessed deity is as centrally and essentially in us , as in the man christ iesus 12. but still as in respect of union , manifestation and operation , and also in respect ●f communion , and fellowship , the man christ jesus , or word incarnate , is the onely and proper middle and mediator betwixt god and us , so that where●● god is immediatly united with the man christ jesus , no other men or angels have , or indeed are capable to have an immediat union with god ; their union is onely mediat with god , and so their communion and fellowship with him is but mediat also , by the means of christ jesus , although in respect of other means , it is immediat . and of this i found needfull once for all to acquaint the reader , to prevent his mis●●ke . section xii . 1. how much more truely we own aud esteeme the manhood of christ , then the author of the postscript , or his brethren . 2. a testimony of luther , for the man christ his being every where . 3. another testimony from those , who imbraced the aungustane confession in that treatise , called liber concordiae , that christ as man is really present with the saints on earth . 4. the lutherans grosse errour in the manner of this presence , hath given occasion to many to deny the truth it self , becaus they could not understand the manner . 5. the manner offered in this treatise most consonant both to scripture and reason , and almost to sense . 6. how iohn saw the son of man in the midst of the golden candlesticks after his ascersion . 8. how christ 〈◊〉 the ladder , by which we ascend unto god. 8. the nephesch and neschamah of christs soul distin●guished . 9. christ his spirituall coming in his saints as the son of man , ma●th . c : 16 : ver : 28. 10. a testimony of calvin , that christ as man , doth sanctify us and give us grace . 11. some testimonys from s. r. his epistles , that christ is in the saints , not onely by his gra●es , but by himself . 12. another testimony of calvin . 13. that s. r. speaketh of the man christ his being in the saints . 14. many call that h●rrid blasphemy in us , which they commend in s. r. and others of their own teachers , which is great injustice and partiality . 15. christ his knowing the heart of the samaritan woman , and curing the woman of canaan of her issue of blood , proveth the extension of his soul , and life or spirit aforesaid , as he is the heavenly man. 1. and thus it may appear , how much more truely ( according to the scripture , and our own blessed experience , agreeing most exactly with the experience of the saints of old ) we own and esteeme of the manho●● of christ iesus , above whatever the author of the postscript , or his brethren did acknowledg ; who would exclude the heavenly man or second adam iesus christ altogether out of the very saints : whereas the second adam is the quickening spirit , that raiseth up both soul and body into life , as paul declared . 2. and indeed luther did conceive a most just indignation and zeal against them ( such as this presbyterian is ) who exclude the manhood of christ out of the saints , and confine it to one place . for thus he writeth in his larger confession of the supper of the lord. absit autem , ut ego talem deum agnoscam aut colam , ex his enim consequeretur quod locus & spatium possent duas natur as separare , & personam christi dividere , quam tamen neque mors , neque omnes diaboli dividere aut separare potuere . et quanti tandem obsecro pretii esset talis christus , qui unico tantum loco simul divina & human● person● esset , in omnibus voro locis dun●axat & quidem separatus deus , aut divina persona esset sine assumptâ suâ humanitate ? in english thus : far be it from me , that i should acknowledg , or worship such a god , for hence it should follow , that place and space could separat the two naturs , and divide the person of christ , which neither death , nor all the devils could ever doe . and i pray , of what worth were such a christ , who ●n one onely place should be both a divine and humane person together , but in all other places should be god separat , or a divine person without his assumed humanity . 3. and also those , who embraced the augustan confession in that treatise , called liber concor●●a ; where they give a new declaration of some articles in that confession , upon the head concerning the person of christ , speak their mind very notably , in these following words , which expresse the very something upon the matter , as to the generall , that 〈◊〉 plead for . quare perniciosum error om esse judicamus , quando christo juxta humanitatem , majestas illa derogatur ; christianis enim eâ ratione summa illa consolatio eripitur , quam è promissionibus paulò antè commemoratis de presentiâ & inhabitatione capitis , regis , & summi sui pontificis , haurire poterant . is enim promisi● non modò nudam suam divinitatem ipsis praesto futuram ( quae nobis miseris peccatoribus est tanquam ignis consumens arridissimas stipulas ) se● ille ipse , homo ille , qui cum discipulis loquutu● est , qui omnis generis tribulation●s in assumpt● suâ humanâ naturâ gustavit , qui eâ de causâ nobis ( ut & hominibus & fratribus suis ) cond●lere potest , se in omnibus angustiis nostris nobiscum futurum promisit , secundum eam eciam naturam , juxta quam ille frater noster es● , ● nos caro de carne ejus sumus . in english thus : wherefore ( say they ) we iudge it to be a hurtful● error , when that majesty is derogated from christ , according to his manhood , for by that means , th● most great consolation is robbed from christians , which they could have drawn from the promises , a little before mentioned , concerning the presence and ●ndwelling of their head , king and high priest. for he promised that not onely his godhead should be present with them ( which to us miserable sinners , is as a fire consuming most dry stubble ) but the same , that man , who spake with his disciples , who tasted all kind of tribulations in his assumed manhood ; who for that cause can be grieved with us ( being also men , and his brethren ) did promise that he would be with us in all our afflictions , also according to that nature , by which he is our brother , and we are flesh of his flesh . 4. but the lutherans conceit , that the externall person of christ , not onely virtually , but formally , is in every place ; yea the wole in the whole , and the whole of it in every part ; is so absurd and repugnant unto rational perception ; that from this many have taken occasion , unjustly to deny the truth it self , becaus they did not see how this manner of the lutherans of the ubiquity of the man christ could consist with reason . 5. whereas the manner offered by me , is most consonant both to scripture and reason , yea and almost to sense it self ; for there are sensible examples , by which we may illustrate the manner of it , as namely , that of the stream of light , that floweth from the candle , and filleth the whole house , while as the body of the candle it selfe is but in one place . 6. and what doth that firy streame or river signify , that issued and came forth from the ancient of days , but the extension of the life and spirit of christ , as he is the heavenly man ? and as john rev. 1. describeth him is a wonderfully great man , even that son of man , whom iohn saw , after his ascension , in the midst of the golden candlsticks , even he that liveth and was dead , ver . 18. to shew that it was the man christ , and he had in his right hand seven star●● which are expounded to be the seven angels or pastors of the seven churches . this showeth it is not his externall person , or outward body that is here described , for it is impossible to conceive , how he can hold a number of men in the right hand of his externall person . therefore by his right hand is signified his power , as he is the great heavenly man , which can wel hold all the men that ever were in the world . 7. also this wonderfull extension of the spirit of christ as man in his divine body and seed , is most clearly described hy christ himself , iohn 1 : 51. verily , verily i say unto you , hereafter ye shall see heaven opened , and the angels of god ascending and descending upon the son of man : this is the great and heavenly man christ iesus , who is that ladder which iacob saw in his vision ; the top whereof reached unto heaven , and the foot of it reached the earth . but this can not be the externall person of christ , and therefore it is the spirit of christ , as he is man , or his soul that is extended into us here upon earth , in his heavenly body that he giveth us to feed upon , by means of this heavenly ladder . 8. but when i say , the soul or spirit of christ ● man is extended into us , i do not understand the nephesch of his soul , but the neschamah or nisch●ah , even that divine spirit of life , that god breathed into adam , and is that which solomon calls the candle of the lord searching all the inward parts of the belly ; and iames the ingrafted word , and iohn the word mad flesh , or incarnate word , that dwelleth in us . by the nephesch i understand that of the soul of christ common to him with the souls of other men , as namely , the root and life of the animal senses , and discursive parts . by the neschamah or nischmath i understand , that substantial dignity and excellency of the soul of christ , that it hath in its nature ( being a divine nature , so to speake ) above and beyond the souls of all other men , and spirits of the most excellent and holy angels . but whether his nephe●ch and neschamah be two principles really distinct , or two facultys and powers of one onely principle , i shall not in this place determine , nor is it material to the thing in hand to inquire . 9. again , christ himself hath taught us , that 〈◊〉 spiritual coming in his saints , is as the son of man , matth. 16 : 28. verily i say unto you , there are some standing here , that shall not ●ast ●f death , till they see the son of man coming in his kingdom . this can not be meant of his last coming at the day of judgment , else it would inferr that some that hear him speake these words , have not as yet tasted 〈◊〉 death , nor shall , unto the last day , which is absu●● therefore this coming of the son of man must 〈◊〉 his inward and spiritual coming into his 〈◊〉 again , he said himself , that the father had 〈◊〉 him authority to execut judgment , as he is the 〈◊〉 man , and that the hour should come , wherein 〈◊〉 that are in the gravesshall hear his voyce . and 〈◊〉 told them , that time was in part come already , 〈◊〉 must be understood spiritually and inwardly , at 〈◊〉 in great part , iohn 5 : 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. 10. and according to this i find a very obse●vable saying in calvin , on the epistle to the 〈◊〉 upon these words , for he who 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 who are sanctified are all of one. his words are the 〈◊〉 following : neq●e enim , tantùm q●atenus deus 〈◊〉 nos 〈◊〉 , &c. for ne●ther ●oth he sanctify 〈◊〉 onely as god , but also the vertue or power of his sanct●fying is in his manhood , ( or , humane nature ) 〈◊〉 that is hath it from it self , but that god hath poure● forth a solid fulness of holyness into it , that fro● thence we may all draw , to which pertaineth tha● sa●ing , i for their cause do sanct●fy my self , theref 〈◊〉 if we be profane and unclean , the remedy is not to 〈◊〉 sought afar off , which is offered to us in our flesh● thus calvin . now if he doth sanctify us as man● it is certain , as man be must he in us : for a cause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at a distance , but by some medium or middle ; 〈◊〉 there can be no middle , but the man christ him●●lf , his life or soul extended unto us : for it were a ●ost absurd thing to think , that the manhood of ●hrist doth operate upon the deity , and through 〈◊〉 deity upon us , for the deity is altogether an ●●passible being , by reason of his most infinite perfe●●on . and seing he faith the remedy is not to be ●●ght afa●r off , which is offered to us in our flesh , i 〈◊〉 not how this can be understood of his externall 〈◊〉 , for indeed that is at a great distance from . i know calvin hath a conception that the 〈◊〉 do partake of the flesh or body of the exter●● person of christ , which yet is hardly intelligible , 〈◊〉 we should conceive , that it doth send forth 〈◊〉 exceeding subtile influence upon us : but if it 〈◊〉 so , the argument will hold stronger , that if ●●ody of christ can influence us at such a distance , 〈◊〉 more the soul , seing the soul is more capable 〈◊〉 vast an extension , then the body , but flesh of christ , that the saints feed upon , is 〈◊〉 that divine body , the substance of which is 〈◊〉 another kind , then the outward body , 〈◊〉 much soever made glorious , or spiritual : but body can not sanctify us , without the soul of 〈◊〉 extended into it , for it is rather the soul , o● 〈◊〉 that is the man , then the body ; and holy● can not be properly inherent in any meer body , being the property of an intellectual being , and therefor it can not convey holiness into another , simply by itself , but onely as it is the instrument of the soul , which is the onely proper and immediat subject of holyness . 11. and thus having given an account , not onely from luther , and those who embrace the augustan confession , but also from calvin himself , ( for whom the presbyterians have so great an esteeme ) of the wonderfull power and influence , that the manhod of christ hath in and upon the saints , and of his being so near unto them . let us now see , what their great seer s. r. , as the author of the postscript calleth him , saith to the matter . almost all his epistles , especially the first part , are so full of expressions , concerning that nearness of christ to himself , and of his enjoying his love , and hungering more and more after the enjoyment of it , that it is needless to cite any particular testimonys out of the book for the same : yet for the satisfaction of those that have not read his book of epistles , i shall cite some particular places , holding forth that wonderfull nearness of christ , that i plead for , and that christ himself is present with and in his people , and that he giveth them not onely his comforts and graces , but himself to be enjoyed by them , even in this life . see 1 part , ep. 120. if joy and comforts ( saith he ) came singly and alone without christ himself , i would send them back again , the gate they came , and not make them welcome , but when the kings train cometh and the king in the midst of the company , o how am i overjoyed with floods of love ? this is such a plaine testimony , that it quite destroyeth that deceitfull distinction , that the presbyterian teachers have , when they tell us , christ is in us by his graces , gifts , and operations , but not by himself . for are not his joy and comforts , his gifts , or graces and operations ? and yet s. r. saith , if these came singly and alone without christ himself , he would send them back again the gate they came , and not make them welcome . and indeed christ can not be separat from his graces , no more then the soul can be separat from the love , and joy , that is in it , and emanates from it ; or then the sun can be from his beames , or the fire from its heat . again , see 1 part , ep. 29. i can neither speake nor write feeling nor tasting , nor smelling , come feel , and smell , and tast christ , and his love , and ye shall ●all it more then can be spoken : to write how sweet the honey-comb is , is not so lovely as to eat and suck the honey-comb , one nights rest in a bed of love with christ , will say more then heart can think , or tongue can utter . surely these words hold forth an immediat presence of christ , for we can not tast , nor feel that which is not really present . again , see ep. 191. there is nothing will make you a christian indeed , but a tast of the sweetness of christ , come and see , will speake best to your soul. this plainly implyeth that christ is present , even to them who are not christians indeed , seing to tast of the sweetness of christ is that onely , which makes one who is not a christian indeed , to be a christian. but beside all this , i shall cite some express testimonys for christ his being in the saints . see 1 part . ep. 43. it 's not for nothing that it 's said coloss. 1 : 27. christ in you the hope of glory : i will be content of no pawn of heaven , but christ himself . and 2 part . ep. 1. i have good confidence , madam , that christ iesus , whom your soul throug forrests and mountains is seeking , is within you . many more testimonys may be cited , but these may suffice , to prove that this great seer , in the presbyterians account , did believe that not onely the graces and comforts of christ are in the saints , which are as it were his train and attendants , but that he himself is in the midst of them . and if it be replyed , that by christ his being in the saints , he meant is god , not as man , as we understand it . 12. to this i answer 1. god , or the word or logos singly considered , is not christ , but the word incarnate , or the word made flesh , and planted in us . for christ signifyeth [ anoynted , ] and it is the man christ , that is gods anoynted : and indeed we can not see , nor tast , nor smell , nor feel , of the naked deity of christ , nor converse with christ simply as god , but as god-man , or the word incarnate ; and the presbyterians commonly teach , that there is no accesse to god , nor communion with him , but through the mediator christ jesus , as calvin himself teacheth , for thus he writeth on the hebrews , cap. 1 : ver . 2. that god is no otherwise revealed to us then in christ , for there is so great a brightness in the essence of god , that it blindeth our eyes , till it shine upon us in christ. whence it followeth , that we are as blind men to the light of god , unless it shine to us in christ. by this it is clear , that christ importeth somewhat beside the essence of god , which is his manhood , or as he is the word incarnate . but 2. the presbyterians now adays would not onely exclude christ as man , but even as god , out of his saints , for they are greatly offended at iohn owen , an independent teacher , who in his book on the perseverance of the saints , hath affirmed , that the holy ghost himself doth really indwell in the saints , so that not onely the graces and gifts of the holy ghost , but he himself is an indweller in them , and is united unto them , and they to him : and for this caudry , a presbyterian hath found fault with him . and 3. i shall produce some of s. r. his own words , and leave them to the reader , whether they do not hold forth somewhat of the truth of that , which i plead for , although i believe he had not a distinct and explicite understanding of it . see 2 part , ep. 38. i know ( said he ) god is casten ( if i may so speak ) in a sweet mould and lovely image , in the person of that heavens-iewel the man christ , and that the steps of that s●eep ascent and stair to the godhead , is the flesh of christ , the new and living way . surely these words import no lesse , but that christ as man , although not as to his external person , yet in some other mysterious way , is present with the saints on earth , seing they can not see god , as in himself , but as he is to be seen in that lovely image of the man christ , whose flesh is the steps and stair to the godhead . and therefore we must have that flesh in us , else we can not ascend to any true communion with him in our hearts . 13. but again , see a more express testimony , that the man christ is in the saints , & buddeth forth blossometh and beareth fruit in them part 3. ep. 13. but the plant of renown , the man whose name is the branch , will budd forth again , and blossome as the rose , and there shall be fair white flourishes again , with most pleasant fruits upon that tree of life , a fair season may he have , grace , grace be upon that blessed and beautifull tree , under whose shaddow we shall sit● , and his fruit shall be sweet to our tast again , see 3 part . ep . 8. iesus that flower of jesse , set without hands , getteth many a blast , & yet withers not , becaus he is his fathers ●oble rose , casting a sweet smell through heaven and earth , and must grow ; and in the same garden with him , grow the saints . now i would ask the author of the postcript , do these words of s. r. hold forth a false christ , or another jesus , then the 〈◊〉 jesus , the son of mary ? if they do not , then why doth he accuse the quakers , as holding another christ , onely becaus they speak of christ in them , as formed in them , budding and growing , and bringing forth fruit of life , who is the plant of re●own , the branch , the tree of life , the incorrup●ible root , the seed , and word ingrafted . and surely it is impossible to understand how the man christ jesus casts a sweet smell through heaven and earth , if he is not present both in heaven and earth . again , see 1 part . ep. 127. if christ b●d and grow green , and blossome , and bear seed again in scotland , and his father send him two summers again , in one year , and bless his crop . o what cause ●ave we to rejoyce in the free salvation of our lord , and to set up our banners , in the name of our god! i have cited these passages the rather , becaus many presbyterian teachers , as wel as others , when they hear , or read such words as proceeding from us , namely , that christ is a seed or plant of life in us , growing , sprouting , budding , blossoming and bearing fruit , and that this heavenly seed and plant , is a tender plant , as he is so called in scripture , that is bruised and wounded by mens sins , and hindered to bring forth fruit in them , that give place to sin , but groweth strong , and becometh exceeding fruitfull , in all them , that joyn to it , and love it , and deny those things that are contrary to its nature , such as all kinds of sin are ; then they cry out , horrid blasphemy , this is to deny the true christ of god , the son of mary . 14. but if these expressions be found & orthodox in s. r. i hope they are not blasphemous in us , seing we hold forth no other christ jesus , but the same that all the saints believed in , and was of mary and david , according to the flesh , and before them , and the father and lord of them , according to the spirit , who is the saints hiding-place in all ages , as it is written isaiah 32 : 2. and the man ( to wit , the man christ ) shall be as an hiding-place from the wind and a covert from the tempest , as rivers of wat●r in a dry place , as the shaddow of a great rock in a weary land . surely this is a great and mighty man , so that we may justly say , as these did of old , what manner of man is this , whom the ●●inds and sea obey ? for indeed he commands the winds and the sea ▪ and all the creaturs , to whom all power is given in heaven and earth : and though he hath his deputys and servants under him , yet they can doe nothing without him . 15. and therefore he himself is every where present , and knoweth , seeth and perceiveth all things . he knoweth the most secret thoughts and actions of all men , both good and ; he told the woman of samaria , who had been a bad and evil woman , all that ever she did , even the man christ jesus , as she her self did acknowledge , and went and preached him to others , come , said she , and see a man , that told me all that ever i did , is not this the christ ? but to say , he told this as knowing it by revelation from the father , and not as the man christ jesus ▪ is to equall other prophets unto him , who knew the thoughts of men by revelation , and indeed to weaken the argument , that she brought , to prove , that he was the christ , becaus this man told her all : but seing this man knew all her deeds and thoughts immediatly , and needed not divine revelation , to know them , therefore he was indeed the true christ , for no other man had such a priviledg , and certainly he told her much more inwardly , then outwardly , and therefore he was in her , to wit , by his life , light and spirit . and how could the woman , that was cured of her bloody-issue , by touching the hem of his garment , have touched him , luk 8. if his spirit and soul or life had not extended into her , for her touch was not a bare outward touch , nor did she touch his body , but onely the hem of his garment , and although many touched him beside , in the great presse of people , yet he felt her touch , that was another sort , then all the other touches ; even a spiritual touch , so that her spirit reached unto his spirit , and drew from it , out of his body , and he feeling this , said , who touched me ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; albeit it was a woman , that touched him , and he did ask the question in the masculine article ; and indeed a masculine and vigorous touch it was ; her spirit being raised by faith , into a masculine and heavenly vigour , touched his spirit , and drew vertue from him , and therefore his spirit reached unto her , that did both so draw forth her spirit towards him , and also did convey unto her that healing vertue . and surely many thousands have as really touched him , as she did , by the spiritual touch of faith , who never had his outward body , or external person present to touch it , and have drawn virtue from him , whereby their souls have been cured , and some also have found their bodys cured and restored to health . section xiii . 1. if by [ common ] be understood , that christ is gods free gift , we acknowledg him so [ common . ] 2. the life and light otherwise in the son of mary , then in us . 3. christ 〈◊〉 truely mediator , in the saints , as without them , in heaven , proved out of john 17 : 23. and rom. 8. 4. the seed of regeneration is sown by christ the son of man. 5. god the father is greater then christ as m●n . 6. the omnipresence of the manhood of christ in all creaturs doth not confound his godhead with his manhood . 7. that scripture luk 2 : 49. opened . 8. the 6 , 7 , and 8 ▪ charges utterly false . 9. the presbyterian teachers make the devil greater , and of a larger extent then the heavenly manhood of christ , to the great dishonour of our blessed saviour . 10. the quakers put not their prophets and teachers in christs roome , but acknowledg him exalted above all creatures , more then the presbyterians . 11. the blindness and darkness of the author of the postscript , that denyeth the saints to have any measure of that light that was , or is in christ. 12. how furr the author of the postscript hath outshot himself , in denying christ to be in the saints . and thus having by many scripture testimonys , and arguments builded thereupon , together also with the testimonys of others , and some of the presbyterians own prophets , so fully proved , that christ is in the saints , yea and in a true sense , in all men , and in all things , as god is . before i close this particular head , i shall a little more narrowly consider the author of the postscript his words in in the 5 charge . he saith , we affirme christ to be a common sort of thing . his designe is easily to be seen here , as if we undervalued christ , but it is no undervaluing of him , to call him a thing , seing the angel called him that holy thing , luk 1 : 35. that holy thing which shall be born of thee , shall be called the son of god. and this holy thing we say is in all men . 1. but if by common he mean , either that it is of mens nature , or that all men have the enjoyment of it , in that sense i deny that it is common , for it is not of men , but it is in the nature of it , a most rare , divine , and singular thing ; and though it be in all , yet it can be enjoyed by none , but them who are saints . but to understand by common , that it is the free gift of god unto all , whereby all may be saved , in that sense we do not deny it to be common : nor doth its being common derogate any thing from its excellency , for , bonum quo communius , co melius , a good thing the more common it be , the better it is . is not god a common creator , and yet he is not the less good or exce●lent ; so nor is christ the less good or excellent , that he is a common saviour , in so farr that he doth put life and salvation within the reach of every man in a day of visitation , that they may be saved . 2. but the summe or substance of this his 5 charge is false , namely that we affirme , that christ is in every man , as he was in the son of mary , for we say . the son of mary is christ himself , and though his light and life , and spirit or soul be in ●s and in all men , yet not so as in the son of mary , for it is in him in the fulness , and in us onely by emanation from him . it is he , the son of mary , that giveth us this living water , who is th fountain and spring of it : whereas the stream of it is but in us , and god who is light is otherwise in the son of mary , or man-christ , then in us , or any other men , for he is in him by an immediate union and communion : whereas he is in us but by the man christ , as in regard of union and communion ; so that our union and communion with god is but mediat through him . 3. and this wonderfull mystery christ himself doth clearly hold forth , ioh. 17. verse 23. i in them and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one . observe here , an excellent order ; christ in the saints and god in christ , so that as in respect of union god is not immediately in us , nor immediatly united with us , nor we with him , but god is in christ and christ is in us . and so god through christ is in us , and thus christ doth declare himself to be the mediator betwixt god and man , as he is in them , thou in me and i in them , here christ is the midle-man or mediator as being in the saints , which confuts the gross and most comfortless doctrin of the prebyterians and others , who affirme that christ as mediator is only without us , in heaven , and is not mediator in us , whereas he himself in this place hath declared the contrary , thou in me and i in them , that they may be made perfect in one ; so that of all things visible and invisible , christ is next unto god , and most near unto him , as in regard of union and communion , and then the saints by their union with christ are united also unto god , and he unto them . and if christ be mediator in the saints , then he is man , or the word incarnate , in them , for the word or logos simply considered , is not mediator , becaushe is of a nature as remote from us , as the father , being one essence or substance with him , and indeed it is the man christ , that spoke these words in prayer unto his father , for the logos simply considered is god himself , and cannot be supposed to pray unto god , for that to which one prayeth is greater then he that doth pray : and it is the man christ , or word incarnate , who said , my father is greater then i , so that christ as man is inferiour to god , & this is the same spirit of christ , as man , that prayeth and maketh intercession unto god in the saints , rom 8. and hath done so from the beginning , and by whom the children of men in all ages have received grace from god. 4. for the seed of gods grace , which is the true ●●●d of regeneration that hath been sowne in all ages of the world , as well before as since christ did outwardly come in the flesh , was sown by the son of man , to wit , the man christ jesus , as he hath expressly taught himself , math. 13. 37. he that soweth the good seed , is the son of man , who is the good and friendly man , and therefore he hath been in all ages and places of the world , becaus he hath sown his seed in the world , and not in some corner of it onely ; and the seed which he hath sowen is the i●grafted word , even a measure of the same divine and heavenly nature , light & life that is in himself , as he is the heavenly man , or lord from heaven . 5. whose nature as man , is heavenly and divine , all though it be inferiour to the god head , for he said , my father is greater then i , nor will his ●mnipresence and omnipercipiency prove , that , as man , he is as great as the father for the whole universe of created beings of heaven and earth , visible and invisible , are as the dust of the ballance , and drop of the bucket , in comparison of god. 6. and therefore that the heavenly man christ jesus , his spirit , light and life , doth every where extend it self into all things , will not prove that christ , as man , is equall unto god ; nor yet confound his god-head and man-hood , it only proveth that the man christ jesus is a great and mighty and most excellent being , farre above all , and excelling all men and angells , and all other angelicall and heavenly powers , and principallitys ; which is a most certain truth , and therefore do all the angels worship him ▪ as they are commanded . 7. and this universall presence of his in all things he declared himself , when mary his mother according to the flesh , with her husband ioseph did seek , him ; among the multitude , why did yee seek me ( said he ) did yee not know that i must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the things of my father . luk ▪ 2. 49. and verse 50. they understood not that saing which he spake unto them , and indeed many at this day do not understand it , which place of scripture dionysius of alexandria , brought against paulus samosatenus to prove , that christ was before mary , and if christ was before mary , he was not only god , but man , for it is the man or word incarnate , that is the christ , or anointed of the father and not the word or god-head simply considered . his 6 , 7 , and 8 , charges are , that we affirme iesus , the true christ the son of mary , to be onley an ordinary vessell , which containeth ●his light , as the spirit of every other holy man doth , and so not only pulling down our exalted prince from his throne of glory , but putting our false prophets ( as he calls them ) in his place , cloathing them with the glory of his proper titles , as being christ as wel as he , becaus containing the same light with his . 8. answ. that these charges are exceeding false and unjustly layd upon us will abundantly appear , from what is already said , in answer to the former , and therefore i need say the lesse , onely to let the reader know that we are so farre , from affirming jesus the true christ , the son of mary to be onely an ordinary vessell &c. that we both believe and affirme him to be a most wonderfull and extraordinary vessel , and that both in respect of his soul and body , as having the center and spring of that divine light , life and nature , whereof we have but the ray and streame . and though the vessels of other men have the light in them , yet they contain it not , but it rather contains them , for the greater is not contained in the lesser , but the lesser in the great●r . and thus we do not pull down our exalted prince from his throne of glory , but acknowledge ●im more exalted , then our adversarys do , who ●ould confine and limit him to one place , and ●●ltogether exclude him , as man , from having any ●●rone in the hearts of his people : whereas they do ●●knowledge that the devil is in all wicked men , 〈◊〉 and good men also , and yet they will not ac●nowledge christ to be in all , nay not in any , good ●en upon earth . 6. and thus they make the devil greater then 〈◊〉 , which is no small dishonour to our blessed sa●iour : and they who deny him to be in men , even 〈◊〉 the saints , seing he is really in them ( conforme 〈◊〉 to the testimony of scripture and the experience of them who know and witness him revealed in them ) are denyers of him , as really as they who denyed him when he came in the flesh . 10. again , that we put our prophets ( whom he falsly calleth false prophets ) in the place of christ , cloathing them with the glory of his proper titles , as being christ , as wel as he , becaus containing the same light with his , is such a grosse and manifest lye and forgery , that a greater can not be invented , for we do exalt him both with our hearts and mouths , above , not onely , all men of our own profession , but above all men and angels , and that beyond all comparison ; yea we exalt him more then this our acc●ser , or any of his brethren , even as man , as having a substantiall dignity and excellency , belonging to him as man , above all men and angels whatsomever : nor will it in the least follow from our principles , that becaus we have a measure of his light and life in us , that therefore we put our selves in his place , or roome , as is already cleared : for he has it in the fulnesse , in whom the fulnesse of the godhead dwelleth bodily ; and god gave not the spirit unto him by measure ; whereas whatever light , or life , vertue or excellency we or any saints , or angels have , is derived from him , and is but a measure of his fulnesse : and god the father dwelleth in him immediately , but in us ●mediately through him , as is above declared and opened , from iohn 17 : 23. 11. and what a blind and dark man is this , that will not acknowledge that the saints have any thing of that light in them , which christ hath in himself ! let him tell us , and prove it from scripture , if he can , that christ putteth any other light , or spirit in his people then that which is in himself . but the contrary is manifest from scripture , that it is one and the same spirit , light and life , both in him , and in them . but if some , more sober then this author , will acknowledge , that christ is really in the saints ; albeit they do not understand how he is in all men ; to such i say , viz , who affirme christ to be in the saints , that , by this mans argument , to ●it , the author of the postscript , they deny the true christ , the son of david , and mary , and set up the saints in the place of christ , as being christ , as well as he , becaus , as he saith , containing the same light. 12. let them consider how farre the author of the postscript hath outshot himself in this particular , and in stead of pleading for the true christ , hath in effect denyed him , and robbed all the saints of god , of having him in them , expresse contrary to the scripturs . and i have often wondered how ●hese men will so freely acknowledge , and plead for ●he devil his being in all wicked men , and yet de●y that christ is in all good men : yea seing they ●lead , that all good men , while they live on earth , have sin , and sin daily in thought , word and deed ; yea continually : they must also acknowledg , that in so farre as sin is in them , the devil is in them , who is the father of all sin : and yet they will not have christ to be in all , no not in the saints ; which sheweth them to be extreamely blind and inconsiderate . and i would ask them this one question , do they think that the devil is a spirit of a larger and greater extension , then the soul or spirit of christ as man ? if they say , nay : then christ is in all men . if they say , that the devil is a greater spirit , then the spirit of christ , as man ; then they plainly declare , that the devil is greater then christ , which is horrid and detestable blasphemy . section xiv . 1. that the presbyterian teachers set themselvs in the place of christ. 2. they goe back to the church of rome , and her popes , to prove their call . 3. they labour to turn people from christ in th●mselv●s . 4. t●at they may keep up their trade and gain . 5. who love to hear christ in themselves , love to hear him in others . 6. the author of the postscript his blasphemy against the true christ of god in mens hearts . 7. he is better skilled in the art of railing , then in the way of disputing . 8. the christian quakers love and honour all true ministers of christ iesus . 9. an old policy of satan , to call the ministers of anti-christ , ministers of christ , as among papists and presbyterians . 10. why we cannot joyn with presbyterian teachers . 1. and whereas he falsly accuseth us , as puting any of our prophets in the place of christ ; this may be justly retorted back upon him and his brethren , who deny the immediate presence , and immediate revelation , and teachings of christ in his people ; and so they set themselves indeed in the place of christ , crying up the necessity of mens teachings , and crying down the necessity of the teachings of christ in peoples ●earts . and they tell the people , that they must heare them , and learn of them , else they can not be saved , and if any refuse to heare them , and learn of them , they accurse them . 2. and yet they can not give any sufficient account of their call from christ to preach , but do generally in these days goe back to the apostate church of rome , and her popes and bishops , whom they have so often called babylon and anti-christ , to derive their call , as even iames durham a great presbyterian teacher hath done in his book on the revelation . but if people come to hearken to the t●achings of christ in them , and believe in the same , hey turne desperate enemys against them , and do all they can to stirre up the magistrate , to persecute them ; as indeed it is the presbyterian teachers , especially the mongrell sort of them , that are the great occasion of our present persecution . and in effect , this is their language upon the matter , heare us , and learn of us , but heare not christ within you , learn not of him , as he teaches you in your hear●s , as the quakers tell you ye ought to do , for there is no true christ in you at all : that which reproves you for sin in your hearts , is not the true christ , but a false , nor is it the least measure of that light , which was in him , that shineth in your hearts , and lets you see your sins ▪ this light in you can not teach you the saving knowledg of god , nor lead you unto god , although ye should follow it never so faithfully , but we can teach you the true and saving knowledge of god , and if ye doe what we ●id you doe , ye shall certainly be saved , we can pawn our soules for you , therefore heare us , and ye shall be saved . 3. but if ye heare not us , ye can not expect salvation , we are the alone ambassadours , that god hath sent unto you to teach you , and lead you into the kingdom of god ; you need no other immediate teacher , or preacher , nay , ye need not that christ should be in you at all , you need no immediate teachings of christ or of god at all : immediate revelations are ceased since the apostles dayes , and there is no use of them , means are so plentifull . i appeal to all sober and impartial men , if this be not to set up themselvs in the place of christ. 4. and what 's the cause that these men are so great enemys to the immediate teachings of christ in the hearts of people , but that they feare that if people come to receive the teachings of christ in their hearts , they will deny them as false teachers , and so their trade and gain will down . 5. but all true preachers , they preach not themselvs , but christ jesus , as the apostles did , and they preach him not onely ascended into heaven , and as being in heaven , but they preach him also as being in the hearts of people , saying , the word is near thee , in thy mouth and in thy heart , rom. 10 : deut. 30. and all true preachers are glad , that people come to know christ , and learn of him in their hearts : and they are assured that they who are come to learne of christ immediately , will never despise or reject the ministry of those whom christ doth send , and in whom he speaks , for the sheep of christ hear his voyce , wherever it soundeth , and they who love to heare christ in themselvs , love also to heare him in others , and receive the word , not as the word of men , but as it is indeed the word of god. and thus i have gone through the eight particular charges , wherewith he hath so falsly charged us ; and in plainness and simplicity of heart , declared our beliefe concerning them , and how that we owne the true christ , as true and perfect god , and as true and perfect man , who , as concerning the flesh , was the son of david , and of mary , but yet was before mary and david , and all men ; who is the son of god , blessed for evermore . 6. and seing these 8 false charges are the onely foundation , on which the author of the postscript builds all his other calumnys , and his whole discourse , his sandy foundation being removed , his building falls with shame upon his own head : and i wish his eyes may be opened by that light , he hath so maliciously reproached , that he may see , what that spirit is , that hath led him so to blaspheme the true christ of god in mens hearts : for certainly it is not the spirit of christ , but of satan , seing no man speaking by the spirit of god calleth iesus accursed , as paul declared . o that he may be made to looke upon him whom he hath pierced ( in his tender life , and seed in his own heart , by such malitious and envious speeches ) and mourn bitterly for so doing , and doe so no more , that he may find mercy of the lord ! 7. it were a needless labour to follow him ▪ in all the rest of his discourse , or to give a particular reply to every sentence , the whole containing no arguments , to prove us guilty of such things ; he had done more as a man , and as a christian , to have charged us with some things that we did truely hold , and if he did suppose them to be errours , to have endeavoured to refute them with solid arguments , brought from scripture and sound reason ; nothing of which he hath done , but raileth on from the beginning to the end . it seemeth verily that he is better skilled in the art of railing ( which is a black art , to be sure , too familiar to the tribe of black-coats ) then in the way of disputing . but i shall take notice of one thing before i leave him , as where he saith . pag. 12. from line 15. as the ministers of iesus christ are the men in the world , against whom they have the most pure and perfect hatred , so it is against those ministers more particular●y , who are most tender and ●difying , and by whose labouring among the people , their lord and master who sent them , sees of the travel of his soul , and is satisfied , that they as the ministers of satan set themselvs , very fit messengers are they , if any were caught up to the third heaven , to b●ffe● him , i appeall in this matter to the experience and observation of all , who take notice of their way , and how little they trouble others , their master fearing little , or finding little dammage to his dominion and kingdom , by these lazy lie-byes , and idle loyterers . 8 ▪ answ. this is like the rest of his false accusations : we hate no mens persons , but their vices , and farre be it from us , to oppose any of the true ministers of iesus christ , nay , we love them , and honour them , for their works sake , and we judge ourselvs bound in conscience , at all occasions to heare them , and countenance them , but such men as call themselvs the ministers of christ , and after triall , are found not to be his ministers , or sent of him , we find ourselvs called of god to deny them , and witness against them , as christ did against the pharisees of old , and as the prophets did against the false prophets , who taught for gain and rewards . 9. this hath been an old policy of satan , which many have used in former times , to call themselvs with such splendid names , as ministers of christ , and of the gospel , when they have been rather ministers of satan , and of anti-christ . the popish priests and bishops doe the same , and the pope calleth himself servus servorum dei , a servant of the servants of god. and indeed this is one of the great stumbling-blocks , that the popish clergy and priests lay in the way of the people , to keep them in blindness and superstition , and beget a prejudice in them , against the protestants , and dissenters from the popish church . oh! say they , these men are abominable hereticks , who deny our holy mother church , and her holy priests and bishops , and our holy father the pope , whom christ hath appoynted , and set up as his vicar upon earth . and then they reckon up so many holy priests , and bishops , and so many holy fathers , as have been , and are in their church . and thus they seek to deceive the people , and to speake freely , i do not question it , but there have been some in the popish church , who had as great pretences to holyness , and looked as like holy men , as any to be found of the presbyterian teachers . and i judge , the presbyterians themselvs will not generally conclude , that for these many hundreds of years , there have been no holy men in the church of rome , which yet hath been an apostate church , for many hundred years , and yet all this will not prove , that we ought to joyne to the church of rome , becaus of some men that have lived in it , or may as yet be in it , that may be really as holy , and of as good a life and conversation , as any the presbyterians can name among themselvs . and the like may be said of the lutheran church , and church of england , which is episcopal , i suppose this author and his brethren will not be so uncharitable , as to conclude there are no holy men in the episcopal church , or that no bishop is a holy man : and i question not , but they can instance some among lutherans and papists also , that have taken and do take as great pains to preach , as any presbyterian preacher ever did , and greater also . some of the popish priests have travell'd into the remotest parts of the world , to preach , and they alledge they have preached christ , as much as the presbyterians alledge they preach him at home . xaverius a papist preached to the chineses , and was at greater pains , then any presbyterian that ever i heard of , for they commonly nest themselves at home , and enjoy as much bodily ease and pleasure , as other men , they seldom preach out of their own parishes : but i never heard of any of them goe and preach to heathens , where the name of christ hath not outwardly been mentioned , as many in the popish church have done . nor will it solve the matter to say , that though there have been some holy preachers in the popish church , yet they preached many errors with some truths , and therefore since the light is broke up more clearely , they are now to be turned away from , although in these dark times it might have pleased god to make some of them instruments of salvation to peoples souls , which may as yet be , where a further manifestation is not given of god. for the same answer will as wel serve us against the presbyterians , as it will serve them against the papists . admitt then that there may be some holy men among the presbyterian teachers , and that at times the spirit of god hath breathed through them ( when they did little notice it , and had not that care to attend his breathings , and movings , so as onely to speak by them ) and that when the spirit thus breathed through them , they have been instrumentall to the salvation of some souls ; yet becaus these men did also preach many errours , and did not regard the inward call and movings of the spirit of god , as they should have done , but spake more frequently without them , then with them ; and in their own will , beginning and ending with the houre-glasse : as also becaus they laid too great weight on the bare outward call of men , and on meer natural and acquired abili●ys , and have affirmed , that grace or piety is not essentiall to a minister of christ , and have not preached the pure truth , as it is in iesus , but for most part , grosse errours , as namely , that gods grace is not vniversal , that immediat revelation is ceased , that we must sin for terme of life , that men may committ murder and adultery , and yet be in a justifyed state , and perfectly justifyed at that instant . 10. i say , for these and many others causes , we can not owne them , as ministers of christ according to the pure order of a gospell ministry , and especially because they take hire and wages , as much as any , they are hirelings . yet we do really make a difference , betwixt those who are more tender and conscientious , and others ; and are glad to meet with any such , for they are very thin scattered at this day . and if we take more paines on such , then upon others , & some times give them a sound thresh , it is in love to them , and in hope to find corn among them , which we expect less to find among the profane , whom he calleth lazy lie-byes , and idle loyteres , and yet such men were the farre greaters part of the presbyterian ministry in its most flourishing time . section . xv. 1. many unsound and unsavory expressions in s. r. his epistles . 2. yet he both experienced and declared of immediat revelation , and the spirits immediat teachings . 3. he confessed there was a gate of finding christ , that he had never lighted upon . 4. the christian quakers know this gate , which is to wait upon him in the shinings of his divine light in their hearts , being retired unto the same in pure silence . 5. silent wayting proved from many scriptures . 6. an observable confession of s. r. that the presbyterians have stinted a measure of so many ounce weights upon holynes , and no more . 7. some very observable testimonys out of the book called , the fullfilling of the scripturs ( highly commended by the presbyterians ) to some of the chief and main principles , experiences and practices of the people , called , quakers . 8. a great out-leting of the spirit in the west of scotland about the year 1625. 9. called by the profane rabble the stewarton sicknes : that caused a strange unusuall motion on the hearers , that some were made to fall over in the place and were carryed out . 10. the same life and power of god , and out-letting of his spirit , but more clearly , is now among the christian quakers . 11. many presbyterians now joyn with the profane rabble , to call these unusuall motions ( the reall effects of gods spirit among us ) the signs of some diabolicall possession . 12. the author of the postscript guilty of this impiety . 13. many presbyterians , like the scribes and pharisees , who profeffed to owne the spirit of god in moses and the prophets and denyed the same spirit in christ and the apostles . 14. that glory that s●ined forth among them , disappeared , when they turned persecuters of others . 15. an objection answered . 16. the author of the fullfilling of the scripturs affirmeth , that there was an apostolick spirit lett out upon the first reformers , which is inconsistent with their doctrine that immediat revelation is ●eased . 17. that robert bruce had an extraordinary call to the ministry . 18. that he keeped silence for a considerable time before he preached , as the preachers among the christian quakers do . 19. he had the spirit of discerning to know when a man preached not by the spirit of god , and when he did , which is our experience also . 20. the author confesseth it is something else to be a minister of iesus christ , then to be a knowing and eloquent preacher , which is contrary to the presbyterian doctrine now , and according to the doctrine of the christian quakers . 21. robert bruce , his prophecy , that the ministry of scotland would prove the greatest persecuters , that the gospell ●ad , fullfilled . 22. a wonderfull influence that robert bruce his prayer had not only upon those present but on some absent , that heard not his words . 23. the said author confesseth , that the presbyterians , are grossely mistaken concerning some scripture truthes , and promises , that after shall be made clear . this we know fullfilled . 24. a loving exhortation to professors . 25. he doth acknowledge immediat teachings . 26. he calls their own prayers many times a peice of invention rather then a matter of earnest with the lord. 27. he commendeth it in robert bruce , that he would not goe to preach without the lord , which is contrary to the presbyterian doctrine in our dayes . 28. he commends many things in th●se men that presbyterians now condemn and reproach under the name of quakerism . having in my answer to the postscript refered unto some places in s. r. his epistles , and also unto that other book , called the fullfilling of the scripturs : i shall in this last section , cite some passages that do sufficiently answer unto those referrs . 1. in my first section , i say , that i doe find very many unsound and unsavoury expressions in s. r. his epistles , that the life and spirit of christ in my heart doth not only not bear witness for , but against , and indeed the scripture also doth beare witnesse against them . of this sort i shall cite a few of many , 1 part . ep. 12. the bible beguiled the pharisees . surely this is a very unsound and unwary expression , and i dare say , had such an expression dropt from the penn of any called a qua●er , it would have been called blasphemy . the pharisees beguiled themselves , in wre●ting and misunderstanding the scriptures , as the priests do in our days ; but the bible , or scripture is altogether innocent of this . again , 1 part . ep. 88 i am sure christ hath by his death and blood ●asten the knot so fast , that the fingers of devils and hell-fulls of sins can not loose it . this is expressly contrary to the scripturs testimony , that saith , your iniquitys have separated betwixt me and you . surely such sin-pleasing doctrine , although it be sweet in the mouths of professors , yet it is most unwholesom for their souls , as sweet poyson : why did the lord threaten the romans , the ephesians , the laodiceans , to cutt them off , remove their candle●ick , and spue them out of his mouth , for their sins ▪ if this mans doctrine be true , that hell-fulls of sins ●an not loose the knot ? is not this to embolden people in all manner of sin , to tell them that hellfulls of sins can not separate them from christ ? if he had said , those that are come to witnesse the indissolvible bond , or knot , betwixt christ and them , are preserved pure , and free from all great and grosse ●ins , at least ; he had said more according to the truth , and the scripturs testimony , which saith , he that abideth in christ , sinneth not . and , if the righteous man turn from righteousnesse , it shall be forgotten . again , 1 part . ep. 181. we have need of a saviour to pardon the very diseases and faul●s and weaknesses of the new man , and to take away ( to say so ) out godly sins , or the sins of our sanctification , the dross● and scumme of spirituall love . this is very un●ound to charge sin and filthynesse upon the work of the spirit of god in the hearts of his people : whereas the scripture saith , his work is perfect . and indeed how can any impure thing proceed from the spirit of god , that is altogether a most pure and holy spirit ? again , 2 part . ep. 7. he who is woer and suiter , should not be an house-hold-man with you , till ye and he come up to his fathers house together . this is contrary to the scripture , which saith , i will dwell in them , and walk in them . and if any man will keep my commandments , my father and i will come and make our abode with him . hence the saints on earth are called gods temple and house . again , 2 part . ep. 48. the fruits that grow here , are all seasoned and salted with sin . a grosse , unsavoury expression ! are the fruits of the spirit , aslove , ioy , peace , gentlenesse , goodnesse , faith , long-suffering , meeknesse , temperance , &c. all salted and seasoned with sin ? how then could the lord relish and accept them ? again , 3 part . ep. 9. howb●it we be but half-hungered of christ here . this is contrary to the promises of the lord , and experience of the saints : did not david say , my cup overfloweth ? and is it not said in the song , eat , o friends , drink abundantly , o beloved ? and is it not promised in the new convenant , they shall not hunger and thirst , & c. ? and said paul , that ye may be filled with the fulnesse of god. and of barnabas it is said , he was a good man , and full of the holy ghost . it 's true all that is received in this life , is but as a first-fruits , and earnest of that to come ; yet there is a very blessed and large enjoyment of christ to be attained here , so that the faithfull can say , they want no good thing , and although they hunger , yet it is not for famine or want , but to sharpen their appetite . yea in contradiction to himself he ●aith , 1 part . ep. 128. pray for me his prisoner , that he would be pleased to bring me among you again , full of christ , &c. and 1 part . ep. 140. o thirsty love , wilt thou set christ the well of life to thy head , and drink thy fill , drink and spare not , drink love , and be drunken with christ. but doth this agree with his former expression of being half-hungered of christ here in this life ? again , 1 part . ep. 62. he saith [ reprobats are not formally guilty of contempt of god , and misbelief , becaus they apply not christ , and the promises of the gospell to themselvs in particular , for so they should be guilty becaus they believe not a lye , which god never oblieged them to believe . ] but this is to make god guilty of hypocrisy , that reproveth the world of unbelief , and offereth faith and salvation unto all ; nor doth god obliege them to believe a lye , becaus christ hath given himself a ransome for all , and dyed for all , as the scriptures expressly declare . again , see 1 part . ep. 3. except a man mar●yr and slay the body of sin , in sanctifyed self-denyall , they shall never be christs martyrs and faithfull witnesses . and yet in contradiction , he saith within 20 lines in the same epistle , howbeit we can not attain to this denyall of me and mine , that we can say , i am not my self , my self is not my self , mine own is no longer mine own , yet our aiming at this in all we doe shall be accepted . this is another sin-pleasing doctrine , plaine contrary to the scripture , which faith , unlesse a man deny himself , &c. it doth not say , if he aime at it , he shall be accepted . surely this is to ●ue pillows under mens arme-holes , and to embolden them in sin ; for who will not say , they aime at self-deniall , although they attaine not unto it ? again , see 1 part . ep. 14. some are partakers of the holy ghost , and tast of the good word of god , and of the powers of the life to come , and ye● have no part in christ at all : cit●ing heb. 6 : 4. but this is a grosse contradiction , seing none are partakers of the holy ghost , but by christ. but these mentioned heb. 6 : 4. are such as having a part in christ , may fall from him . again , see 1 part . ep. 50. the best regenerate have their defilements , and ( if i may speak so ) their draff-pack , that will clogg behind them all their days , and wash as they will , there will be fil●h in their bosome . a most unfavoury and unsound expression ! contrary to the promises of god , and the experience of many that witnessed a cleansing from all filthinesse and sin . again , 1 part . ep. 27. all christs good bairns goe to heaven with a broken brow , and with a crooked legge . contrary to scripture , which faith , thou shalt walk in the way safely , and thy feet shall not stumble , prov. ● : 23. and christ is a perfect physician , who , as he cured the lame bodys of those that believed in him , perfectly , so doth he cure the lame ●ouls of all his people , even perfectly ; for no imperfect thing can enter into heaven . again , see 1 part . ep. 20. we are fools to be browden , and fond of a pawn in the loof of our hand , living on trust by faith , may wel content us . this he speaks as reproving such , who seek after spirituall feelings , and sensible enjoyments of christ , which is according to his brethrens doctrine , that teach we should not seek to live by sense , ( to wit , spirituall sense ) but by faith ; a grosse and unsound doctrine ! as if faith and sense spirituall were opposite : whereas faith doth always , in some measure , imply some one spirituall sense or other , for unlesse we spiritually heare , or feel christ in some measure , we can not believe in him , faith cometh by hearing , saith the apostle ; and is not faith a laying hold on christ with the hands of our soul ? and how can we doe this , without all sense or feeling of him in a spirituall way ? surely the natural and outward senses are no more necessary for the preservation of the naturall life , then the inward and spiritual senses are necessary for the preservation of the spiritual life of the soul. also he hath frequently in his epistles , too airy and frothy expressions , no wise beseeming the weight of the matter those expressions relate unto , as 1 part . ep. 120. christ see●eth to leave heaven ( to say so ) and his court , and come down to laugh and play with a daft bairne . again , 1 part . ep. 91. will not a father take his little dated davie in his armes , and carry him over a ditch or a mire ? again , 1 part . ep. 121. o if i could dote ( if i may make use of that word in this place ) as much upon himself , as i do upon his love . this is a hint of some of these many unworthy , unsound and stumbling expressions , which are to be ●ound in his epistles , which i had not medled with to discover , but becaus many , and especially the publisher , do so idolize this book of s. r. his epistles , as if there were none beyond it , except the bible . 2. in my second section i say that s. r. in his more pure times both experienced and declared of immediate revelation , and the spirits immediate teachings , as his epistles abundantly witnesse : also that he plainly declareth , he had the counsell and mind of god in some things not to be found in scripture . see for this , besides the testimonys i have already cited in the answer , these following , 1 part . ep. 2. it was not without [ god 's special direction ] that the first sentence , that ever my mouth uttered to you , was that of john 9 : 39. again , 1 part . ep. 9. it is little to see christ in a book , as men do the world in a card , 〈…〉 of christ by the book and the tongue , and no more ; but to come nigh christ , and hausse him , and imbrace him , is another thing . again 1 part . ep. 9. o his perfumed face , his fair face , his lovely and kindly kisses have made me a poor prisoner see there is more to be had of christ in this life , then i believed , we think all is but a little earnest , a four-houres , a small tasting we have , or is to be had in this life ( which is true compared with the inheritance ) but yet i know it is more , it is the kingdom of god within us . again , 2 part . ep. 2. o blessed soul , that can leap over a man , and look above a pulpit up to christ , who can preach home to the heart , howbeit we are all dead and rotten . again , 2 part . ep. 8. and sure i am it is better to be sick , providing christ come to the bed-side , and draw by the curtains , and say , courage , i am thy salvation , then to enioy health being lusty and strong , and never to be visited of god. again , 1 part . ep. 35. but at other times he will be messenger himself , and i get the cup of salvation out of his own hand . again , o how sweet is a fresh ●isse from his holy mouth , his breathing , that goeth before a ●isse upon my poor soul , is swe●t , and hath no fault , but that it is too short . but that he ●aith , ●hat christ drinketh to him , is a froathy and un●avoury expression , used by him in that same epistle . and 3 part . ep. 22. anent his transplanting he ●aith , what god saith to me in the ●ussinesse ▪ i resolve 〈…〉 doe . and 1 part . ep. 85. now and then my silence burneth up my spi●t , but christ hath said , thy stipend is running up with interest in heaven , as if thou 〈◊〉 preaching , and this from a kings mouth rejoyceth my heart . and , 3 part . ep. 37. christ hath said to me , mercy , grace and peace for marjon 〈◊〉 . again , 1 part . ep. 154. we but stand beside christ , we goe not unto him , to take our fill of him , but if ●e should doe 〈◊〉 things , 1. draw the curtains and make bare his holy face , and then 2. clear our dim and bleared eyes to see his beauty and glory , he should find many lovers . this place is remarkable , for it holdeth forth both immediat subjective and objective revelation , according as the nationall teachers do themselvs define it , and indeed his words in all these testimonyes import no less . again . 1. part . ep. 201. o that ●e would strick out windowes and fair and great lights in this old house , this fallen down soul , and then sett the soul near hand christ , that the rayes and beames of light and the soul delighting glances of the face , fair god-head might shine in at the windowes and fill the house . again . 1. part . ep . 32. now he is pleased to feast a poor prisoner , and to refresh me with joy unspeakeable and glorious , so as the holy spirit is witness , that my sufferings are for christs truth , and god forbid i should deny the ●estimony of the holy spirit , and make him a false witness . again . 1. par . ep . 120. lord let me never be a false witness to den● that i saw christ take the p●n in his hand and subscribe my writs . and part . 3. ep . 27. in privat , on the 17 and 18 of august , i got a full answer of my lord to be a graced minister , and chosen arrow hidden in his own quiver but know this assurance is not keaped but by watching and prayer . these are but a small part of much more might be cited out of his epistles , as testimonys to immediate revelation and the immediat teachings of the spirit , yea to new revelations not to be found in scripture , and yet , as i have above observed , after all this he joyned with the assembly at westminster to cry down all such immediat revelation , and to affirme that god had committed his counsell wholly to writing . 3. and although many of those called presbyterians cry up s. r. as a man of so great experience in the things of god , yet i find himself ingenuously confess . 1. part . ep . 46. that there is a gate yet of finding out christ , that he hath never lighted upon , and saith he , o if i could find it out ! 4. now this gate ( blessed be the name of the lord , and to his eternall praise we can declare it ) many thousands in this day do know , and by it they find christ and do enjoy his living presence dayly , who is the bridegroome and husband of their souls , and this gate is , to wait upon him , in the shinings of his divine light in their hearts , being retired and gathered unto the same , out of all their own thoughts , words and works , all their own willings and runnings in the self-will , all selfish motions , desires and inclinations of self , in pure silence and stillness of mind , waiting to feel his heavenly breathings and movings , which do rai●e up in us the true desire , and prayer that we may find him , and enjoy him , and as we have sought him by this gate , or after this manner , we have never missed in some measure , more or less , to find him . 5. this silent waiting to enjoy the presence of the lord , is a mystery , and as a sealed book to professors generally , and seemes to have been little or nothing known to this great seer , as the author of the postscript doth call him , for i find nothing of it in his epistles , and yet it is one of the most needfull and most profitable lessons and instructions for people to be instructed in , and the scripturs testimony is plain and clear concerning it , even of silent waiting . lament . cap. 3. 26 , 27 , 28. it is good that a man should both hope and quietly ( or in silence ) wait for the salvation of the lord. it is good for a man ●hat he beare the yoke in his youth , he sitteth alone and keepeth silence , because he hath borne it upon him . psal. 46. 10. be still ( or silent ) and know that i am god , psal. 62. 1. truly my soul is silent unto god , from him cometh my salvation . eccles. 5. 2. be not 〈◊〉 with thy mouth , and let not thine heart be hasty 〈◊〉 utter any thing before the lord. zach. 2. 3. be si●ent o all flesh before the lord. and many more ●cripturs may be brought to prove this so needfull and profitable instruction . as also here are manifest ●xamples of this silent waiting in scripture , both together and apart , ezekiell 3 : 15. the prophet 〈◊〉 with them of the captivity seven dayes , and then 〈◊〉 word of the lord came unto him . and esdras sat silent with the people untill the evening sacrifice : esdra 9 : 3 , 4 , 5. and the prophet elijah sat in a si●ent posture alone upon the top of mount carmell waiting for the word of the lord , and the accomplishment thereof , casting himself downe upon the earth , and putting his face betwixt his knees . king. 18 : 42. this is such a posture that if a man should use it in our dayes , people would say , he were mad , or possessed with the devill , such is their ignorance of the way and work of god. and again . 1 king. 19. verse 2. the lord appeared unto elijah neither in the wind , nor earth-quake , nor fire , but in the still or silent small voice , to wit , that is heard in the stillness or silence , of the soul. 6. there is one particular more that i find in s. r. that i cannot omit to take notice of , in the same epistle 46. which i have above mentioned , either i know not ( saith he ) what christianity is , or we have stinted a measure of so many o●nce weights , and no more , upon holynes and there we are at a stay . it were good for the professors to consider this and be convinced of their error ; whereas they say the holyest man on earth doth sin dayly in thought word , and deed , yea every moment and cannot but sin continually ; is not this to stint a measure of so many ounce weights , or rather of a few grains upon holyness , yea altogether to annihilate it ? for i know not how that can be called holyness , which cannot keep the soul one moment from sinning . however s. r. although here convinced of this errour , yet afterwards did fall foully into it , when he joyned with the divines , so called , at westmunster , in that unchristian assertion that no man by any grace given of god , can perfectly keep the commandements of god , but doth dayly break them in thought , word & deed . this is a bold & presumptuons stinting & limiting the power and powerfull grace of god , in the hearts of his children , without all ground from scripture , yea contrary to it , which saith , his commandements are not grievous , and his yoke is easy , and his burden light. 7. moreover , in my fourth section , i referred to some thing related by the author of the fullfilling of the scripturs , concerning iohn welsh , robert bruce , and some others in those dayes , which i said , will not a little make for the present testimony of the people cald quakers . now for proof of this , i shall give a few instances out of many more , which may be brought out of the said book . 8. first . the said author telleth us ( pag. 416. 2 edition ) of a very solemne and extraordinary outletting of the spirit in the west of scotland , about the year 1625. and there after , which began in the parish of stewarton ( whiles the persecution was hat from the prelatick party . ) 9. which by the prophane rabble of that time , was called the stewarton sickness , and spread through much of that countrey particularly at irvin , through the ministry of david dickson ; of which he writes that few sabbaths ( meaning first dayes ) did passe without some evidently converted , and some convincing proofs of the power of god accompanying his word , yea that many were so choaked and taken by the heart , that through terrour , the spirit in such a measure convincing them of sin , in hearing of the word , they have been made to fall over , and thus carryed out of the church , who after proved most solid and lively christians . and says he , this great spring-tide of the gospell was not of a short time , but for some years continuance , yea thus like a spreading mooreburne , the power of godlyness did advance from one place to another , which put a marvellous lustre on these parts of the country , the savour wherof brought many from other parts of the land to see the truth of the same . again he telleth pag. 417. at the kirk of the shots 20 of june 1630. that there was so convincing an appearance of god and down pouring of the spirit ; even in an extraordinary way , especially at that sermon , juny 21. the day after their communion , with a strange unusuall motion on the hearers , who in a great multitude were there conveened of diverse ranks , that it was known ( which he saith he can speake on sure ground ) near five hundred had at that time a discernible change wrought on them , of whom most , proved lively christians afterwards . now that there was a true and reall appearance of god , and breaking forth of his power and out letting of his spirit , upon many at that time , i veryly believe , and my soul hath unity with the testimony hereof , and diver other testimonys of this nature in the said book . 10. and certainly this was an immediat sensible appearance and revelation of the power and presence of god , accompanying the ministry of that time , which produced such effects , and in truth the very same power and presence of god , with the very same and the like effects , is now again broken forth in our day , among the despised people called , quakers , and that in much greater clearness , so that more sound principles are made known unto us , and many things , which were letts and snares unto them , are discovered unto us from the lord. 11. and yet is it not a most sad and lamentable thing that professors who cry up the appearance of god in that time , will not owne the same appearance of god in the nature and kind of it , although more clear , and glorious as to the measure , among us now : but joyn with the profane rabble , to call those unusuall motions , which are the reall effects of gods power and spirit powerfully seazing upon both souls and bodys of many among us , in great trembling , cryes and tears , the signes of some diabolicall possession , whereas the same persons , by sobriety of life and conversation , and by a walk as christian-like as any of these a fore mentioned , & in many things exceeding them , and also by the savor of the life of christ in them , have evidenced that they were led by the spirit of god. 12. yea the author of ●he postscript is not affraid to impute these unusuall and extraordinary motions that some times appear in the bodyes of some of our friends , to a possession of sathan , which if he did as knowingly as maliciously , might truely be called a blaspheming against the holy ghost . but they are judged here by some of their owne prophets , for seing it was the spirit of god that raised these unusuall motions in them abovementioned , why should the like now be imputed to the devill ? 13. o how like is this generation of hypocriticall professors to the scribes , and pharisees and iewes of old , who professed to owne the spirit of god in moses and the prophets , and yet rejected and resisted the same spirit in christ and the apostles ? 14. and it is observable , that this glory of god that appeared among them at that time , which was a time of persecution , although it continued for some years , yet afterwards when the presbyterians got into the sadle themselvs , and turned persecuters of others that dissented from them , this glory did disappear , and in stead thereof , great complaining of deadness , as it is at this day , among them who have most ingenuity . this doth plainly show that they did not follow the lord in his further leadings , but rather went back , otherwise this glory would not have departed , b●t continued , yea and increased among them . and if some obiect , that this glory appeareing unto that people at a communion , to wit ; at that ; called the sacrament of the supper , it seemeth to be no small argument to prove that god did owne that externall action , as his ordinance , although the people called quakers deny it to be a standing ordinance to the world and doe not practise it . 15. to this i answer , that it is observable that by the authors own account the greatest outleting of the spirit was not on their communion day , but on the day after , but that god did at times of that externall action of breaking bread , condescend unto them ; regarding their sincerity , and gave manifestations of himself , will not prove that he commanded that thing unto them , or that their minds were not in an error , in laying too great weight upon that externall action , which was but a figure of the true communion ; for the same author doth acknowledge that the spirit of god did also wonderfully accompany luther in his ministry , and yet luther did most grossely erre ; as in other things , so in the matter of the sacrament , teaching that the body of christ was consubstantiat with the bread and that the o●●ward mouth receiveth the body of christ. and i believe , such as are sober and ingenuous of the presbyterians will not deny , but that the lord did pour out of his spirit , upon those bishops in england that dyed martyrs , that were both for episcopacy and the service-book ; yet this proveth not , that god did owne these things , as his ordinances . it is the sincerity and earnest desires of mens souls after god , that he regardeth , although they be in error in some things which he winketh at , but doth not owne . yea did not christ wonderfully appear to saul , while he was going to damascus , to obtain an order to persecute the saints , a very unl●wfull action , but this proveth not that god allowed 〈◊〉 in the same . many other instances could be given to shew the weakness of that objection , and certainly in the darkest times of popery , god raised up some to be ministers of his spirit that yet continued to hold many popish errors ; as not only bernard and thauler , but even iohn huss who dis●ented little from the papists in matter of doctrine , but mostly blamed their ungodly life . 16. a second instance i shall bring out of the afore-said author , is , pag. 422. where he giveth as a sixt witness , &c. the convincing appearance of an extraordinary and apostolick spirit on some of these instruments , whom the lord raised up in these last times , who as he saith had speciall revelations from the lord of his mind anent things to come , &c. but how doth this agree with their confession of faith , that saith , the former wayes of gods revealing himself to his people are ceased since the apostles dayes , and that there are no new revelations of the spirit , but that god hath committed his counsell wholly to writing ? and of such speciall revelations he mentioneth divers , which i refer the reader to find in the said book . 17. a third instance shall be that which the author mentioneth of robert bruce , where i take notice of divers weighty particulars , as 1. that his call was extraordinary pag. 429. to wit , by an inward motion and pressing of the spirit , and such a call i confess is extraordinary , as in respect of the greatest part of those , called teachers , which yet is most ordinary , yea and most necessary to every true teacher and minister of christ. 18. 2. he tells pag. 431. that it was the manner of robert bruce , for a considerable time to keep 〈◊〉 before he preached . and yet how do the professors now blame our silence , when even such among us as the lord hath given a true ministry unto , do find it at times their place to be silent a considerable time before they speak , and sometimes for a whole diet to be silent , as ezekiel was of old ? now i besech them to consider what did this silence of r. b. mean , or what was his intent in being si●ent so long ? was it not he waited to receive , ●hat he was to speak from the lord ? or at least to 〈◊〉 the spirit and power of the lord to assist him in what perhaps was in his heart to speak ? and truely this is the very cause of our silence also , for we know that no preaching nor praying can availe to quicken or reach the soules of men , or profit either speaker or hearers , but that which is in the immediat moving and assistance of the spirit of god. 19. 3. he telleth plainly pag. 431. that he had the spirit of discerning in a great measure in so much that having heard a sermon preached by robert blair ( it being the first he had preached ) and he being desired by the said robert blair to give his judgment concerning the same , did give it , in these words i found , said he , your ●ermon very polished and disgested , but there is one thing i did misse in it , to vvit , the spirit of god , i found not that ; this ( as the author saith ) took a deep impression upon him and helped him to see , it was something else to be a minister of jesus christ , then to be a knowing and eloquent preacher . pag. 453. but the professors generally in this day , deny any such spirit of ●iscerning , as whereby one knoweth ; supposing him to be never so spirituall , when he heareth another preach , whether he doth preach by the spirit of god , or no : & when we affirm that the lord hath given such a discerning unto us they cry out many of them , as if it were blasphemy to assert any such thing . again , whereas this author saith , it is some vvhat else to be a minister of iesus christ , then to be a knovving and eloquent preacher : we say the same . but how farr doth this contradict the presbyterians doctrine that grace or piety is not essentiall or necessary to the being of a minister of christ , as iames durham expressly affirmeth in his book on the revelation ? 21. 4. the author telleth us that the said robert bruce was deeply affected with the naughtiness and profanity of many ministers then in the church , and the unsuitable carriage of others to so great a calling , and did express much his fear that the ministers of scotland would prove the greatest persecuters , that the gospell had ; and so in this we have found his words to be true , for the said ministry of scotland , even presbyterian as wel as episcopall are the greatest persecuters of the gospell in this day , as formerly . and their doctrine , that grace or piety is not essentiall to a minister of christ , nor an inward call by the spirit , opens a door to such a naughty and profane ministry . 22. pag. 432. 5. he tells that on a certain time when robert bruce was at prayer in his chamber in edinburgh , there was such an extraordinary motion on all present , so sensible a down-pouring of the spirit , that they could hardly contain themselves , yea which was most strange , even some unusuall motion on those , who were in other parts of the house , not knowing the cause at that very instant : and one being occasionally present , when he went away said ; o how strange a man is this ? for he knocked down the spirit of god upon us all ; this he said , becaus r. b. did divers times knock with his fingers on the table and yet when such motions and effects are now witnessed , when the servants of the lord pray in our meetings , they will not believe , but in the same pharisa●call , anti-christian spirit , as the jewes said of christ , they say of us , that we have a devil , for which i heartily wish that the lord may forgive them , and open their hearts to understand and receive the truth . many more observable passages might be cited out of the same book , to convince professors , how these men , whom they have such an esteeme of , did both in principle , practice and experience , in many things agree with us , the people called quakers , against themselvs , who boast to be their successors and children , as the iewes boasted , that they were the children of abraham . but surely seing the professors of this day , stop their ears at the inward voyce of gods spirit in their own consciences , and also at so many plain and clear testimonys of the holy scripture , that make so abundantly for the testimony of truth owned by us . i little expect that the testimonys of these men will prevail with many of them , yea although even they should come from the dead , and witnesse for the truth , against them , as christ said in the 〈◊〉 , if they will not believe moses and the prophets , neither will they believe , if one should be raised from the dead . yet for the sake of many others among them , of whom i have hope that god will in due time effectually reach them and open their eyes , i have found my heart moved and drawn by the lord to be at this paines , for the good of whose soules i could willingly by the grace of god endure much labour , suffering and affliction both inwardly and outwardly , that they might see and owne the glorious work and appearance of god among us , and be brought to enjoy the same with us . 23. and here in the close of all , i shall cite a passage of this author himself , which may be of service to some who are willing to understand , how that the presbyterians , even the most knowing and experienced of them , did not know all that was afterwards to be revealed . page 35. he saith , we wait and believe the further accomplishment of this promise ( to wit , the words , dan. last : ver . 4. many shall runne to and fro , and knowledg shall be increased ) to the church , beyond all we have yet seen , that many scripture truths now dark and abstruse , shall be made so clear , as shall even cause us to wonder at the grosse m●stakes we once had thereof , yea that after generations shall have a discovery and uptaking of some prophecys now ob●cure , which shall as farr exceed us , as this time goeth beyond former ages , which comparatively we must say were very dark . 24. now i earnestly obtest and beseech such among them , as have any measure of true tendernesse and ingenuity , and do believe these words of this author , to consider in the cool of their minds if possibly these principles and doctrins among us , which they have called grosse errours and delusions of satan , may not be these scripture truths , whereof the author speaketh , and that their condemning such principles were but their gros●e mistakes , yea surely we know it to be so , and many of us that were formerly presbyterians , are now made to wonder at our grosse mistakes , which we then had . but this i understand of such as are really owned by us , not of those which they do falsly alledge and impose upon us . i shall cite one or two passages more of this author , and then leave it to the impartial and ingenuous judge , if they do not arrive , upon the matter at the same , which many of his brethren reproach and nick-name with the profane rabble under the termes of enthusiasme and quakerism . 25. pag. 112. he saith — there is a demonstration within , which goeth further then the judgment , and passeth naturall understanding , whence we feel , we tast , we enjoy , yea his voyce is heard in the soul , which we surely know to be his . this is a plain testimony to inmedtat revelation , which is our main principle , and is so greatly opposed in this day , by presbyterians , as much as others . again , pag. 229. he speaketh of an immediate teaching of the spirit , and of a mighty power of god that can witnesse ( in many young ones ) ere they can wel speak , or exercise reason , the power of religion . again , pag. 120. speaking of prayer , he saith , it may seeme strange , how easily we can step out from the world and the noyse thereof , in before the lord , without the least pause or time interveening . 26. and again , he saith , alas ! it 's sad , this seemes rather a piece of invention many times , then a matter of earnest with the lord. ● to what a classe can such a piece of atheisme be reduced , as appears ( saith he ) in our nearest approaches unto god ? 27. and lastly , as concerning preaching , he commendeth it in the said robert bruce , that at a certain time wrestling earnestly with the lord by prayer , before he came into the assembly , he was heard say in his prayer , vnto the lord , i protest i will not goe , except thou goe with me . how farre are the presbyterian teachers now gone from this , that say , grace is not absolutely necessary to a minister of christ , and plead both for preaching and praying without the spirit ) and after that , be went forth and preached in such evidence and demonstration of the spirit , that by the shining of his face , & that showr of divine influence that the word spoken was accompanyed with , it was easy for the hearer to perceive that he had been in the mount with god , and that he had indeed brought that god , whom he had met with in privat , into his mothers house , and into the chambers of her that conceived him . pag. 444. 28. these and many other passages in that book can not but force an acknowledgment from any , that read it , & are ingenuous , that it doth greatly commend and justify that , which presbyterians now greatly condemn , under the termeof qvakerism . finis . a postscript . to my beloved relations , friends and acquaintances in the shire and city of aberdeen , alexander skein wisheth all happinesse , and the sound and saving knowledge of the truth , as it is in iesvs . it is no small matter of regrete , that so many persons of all ranks and conditions are so little concerned with the publike work of god , and the matters of his kingdom at this time . if their own affairs goe wel , they matter little how it goe with religion . it was a great ground of the prophets complaint , ier. 5. 1. that there were none that sought the truth , or were valiant for the truth on earth , ier. 9. 3. this is not onely the guilt of the body of the nation , but also the sin of these that pretend to a piece of more seriousnesse : but they should know , the eyes of the lord are upon the truth , ier. 5. 3. and the neglect of it ●ath occasioned great wrath , upon a people , and a hand from the lord , ver . 3. whereupon the prophet said , ver . 4. surely these are poor , they are foolish , for they know not the way of the lord , nor the judgment of their god. this very thing hath with weight come near my heart , when i have observed such an indifferency amongst many , that they have been at little or no pains to search for the mind of the lord amidst all the disputes and debats anent his truth in their day , and being thus exercised , the lord hath in a measure manifested this to me , that there are some speciall obstructions that stand in the way , why people have not a desire to search after the truth . 1. one is , that truth is mostly the object of reproach and scorn to the multitude of the world , & the owners of it are hated , despised and persecuted , and upon this account many are content to be without the conviction of it , yea to hearken rather to anything that may strengthen them to stand out against it , then that which would incline them to come under subjection to the yoake thereof . wherefore it was upon good ground that christ said ; if any man will be my disciple he must deny himself , and take up his cross dayly and follow me : this is a necessary condition and qualification of a disciple they may as well renounce to be a christian , as refuse to take up the cross which is entailed on all that will be followers of christ , for if any love father or mother , husband or wife , houses or lands , &c. better then christ he is not worthy of me , saith christ , there must be a compleat resignation of all that is nearest and dearest to us in the world if we mind to be reall christians , and to encourage all to make this choyce there want , not many sweet and precious promises of rewards both in time and eternity , though few believe them . a 2. obstruction is that people have a perswasion , they may be eternally saved , whether they embrace the truth or not , seing it is acknowledged upon all hands , that many have been saved that have lived and dyed in the same profession they stand in ; and upon this ground they suppose they need not embrace any thing that will disquiet their rest , or interrupt their ease and render them obnoxious to the crosse . but if this have any weight in it , it might have as wel excused the scribes and pharisees & unbelieving iewes , for refuseing the gospell , and the doctrine of christ and his apostles , that taught them to forbeare circumcision and the ceremonys of the law , becaus moses and the prophets , and all the godly for many generations walked in the way of their profesion , yea this might have excused the papists at the reformation to have rejected the light the lord held forth to them , becaus it is acknowledged that the sincere and single hearted amongst them in preceeding generations were saved . but who amongst the protestants will say that this was a sufficient ground to remain still in popery ? for had any of them that walked up rightly in the way of the mosaïcall ceremonys been living when these things became deadly , and had opposed the light of the gospell , which repealled them they could not have been safe . neither any professing popery that had occasion to embrace the light of reformation , and yet in opposition to that light would needs continue to defend that idolatry & superstition , & refuse to receive that light , after these waters were turned into blood , rev. 16. 3. so it is now , though they believe that many good men , that were faithfull ●o what they knew , & walked uprightly acording to their measure in former times ; yet if they shall upon that pretence presume to resist , reject , or refuse , the light that the lord is further manifesting at this day , such cannot have any ground to expect salvation . see io● . 15. 22. if i had not come and spoken unto them they ▪ had not had sin , but now they have nocloake for their sin ; but may expect to be numbred amongst the enemys of gods work. it was the commendation of good men in all ages , that they walked sutably to the dispensation of the lord in their day , and this is the great duty the lord calls for from his people , to follow the lamb wh●thersoever he 〈◊〉 , this will be their commendation before the lord , as rev. 14. 4. when the life , light and power of god removeth from one dispensation to another , to be alwayes a follower of that which is our duty , for it is not to be expected that moses or david , if they were alive now would looke to find that life in their sacrifices and externall rites which they found , when they were upon earth , no this is only to be waited for in the spirituall way of the gospell worship . and to come nearer , if cranmer , hooker and ridly who were martyrs for the protestant faith in beareing witness against the idolatry of the masse , & thought it no small mercy to have the use of a common prayer booke in english , & no doubt in that day might feel life in it ; yet when the light of reformation encreased , it discovered that to be a limiting of the spirit of god in prayer , and consequently had in it self a tendency to deaden the heart by remaining in that formality . if they were living now , the lord would require of them to seek after a more spirituall way of worship , where the pure life of christ was more to be found and felt then in read prayers . even so now when the lord is poynting forth a more spirituall way , which is by following the pure motions of the spirit of life in an immediat way upon the heart in all religious dutys , the lord will have all his people to owne that way both in practice and profession , and they that will reject this , or refuse or oppose it . he will no less reckon them as his enemys now , then these , that have been refusers , or opposers of his work in former generations . a 3 obstruction is , truth hath been for most part loaded by its opposers with many heavy slaunders , calumnys and lyes , and traduced with the nick-names of errour , heresy , blasphemy and delusion , yea called devilisme , and what else malice can invent , so pauls religion was called heresy ; acts. 24. 14. and christians were a sect every where spoken against , acts 23. 22. yea christ himself was said to have a devil , ioh. 8. 48 , 53. and what wonder then that the opposers of truth in this day speake so of truth , as it is now manifested ? the professors thereof are said to deny jesus christ that was borne of the virgin mary , where as they have often testifyed they owne no other christ , but him to be the saviour of the world , that was crucifyed at ierusalem , and this we can say in the uprightness of our hearts , as in his sight , that searches hearts . our opposers say wee deny the scriptures of truth ▪ whereas we owne all things therein ( being rightly translated ) to be the dictate of the holy spirit and that they containe all the substantialls of true religion , and whatsoever is contrary to them , to be but delusion ; yea we are content to have all poynts of controversy betwixt us and our opposers to be determined by the scriptures of truth . we are said to deny the ministry and ordinances of the gospell ; whereas we owne all the true and faithfull ministers , that are called of god , and that function and are not meerely men-made ministers , that are made to be ministers in the meere will of men , only endued with some measure of natural and acquired parts , and feel not the power and vertue of the life of jesus christ dwelling in their hearts , without any sense of which power and life they can pray and preach . but we owne all spirituall and living preaching and prayer . as for the ordinances called sacraments we own them only according to scripture sense , viz. that baptisme which is by the holy ghost , for iohn baptised with water , but christs baptisme is with the holy ghost and with fire , math. 3. 11. act. 1. 4. this is that one baptisme , eph. 4. 5. the bread and wine that is elementary we deny , as being but a carnal ordinance , which are all repealed at the time of reformation under the gospell , heb. 9. 10. as all rites are , which stand in meats and drinks , washings , or baptismes , as the greek hath it . but we owne the communion of christs body and blood according to luk. 6. 53. compared with verse 63. our opposers say we lay the whole stresse of justification and remission of sins upon our own righteousness , and we declare we owne no meritorious cause of the remission of sins , but the righteousness , blood and sufferings of jesus christ , that was crucified at ierusalem , and as it was done and performed by the man christ , born of the virgin mary , and yet we profess none are justified , but such as are in a measure sanctified , and actually cleansed from sin , so as none are justified in their sins . these and many more of the like slaunders asserted with boldness and impudence by malicious opposers , are no small obstruction to many simple-hearted people , who are but too ready to take things , of this nature , upon trust , without tryall and proofe , especially if the assertors be in any repute for a piece of seriousness , as the scribes and pharisees & high priests , who were in great authority and esteem with the people , and thereby did influence their slender followers to preferre barrabas a murderer and a robber , to christ iesus . a 4 obstruction is , that truth , when it comes first abroad , is at severall great disadvantages in the eyes of the world , as first , it seldom hath the countenance of civil authority , but mostly is persecuted , and laws and statutes made in opposition to it , this is universally known in all ages , and throughout these nations , where it first appeared . secondly , it hath the opposition of the nationall clergy , so called , and of the most learned of that sort of men , who have the greatest advantages of authority to influence the body of the nation ; see ioh. 9. 22. for the iews had agreed already , that if any men did confess that he was christ , he should he put out of the synagogue . thirdly , truth being a witness against the abuse and superstitions which have through length of time and long custome , been rooted and strengthned so in a nation , that it needs no less the the power of god to extirpate , people can hardly admit to hearken to any testimony against these things whether they be personal or national customes , see mark. 7. 9. and he said unto them , full wel ye reject the commandement of god , that ye may keepe your own tradition . it 's not an easie thing to forsake old customes , this hath been a cause , why men in all ages have stumbled at the simplicity of truth , becaus it was not decked with the trimmings and ornaments of the whore . i need not enlarge on this , the application is so plaine . fourthly , education and breeding in wrong glosses and mistakes of scripture proofes , hath been none of the least hinderances of the progress of truth , or of its reception , and for this let the many divers reasonings of the iewes against christ in his descent , doctrine and miracles be considered , and men may then as in a glass see the image of that spirit , that is in opposition to truth in this day : and for this i referr the sober inquirer after truth , to isaac pennington his book , ( called the outward iew a looking glass for professors ) this is such a person , that none acquainted with his writings , but will allow him a good character , if he be not a prejudicated opposer . 5. another great obstruction , which keeps people from the search after truth , is a light and 〈◊〉 mind , which predominats in the most of men and women in the world . this hinders truth in the very power and life of it , and permits none to be serious in the search of it : it is not the conviction of judgement in matters of truths , that the lord calls for only , or that his faithfull servants endeavour , as if it were satisfaction to them to see many owning it , or professing the forme thereof , these are but at best like the stony or thorny ground , that receive the seed with joy , and yet in a day of the heat of persecution , turn from it , and so may become a discredit to the truth . 't is only these that labour not only to know the truth , and espouse it in their understandings , but also endeavour to feel the power and life of it reach their hearts , and this not only for a touch at a time , but to live and feed upon that life & power , which flowes forth from the fountain & spring of it , i say these only it is , that will be true witnesses of the truth . hence christ spake many parables to this purpose , as that of the wise merchant that sold all & bought the pearle : & the treasure that was hid in the ground , &c. let all persons that are of this light and airy spirit , consider their danger ; how uncapable they are not only to come to the knowledge of the truth of god in their day and generation ; but also utterly unfitted for being heires of the kingdom , when time shall be no more . if they did mind the care of their precioussoules , and consider their mortality , how uncertaine their time is , and of what concernment it is to them to be truely serious , they would not make too light of the matters of god and of the truth , which concern their everlasting salvation , but would find them of farre greater moment , then these temporall pleasures , profits and recreations , wherewith they are so intentively taken up . wherefore , my desire to all , is that they would seriously consider these few obstructions mentioned , and apply their mind , to search after the wayes of the lord , and beware to take matters of so great concernment upon trust from any man , or company of men ; but impartially weigh and ponder by the light of the lord in their own hearts , what is truth , and what is errour by what doctrine the free grace of god will be most esteemed , and the pride of man most abased , beware of an implicit faith , for t●e just shall live by his faith . hab. 2. 4. and not by the faith of another . they are most to be suspected as deceivers , that do most hinder inquiry and triall , as many preachers at this time are doing . it is a known popish imposition to forbid searching , and is now renounced , and abominated by all sound protestants , therefore they are yet drunk with the whores cup , that would obtrude their doctrine to be beleived without triall , or to hinder from trying the spirits , and from trying all things , that what is best may be kept to . if any object that word prov. 19. 27. coase to heare the instruction that causeth to erre from the words of knowledge . i answer this presupposeth a cleare and wel grounded faith , of the truth , from an inward principle , which few ordinary professors can lay claime to , otherwayes this might have excused the iewes in not harkening to christ and his apostles , in saying , we know god ●pake to moses , but for this fellow we know not whence 〈◊〉 is . joh. 9. v. 26. yea we and our predecessors should have remained in popery without triall . wherefore friends , if ye will truely joyne and be united to the power and life , which the lord is ready to reveal in your hearts , it will not only help you to discerne truth from errour , but to overcome your lusts , and get victory over your idols that stand up to make distance & seperation betwix● gods peace and favour , and your soules . that place is considerable , rom. 12. verse 2. be not conformed to this world , but be ye transformed by the renewing of your mind that ye may prove what is that good and acceptable and perfect will of god , and thereby ye shall come to get your hearts established in the love of god and get all these straying● and wandrings in your hearts reformed , by w●●ch your best dutys are corrupted and defiled , ●hich is the earnest desire and travell of my soul , that all my beloved 〈◊〉 and acquaintances every where may , truely and sensibly come unto . a real lover of your eternall wel-fare and peace . alexander skein . from the tolbooth of aberdeen the 1 of the 5 moneth 1676. where i am a prisoner for my testimony . printed in the year 1677. the confession of faith ; and, the larger and shorter catechism first agreed upon by the westminster assembly of divines at westminster, and now approved by the general assembly of the kirk of scotland to be a part of uniformity in religion between the kirks of christ in the three kingdoms. westminster confession of faith. 1671 approx. 408 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 127 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34242 wing c5769 estc r27273 09790689 ocm 09790689 44091 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34242) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44091) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1353:14) the confession of faith ; and, the larger and shorter catechism first agreed upon by the westminster assembly of divines at westminster, and now approved by the general assembly of the kirk of scotland to be a part of uniformity in religion between the kirks of christ in the three kingdoms. westminster confession of faith. dickson, david, 1583?-1663. summe of saving knowledge. church of scotland. general assembly. westminster assembly (1643-1652). larger catechism. westminster assembly (1643-1652). shorter catechism. 116 [i.e. 196], 55 p. printed by george swinton and thomas brown, and are to be sold by james glen and david trench, edinbourg : 1671. 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markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the confession of faith and the larger and shorter catechism , first agreed upon by the assembly of divines at westminster . and now approved by the general assembly of the kirk of of scotland to be a part of uniformity in religion , between the kirks of christ in the three kingdoms . edinbourg , printed by george swintoun and thomas brown , and are to be sold by iames glen and david trench . anno dom. 1671. the confession of faith first agreed upon by the assembly of divines at westminster . and now appointed by the general assembly of the kirk of of scotland to be a part of uniformity in religion , between the kirks of christ in the three kingdoms . chap. i. of the holy scripture . although the light of nature , and the works of creation and providence , do so far manifest the goodness , wisdom , and power of god , as to leave men unexcusable a ; yet they are not sufficient to give that knowledge of god and of his will , which is necessary un●o salvation b . therefore it pleased the lord at sundry times , and in divers manners , to reveal himself , and to declare that his will unto his church c ; and afterwards for the better preserving , and propagating of the truth , and for the more sure establishment and comfort of the church against the corruption of the flesh , and the malice of sathan and of the world ; to commit the same wholly unto writing d ; which makes the holy scripture to be most necessary e ; those former ways of gods revealing his will unto his people , being now ceased f . ii. under the name of holy scripture , or the word of god written , are now contained all the books of the old and new testament , which are these . of the old testament . genesis . exodus . leviticus . numbers . deuteronomie . joshua . judges . ruth . i. samuel . ii. samuel . i. kings . ii. kings . i. chronicles . ii. chronicles . ezra . nehemiah . esther . job . psalms . proverbs . ecclesiastes . the song of songs isajah . jeremiah . lamentations . ezekiel . daniel . hosea . joel . amos. obadiah . jonah . micah . nahum . habakkuk . zephaniah . haggai . zechariah . malachi . of the new testament . the gospel according to matthew . the gospel according to mark. the gospel according to luke . the gospel according to john. the acts of the apostles . paul 's epistle to the romans . i. corinthians . ii. corinthians . galatians . ephesians . philippians . colossians . i. thessalonians . ii. thessalonians . to timothy . i. to timothy . ii. to titus . to philemon . the epistle to the hebrews . the epistle of james . the first and second epistle of peter . the first , second and third epistles of john. the epistle of jude . the revelations . all which are given by inspiration of god , to be the rule of faith and life g . iii. the books commonly called apocrypha , not being of divine inspiration , are no part of the canon of the scripture ; and therefore are of no authority in the church of god , nor to be any otherwise approved , or made use of , than other humane writings r . iv. the authority of the holy scripture , for which it ought to be believed and obey'd ; dependeth not upon the testimony of any man , or church ; but wholly upon god ( who is truth it self ) the author thereof ; and therefore it is to be received , because it is the word of god. i . v. we may be moved & induced by the testimony of the church , to an high and reverend esteem of the holy scripture k . and the heavenliness of the matter , the efficacy of the doctrine , the majesty of the stile , the consent of all the parts , the scope of the whole ( which is , to give all glory to god , ) the full discovery it makes of the only way of mans salvation , the many other incomparable excellencies , and the intire perfection thereof , are arguments whereby it doth abundantly evidence it self to be the word of god ; yet notwithstanding , our full perswasion and assurance of the infallible truth , and divine authority thereof , is from the inward work of the holy spirit , bearing witness by , and with the word in our hearts l . vi. the whole counsel of god concerning all things necessary for his own glory , mans salvation , faith , and life , is either expr●sly set down in scripture , or by good and necessary conseq●ence may be deduc●d from scripture : un●o which nothing at any time is to be added , whether by new revelation of the spirit , or traditions of men m . nevertheless we acknowledge the inward illumination of the spirit of god to be necessary , for the saving understanding of such things as are revealed in the word n : and that there are some circumstances concerning the worship of god , and government of the church , c●mmon to humane actions and societies , which are to be ordered by the light of nature , and christian ●rudence , according to the general rules of the word which are alwaies to be observed o . vii . all things in scripture are not alike plain in themselves , nor alike clear unto all p : yet those things which are necessary to be known believed , and observed for salvation , are so clearly propounded and opened in some places of scripture or other , that not only the learned but the unlearned , in a due use of the ordinary means may attain unto a sufficient understanding of them q . viii . the old testament in hebrew ( which was the native language of the people of god of old ) and the new testament in greek ( which at the time of the writing of it , was most generally known to the nations ) being immediately inspired by god , and by his singular care & providence kept pure in all ages , are therefore authentical r , so as in all controversies of religion , the church is finally to appeal unto them s . but because these original tongues are not known to the people of god , who have right unto , and interest in the scriptures , and are commanded in the fear of god , to read & search them t , therefore they are to be translated into the vulgar language of every nation unto which they come u , that the word of god dwelling plentifully in all , they may worship him in an acceptable manner w , and through patience and comfort of the scriptures may have hope x . ix . the infallible rule of interpretation of scripture , is the scripture it self and therefore , when there is a question about the true and full sence of any scripture ( which is not manifold , but one ) it must be searched and known by other places that speak more clearly y . x the supreame judge , by which all controversies of religion are to be determined , and all decrees of councils , opinions of ancient writers , doctrines of men , and private spirits , are to be examined ; and in whose sentence we are to rest , can be no other but the holy spirit speaking in the scripture z . chap. ii. of god , and of the holy trinity . there is but one only a , living , and true god b ; who is infinite in being and perfection c , a most pure spirit d , invisible e , without body , parts f , or passions g , immutable h , immense i eternal k , incomprehensible l , almighty m , most wise n , most holy o , most free p , most absolute q , working all things according to the counsel of his own immutable and most righteous wi●l r , for his own glory s , most loving t , gracious , merciful , long-suffering , abundant in goodness and tru●h , ●orgiving iniquity , transgression ▪ and sin u , the rewarder of them that diligently seek him w , and withall , ●ost just and terrible in his judgments x ; hating all sin y , and who will by 〈◊〉 means clear the guilty z . ii. god hath all life a , glory b , goodness c , blessedness d , in , and of himself , and is alone in and unto himself al-sufficient , not ●●anding in need of any creatures which he hath made e , nor deriving any glory from them f , but only ma●ifesting his own glory , in , by , unto , and upon them : he is the alone fountain of all being , of whom , through whom , and to whom are all thing● g , and hath most soveraign dominion over them , to do by them , for them , or upon them , whatsoever himself pleaseth h . in his sight all things are open and manifest i , his knowledge is infinite , infallible , and independant upon the creature k , so as nothing is to him contingent or uncertain l . he is most holy in all his counsels , in all his works , and in all his commands m . to him is due from angels and men , and every other creature , whatsoever worship , service , or obedience he is pleased to require of them n . iii. in the unity of the god-head , there be three persons , of one substance , power and eternity ▪ god the father , god the son , and god the holy ghost o . the father is of none , neither begotten , nor proceeding : the son is eternally begotten of the father p : the holy ghost eternally proceeding from the father and the son q . chap. iii. of gods eternal decree . god from all eternity did , by the most wise and holy counsel of his own will , freely , and unchangeably o●dain whatsoever comes to pass a ; yet so , as thereby , neither is god the author of sin b , nor is violence offered to the will of the creatures , nor is the liberty or contingency of second causes taken away , but rather established c . ii. although god knows whatsoever may , or can come to pass upon all supposed conditions d , yet hath he not decreed any thing , because he fore-saw it as future , or as that which would come to pass upon such conditions e . by the decree of god , for the manifestation of his glory , some men and angels f , are predestinated unto everlasting life , and others fore-ordained to everlasting death g . iv. these angels and men , thus predestinated and fore-ordained , are particularly , and unchangeably designed , and their number is so certain and definite , that it cannot be either increased or diminished h . v. those of mankind , that are predestinated unto life , god , before the foundation of the world was laid , according to his eternal & immutable purpose , & the secret counsel and good pleasure of his will , hath chosen in christ unto everlasting glory i , out of his meer free grace , & love without any foresight of faith , or good works , or perseverance in either of them , or any other thing in the creature as conditions or causes moving him thereunto k , and all to the praise of his glorious grace l . vi. as god hath appointed the elect unto glory , so hath he by the eternal and most free purpose of his will , fore ordained all the means thereunto m . wherefore they who are elected being fallen in adam , are redeemed by christ n , are effectually called unto faith in christ , by his spirit working in due season , are justified , adopted , sanctified o , and kept by his power through faith unto salvation p . neither any other redeemed by christ , effectually called , justified , adopted , sanctified and saved , but the elect onely q . vii . the rest of mankind god was pleased , according to the unsearchable counsel of his own wi●l , whereby he extendeth , or withholdeth mercy as he pleaseth , for the glory of his soveraign power over his creatures , to pass by , and to ordain them to dishonor and wrath , for their sin , to the praise of his glorious justice r . viii . the doctrine of this high mystery of predestination is to be handled with special prudence and care s , that men attending the will of god revealed in his word , and yielding obed●ence thereunto , may from the certainty of their effectual vocation , be assured of their eternal election t . so shall this doctrine afford matter of praise , reverence and admiration of god u , and of humility , diligence and abundant consolation to all that sincerely obey the gospel w . chap. iv. of creation . it pleased god the father , son and holy ghost a , for the manifestation of the glory of his eternal power , wisdom and goodness b , in the beginning to create , or make of nothing the world , and all things therein , whether visible or invisible , in the space of six days and all very good c . ii. after god had made all other creatures , he created man , male and female d , with reasonable and immortal souls e , indued with knowledge , righteousness and tr●e holyness ; after his own image f , having the law of god written in their hearts g , and power to fulfil it b , and yet under a possibility of transgressing , being le●t to the liberty of their own will , which was subject unto change i . beside this law written in their hearts , they received a command , not to eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil , which whiles they kept , they were happy in their communion with god k , and had dominion over the creatures l . chhp. v. of providence . god the great creator of all things , doth uphold a , direct , dispose , and govern all creatures , acttions , and things b , from the greatest even to the least c , by his most wise and holy providence d , according to his infallible fore-knowledge e , and the free and immutable counsel of his own will f , to the praise of the glory of his wisdom , power , justice , goodness , and mercy . ii. although in relation to the fore-knowledge and decree of god , g the first cause , all things come to pass immutably , and infallibly h , yet , by the same providence he ordereth them to fall out according to the nature of second causes , either necessarily , freely or contingently i . iii. god in his ordinary providence maketh use of means k : yet is free to work without l , above m , and against them at his pleasure n . iv. the almighty power , unsearchable wisdom ; and infinite goodness of god so far manifest themselve● in his providence , that it extendeth it self even to the first fall , and all other sins of angels and men o , and that not by a bare permission p , but such as hath joyned with it a most wise and powerful bounding q , and otherwise ordering and governing of them , in a manifold dispensation , to his own holy ends r : yet so , as the sinfulness thereof proceedeth onely from the creature , and not from god who being most holy and righteous , neither is , nor can be the author or approver of sin s . v. the most wise , righteous and gracious god doth often times leave for a season his own children to manifold temptations , and the corruption of their own hearts to chastise them for their former sins , or to discover unto them the hidden strength of corruption , and deceitfulness of their hearts , that they may be humbled t , and to raise them to a more close and constant dependance for their support upon himself , and to make them more watchfull against all future occasions of sin , and for sundry other just and holy ends u . vi. as for those wicked and ungodly men , whom god as a righteous judg for former sins doth blind and harden w , from them he not only witholdeth his grace , whereby they might have been enlightned in their understandings , and wrought upon in their hearts x , but sometimes also withdraweth the gifts which they had y , & exposeth them to such objects as their corruption makes occasion of sin z ; and withal , gives them over to their own lusts , the temptations of the world , and the power of satan a , whereby it comes to pass that they harden themselves even under those means which god useth for the softning of others b . vii . as the providence of god doth in general reach to all creatures ; so after a special manner it taketh care of his church , and disposeth all things to the good thereof c . chap. vi. of the fall of man , of sin , and of the punishment thereof . our first parents being seduced by the subtilty and temptation of satan , sinned in eating the forbidden fruit a . this their sin , god was pleased according to his wise and holy counsel , to permit , having purpos'd to order it to 's own glory b ii. by this sin they fell from their original righteousness and communion with god c , and so became dead in sin d , and wholly defiled in all the faculties & parts of soul and body e . iii. they being the root of all mankind , the guilt of this sin was imputed f , and the same death in sin and corrupted nature , conveyed to all their posterity descending from them by ordinary generation g . iv. from this original corruption , whereby we are utterly indisposed , disabled , and made opposite to all good h , and wholly inclined to all evil i , do proceed all actual transgressions k . v. this corruption of nature during this life , doth remain in those that are regenerated l , and although it be , through christ , pardoned & mortified , yet both it self , and all the motions thereof are truly and properly sin m . vi. every s●n , both original and actual , being a transgression of the righteous law of god , and contrary thereunto n , doth in its own nature , bring guilt upon the sinner o , whereby he is bound over to the wrath of god p , and curse of the law q , and so made subject to death r , with all miseries spiritual s , temporal t , and eternal u . chap. vii . of gods covenant with man. the distance between god and the creature is so great , that although reasonable creatures do owe obedience unto him as their creator yet they could never have any fruition of him as their blessedness and reward , but by some voluntary condescension on gods part , which he hath been pleased to express by way of covenant a . ii. the first covenant made with man , was a covenant of works b , wherein life was promised to adam , and in him to his posterity c , upon condition of perfect and personal obedience l . iii. man by his fall , having made himself incapable of life by that covenant , the lord was pleas'd to make a second m , commonly called the covenant of grace : wherein he freely offereth unto sinners , life , & salvation by jesus christ , requiring of them faith in him that they may be saved n , and promising to give unto all those that are ordained unto life , his holy spirit , to make them willing and able to believe o . iv. this covenant of grace is frequently set forth in the scripture by the name of a testament , in reference to the death of jesus christ the testator , p and to the everlasting inheritance , with all things belonging to it , therein bequeathed q . v. this covenant was differently administred in the time of the law , and in the time of the gospel r . under the law , it was administred by promises , prophecies , sacrifices , circumcision , the paschal lamb , and other types and ordinances delivered to the people of the jews , all fore-signifying christ to come s ▪ which were for that time sufficient and efficacious , through the operation of the spirit to instruct and build up the elect in faith in the promised messiah l , by whom they had full remission of sins , and eternal salvation ; and is called , the old testament m . vi. under the gospel , when christ the substance n , was exhibited , the ordinances in which this covenant is dispensed , are the preaching of the word , & the administration of the sacrament of baptisme , and the lords supper o . which though fewer in number , and administred with more simplicity , and less outward glory , yet , in them it is held forth in more fulness , evidence and spiritual efficacy p , to all nations both jews and gentiles q ; and is called the new testament r . there are not therefore two covenants of grace , differing in substance , but one & the same , under various dispensations s . chap. viii . of christ the mediator . it pleased god , in his eternal purpose to chuse and ordain the lord jesus , his only begotten son , to be the mediator between god and man a , the prophet b , priest c , and king d , the head , and saviour of his church e , the heir of all things f , and judge of the world g : unto whom he did from all eternity give a people to be his seed h , and to be by him in time redeemed , called , justified , sanctified and glorified i . ii. the son of god , the second person in the trinity , being very and eternal god , of one substance , and equal with the father ; did , when the fulness of time was come , take upon him mans nature k , with all the essential properties , and common infirmities thereof , yet without sin l : being conceived by the power of the holy ghost , in the womb of the virgin mary , of her substance m . so that two whole perfect and distinct natures , the god-head and the man-hood , were inseparably joyned together in one person , without conversion , composition or confusion n . which person is very god , and very man , yet one christ the only mediator between god and man o . iii. the lord jesus , in his humane nature , thus united to the divine , was sanctified and anointed with the holy spirit above measure a , having in him all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge b : in whom , it pleased the father , that all fulness should dwell c , to the end , that being holy , harmless , undefiled and full of grace and truth d , he might be thorowly furnished to execute the office of a mediator , and surety e : which office he took not unto himself , but was thereunto called ●y his father f , who put all power & judgment into his hand , & gave him commandment to execute the same g . iv. this office the lord jesus did most willingly undertake h , which that he might discharge , he was made under the law i , and did perfectly fulfill it k , endured most grievous torments immediately in his soul h , and most painful sufferings in his body l ; was crucified and died m : was buried , and remained under the power of death ; yet saw no ●●●●uption n . on the third day h● arose from the dead o , with the same ●●dy in which h● 〈◊〉 , with which also he ascend●● i●to heaven , and th●re sitteth at the ●ight hand of his father g , making 〈◊〉 h , and shall return to judge m●n , and angels at the end of the world i . v. the lord jesus , by his perfect obedience , and sacrifice of himself , which he , through the eternal spirit once offered up to god , hath fully satisfied the justice of his father k , and purchased , not only reconciliation , but an everlasting inheritance in the kingdom of heaven , for all those whom the father hath given unto him l . vi. although the work of redemption was not actually wrought by christ till after his incarnation , yet the vertue , efficacy , and benefits thereof were communicated unto the elect in all ages successively from the beginning of the world , in , and by those promises , types , and sacrifices , wherein he was revealed , and signified to be the seed of the woman , which should bruise the serpents head ; and the lamb slain from the beginning of the world ; being yesterday and to day the same , and for ever m . vii . christ , in the work of mediation , acteth according to both natures , by each nature doing that which is proper to it self n , yet by reason of the unity of the person , that which is proper to one nature ▪ is some times in scripture attributed to the person denominated by the other nature o . viii . to all those for whom christ hath purchased ▪ redemption , he doth certainly , and effectually apply and communicate the same p , making intercession for them q , and revealing unto them , in and by the word , the mysteries of salvation r , effectually perswading them by his spirit to believe , and obey , and governing their hearts by his word and spirit s , overcoming all their enemies by his almighty power and wisdom in such manner , and wayes , as are most consonant to his wonderful and unsearchable dispensation t . chap. ix . of free will. god hath indued the will of man with that natural liberty that is neither forced , nor by any absolute necessity of nature determined to do good or evil a . ii. man , in his state of innocency , had freedom and power , to will , and to do , that which was good , & well-pleasing to god b ; but yet , mutably , so that he might fall from it c . iii. man by his fall into a state of sin , hath wholly lost all ability of will to any spiritual good accompanying salvation d ; so as , a natural man , being altogether averse from that good e , and dead in sin f , is not able , by his own strength , to convert himself , or to prepare himself thereunto g . iv. when god converts a sinner , and translates him into the state of grace ; he freeth him from his natural bondage under sin h ; and by his grace , inables him freely to will and to do that which is spiritually good i yet so , as by reason of his remaining corruption , he doth not perfectly nor only will that which is good , but doth also will that which is evil k . v. the will of man is made per●ectly and immutably free to good alone in the state of glory only l . chap. x. of effectual calling . all those whom god hath predestinated unto life , and those only he is pleased in his appointed & accepted time , effectually to call a , by his word and spirit b , out of that state of sin and death , in which they are by nature , to grace and salvation by jesus christ c , in lightning their minds spiritually and savingly to understand the things of god d ; taking away their heart of stone , and giving unto them an heart of flesh ; renewing their wills , and by his almighty power determining them to that which is good f , e & effectually drawing them to jesus christ g ; yet so , as they come most freely , being made willing by his grace h . ii. this effectual call is of gods free , and special grace alone , not from any thing at all foreseen in man i , who is altogether passive therein , until being quickened & renewed by the holy spirit k , he is thereby inabled to answer this call , and to imbrace the grace offered , and conveyed in it l . iii. elect infants dying in infancy are regenerated , and saved by christ through the spirit m , who worketh when where and how he pleaseth n : so also are all other elect persons , who are uncapable of being outwardly called by the word o . iv. others , not elected , though they may be called by the ministry of the word p , and may have some common operations of the spirit , q yet they never truely come unto christ , and therefore cannot be saved r : much less can men , not professing the christian religion , be saved in any other way whatsoever , be they never so diligent to frame their lives according to the light of nature , and the law of that religion they do profess s . and , to assert and maintain , that they may , is very pernicious , and to be detested t . chap. xi . of iustification , those whom god effectually calleth he also freely justifieth a not by infusing righteousness into them , but by pardoning their sins , & by accounting and accepting their persons as righteous : not , for any thing wrought in them , or done by them , but for christs sake alone : nor , by imputing faith itself , the act of believing , nor any other evangelical obedience , to them as their righteousness ; but , by imputing the obedience and satisfaction of christ unto them b , they receiving and resting on him and his righteousness by faith , which faith they have , not of themselves , it is the gift of god c . ii faith , thus receiving and resting on christ and his righteousness , is the alone instrument of justification d ; yet is it not alone in the person justified , but is ever accompanied with all other saving graces , & is no dead faith but worketh by love e . iii. christ by his obedience and death , did fully discharge the debt of all those that are thus justified , and did make a proper , real , and full satisfaction to his fathers justice in their behalf f . yet in as much as he was given by the father for them g , and his obedience and satisfaction accepted in their stead hand , both freely , not for any thing in them , their justification is only of free grace i , h that , both the exact justice , & rich grace of god , might be glorified in the justification of sinners k . iv. god did from all eternity , decree to justifie all the elect l , and christ did , in the fulness of time , die f●r their sins , and rise again for their justification m : nevertheless they are not justified , untill the holy spirit doth in due time , actually apply christ unto them . v. god doth continue to forgive the sins of those that are justified o : and , although they can never fall from the state of justification p ; yet , they may by their sins , fall under gods fatherly displeasure , and not have the light of his countenance restored unto them , until they humble themselves , confess their sins , beg pardon , and renew their faith and repentance q . vi. the justification of believers under the old testament , was , in all these respects , one and the same , with the justification of believers under the new testament r . chap. xii . of adoption . all those that are justified , god vouchsafeth , in , and for his only son jesus christ , to make partakers of the grace of adoption a : by which they are taken into the number , and enjoy the liberties and priviledges of the children of god b , have his name put upon them c , receive the spirit of adoption d , have access to the throne of grace with boldness e , are inabled to cry abba , father f , are pitied g , protected h , provided for i , and chastned by him , as by a father k : yet never cast off l , but sealed to the day of redemption m , and inherit the promises n , as heirs of everlasting salvation o . chap. xiii . of sanctification . they who are effectually called , and regenerated , having a new heart , & a new spirit created in them are further sanctified really & personally , through the vertue of christs death & resurrection a , by his word and spirit dwelling in them b : the dominion of the whole body of sin is destroyed c , and the several lusts thereof are more & more weakned and mortified d , and they , more and more quickned and strengthned in all saving graces e , f to the practice of true holiness , without which no man shall see the lord. ii. this sanctification is throughout , in the whole man g : yet imperfect in this life , there abideth still some remnants of corruption in every part h : whence ariseth a continual and irreconcilable war ; the flesh lusting against the spirit , and the spirit against the flesh i . iii. in which war , although the remaining corruption , for a time , may much prevail k : yet through the continual supply of strength from the sanctifying spirit of christ , the regenerate part doth overcome l : & so the saints grow in grace m , perfecting holiness in the fear of god n . chap. xiv . of saving faith. the grace of faith , whereby the elect are inabled to believe to the saving of their souls a , is the work of the spirit of christ in their hearts b , & is ordinarily wrought by the ministry of the word c , by which also , and by the administration of the sacraments , and prayer , it is increased and strengthned d . ii. by this faith , a christian believeth to be true , whatsoever is revealed in the word , for the authority of god himself speaking therein e ▪ and acteth differently upon that which each particular passage thereof containeth , yielding obedience to the commands f ; trembling at the threatnings h , g and imbracing the promises of god for this life , and that which is to come h . but the principal acts of saving faith , are accepting , receiving , and resting upon christ alone for justification , sanctification , and eternal life ; by vertue of the covenant of grace i . iii. this faith is different in degrees , weak , or strong k : may be often and many waies assailed , and weakned , but gets the victory l : growing up in many to the attainment of a full assurance through christ m , who is both the author and finisher of our faith n . chap. xv. of repentance unto life . repentance unto life , is an evangelical grace a , the doctrine whereof is to be preached by every minister of the gospel , as well as that of faith in christ b . ii. by it , a sinner , out of the sight and sense not only of the danger , but also of the filthiness and odiousness of his sins , as contrary to the holy nature , and righteous law of god : and , upon the apprehension of his mercy in christ to such as are penitent , so grieves for , & hates his sin● , as to turn from them all unto god c , purposing & endeavoring to walk with him in all the waies of his commandments d . iii. although repentance be not to be rested in , as any satisfaction for sin , or any cause of the pardon thereof e , which is the act of gods free grace in christ f , yet is it of such necessity to all sinners , that none may expect pardon without it g . iv. as there is no sin so small but it deserves damnation h ; so there is no sin so great , that it can bring damnation on those who truly repent i . v. men ought not to content themselves with a general repentance , but it is every mans duty to endeavour to repent of his particular sins , particularly k . vi. as every man is bound to make private confession of his sins to god , praying for the pardon thereof l upon which , and the forsaking of them , he shall find mercy m : so he that scandalizeth his brother , or the church of christ , ought to be willing by a private or publick confess●on ▪ and sorrow for his sin to declare his repentance to th●se that are offended n , who are thereupon to be recon●●●ed to him , and in love to receive him .. o chap. xvi . of good woorks . good works are onely such as god hath commanded in his holy word a , and not such as without the warrant thereof , are devised by men , out of blind zeal , or upon any pretence of good intention b . ii. these good works done in obedience to gods commandments , are the fruits and evidences of a true and lively faith c : and by them , believers manifest their thankfulness d : strengthen their assurance e , edifie their brethren f , adorn the profession of the gospel g , stop the mouths of the adversaries h , and glorifie god i , whose workmanship they are , created in christ jesus thereunto k : that having their fruit unto holiness , they may have the end , eternal life l . iii. their ability to do good works is not at all of themselves , but wholly from the spirit of christ m . and that they may be inabled thereunto , besides the graces they have already received , there is required an actual influence of the same holy spirit , to work in them to will and to do , of his good pleasure n : yet are they not hereupon to grow negligent , as if they were not bound to perform any duty , unless upon a special motion of the spirit ; but they ought to be diligent in stirring up the grace of god that is in them o . iv. they who in their obedience attain to the greatest hight , which is possible in this life , are so far from being able to supererogate , and to do more than god requires , as that they fall short of much which in duty they are bound to do p . v. we cannot by our best works merit pardon of sin , or eternal life at the hand of god , by reason of the great disproportion that is between them and the glory to come ; & the infinite distance that is between us & god , whom , by them , we can neither profit , not satisfie for the debt of our former sins q , but when we have done all we can , we have done but our duty , and are unprofitable servants r , and because , as they are good they proceed from his spirit s : and as they are wrought by us , they are defiled , and mixed with so much weakness & imperfection , that they cannot endure the severity of gods judgment t . vi. yet notwithstanding the persons of believers being accepted through christ , their good works also are accepted in him u , not as though they were in this life wholly unblamable and unreprovable in gods sight w , but that , he looking upon them in his son , is pleased to accept and reward that which is sincere , though accompanied with many weaknesses and imperfections x . vii . works done by unregenerate men , although , for the mater of them they may be things which god commands , and of good use , both to themselves and others y , yet because they proceed not from an heart purified by faith z , nor are done in a right manner , according to the word a , nor to a right end , the glory of god b , they are therefore sinful , and cannot please god , or make a man meet to receive grace from god c . and yet their neglect of them is more sinful and displeasing unto god d . chap. xvii . of perseverance . they whom god hath accepted in his ●eloved , effectually called , a●d sanctified by hi● spirit , can neither to●ally nor finally ; fall away from the state of grace : but shall certainly persevere ●herein to the end , and be eternally saved a . ii. this perseverance of the saints depends not upon their own free will , but upon the immutability of the decree of election , flowing from the free & unch●ngeable love of god the father b , upon the e●ficacy of the merit and in●ercession of jesus chri●● c ▪ the abiding of the spirit , & of the seed of god within them d , and the nature of the covenant of grace e : from all which ariseth also the certainty & infalli●ility thereof f . iii. nevertheless , they may through the temptations of ●atan & of the world , the prevalency of corruption remaining in them ; and the neglect of the means of their preservation , fall into grievous sins g , and for a time continue therein h , whereby they incur gods displeasure i , and grieve his holy spirit k , come to be d●prived of some measure of their graces and comforts l , have their hearts hardened m , and their consciences wounded n , hurt , and scandalize others o , and bring temporal judgments upon themselves p . chap. xviii . of the assurance of grace and salvation . although hypocrites and other unregenerate men may vainly deceive themselves with false hopes and carnal presumptions of being in the favour of god , and estate of salvation a , which hope of theirs shall perish b : yet such as truly believe in the lord jesus , and love him in sincerity , endeavouring to walk in all good conscience before him , may in this life be certainly assured that they are in the state of grace c , and may rejoyce in the hope of the glory of god which hope shall never make them ashamed d . ii. this certainty is not a bare conjectural and probable perswasion , grounded upon a fallible hope e , but an infallible assurance of faith , founded upon the divine truth of the promises of salvation f , the inward evidence of those graces unto which these promises are made g , the testimony of the spirit o● adoption witnessing with ou● spirits that we are the children of god h : which spirit is the earnest of inheritance , whereby we are sealed to the day of redemption i . iii. this infallible assurance doth not so belong to the essence of faith but that a true believer may wait long and conflict with many difficulties before he be partaker of it k : yea , being enabled by the spirit to know the things which are freely given him of god , he may , without extraordinary revelation , in the right use of ordinary means , attain thereunto l . and therefore it is the duty of every one to give all diligence to make his calling and election sure m , that thereby his heart may be enlarged in peace & joy in the holy ghost , in love & thankfulness to god , & in strength and chearfulness in the duties of obedience , the proper fruits of this assurance n ; so far is it from inclining men to looseness o . iv. true believers may have the assurance of their salvation divers ways shaken , diminished , and intermitted , as by negligence in preserving of it , by falling into some special sin , which woundeth the conscience , & grieveth the spirit , by some sudden or vehement temptation , by gods withdrawing the light of his countenance , & suffering even such as fear him to walk in darkness , and to have no light p : yet are they never utterly destitute of that seed of god , & life of faith , that love of christ and the brethren , that sincerity of heart , and conscience of duty , out of which by the operation of the spiri● , this assurance may in due time be revived q , and by the which in the mean time their supported from utter despair r chap. xix . of the law of god. god gave to adam a law , as a covenant of works , by which he bound him , & all his posterity to personal , entire , exact and perpetual obedience , promised life upon the fulfilling , and threatned death upon the breach of it : and indued him with power and ability to keep it a . ii. this law , after his fall continued to be a perfect rule of righteousness , & as such , was delivered by god upon mount sinai , in ten commandments , and written in two tables b , the four first commandments containing our duty towards god , and the other six , our duty to man c . iii. beside this law commonly called moral , god was pleased to give to the people of is●ael , as a church under age , ceremonial laws , containing several typical ordi●ances , partly of worship , prefiguring christ his graces , actions , suffering● , and benefits d , and partly hold●ng forth divers instructions of moral duties e . all which ceremonial laws are now abrogated under the new testament f . iv. to them also , as a body politic , he gave sundry judicial laws , which expired together with the state of that people , not obligeing any other now , further than the general equity thereof may require g . v. the moral law doth for ever bind all , as well justified persons as others , to the obedience thereof h , and that , not only in regard of the ●atter contained in it , but also in respect of the authority of god the creator who gave it i . neither doth christ in the gospel any way dissolve but much strengthen this obligation k . vi. although true believer ▪ be not under the law , as a covenant of works , to be thereby justified , or condemned l , yet it is of great use to them , as well as to others , in that , as a rule of life informing the of the will of god , and their duty , it directs and binds them to walk accordingly m , discovering also the sinful pollutions of their nature , hearts and lives n : so as examining themselves thereby , they may come to further conviction of , hum●liation for , and hatred against sin o : together with a clearer sight of the need they have of christ , and the perfection of his obedience p . it is likewise of use to the regenerate , to restrain their corruptions : in that it forbids sin q : and the threatnings of it serve to shew , what even their sins deserve : and what afflictions in this life , they may expect for them , although freed from the curse thereof threatned in the law r . the promises of it in like manner , shew them gods approbation of obedience , & what blessings they may expect upon the performance there of s : although not as due to them by the law , as a covenant of works t . so as a mans doing good , and refraining from evil , because the law encourageth to the one , & deterreth from the other , is no evidence of his being under the law , and not under grace u . vii . neither are the fore mentioned uses of the law contrary to the grace of the gospel , but do sweetly comply with it w , the spirit of christ subduing , and inabling the will of man , to do that freely and chearfully , which the will of god revealed in the law , requireth to be done x , chap. xx. of christian liberty , and liberty of conscience . the liberty which christ hath purchased for believers , under the gospel , consists in their freedom from the guilt of sin , the condemning wrath of god , the curse of the moral law a , and in their being delivered from this present evil world , bondage to satan , and dominion of sin b ; from the evil of afflictions , the sting of death , the victory of the grave , and everlasting damnation c , as also , in their free access to god d , and their yielding obedience unto him , not out of slavish fear , but a child like love and willing mind e . all which were common also to believers under the law. but under the new testament , the liberty of christians is further inlarged , in their freedom from the yoke of the ceremonial law , to which the jewish church was subject g , and in greater boldness of access to the throne of grace h , and in fuller communications of the free spirit of god , than believers under the law , did ordinarily partake of i . ii. god alone is lord of the conscience k : and hath left it free from the doctrines and commandments of men which are in any thing contrary to his word , or beside it , in matters of faith or worship l . so that to believe such doctrines , or to obey such commands out of conscience , is to betray true liberty of conscience m , & the requiring of an implicite . faith , and an absolute and blind obedience , is , to destroy liberty of conscience , and reason also n . iii. they , who upon pretence of christian liberty , do practice any sin , or cherish any lust , do thereby destroy the end of christian liberty , which is , that being delivered out of the hands of our enemies , we might serve the lord without fear , in holiness and righteousness before him all the daies of our life o . iv. and because the power which god hath ordained , and the liberty which christ hath purchased , are not intended by god , to destroy , but mutually to uphold & preserve one another : they , who upon pretence of christian liberty shall oppose any lawful power , or the lawful exercise of it , whether it be civil or ecclesiastical , resist the ordinance of god p . and , for their publishing of such practices , as are contrary to the light of nature , or to the known principles of christianity , whether concerning faith , worship , or conversation : or , to the power of godliness : or such erroneous opinions or practices , as either in their own nature , or in the manner of publishing or maintaining them , are destructive to the external peace and order which christ hath established in the church , they may lawfully be called to account , and proceeded against by the censures of the church q , and by the power of civil magistrate r . chap. xxi . of religious worship , and the sabbath day . the light of nature sheweth that there is a god , who hath lordship & sovereignty over all , is good ▪ & doth good unto all , & is therefore to be feared , loved , praised , called upon , trusted in and served with all the heart , and with all the soul , and with all the might a . but , the acceptable way of worshiping the true god , is instituted by himself , and so limited to his own revealed will ▪ that he may not be worshipped according to the imaginations & devices of men , or the suggestions of satan , under any visible representations , or any other way not prescribed in the holy scripture b . ii. religious worship is to be given to god , the father , son and holy ghost ; and to him alone c ; not to angels , saints , or any other creature d , and since the fall , not without a mediator ; nor in the mediation of any other , but of christ alone e . iii. prayer with thanks-giving being one special part of religious worship f , is by god required of all men g : and that it may be accepted it is to be made in the name of the son h , by the help of his spirit i , according to his will k : with understanding , reverence , humility , fervency , faith , love , l and perseverance and if vocal , in a known tongue m . iv. prayer is to be made for all things lawful n , and for all sorts of men living , or that shall live hereafter o : but not for the dead p , nor for those of whom it it may be known that they have sinned the sin unto death q . v. the reading of the scriptures with godly fear r , the sound preaching s , and conscionable hearing of the word ; in obedience unto god , with understanding , faith , and reverence t : singing of psalms with grace in the heart u : as also the due administration , and worthy receiving of the sacraments instituted by christ ; are all parts of the ordinary religious worship of god w ; besides religious oaths x , vows y , sollemn fasting z , and thanksgivings upon several occasions a , which are in their several times and seasons , to be used in an holy and religious manner b . vi. neither prayer nor any other part of religious worship , is now under the gospel , either tyed unto , or made more acceptable by any place in which it is performed or towards which it is directed c : but god is to be worshipped every where d , in spirit and truth e : as in private families f , daily g , and in secret , each one to himself h ; so more solemnly in the publick assemblies , which are not carelesly or wilfully to be neglected , or forsaken when god , by his word or providence calleth thereunto i . vii . as it is of the law of nature , that , in general , a due proportion of time be set apart , for the worship of god : so in his word , by a positive , moral , and perpetual commandment , binding all men , in all ages , he hath particularly appointed one day in seven for a sabbath to be kept holy unto him k : which from the beginning of the world to the resurrection of christ , was the last day of the week ; and from the resurrection of christ , was changed ▪ into the first day of the week l , which in scripture is called the lords day m , and is to be continued to the end of the world , as the christian sabbath n . viii . this sabbath is then kept holy unto the lord , when men , after a due preparing of their hearts and ordering of their common affairs beforehand , do not only observe an holy rest all the day , from their own works , words & thoughts about their worldly imployments ▪ and recreations o , but also are taken up the whole time in the publick and private exercises of his worship , and in the duties of necessity and mercy p . chap. xxii . of lawful oaths and vows . a lawful oath is a part of religious worship a , wherein , upon just occasion , the person swearing , solemnly calleth god to witness what he asserteth or promiseth ; and to judge him according to the truth or falshood of what he sweareth b . ii. the name of god only , is that by which men ought to swear , & therein it is to be used with all holy fear and reverence e . therefore to swear vainly , or rashly , by that glorious and dreadful name ; or , to swear at all , by any other thing , is sinful and to be abhorred d . yet , as in matters of weight and moment , an oath is warranted by the word of god , under the new testament as well as under the old e ; so a lawful oath , being imposed by lawful authority , in such matters ought to be taken f . iii. whosoever taketh an oath , ought duly to consider the weightiness of so solemn an act , and therein to avouch nothing , but what he is fully perswaded is the truth g , neither may any man ▪ bind himself by oath to any thing but what is good and just , and what he believeth so to be , and what he is able and resolved to perform h . yet it is a sin , to refuse an oath touching any thing that is good and just , being imposed by lawful authority i . iv. an oath is to be taken in the plain and common sense of the words without equivocation , or mental reservation k : it cannot oblige to sin ; but , in any thing not sinful , being taken , it binds to performance , although to a mans own hart l . nor is it to be vio●ated , although made to hereticks o● infidels m . v. a vow is of the like nature with a promissary o●th , and ought to be made with the like religious care , and to be performed with the like faithfulness n . vi. it is not to be made to any creature but to god a●one o , and that it may be accepted , it is to be made voluntarily , out of faith , and conscience of duty , in way of thankfulness ▪ for mercy received , or of the obtaining of what we want : whereby we more strictly bind our selves to necessary duties : or , to other things , so far , and so long as they may fitly conduce thereunto p . vii . no man may vow , to do any thing forbidden in the word of god , or what would hinder any duty therein commanded , or which is not in his own power , and for the performance whereof , he hath no promise of ability from god q . in which respect , popish monastical vows of perpetual single life , professed poverty , and regular obedience , are so far from being degrees of higher perfection , that they are superstitious and sinful snares , in which , no christian may intangle himself r . chap. xxiii . of the civil magistrate . god , the supream lord and king of all the world , hath ordained civil magistrates to be under him , over the people for his own glory , and the publick good : and to this end , hath armed them with the power of the sword , for the defence and encouragement of them that are good , and for the punishment of evil doers a . ii. it is lawful for christians to accept and execute the office of a magistrate , when called thereunto b : in the managing whereof , as they ought especially to maintain piety , justice , and peace , according to the wholsome laws of each common-wealth c : so for that end , they may lawfully now under the new testament , wage war , upon just and necessary occasion d . iii. the civil magistrate may not assume to himself the administration of the word & sacraments , or the power of the keys of the kingdom of heaven e : yet he hath authority , and it is his duty , to take order that unity and peace be preserved in the church , that the truth of god be kept pure and entire , that all blasphemies and heresies be suppressed , all corruptions and abuses in worship & discipline prevented , or reformed : and all the ordinances of god duly settled , administred and observed f : for the better effecting whereof , he hath power to call synods , to be present at them , and to provide that whatsoever is transacted in them , be according to the mind of god g . iv. it is the duty of people to pray for magistrates h , to honour their persons i , to pay them tribute & other dues k : to obey their lawful commands , and to be subject to their authority for conscience sake l infidelity or indifference in religion doth not make void the magistrates just and legal authority , nor free the people from their due obedience to him m : from which ecclesiastical persons are not exempted n , much less hath the pope any power or jurisdiction over them , in their dominions , or over any of their people ; and least of all to deprive them of their dominions , or lives , if he shall judge them to be hereticks or upon any other pretence whatsoever o . chap. xxiv . of marriage and divorce . marriage is to be between one man and one woman . neither is it lawful for any man to have more than one wife , nor for any woman to have more than one husband , at the same time a . ii. marriage was ordained for the mutual help of husband and wife b , for the increase of mankind , with a legitimate issue , and of the church with an holy seed c , and for preventing of uncleanness d . iii. it is lawful for all sorts of people to marry , who are able with judgment to give their consent e . yet , is it the duty of christians to marry only in the lord f . and therefore such as profess the true reformed religion , should not marry with infidels , papists , or other idolaters . neither should such as are godly be unequally yoked , by marrying with such as are notoriously wicked in their life , or maintain damnable heresies g . iv. marriage ought not to be within the degrees of consanguinity or affinity forbidden in the word h . n●r can such incest●o●s marriages ever be made lawful by any law of man , or consent of parties , so as those per●ons may live together as man and wife i . the man may not ma●ry any of his wifes kinred nearer in blood , than he may of his own ; nor , the wo●an of her husbands kindred , nearer in blood than of her own k . v. adultery or fornication committed after a contract , being detected before mar●iage , giveth iust occasion to the innocent party to dissolve that contract l ▪ in the case of adultery after marriage , it is lawful for the innocent party to sue out a divorce m , and af●er the divorce , to marry another , as if the offending party were dead n . vi. although the corruptions of man be such as is apt to study arguments , unduely to put asunder thos● whom god hath j●yned together in marriage : yet ●●thing but adultery , or such wilful desertion as can no way be remedied by the church , or civil magistrate , is cause sufficient of dissolving the bond of marriage o : wherein , a publick and orderly course of proceeding is to be observed : and , the persons concerned in it , not left to their own wills & discretion in their own case p . chap. xxv . of the church . the catholick or universal church which is invisible , consists of the whole number of the elect , that have been , are , or shall be gathered into one , under christ the head thereof ; and is the spouse , the body , the fulness of him that filleth all in all a . ii. the visible church which is also catholick or universal , unde● the gospel ( not confined to one nation , as before under the law ) consist● of all those , throughout the world ▪ that pro●ess the true religion b , together with their children c : an● is the kingdom of the lord jesu● christ d , the house and family o● god e , ou● of which there is no ordinary possibility of salvation f . iii. unto this catholick visible church , christ hath given the ministry , oracles , and ordinances of god , for the gathering , and perfecting of the saints , in this life to the end of the world : and doth by his own presence and spirit , according to his promise , make them effectual thereunto g . iv. this catholick church hath been sometimes more , sometimes less visible h . and particular churches , which are members thereof , are more or less pure , according as the doctrine of the gospel is taught and imbraced , ordinances administred , and publick worship performed more or less purely in them i . v. the purest churches under heaven are subject both to mixture and errour k , and some have so degenerated as to become no churches of christ , but synagogues of satan l . nevertheless , there shall be alwaies a church on earth to worship god according to his will m . vi. there is no other head of the church , but the lord jesus christ n . nor can the pope of rome , in any sence be head thereof : but is that anti-christ , that man of sin , and son of perdition that exalteth himself in the church , against christ and all that is called god o . chap. xxvi . of the communion of saints . all saints that are united to jesus christ their head , by his spirit , and by faith , have fellowship with him in his graces , sufferings , death , resurrection , and glory a . and , being united to one another in love , they have communion in each others gifts and graces b , and are obliged to the performance of such duties publick and private , as do conduce to their mutual good , both in the inward & outward man c . ii. saints by profession are bound to maintain an holy fellowship and communion in the worship of god ; and in performing such other spiritual servic●s as tend to their mutual edification d : as also , in relieving each other in outward things according to their several abilities , and necessities . which communion , as god offereth opportunity , is to be extended unto all those , who in every place call upon the name of the lord jesus e . iii. this communion which the saints have with christ , doth not make them , in any wise , partakers of the substance of his god-head , or to be equal with christ in any respect : either of which to affir● , is impious and blasphem●us f . nor doth their communion one with another as saints , take away , or infringe the title or propriety which each man hath in his goods and possessions g . chap. xxvii . of the sacraments . sacraments are holy signs , and seals of the covenant of grace a , immediately instituted by god b , to represent christ , and his benefits ; and to confirm our interest in him c . as also , to put a visible difference between those that belong unto the church , and the rest of the world d ; and solemnly to engage them to the service of god in christ according to his word e . ii. there is in every sacrament a spiritual relation , or sacramental union , between the sign and the thing signified : whence it comes to pass , that the names , and effects of the one , are attributed to the other f . iii. the grace which is exhibited in , or by the sacraments rightly used , is not conferred by any power in them ; neither doth the efficacy of a sacrament depend upon the piety , or intention of him that doth administer it g ; but upon the work of the spirit h , and the word of institution , which contains , together with a precept authorizing the use thereof , a promise of benefit to worthy receivers i . iv. there be only two sacraments ordained by christ our lord , in the gospel , that is to say , baptism and the supper of the lord , neither of which may be dispensed by any , but by a minister of the word lawfully ordained k . v. the sacraments of the old testament , in regard of the spiritual things thereby signified , and exhibited , were , for substance the same with those of the new l . chap. xxviii . of baptisme . baptism is a sacrament of the new testament , ordained by jesus christ a , not only for the solemn admission of the party baptized , into the visible church b : but also , to be unto him a sign and seal of the covenant of grace c , of his ingrafting into christ d , of regeneration e , of remission of sins f , and of his giving up unto god through jesus christ , to walk in newness of life g , which sacrament is , by christs own appointment , to be continued in his church , untill the end of the world h . ii. the outward element to be used in the sacrament , is water , wherewith the party is to be baptized , in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy-ghost , by a minister of the gospel , lawfully called thereunto i . iii. dipping of the person into the water , is not necessary : but , baptism is rightly administred , by pouring , or sprinkling water upon the person k . iv. not only those that do actually p●of●ss faith in , and obedience unto christ l , but also the infants of one , or both believing parents , are to be baptized m . v. although i● be a great sin to contemn or neglect this ordinance n , yet ●race and salvation are not so inseparably annexed unto it , as that no person can be regenerated or saved without it o , or that all that are baptized , are undoubtedly regenerated p . vi. the efficacy of baptism is not ●yed to that moment of time , wherein it is administred q , yet notwithstanding by the right use of this ordinance , the grace promised , is not only offered , but really exhibited & confer'd by the holy ghost to such ( whether of age , or infants ) as that grace belongeth unto , according to the council of gods own will , in his appointed time r . vii . the sacrament of baptism is but once to be administred to any person s . chap. xxix . of the lords supper . our lord jesus , in the night wherein he was betrayed , instituted the sacrament of his body and blood , called the lords supper to be observed in his church , unto the end of the world , for the perpetual remembrance of the sacrifice of himself in his death : the sealing all benefits thereof unto true believers , their spiritual nourishment and growth in him , their further engagement in , and to all duties whi●h they ow unto him , and to be a bond and pledge of their communion with him , and with each other , as members of his mystical body a . ii. in this sacrament christ is not offered up to his father : nor , any real sacrifice made at all , for remission of s●n of the quick or dead b , but only a commemoration of that one , offering up of himself , by himself , upon the cross , once for all , and a spiritual oblation of all possible praise unto god for the same c . so that , the popish sacrifice of the mass ( as they call it ) is most abominably injurious to christs one , only sacrifice , the only propitiation for all the sins of the elect d . iii. the lord jesus hath in this ordinance , appointed his minister● to declare his word of institution to the people , to pray and bless the elements of bread and wine , and thereby to set them apart from a common to a holy use : and to take , and break the bread , to take the cup , and ( they communicating also themselves ) to give both to the communicants e , but to none who are not then present in the congregation f . iv. private masses , or receiving this sacrament by a priest , or any other alone g , as likewise the denyal of the cup to the people h , worshipping the elements , the lifting them up , or carrying them about for adoration , and the reserving them for any pretended religious use , are all contrary to the nature of this sacrament , and to the institution of christ i . v. the outward elements in this sacrament duly set apart to the uses ordained by christ , have such relation to him crucified , as that truly , yet sacramentally only , they are sometimes called by the name of the things they represent , to wit , the body and blood of christ k : albeit in substance and nature , they still remain , truly and only bread and wine , as they were before l . vi. that doctrine which maintains a change of the substance of bread and wine , into the substance of christs body and blood ( commonly called transubstantiation ) by consecration of a priest , or by any other way , is repugnant , not to scripture alone , but even to common sense and reason ; overthroweth the nature of the sacrament , & hath been , and is the cause of manifold superstitions ; yea , of gross idolatries m . vii . worthy receivers outwardly partaking of the visible elements , in this sacrament n , do then also inwardly by faith really & indeed , yet not carnally & corporally , but spiritually , receive , & feed upon christ crucified , & all benefits of his death ▪ the body & blood of christ being then , nor corporally or carnally , in , with or under the bread and wine : yet , as really , but spiritually , present to the faith of believers in that ordinance , as the elements themselves are to their outward senses o . viii . although ignorant , and wicked men receive the outward elements in this sacrament : yet they receive not the thing signified thereby ; but by their unworthy coming thereunto , are guilty of the body & blood of the lord to their own damnation . wherefore , all ignorant and ungodly persons , as they are unfit to enjoy communion with him , so are they unworthy of the lords ta●le ▪ and cannot without great sin against christ while they remain such , partake of these holy mysteries p , or be admitted thereunto q . chap. xxx . of church censures . the lord jesus , as king and head of his church , hath therein appointed a government , in the hand of church officers , distinct from the civil magistrate a . ii. to these officers , the keys of the kingdom of heaven are committed : by vertue whereof , they have power , respectively , to retain , and remit sins : to shut that kingdom against the impenitent , both by the word and censures ; and to open it unto penitent sinners , by the ministry of the gospel , and by absolution from censures , as occasion sha●l require b . iii. church censures are necessary , for the ●eclaiming and gaining of offending brethren , for deterring of oth●●s from the like offences , for pu●ging out of that leaven which might infect the whole lump , for v●●dicating the honour of christ , 〈◊〉 the holy profession of the gos●●l , & for preventing the wrath of god , which might iustly fall upon the church , if they should suffer his covenant , and ●he seals thereof to be ●rofaned by notorious and obstinate offenders c . iv. for the better attaining of these ends , the officers of the church are to proceed by admonition , suspension from the sacrament of the lords supper for a season ; and by excommunication from the church , according to the nature of the crime and demerit of the person d . chap. xxxi . of synods and councils . for the better government , and further edification of the church there ought to be such assemblies , as are commonly called synods or councils a . ii. as magistrates may lawfully call a synod of ministers , and other fit persons , to consult and advise with , about matters of religion b : so , if magistrates be open enemies to the church , the ministers of christ , of themselves , by vertue of their office ; or they , with other fit persons , upon delegation from their churches , may meet together in such assemblies c . iii. it belongeth to synods and councils , ministerially to determine controversies of faith , and cases of conscience , to set down rules and directions for the better ordering of the publick worship o● god , and government of his church : to receive complaints in cases of malice , administration : and authoritatively , to determine the same ; which decrees and determinations , if consonant to the word of god , are to be received with reverence , and submission : not only for their agreement with the word , but also for the power whereby they are made as being an ordinance of god appointed thereunto in his word d . iv. all synods or councils , since the apostles times , whether general or particular , may erre , and many have erred . therefore they are not to be made the rule of faith , or practice ; but to be used as an help in both e . v. synods and councils are to handle , or conclude nothing , but that which is ecclesiastical : and are not to intermeddle with civil affairs which concern the common wealth , unless by way of humble petition in cases extraordinary : or by way of advice , for satisfaction of conscience , if they be thereunto required by the civil magistrate f . chap. xxxii· of the state of men after death , and of the resurrection of the dead . the bodies of men , after death , return to dust , and see corruption a : but their souls ( which neither die nor sleep ) having an immortal subsistence , immediately return to god who gave them b : the souls of the righteous , being then made perfect in holiness , are received into the highest heavens where they behold the face of god , in light and glory , waiting for the full redemption of their bodies c . and the souls of the wicked are cast into hell , where they remain in torments and utter darkness , reserved to the judgment of the great day d . besides these two places , for souls separated from their bodies , the scripture acknowledgeth none . ii. at the last day , such as are found alive , shall not die , but be changed e ; and all the dead shall be raised up , with the self same bodies , and none other , although with different qualities , which shall be united again to their souls for ever f . iii. the bodies of the unjust , shall by the power of christ be raised to dishonour : the bodies of the just by the spirit , unto honour : and be made conformable to his own glorious body g . chap. xxxiii . of the last judgment . god hath appointed a day , wherein he will judge the world in righteousness , by jesus christ a , to whom all power and judgment is given of the father b . in which day , not only the apostate angels shall be judged c , but likewise all persons that have lived upon earth , shall appear before the tribunal of christ , to give an accompt of their thoughts , words and deeds , and to receive accordingly to what they have done in the body , whether good or evil d . ii. the end of gods appointing this day , is for the manifestation of the gl●ry of his mercy , in the eternal salvation of the elect : and , of his justice , in the damnation of the reprobate , who are wicked , and disobedient : for , then shall the righteous go into everlasting life , and receive that fulness of joy and refreshing , which shall come from the presence of the lord : but ▪ the wicked , who know not god ▪ and obey not the gospel of jesus christ , shall be cast into eternal torments , and be p●nished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the lord , and from the glory of h●s power e . iii. as christ would have us to be certainly perswaded that th●r● shall be a day of judgment , both to deter all men from sin , and for the greater consolation of the godly in their adversity f : so , will he have that day unknown to men , that they may shake off all carnal security , and be alwaies watchful , because they know not at what hour the lord will come : and , may be ever prepared to say , come , lord jesus , come quickly , amen g . finis . the larger catechism , first agreed upon by the assembly of divines at westminster . and now approved by the general assembly of the church of scotland . to be a part of uniformity in religion between the kirks of christ in the three kingdoms . edinbourg , printed by george swintoun and thomas brown , and are to be sold by iames glen and david trench . anno dom. 1671. the larger catechism , first agreed upon by the assembly of divines at westminster . and now appointed by the general assembly of the kirk of scotland , to be a part of uniformi●y in religion , between the kirks of christ , in the three kingdomes . question . 1. what is the chief and highest end of man ? a. mans chief and highest end is , to glorifie god a , and fully to enjoy him for ever b . q. 2. how doth it appear that there is a god ? a. the very light of nature in man , and the works of god declare plainly that there is a god c : but his word and spirit only do sufficiently and effectually reveal him unto men for their salvation d . q. 3. what is the word of god ? a. the holy scriptures of the old and new testament are the word of god e , the only rule of faith and obedience f . q. 4. how doth it appear that the scriptures are the word of god ? a. the scriptures manifest themselves to be the word of god , by their majesty g , and purity h ; by the consent of all the parts i , & the scope of the whole , which is to give al glory t● god k by their light and power to convince and convert sinners , to comfort and build up believers unto salvation l : but the spirit of god bearing witness by and with the scriptures in the heart of man , is alone able fully to perswade it , that they are the very word of god m . q. 5. what do the scriptures principally teach ? a. the scriptures principally teach , what man is to believe concerning god and what duty god requires of man n . q. 6. what do the scriptures make known of god ? a. the scriptures make known what god is o , the persons in the godhead p , his decrees q , and the execution of his decrees r . q. 7. what is god ? a. god is a spirit s , in and of himself infinite in being t , glory u , blessedness w , and perfection x , all sufficient y , eternal z , unchangeable a , incomprehensible b , every where present c , almighty d , knowing all things e , most wise f , most holy g , most just h , most merciful and gracious , long suffering and abundant in goodness and truth i . q. 8. are there more gods than one ? a. there is but one only , the living and true god k . q. 9. how many persons are there in the godhead ? a. there be three persons in the godhead , the father , the son , and the holy ghost , and these three are one , true , eternal god , the same in substance , equal in power and glory , although distinguished by their personal properties l . q 10. what are the personal properties of the three persons in the godhead q a. it is proper to the father to beget the son m , and to the son to bebegotten of the father n , and to the holy ghost to proceed from th● father and son , from all eternity o . q 11. how doth it appear that the son and the holy ghost are god equal with the father ? a. the s●riptures manifest that the son , & the holy ghost , are god equal with the father , ●scribing unto them such names p , attributes q , works r , and worship s , as are proper to ●od only . q 1● what are the decree● of god ? a. gods decrees are the wise , free , and holy acts of the counsel of his will t , whereby from all eternity , he hath for his own glory , unchangeably , fore-●rdained whatsoever comes to pass in time u ; especially concerning angels and men. q. 13. what hath god especially decreed concerning angels and men ? a. god by an eternal and immutable decree , ●ut of his meer love for the praise of his glorious grace to be manifested in due time , ha●h elected some angels to glory w ; and in christ hath chosen some men to eternal life , and the means thereof x and also according to his soveraign power , and the unsearchable co●nsel of his own will ( whereby he extendeth or witholdeth favour as he pleaseth ) hath passed by and fore-ordained the rest to dishonour and wrath , to be for their sin inflicted , to the praise of the glory of his justice y q. 14. how doth god execute his decrees ? a. god executeth his decrees in the works of creation and providence ; according to his infallible foreknowledg and the free and immutable counsel of his own will z . q. 15. what is the work of creation ? a. the work of creation , is that wherein god did , in the beginning , by the word of his power , make of nothing , the world and all things therein , for himself , within the space of six daies , and all very good a . q. 16. how did god create the angels ? a. god created all the angels b spirits c , immortal d , holy e , excelling in knowledge f , mighty in power g , to execute his commandments , and to praise his name h ; yet subject to change i . q. 17. how did god create man ? a. after god had made oll other creatures , he created man male and female k form'd the body of the man of the dust of the ground , and the woman of a rib of the man m , indued them with living , reasonable and immortal souls n : made them after his own image o , in knowledge p , righteousness , and holiness q , having the law of god written in their hearts r : and power to fulfil it s , with dominion over the creatures t , yet subject to fall u . q. 18. what are gods works of providence ? a. gods works of providence are , his most holy w , wise x , & powerful preserving y , and governing all his creatures z , ordering them and all their actions a , to his own glory b . q. 19. what is gods providence towards the angels ? a. god by his providence permitted some of the angels wilfully and irrecoverably to fall into sin & damnation c , limiting and ordering that and all their sins to his own glory d , and established the rest in holiness and happ●ness e , imploying them all f , at his pleasure in the administration of his power , mercy and justice g . q. 20. what was the providence of god towards man in the estate wherein he wa● created ? a. the providence of god toward man , in the estate wherein he was created , was , the placing him in paradise , appointing him to dress it , giving him liberty to eat of the fruit of the earth h , putting the creatures under his dominion i , and ordaining marriage for his help k : affording him communion with himself l , instituting the sabbath m , entering into a covenant of life with him , upon condition of personal , perfect , and perpetual obedience n , of which the tree of life was a pledge o , and for biding to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil , upon pain of death p . q. 21. did man continue in that estate wherein god at first created him ? a. our first parents being left to the freedom of their own will , through the temptation of satan , transgressed the commandment of god , in eating the forbidden fruit , and thereby fell from the estate of innocency wherein they were created q . q. 22. did all mankind fall in that first transgression ? a. the covenant being made with adam as a publick person , not for himself only ▪ but for his posterity , all mankind descending from him by ordinary generation r , sinned in him , and fell with him in that first transgression s . q. 23. into what estate did the fall bring mankind ? a. the fall brought mankind into an estate of sin and misery t . q. 24. what is sin ? a. sin is any want of conformity unto , or transgression of any law of god , given as a rule to the reasonable creatures u . q. 25. wherein consisteth the sinfulness of that estate whereinto man fell ? a. the sinfulness of that estate whereinto man fell , consisteth in the guilt of adams first sin w , the want of that righteousness wherein he was created , & the corruption of his nature , whereby he is utterly indispos'd , disabled and made opposite unto all that is spiritually good , and wholly in●lined to all evil , and that continnually x which is commonly called original sin , and from which do proceed all act●al transgressions y , q. how is original sin conveyed from our first parents to their posterity ? a original sin is conveyed from our first parents to their posterity by natural generation , so as all that proceed from them in that way , are conceived and born in sin z . q. 27. what misery did the fall bring upon mankind ? a. the fall brought upon mankind the loss of communion with god a his displeasure and curse , so as we are by nature children of wrath b , bond-slaves to satan c , and justly liable to all punishments in this world , & that which is to come d . q. 28. what are the punishments of sin in this world ? a. the punishment of sin in this world , are , either inward , as blindness of mind e , a reprobate sense f , strong delusions g , hardness of heart h , horrour of conscience i , and vile affections k ; or outward , as the curse of god upon the creatures for our sakes l , and all other evils that befal us in our bodies , names , estates , relations and employments m , together with de●th it self n . q. 29. what are the punishments of sin in the world to come ? a. the punishments of sin in the world to come , are everlasting separation from the comfortable presence of god , and most grievous torments in soul and body without intermission , in hell fire , for ever o . q. 30 , doth god leave all mankind to perish in the estate of sin and misery ? a. god doth not leave all mankind to perish in the estate of sin & misery p , into which they fell , by the breach of the first covenant , commonly cal'd the covenant of works , q : but , of his meer love & mercy , delivereth his elect out of it , & bringeth them into an estate of salvation by the second covenant , commonly called the covenant of grace r . q. 31. with whom was the covenant of grace made ? a. the covenant of grace was made with christ as the second adam , and in him , with all the elect , as his seed s . q. 32. how is the grace of god manifested in the second covenant ? a. the grace of god is manifested in the second covenant , in that he freely provideth and offereth to sinners a mediator t , and life and salvation by him u , and requiring faith as the condition to interest them in him w , promiseth and giveth his holy spirit x , to all his elect , to work in them that faith y , with all other saving graces z , and to enable them unto all holy obedience a , as the evidence of the truth of their faith b , and thankfulness to god c , and as the way which he hath appointed them to salvation d . q. 33. was the covenant of grace alway ▪ administred after one and the same manner ? a the covenant of grace was not always administred after the same manner , but the administration of it under the old testament was different from that under the new e . q. 34. how was the covenant of grace administred under the old testament ? a. the covenant of grace was administred under the old testament , by promises f , prophesies g , sacrifices h , circumcision i , the passover k : & other types & ordinances , which did all foresignifie christ then to come , and were for that time sufficient to build up the elect in faith in the promised messiah l , by whom they then had full remission of sin , and ete●nal salvation m . q 35. how is the covenant of grace administred under the new testament ? a. under the new testament , when christ the substance was exhibited , the same covenant of grace was and still is to be administred in the preaching of the word n , & the administration of the sacraments of baptism o , and the lords supper p ; in which , grace and salvation is held forth in more fulness , evidence , and efficacy to all nations q . q. 36. who is the mediator of the covena●t of grace ? a. the only mediator of the covenant of grace is the lord jesus christ r , who being the eternal son of god , of one substance , and equal with the father s , in the fulness of time became man t , and so was and continues to be god and man in two intire distinct natures , and one person for ever u . q. 37. how did christ being god become man ? a. christ the son of god became man , by taking to himself a true body , and reasonable soul w , being conceived by the power of the holy ghost , in the womb of the virgin mary , of her substance , and born of her x ; yet without sin y . q. 38. why was it requisite that the mediator should be god ? a. it was requisite that the mediator should be god , that he might sustain and keep the humane nature from sinking under the infinit wrath of god , and the power of death z ; give worth & efficacy to his suffering● , obedience and intercession a ; and so satisfie gods justice b , procure his favour c , purchase a peculiar people d , give his spirit to them e , conquer all their enemies f , & bring them to everlasting salvation g . q. 39. why was it requisite that the mediator should be man ? a. it was requisite that the mediator should be man , that he might advance our nature h , pe●form obedience to the law i , suffer & make intercession for us in our nature k , have a fellow-feeling of our infirmi●ies l , that we might receive the adoption of sons m , and have comfort and access with boldness unto the throne of grace n . q. 40. why was it requisite that the mediator should be god and man in one person ? a. it was requisite that the mediator , who was to reconcile god and man , should himself be bo●h god and man , and this in one person , that the proper works of each nature might be accepted of god for us o , and relyed on by us , as the works of the whole person p . q. 41. why was our mediatour called iesus ? a. our mediator was called jesus , because he saved his people from their sins q . q. 42. why was our mediatour called christ ? a. our mediator was called christ , because he was anointed with the holy ghost above measure p , and so set apart , & fully furnished with all authority & ability s , to execute the offices of a prophet t , priest u , & king of his church w , in the estate both of his humiliation and exaltation . q. 43. how doth christ execute the office of a prophet ? a. christ executeth the office of a prophet , in his revealing to the church x , in all ages , by his spirit and word y , in divers ways of administration z , the whole will of god a , in all things concerning heir edification and salvation b . q. 44. how doth christ execute the office of a priest ? a. christ executeth the office of a priest , in his once off●ring himself a sacrifice without spot to god c , to be a reconciliation for the sins of his people d , and in making continual intercession for them e . q. 45. how doth christ execute the office of a king ? a christ executeth the office of a king , in calling out of the world a people to himself f , & giving them officers g , laws h , and censures , by which he visibly governs them i , in bestowing saving grace upon his elect k , rewarding their obedience l , and correcting them for their sins m , preserving and supporting them under all their temptations and sufferings n , restraining and overcoming all their enemies o , and powerfully ordering all things for his own glory p , and their own good q ; and also in taking vengeance on the rest , who know not god , and obey not the gospel r . q. 46. what was the estate of christs humiliation ? a. the estate of christs humiliation was , that low condition , wherein , he for our sakes , emptying himself of his glory , took upon him the form of a servant in his conception and birth , life , death , and after his death untill his resurrection s . q. 47. how did christ humble himself in his conception and birth ? a. christ humbled himself in his conception and birth , in that , being from all eternity the son of god , in the bosom of the father , he was pleased in the fulness of time to become the son of man , made of a woman of low estate and to be born of her , with divers circumstances of more than ordinary abasement t . q. 48. how did christ humble himself in his life ? a. christ humbled himself in his life , by subjecting himself to the law u , which he perfectly fulfilled w , and by conflicting with the indignities of the world x , temptations of satan y , and infirmities in his flesh , whether common to the nature of man , or particularly accompanying that his low condition z . q. 49. how did christ humble himself in his death ? a. christ humbled himself in his death , in that having been betrayed by iudas a , forsaken by his disciples b , scorned and rejected by the world c , condemned by pilate , and tormented by his persecutors d , having also conflicted with the terrors of death & the powers of darkness , felt and born the weight of gods wrath e : he laid down his life an offering for sin f , induring the painful , shameful , and cursed death of the cross g . q. 50. wherein consisted christs humiliation after his death ? a. christs humiliation after his death , consisted in his being buried h , and continuing in the state of the dead , and under the power of death till the third day i , which hath been otherwise expressed in these words , he descended into hell. q. 51. what was the estate of christs exaltation ? a. the estate ●f christs exaltation comprehendeth his resurrection k , ascension l , sitting at the right hand of the father m , and his coming again to judge the world n . q 52. 〈…〉 christ exalted in his resurrection ? a. christ was ex●lted in his resurrection , in that not having seen corruption in death , of which it was not possible for him to be held o , and having the s●●e very body in which he suff●red , with ●he e●●●ntial properties thereof p , but wi●hout mortality any other common infirmities belonging to this life , really united to his soul q , he rose again from the dead the third day , by his own power r : whereby he declared himself to be the son of god s , to have satisfied divine justice t , to have vanquished death and him that had the power of it u , & to the lord of quick and dead w ; all which he did as a publick person x , the head of his church y , for their justification z , quickning in grace a , support against enemies b , & to assure them of their resurrection from the dead at the last day c . q. 53. how was christ exalted in his ascension ? a. christ was exalted in his ascension , in that having after his resurrection often appeared unto , & conversed with his apostles , speaking to them of the things pertaining to the kingdom of god d , and giving them commission to preach the gospel to all nations e ; fourty daies after his resurrection , he , in our nature , and as our head f , triumphing over enemies g , visibly went up into the highest heavens , there to receive gifts for men h , to raise up our affections thither i , and to prepare a place for us k : where himself is , and shall continue , till his second coming at the end of the world l . q. 54. how is christ exalted in his sitting at the right hand of god ? a. christ is exalted in his sitting at the right hand of god , in that , as god-manhe is advanc'd to the highest favour with god the father m , with all fulness of joy n , glory o , and power over all things in heaven & earth p , and doth gather and defend his church & subdue their enemies , furnisheth his ministers and people with gifts and graces q , and maketh intercession for them r . q. 54. how doth christ make intercession ? a. christ maketh intercession , by his appearing in our nature continually before the father in heaven s , in the merit of his obedience and sacrifice on earth t , declaring his will to have it applyed to all believers u , answering all accusations against them w , procuring for them quiet of conscience notwithstanding daily failings x , access with boldness to the throne of grace y , and acceptance of their persons z , and services a . q. 56. how is christ to be exalted in his coming again to judge the world ? a. christ is to be exalted in his coming again to judge the world , in that he who was unjustly judged and condemned by wicked men b , shall come again at the last day in great power c , and in the ful manifestation of his own glory , and of his fathers , with all his holy angels d , with a shout , with the voice of the arch-angel , and with the trumpet of god e , to judge the world in righteousness f . q. 57. what benefits hath christ procured by his mediation ? a. christ by his mediation hath procured redemption g , with all other benefits of the covenant of grace h . q. 58. how do we come to be made partakers of the ben●fits which christ hath procured ? a. we are made partakers of the benefits whi●h christ hath procur'd by the application of them unto us i which is the work especially of god the holy ghost k . q. 59. who are made partaker● of redemption through christ ? a. redemption is certainly applied , and effectually communicated to all those for whom christ hath purchased it l , who are in time by the holy ghost enabled to believe in christ according to the gospel m . q. 60. can they who have never heard the gospel , and so know not iesus christ , nor believe in him , he saved by their living according to the light of nature ? a. they who having never heard the gospel n , know not jesus christ o , and believe not in him , cannot be saved p , be they never so diligent to frame their lives according to the light of nature q , or the law of that religion which they profess r : neither is there salvation in any other , but in christ alone s , who is the saviour only of his body the church t . q. 61. are all they saved who hear the gospel and live in the church ? a. all that hear the gospel and live in the visible church are not saved , but they only who are true members of the church invisible u . q. 62. what is the visible church ? a. the visible church is a society made up of all such as in all ages & places of the world profess the true religion w , and of their children x . q. 63. what are the especial priviledges of the visible church ? a. the visible church hath the priviledge of being under gods special care and government y , of being protected and preserved in all ages notwithstanding the opposition of all enemies z , and of enjoying the communion of saints , the ordinary means of salvation a , offers of grace by christ to all the members of it in the ministery of the gospel , testifying , that whosoever believes in him shall be saved b , and excluding none that will come unto him c . q. 64. what is the invisible church ? a. the invisible church is the whole number of the elect , that have been , are , or shall be gathered into one , under christ the head d . q. 65. what special benefits do the members of the invisible church enjoy by christ ? a. the members of the invisible church , by christ , enjoy union and communion with him , in grace and glory e . q. 66. what is that union which the elect have with christ ? a. the union which the elect have with christ , is the work of gods grace f , whereby they are spiritually and mystically , yet really and inseparably joyned to christ , as their head and husband g , which is done in their effectually calling h . q. 67. what is effectual calling ? a. effectual calling is the work of gods almighty power & grace i , whereby out of his free and especial love to his elect , and from nothing in them moving him thereunto k ▪ he doth in his accepted time invite & draw them to jesus christ by his word and spirit l , saving inlightning their minds m , renewing and powerfully determining their wills n so as they , although in themselves dead in sin , are hereby made willing and able freely to answer his call , & to accept and imbrace the grace offered and conveyed therein o . q. 68. are all the elect only effectually called ? a. all the elect , and they onely are effectually called p , although others may be , and often are , outwardly cal'd by the ministry of the word q , and have some common operations of the spirit r , who , for their wilful neglect and contempt of the grace offered to them , being justly left in their unbelief , do never truely come to jesus christ s . q. 69. what is the communion in grace which the members of the invisible church have with christ ? a. the communion in grace , which the members of the invisible church have with christ , is , their partaking of the vertue of his mediation , in their justification t , adoption u , sanctification , and what ever else in this life manifests their union with him w . q. 70. what is iustification ? a. justification is an act of gods free grace unto sinners x , in which he pardoneth all their sins , accepteth and accounteth their persons righteous in his sight y , not for any thing wrought in them or done by them z but only for the perfect obedience and ful satisfaction of christ , by god imputed to them a , and received by faith alone b . q. 71. how is iustification an act of gods free grace ? a. although christ by his obedience and death , did make a proper , real , and full satisfaction to gods justice in the behalf of them that are justified , yet , in as much as god accepteth the satisfaction from a surety which he might have demanded of them , did provide th●s surety his own only son d , imputing his righteousness to them e , and requiring nothing of them for their justification but faith f , which also is his gift g , their justification is , to them , of free grace h . q. 72 what is justifying faith ? a. justifying faith , is a saving grace i , wrought in the heart of a sinner by the spirit k ▪ & word of god l whereby he , being convinced of his sin , and misery , and of the disability in himself and all other creatures to recover him out of his lost condition m , not only assenteth to the truth of the promise of the gospel n , but receiveth and resteth upon christ and his righteousness therein held forth , for pardon of sin o , and for the accepting & accounting of his person righteous in the sight of god for salvation p . q. 73. how doth faith justifie a sinner in the sight of god ? a. faith justifies a sinner in the sight of god , not because of these other graces which do alwaies accompany it , or of good works that are the fruits of it q , nor as if the grace of faith , or any act thereof , were imputed to him for his justification r , but only as it is an instrument , by which he receiveth and applieth christ & his righteousness s . q. 74. what is adoption ? a. adoption is an act of the free grace of god t , in and for his only son jesus christ u , whereby all those that are justified are received into the number of his children w , have his name put upon them x , the spirit of his son given to them y , are under his fatherly care & dispensations z admitted to all the liberties and priviledges of the sons of god , made heirs of all the promises , and fellow-heirs with christ in glory a . q. 75. what is sanctification ? a. sanctification is a work of gods grace , whereby they whom god hath before the foundation of the world chosen to be holy , are in time through the powerful operation of his spirit b , applying the death and resurrection of christ unto them c , renewed in their whole man after the image of god d , having the seeds of repentance unto life , and of all other saving graces put into their hearts , and those graces so stirred up , increased and strengthned f , as that they more and more die unto sin , and rise unto newness of life g . q. 76. what is repentance unto life ? a. repentance unto life is a saving grace h , wrought in the heart of a sinner by the spirit i , & word of god k whereby out of the sight & sense not only of the danger l , but also of the filthiness & odiousness of his sins m , and upon the apprehension of gods mercy in christ to such as are penitent n , he so grieves for o , and hates his sins p , as that he turns from them all to god q , purposing and endeavouring constantly to walk with him in all the ways of new obedience r q. 77. wherein do iustification and sanctification differ ? a. although sanctification be inseparably joyned with justification s yet they differ , in that god in justification imputeth the righteousness of christ t , in sanctification his spirit infuseth grace , and enableth to the exercise thereof u : in the former , sin is pardoned w , in the other it is subdued x , the one doth equally free all believers from the revenging wrath of god , & that perfectly in this life , that they never fall into condemnation y , the other is neither equal in all z , nor in this life perfect in any a , but growing up to perfection b . q. 78. whence ariseth the imperfection of sanctification in believers ? a. the imperfection of sanctification in believers , ariseth from the remnants of sin abiding in every part of them , and the perpetual lustings of the flesh against the spirit , whereby they are often soiled with temptations , and fall into many sins c , are hindred in all their spiritual services d & their best works are imperfect & defiled in the sight of god e . q. 79. may not true believers , by reason of their imperfections , and the many temptations & sins they are overtaken with , fall away from the state of grace ? a. true believers , by reason of the unchangeable love of god f , and his decree and covenant to give them perseverance g , their inseparable union with christ h , his continual intercession for them i , and the spirit and seed of god abiding in them k , can neither totally nor finally fall away from the estate of grace l , but are kept by the power of god through faith unto salvation m . q. 80. can true believers be infallibly assured that they are in the estate of grace , and that they shall persevere therein unto salvation ? a. such as truly believe in christ , and endeavour to walk in all good conscience before him n , may , without extraordinary revelation , by faith grounded upon the truth of gods promises , and by the spirit enabling them to discern in themselves those graces to which the promises of life are made o , and bearing witness with their spirits that they are the children of god p , be infallibly assured that they are in the estate of grace , & shall persevere therein unto salvation q . q. 81. are all true believers at all times assured of their present being in the estate of grace , and that they shall be saved ? a. assurance of grace & salvation not being of the essence of faith r , true believers may wait long before they obtain it s , and after the enjoyment thereof , may have it weakned and intermitted through manifold distempers , sins , temptations , and desertions t : yet are they never left with out such a presence & support of the spirit of god , as keeps them from sinking into utter despair u . q. 82. what is the communion in glory , which the members of the invisible church have with christ ? a. the communion in glory which the members of the invisible church have with christ , is , in this life w immediately after death x , and at last perfected at the resurrection and day of judgment y . q. 83. what is the communion in glory with christ , which the members of the invisible church enjoy in this life ? a. the members of the invisible church have communicated to them in this life , the first fruits of glory with christ , as they are members of him their head , & so , in him , are interested in that glory which he is fully possessed of z , and as an earnest thereof , enjoy the sense of gods love a , peace of conscience , joy in the holy ghost , & hope of glory b . as on the contrary , the sense of gods revenging wrath , horror of conscience , and a fearful expectation of judgment , are to the wicked , the beginning of their torments which they shall endure after death c . q. 84. shall all men die ? a. death being threatned as the wages of sin d , it is appointed unto all men once to die e , for that all have sinned f . q. 85. death being the wages of sin , why are not the righteous delivered from death , seeing all their sins are forgiven in christ ? a. the righteous shall be delivered from death it self at the last day , & even in death are delivered from the sting & curse of it g , so that although they die , yet it is out of gods love h to free them perfectly from sin and misery i , & to make then ▪ capable of further communion with christ in glory , which they then enter upon k q. 89. what is the communion in glory with christ which the members of the invisible church enjoy immediately after death ? a. the communion in glory with christ , which the members of the invisible church enjoy immediately after death , is , in that their souls are then made perfect in ho●iness l , and received into the highest heavens m , whe●e they behold the face of god in light and glory n , wa●ting for the f●ll redemption of their bodies o , which even in death continue united to christ p , and rest in their graves as in their beds q ; till at the last day they be again united to their souls r : whereas the souls of the wicked are at death cast into hel , where they remain in torments and utter darkness , and their bodies kept in their graves as in their prisons , till the great day s . q. 87. what are we to believe concerning the resurrection ? a. we are to believe that at the last day there shall be a general resurrection of the dead , both of the just and unjust t , when they that are then found alive , shall in a moment be changed , & the self same bodies of the dead which were laid in the grave , being then again united to their souls forever , shall be raised up by the power of christ u ; the bodies of the just by the spirit of christ , & by vertue of his resurrection , as their head shall be raised in power , spiritual , incorruptible , and made like to his glorious body w , and the bodies of the wicked shall be raised up in dishonour by him , as an offended judge x . q. 88. what shall immediately follow after the resurrection ? a. immediately after the resurrection shall follow the general and final judgment of angels and men y , the day & hour whereof no man knows , that all may watch & pray , & be ever ready for the coming of the lord z . q. 89. what shall be done to the wicked at the day of iudgment ? a. at the day of judgment the wicked shall be set on christs left hand a , and upon clear evidence , & full conviction of their own consciences b , shall have the fearful , but just sentence of condemnation pronounced against them c , and thereupon shall be cast out from the favourable presence of god & the glorious fellowship with christ , his saints , and all his holy angels , into hell to be punished with unspeakable torments , both of body and soul , with the devil and his angels for ever d . q. 90. what shall be done to the righteous at the day of iudgment ? e a. at the day of judgment , the righteous being caught up to christ in the clouds , shall be set on his right hand , & there openly acknowledged and acquitted f , shall joyn with him in the judging of reprobate angels and men g , and shall be received into heaven h , where they shall be fully and for ever freed from all sin and misery i , filled with unconceivable joyes k : made perfectly holy , and happy both in body and soul , in the company of innumerable saints , and holy angels l , but especially in the immediate vision and fruition of god the father , of our lord jesus christ , and of the holy spirit , to all eternity m : & this is the perfect and full communion which the members of the invisible church shall enjoy with christ in glory at the resurrection and day of judgment . having seen what the scriptures principally teach us to believe concerning god ; it follows to consider what they require as the duty of man. q. 91. what is the duty that god requireth of man ? a. the duty which god requireth of man , is obedience to his revealed will n . q. 92. what did god at first reveal unto man as the rule of his obedience ? a. the rule of obedience revealed to adam in the state of innocency , and to all mankind in him , beside a special command , not to eat of the fruit of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil , was the moral law o . q. 93. what is the moral law ? a. the moral law is the declaration of the will of god to mankind , directing and binding every one to personal , perfeect , and perpetual conformity and obedience thereunto in the fruits & dispositions of the whole man , soul and body p , and in performance of all those duties of holiness and righteousness which he oweth to god and man q ; promising life upon the fulfilling , and threatning death upon the breach of it r . q. 94. is there any use of the moral law to man since the fall ? a. although no man since the fall , can attain to righteousness and life by the moral law s , yet there is great use thereof as well common to all men , as peculiar either to the unregenerate , or regenerate t . q. 95. of what use is the moral law to all men ? a. the moral law is of use to all men , to inform them of the holy nature and will of god u , & of their duty , binding them to walk accorddingly w ; to convince them of their disability to keep it , & of the sinful pollution of their nature , hearts , & lives x , to humble them in sense of their sin and misery y , and there by help them to a clear sight of the need they have of christ z , and of the perfection of his obedience a . q. 96. what particular use is there of the moral law to unregenerate men ? a. the moral law is of use to unregenerate men , to awaken their consciences to fly from wrath to come b , & to drive them to christ c , or upon their continuance in the estate and way of sin , to leave them unexcuseable d , & under the curse thereof e . q. 97. what special use is there of the moral law to the regenerate ? a. although they that are regenerate , & believe in christ , be delivered from the moral law as a covenant of works f , so as thereby they are neither justified g , nor condemned h , yet , beside the general uses thereof common to them with all men , it is of special use , to shew them how much they are bound to christ for his fulfilling it , and enduring the curse thereof in their stead , and for their good i , & thereby to provoke them to more thankfulness k , and to express the same in their greater care to conform themselves thereunto as the rule of their obedience l . q. 98. where is the moral law summarily comprehended ? a. the moral law is summarily comprehended in the ten commandments , which were delivered by the voice of god upon mount sinai , & written by him in two tables of stone m , and are recorded in the twentieth chap. of exodus : the four first commandements containing our duty to god , and the other six , our duty to man n . q. 99. what rules are to be observed for the right understanding of the ten commandments ? a. for the right understanding of the ten commandments , these rules are to be observed . 1. that the law is perfect , & bindeth every one to full conformity in the wholeman unto the righteousness thereof , & unto intire obedience , for ever ; so as , to requite the utmost perfection of every duty , and to for●●d the least degree of every sin o . 2. that it is spiritual ; and so reacheth the understanding , will , affections , and all other powers of the soul , as well as words , works and gestures p . 3. that one and the same thing ▪ in divers respects , is required or forbidden in several commandments q . 4. that , as , where a duty is commanded , the contrary sin is forbidden r , and , where a sin is forbidden , the contrary duty is commanded s , so , where a promise is annexed , the contrary threatning is included t ▪ and where a threatning is annexed , the contrary promise is included u . 5. that , what god forbids is at no time to be done w , what he commands is alwaies our duty x , and yet every particular duty is not to be done at all times y . 6. that , under one sin or duty , all of the same kind are forbidden or commanded , together with all the causes , means , occasions , and appearances thereof , & provocations thereunto z . 7. that what is forbidden or commanded to our selves , we are bound according to our places , to endeavour that it may be avoided or performed by others according to the duty of their places a . 8. that , in what is commanded to others , we are bound according to our places and callings to be helpful to them b , and to take heed of partaking with others in what is forbidden them c . q. 101. what special things are we to consider in the ten commandments ? a. we are to consider in the 10 commandments , the preface , the substance of the commandments themselves , & several reasons annexed to some of them , the more to inforce them . q. 102. what is the preface to the commandments ? a. the preface to the commandments is contained in these words [ i am the lord thy god , which have brought thee out of the land of egypt , out of the house of bondage d , ] where in god manifesteth his sovereignty , as being jehovah , the eternal , immutable , and almighty god e , having his being in and of himself f , and giving being to all his words g , and works h , and that he is a god in covenant , as with israel of old , so with all his people i ; who , as he brought them out of their bondage in egypt ; so he delivereth us from our spiritual thraldom k , and that therefore we are bound to take him for our god alone , and to keep all his commandments l . q. 102. what is the sum of the four commandments , which contain our duty to god ? a. the sum of the four commandments containing our duty to god , is to love the lord our god with all our heart , and with all our soul , and with all our strength , and with all our mind m . q. 103. which is the first commandment ? a. the first commandment is , thou shalt have no other gods before me n . q. 104. what are the duties required in the first commandment ? a. the duties required in the first commandment , are , the knowing & acknowledging of god to be the only true god , and our god o : and to worship and glorifie him accordingly p , by thinking q , meditating r remembring s , highly esteeming t , honouring u , adoring w , chusing x , loving y , desiring z , fearing of him a believing him b , trusting c , hoping d ▪ rejoycing e , in him f , being zealous for him g , calling upon him , giving all praise & thanks h , & yielding all obedience & submission to him , with the whole man i . be in carefull in all things to please him k , and sorrowfull when in any thing he is offended l , and walking humbly with him m . q. 105. what are the sins forbidden in the first commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the first commandment , are , atheisme in denying , or not having a god n ; idolatry in having , or worshiping more gods than one , or any with , or in stead of the true god o , s the not having and avouching him for god , and our god p ; the omission or neglect of any thing due to him required in this commandment q , ignorance r , forgetfulness , misapprehensions t , false opinions u , unworthy and wicked thoughts of him w , bold and curious search into his secrets x ; all prophaneness y , hatred of god z , self-love a , self-seeking b , and all other inordinate and immoderate setting of our mind , will , or affections upon other things , and taking them off from him in whole or in part c ; vain credulity d , unbelief e , heresie f , misbelief g , distrust h , despair i , incorrigibleness k , insensibleness under judgments l , hardness of heart m , pride n , presumption o , carnal security p , tempting of god q , using unlawful means r , and trusting in lawful means s , carnal delights and joyes t , corrupt , blind , and indiscreet zeal u , lukewarmness w , & deadness in the things of god x , estranging our selves , and apostatizing from god y , praying or giving any religious worship to saints , angels , or any other creatures z , all compacts , and consulting with the devil a , and harkning to his suggestions b , making men the lords of our faith & conscience c , slighting and despising god , and his commands d , resisting & grieving of his spirit e , disconte●t , and impatient at his dispensatio●● , charging him foolishly for the evil● he inflicts on us f , and ascribing the praise of any good we either are , have , or can do , to fortune g , idols h , our selves i , or any other creature k . q. 106. what are we especially taught by these words [ before me ] in the first commandment ? a. these words , before me , or before my face , in the first commandment , teach us , that god who seeth all things , takes special notice of , and is much displeased with the si● of having any other god ; that so it may be an argument to disswade from it , and to aggravate it as a most impudent provocation l : as also to perswade us to do , as in his sight , whatever we do in his service m . q. 207. which is the second commandment ? a. the second commandment is , [ thou shalt not make to thee any graven image , or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above , or that is in the earth beneath , or that is in the water under the earth ; thou shalt not bow down to them nor serve them : for i the lord thy god , am a jealous god , visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children , unto the third and fourth ge●eration of them that hate me ; & shew●ng mercy unto thousands of them that ●ove me and keep my commandments n . q. 108. what are the duties requi●ed in the second commandment ? a. the duties required in the se●ond commandment , are , the re●eiving , observing and keeping pure ●nd intire all such religious worship ●nd ordinances as god hath insti●uted in his word o , particularly , ●rayer and thanksgiving in the ●ame of christ p , the reading , preaching , and hearing the word q , the administration and receiving of the sacraments r , church government and discipline s , the ministry and maintenance thereof t , religious fasting u , swearing by the name of god w , and vowing unto him x : as also the disapproving , detesting , opposing all false worship y ; and according to each ones place and calling , removing it , and all monuments of idolatry z . q. 109. what are the sins forbidden in the second commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the second commandment , are , all devising a , counselling b , commanding c , using d , and any ways approving any religious worship not instituted by god himself e : tolerating a false religion f , the making any representation of god , of all or of any of the three persons either inwardly in our mind , or outwardly in any kind of image or likeness of any creature whatsoever g , all worshipping of it h , or god in it , or by it i , the making of any representation of feigned deities , and all worship of them , or service belonging to them l , all superstitious devices m , corrupting the worship of god n , adding to it , taking from it o , whether invented & taken up of our selves p , or receiv'd by tradition from others q , though under the title of antiquity r , custom s , devotions t , good intent , or any other pretence whatsoever u , ●imony w , sacriledge x , all neglect y , contempt z , hindering a , and opposing the worship & ordinances which god hath appointed b . q. 110. what are the reasons annexed to the second commandment , the more to enforce it ? a the reasons annexed to the second commandment , the more to inforce it , contained in these words , [ for i the lord thy god am a jealous god , visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation , of them that hate me , and shewing mercy unto thousands of them that love me & keep my commandments c , ] are besides gods soveraignty over us , & propriety in us d , his fervent zeal for his own worship e , & his revengful indignation against all false worship , as being a spiritual whoredom f ; accounting the breakers of this commandment such as hate him & threatning to punish them unto divers generations g , & esteeming the observers of it such as love him , and keep his commandments & promising mercy to them unto many generations h . q. 111. which is the third commandment ? a. the third commandment is , [ thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain : for the lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain i . ] q. 112. what is required in th● third commandment ? a. the third commandment requires , that the name of god , his titles , attributes k , ordinances l , the word m , sacraments n , prayer o , oaths p , vows q , his lots r , his works s , & whatsoever else there is whereby he makes himself known , be holily and reverently used in thought t , meditation u , word w , writing x , by an holy profession y , and answerable conversation z , to the glory of god a , and th● good of our selves b , and others c . q. 113. what are the sins forbidde● in the third commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the third commandment , are , the not usin● of gods name as is required d , & the abuse of it , in an ignorant t , vain f , irreverent , profane g , superstitious h , or wicked mentioning , or otherwise using his titles , attributes i , ordinances k , or works l , by blasphemy m , perjury n , all sinful cursings o , oaths p vows q , and lots r , violating of our oaths and vows , if lawful s , and fulfilling them , if of things unlawful t , murmuring & quarrelling at u , curious prying into w , and misapplying of gods decrees x , and providences y , misinterpreting z , misapplying a , or any way perverting the word , or any part of it b , to profane jests c , curious or unprofitable questions , vain janglings , or the maintaining of false doctrines d , abusing it , the creatures , or any thing contained under the name of god , to charms , or sinful lusts and practices f , the maligning g , scorning h , reviling i , or any ways opposing of gods truth , grace , and ways k , making profession of religion in hypocrisie , or for sinister ends l , being e ashamed of it m , or a shame to it by uncomfortable n , unwise o , unfruitful p , and offensive walkings , or backsliding from it . q. 114. what reasons are annexed to the third commandment ? a. the reasons annexed to the third commandment in these words [ the lord thy god ] & [ for the lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain s , ] are because he is the lord & our god , and therefore his name is not to be profaned , or any way abused by us t , especially , because he is so far from acquitting and sparing the transgressours of this commandment , as that he will not suffer them to escape his righteous judgment u , albeit many such escape the censure and punishment of men w . q. 115. which is the fourth commandment ? a. the fourth commandment is , [ remember the sabbath day to keep it holy : six days shalt thou labour & do all thy work , but the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord thy god , in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , thy man servant , nor thy maid servant , nor thy cattel ▪ nor thy stranger that is within thy thy gates : for in six days the lord made heaven & earth , the sea , and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day , wherefore the lord blessed the sabbath day , and hallowed it x . ] q. 116. what is required in the fourth commandment ? a. the fourth commandment requireth of all men the sanctifying or keeping holy to god , such set time as he hath appointed in his word ; expresly , one whole day in seven , which was the seventh from the beginning of the world to the resurrection of christ , & the first day of the week e●e since , & so to continue to the end of the world , which is the christian sabbath y , and in the new testament called the lords day z . q. 117. how is the sabbath o● lords day to be sanctified ? a. the sabbath or lords day is to be sanctified , by an holy resting all the day a , not only from such works as are at all times sinful , but even from such worldly imployments & recreations as are on other days lawful b ; and making it our delight to spend the whole time ( except so much of it as is to be taken up in works of necessity and mercy c ) in the publick and private exercises of gods worship d : and to that end we are to prepare our hearts , and with such fore-sight , diligence and moderation to dispose , and seasonably to dispatch our worldly business , that we may be the more free and fit for the duties of that day e . q. 118. why is the charge of keeping the sabbath more specially directed to governours of families and other superiours ? a. the charge of keeping the sabbath is more specially directed to governours of families & other superiours , because they are bound not only to keep it themselves , but to see that it be observed by all those that are under their charge , & because they are prone oft times to hinder them by imployments of their own f . q. 119. what are the sins forbidden in the fourth commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the fourth commandment , are , all omissions of the duties required g , all careless , negligent , and unprofitable performing of them , and being weary of them h , all profaning the day by idleness ▪ & doing that which is in it self sinful i , and by all needless work● , words and thoughts about our worldly imployments and recreations k . q. 120. what are the reasons annexed to the fourth commandment , the more to inforce it ? a. the reas●ns annexed to the fourth commandment , the more to enforce it , are taken from the equity of it , god allowing us six days of seven for our own affairs , and reserving but one for himself , in these words , [ six da●● shalt thou labour and do all thy work l . ] from gods challenging a special propriety in that day , [ the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord thy god m . ] from the example of god , who in 6 days made heaven and earth , the sea , and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day , & from that blessing which god put upon that day , not only in sanctifying it to be a day for his service , but in ordaining it to be a means of blessing to us in our sanctifying it : [ wherefore the lord blessed the sabbath day and hallowed it n . ] q. 121. why is the word remember set in the beginning of the fourth commandment ? a. the word remember is set in the beginning of the fourth commandment o , partly because of the great benefit of remembring it : we being thereby helped in our preparation to keep it p ▪ and in keeping it , ●etter to keep all the rest of the commandmen●s q , and to continue a thankful remembrance of the two great benefits of creation and redemption which contain a short abridgment of religion r , and partly because we are very ready to forget it s , for that there is l●s light of ●ature for it t , and yet it restraineth our natural liberty in things at other times lawful u : that it cometh but once in seven dayes , and many worldly businesses come between , and too often take off our minds from thinking of it , either to prepare for it , or to sanctifie it w , & that sathan with his instruments , much labour to blot out the glory and even the memory of it , to bring in all irreligion and impiety x q. 122. what is the sum of the sixth commandments which contain our duty to man ? a. the sum of the six commandment , which contain our duty to man , is , to love our neighbour as our selves y , and to do to others what we would have them do to us z . q. 123. which is the fifth commandment ? a. the fifth commandment is , [ honour thy father and mother , that thy days may be long upon the land which the lord thy god giveth thee a . ] q 124 who are meant by father & mother , in the fifth commandment ? a. by father and mother , in the fifth commandment , are meant not only natural parents b , but all superiours in age c , and gifts d , and especially such as by gods ordinance are over us in place of authority , whether in family e , church f , or common-wealth g . q. 125. why are superiours styled father and mother ? a. superiours are styled father & mother , both to teach them in all duties towards their inferiours , like natural parents , to express love and tenderness to them , according to their several relations h , and to work inferiours to a greater willingness and chearfulness in performing their duties to their superiours as to their parent● i . q. 126. what is the general scope of the fi●th commandment ? a. the general s●ope of the fifth commandment is the performance of those duties which we mutually owe in our several relations , as inferiours , superiours , equals k . q. 127. what is the honour that inferiours owe to their superiours ? a. the honour which inferiours owe to their superiours is , all due reverence , in heart l , word m , & behaviour n : prayer & thanksgiving for them o , imitating of their virtues & graces p : willing obedience to their lawful commands , and counsels q , due submission to their corrections r fidelity to s , defence t , and maintainance of their persons & authority , according to their several ranks & the nature of their places u : bearing with their infirmities , and covering them in love w , that so they may be an honour to them and to their government x . q. 128. what are the sins of inferiours against their superiours ? a. the sins of inferiours against their superiours , are , all neglect of the duties required toward them y , envying at z , contempt of a , and rebellion b , against their persons c , and places d , in their lawful counsels e , commands and corrections f : cursing , mocking g , and all such refractory and scandalous carriage , as proves a shame and dishonour to them and their government h . q. 129. what is required of superiours towards their inferiours ? a. it is required of superiours according to that power they receive from god , and that relation wherein they stand , to love i , pray for k , and bless their inferiours l , to instruct m , counsel , and admonish them n , countenancing o , commending p , and rewarding such as do well q : discountenancing r , reproving and chastning such as do ill s , protecting t , and providing for them all things necessary for soul u , and body w : and by grave , wise , holy , and exemplary carriage , to procure glory to god x , honour to themselves y , and so to preserve that authority which god hath put upon them z . q. 130. what are the sins of superiours ? a. the sins of superiours are , beside the neglect of the duties requir'd of them a , an inordinate seeking of themselves b , their own glory c , ease , profit , or pleasure d , commanding things unlawful e , or not in the power of inferiours to perform f , counselling g , encouraging h , or favouring them in that which is evil i , dis●wading , discouraging or discountenancing them in that which is good k ; correcting them unduly l , careless exposing , or leaving them to wrong temptation and danger m , provoking them to wrath n , or any way dishonouring themselves or lessning their authority , by an unjust , indiscreet , rigorous or remiss behaviour o . q 131. what are the duties of equals ? a. the duties of equals are to regard the dignity and worth of each other p , in giving honour to go one before another q , and to rejoyce in each others gifts and advancement as in their own r . q. 132. what are the sins of equals ? a. the sins of equals are , beside the neglect of the duties required s , the undervaluing of the worth t , envying the gifts u , grieving at the advancement or prosperity one of another w , and usurping preeminence one over another x . q. 133. what is the reason annexed to the fifth commandment , the more to ●nforce it ? a. the reason annexed to the fifth commandment , in these words , [ that thy days may be long upon the land which the lord thy god giveth thee y , ] is an express promise of long life and prosperity , as far as it shall serve for gods glory , and their own good , to all such as keep this commandment z . q 134. which is the sixth commandment ? a. the sixth commandment is , [ thou shalt not kill a . ] q. 135. what are the duties required in the sixth commandment ? a the duties required in the sixth commandment are , all careful studies & lawful endeavours to preserve the life of ourselves b , & others c , by resisting all thoughts & purposes d , subduing all passions e , and avoiding all occasions f , temptations g , and practices which tend to the unjust taking away the life of any h , by just defence thereof against violence i , patient bearing of the hand of god k , quietness of mind l , chearfulness of spirit m , a sober use of meat n , drink o , physick p , sleep q , labour r , and recreation s , by charitable thoughts t , love u , compassion w , meekness , gentleness , kindness x , peaceable y , mild and courteous speeches , and behaviour z , forbearance , readiness to be reconciled , patient forbearing and forgiving injuries , and requiting good for evil a , comforting and succouring the distressed , and protecting and defending the innocent b . q. 136. what are the sins forbidden in the sixth commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the sixth commandment are , all taking away the life of our selves c , or of others d , except in case of publick justice e , lawful war f , or necessary defence g ; the neglecting or withdrawing the lawful and necessary means of preservation of life h , sinful anger i , hatred k , envy l , desire of revenge m , all excessive passions n , distracting cares o , immoderate use of meat , drink p , labour q , & recreations r , provoking words s , oppression t , quarrelling u , striking , wounding w , and whatsoever else tends to the destruction of the life of any x . q. 137. which is the seventh commandment ? a. the seventh commandment is , [ thou shalt not commit adultery y ] q. 138. what are the duties required in the seventh commandment ? a. the duties required in the seventh commandment , are , chastity , in body , mind , affections z , words a , & behaviour b , & the preservation of it in our selves and others c , watchfulness over the eyes , and all the senses d , temperance e , keeping of chast company f , modesty inapparel g , marriage by those that have not the gift of continency h : conjugal love i , and cohabitation k , diligent labour in our callings l , shunning all occasions of uncleanness , and resisting temptations thereunto m . q. 139. what are the sins forbidden in the seventh commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the seventh commandment , besides the neglect of the duties required n , are adultery , fornications o , rape incest p , sodomy , and all unnatural lusts q , all unclean imaginations , thoughts , purposes and affections r ; all corrupt or filthy communications , or listening thereto s , wanton looks t , impudent or light behaviour : immodest apparel u , prohibiting of lawful w , and dispensing with unlawful marriages x , allowing , tolerating , keeping of stews , & resorting to them y , intangling vows of single life z , undue delay of marriage a , having more wives or husbands than one , at the same time b , unjust divorce c , or desertion d , idleness , gluttony , drunkenness e , unchast company f , lascivious songs , books , pictures , dancings , stage-plays g , and all other provocations to , or acts of uncleanness either in our selves or others h . q. 140. which is the eighth commandment ? a. the eighth commandment is , [ thou shalt not steal i . ] q. 141. what are the duties required in the eighth commandment ? a. the duties required in the eighth commandment are , truth , faithfulness & justice in contracts , & commerce between man & man k : rendering to every one his due l , restitution of goods unlawfully detained from the right owners thereof m , giving and lending freely , according to our abilities , and the necessities of others n : moderation of our judgments ▪ wills , and affections , concerning worldly goods o ; a provident care and study to get p , keep , use and dispose those thing● which are necessary and convenient for the sustentation of our nature , & suteable to our condition q , a lawful calling r , & diligence in it s : frugality t , avoiding unnecessary law suits u , & suretyship , or other like engagements w , and an endeavour by all just , and lawful means , to procure , preserve and further the weal and outward estate of others as well as our own x . q. 142. what are the sins forbidden in the eighth commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the eighth commandment , beside the neglect of the duties required y , are these z , robbery a , man-stealing b , & receiving any thing that is stollen c , fradulent dealing d , false weights & measures e , removing land marks f , injustice and unfaithfulness in contracts between man and man g , or in matters of trust h : oppression i , exto●tion k ▪ usury l , bribery m , vexatious law-suits n , unjust inclosures , and depopulati●n● o , ingrossing commodities to enhance the price p , unlawful callings q , and all other unjust or sinful ways of taking , or withholding from our neighbour what belongs to him , or of enriching our selves r , covetousness s , inordinate prizing and affecting worldly goods t , distrustful and distracting cares & studies in getting , keeping , & using them u , envying at the prosperity of others w , as likewise idleness x , prodigality , wastful gaming , and all other ways whereby we do unduly prejudice our own outward estate y , and defrauding our selves of the due use and comfort of that estate which god hath given us z . q. 143. which is the ninth commandment ? a. the ninth commandment is , [ thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour a . ] q. 144. what are the duties required in the ninth commandment ? a. the duties required in the ninth commandment are , the preserving & promoting of truth between man and man b , & the good name of our neighbours as well as our own c : appearing , and standing for d , and from the heart e , sincerely f , freely g , clearly h , and fully i , speaking the truth & only the truth in matters of judgment and justice k , and in all other things whatsoever l , a charitable esteem of our neighbours m ; loving , desiring , & rejoycing in their good name n , sorrowing for o , & covering of their infirmities p , freely acknowledging their gifts and graces q , defending their innocency r , a ready receiving of a good report s , and unwillingness to admit of an evil report concerning them t , discouraging s tale-bearers u , flatterers w , and slanderers x , love and care of our own good name , and defending it when need requireth y , keeping of lawful promises z , studying and practising of whatsoever things are true , honest , lovely , and of good report a . q. 145. what are the sins forbidden in the ninth commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the ninth commandment are , all prejudicing the truth and the good name of our neighbours as well as our own b , especially in publick judicature c , giving false evidence d , suborning false witnesses e , wittingly appearing & pleading for an evil cause , outfacing & over bearing the truth f , passing unjust sentence g , calling evil good , & good evil , rewarding the wicked accord●ng to the work of the righteous , and the righteous according to the works of the wicked h , forgery i , concealing the truth , undue silence in a just cause k , and holding our peace when iniquity calleth either for a reproof from our selves l , or complaint to others m , speaking the truth unseasonably n , or malicio●sly to a wrong end o , or perverting it to a wrong meaning p , or in doubtful and equivocal expressions to the p●ejudice of truth or justice q ▪ speaking untruth r , lying s , slandring t , ●ack●iting u , detracting w , tale-bearing x , whispering y , scoffing z , revi●ing a , rash b , harsh c , & par●ial censuring d , misconstruing intentions , words & act●ons e , flattering f , vain glorious bosting g , thinking or speaking too highly or to meanly of our selves or others h , denying the gifts and graces of god i , aggravating smaller faults k , hiding , excusing , or extenuating of sins when cal●d to a free confession l , unnecessary discovering of infirmities m , raising false rumors n , receiving & countenancing evil reports o and stopping our ears against just defence p , evil suspition q , envying or grieving at the deserved credit of any r , endeavouring or desiring to impair it s , rejoycing in their disgrace and infamy t , scornful contempt u , fond admiration w , breach of lawful promises x , neglecting such things as are of good report y , & practising or not avoiding our selves , or not hindring , what we can in others such things as procure an ill name z . q. 146. which is the tenth commandment ? a. the tenth commandment is , [ thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his man servant , nor his maid servant , nor his ox nor his ass , nor any thing that is thy neighbours a . ] q. 147. what are the duties required in the tenth commandment ? a. the duties required in the tenth commandment are , such a full contentment with our own condition b , and such a charitable frame of the wholesoul towards our neighbour , as that all our inward motions & affections touching him tend unto , and further all that good which is his c . q. 148. what are the sins forbidden in the tenth commandment ? a. the sins forbidden in the tenth commandment are , discontentment with our own estate d , envying e , and grieving at the good of our neighbours f , together with all inordinate motions and affections to any thing that is his g . q. 149. is any man able perfectly to keep the commandments of god ? a. no man is able either of himself h , or by any grace receiv'd in thi● life , perfectly to keep the commandments of god i , but doth daily break them in thought k , word , and deed l . q. 150. are all transgressions of the law of god equally hainous in themselves and in the sight of god ? a. all transgressions of the law of god are not equally hainous : but some ●●ns in themselves , and by reason of several aggravations , are more hainous in the sight of god than others m . q. 151. what are those aggravations which make some sins more hainous than others ? a. sins receive their aggravations from the persons offending n , if they be of riper age o , greater experience or grace p , eminent for profession q ▪ gifts r , place s , office t , guides to others u , and whose example is likely to be followed by others w . from the parties offended x , if immediately against god y , his attributes z , & worship a , against christ and his grace b , the holy spirit c , his witness d , and working e ; against superioursmen of eminency f , & such as we stand especially related & engaged unto g , against any of the saints h , particularly weak brethren i , the souls of them or any other k and the common good of all or many l . from the nature and quality of the offence m , if it be against the express letter of the law n , break many commandments , contain in it many sins o , if not only conceiv'd in the heart , but breaks forth in words and actions p , scandalize others q , and admit of no reparation r , if against means s , mercies t , judgments u , light of nature w , conviction of conscience x , publick or private admonition y , censures of the church z , civil punishments a , and our own prayers purposes , promises b , vows c , covenante d , & engagements to god or men e , if done deliberatly f , wilfully g presumptuously h , impudently i , bostingly k , maliciously l , frequently m , obstinatly n , with delight o , continuance p , or relapsing after repentance . from circumstances q , of time r , and place s ; if on the lords day t , or other times of divine worship u , or immediately before w , or after these x , or other helps to prevent or remedy miscarriages y , if in publick , or in the presence of others who are thereby likely to be provoked or defiled z . q. 152. what doth every sin deserve at the hands of god ? a ▪ every sin , even the least being against the sovereignty a , goodness b & holiness of god c , and against his righteous law d : deserveth his wrath and curse e , both in this life f , & that which is to come g , & cannot be expiated but by the blood of christ , q. 153. what doth god require of us that we may escape his wrath and curse due to us by reason of the transgression of the law ? h a. that we may escape the wrath and curse of god due to us by reason of the transgression of the law , he requireth of us repentance toward god , and faith toward our lord jesus christ i , and the diligent use of the outward means whereby christ communicates to us the benefits of his mediation k . q. 154. what are the outward means whereby christ communicates to us the benefits of his mediation ? a. the outward and ordinary means wereby christ communica●eth to his church the benefits of his ●ediation , are , all his ordinances , ●specially the word , sacraments ●nd prayer : all which are made effe●tual to the elect for their salvation l . q. 195. how i● the word made ●ffectual to salvation ? a. the spirit of god maketh the ●●ading , but especially the preaching ●f the word , an effectual means of ●●lightning m , convincing and hum●ing sinners n , of driving them out 〈◊〉 themselves , & drawing them un●● christ o , of conforming them to 〈◊〉 image p , & subduing them to his ●ll q , of strengthening them against ●●mptations and corruptions r , of building them up in grace s , and establishing their hearts in holiness and comfort through faith unto salvation t . q. 156. is the word of god to b● read by all ? a. although all are not to be permitted to read the word publickly to th● congregation u , yet all sorts of people are bound to read it apart b● themselves w , and with their fam●●lies x , to which end the holy scrip●tures are to be translated out of 〈◊〉 original into vulgar languages y . q. 157. how is the word of g●● to be read ? a. the holy scriptures are to be rea● with an high and reverent esteem them z , with a firm perswasion th● they are the very word of god a , that he only can enable us to und●●●stand them b , with desire to kno● believe & obey the will of god ●●●vealed in them c , d with diligence & attention to the matter & 〈◊〉 of them e , with meditation f , app●●●cation g , self-denial h , and praye● ▪ q. 158. by whom is the word god to be preached ? a. the word of god is to be prea●●●ed only by such as are sufficie●●●ly gifted k , and also duly approved and called to that office l . q. 159. how is the word of god to be preached by those that are called thereunto ? a. they that are called to labour in the ministry of the word , are to preach sound doctrine m , diligently n , in season & out of season o , plainly p ; not in the enticing words of mens wisdom , but in demonstration of the spirit and power q , faithfully r , mak●ng known the whole counsel of god s , wisely t applying themselves to ●he necessities and capacities of the ●earers u , zealously w , with fervent ●ove to god x , and the souls of the people y , sincerely z , aiming at his glory a , and their conversion b , edi●ication c , and salvation d . q. 160. what is required of those ●hat hear the word preached ? a. it is required of those that hear ●he word preached , that they attend ●pon it with diligence e , preparati●n f , & prayer g , examine what they ●ear by the scriptures h , receive the ●●uth with faith i , love , meekness , ●nd readiness of mind , as the word of god n , meditate o , and confer of it p , hide it in their hearts q , and bring forth the fruit of it in their lives r . q. 161. how do the sacraments become effectual means of salvation ? a. the sacraments become effectual means of salvation , not by any power in themselves , or any vertue derived from the piety & intention of him by whom they are administred , but only by the working of the holy ghost , and the blessing of christ by whom they are instituted s . q. 162. what is a sacrament ? a. a sacrament is an holy ordinance instituted by christ in his church t , to signifie , seal , and exhibit u , unto those that are within the covenant of grace w , the benefits of his mediation x , to strengthen , and increase their faith , & all other graces y , to oblige them to obedience z , to testifie and cherish their love and communion one with another a , and to distinguish them from those that are without b . q. 163. what are the parts of a sacrament ? a. the parts of a sacrament are two ; the one , an outward and sen●sible sign , used according to christs own appointment ; the other an inward and spiritual grace , thereby signified c . q. 164. how many sacraments hath christ instituted in his church under the new testament ? a. under the new testament christ hath instituted in his church only two sacraments , baptism , and the lords supper d . q. 163. what is baptism ? a. baptism is a sacrament of the new testament , wherein christ hath ordained the washing with water , in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost e , to be a sign and seal of ingrafting into himself f , of remission of sins by his blood g , and regeneration by his spirit h , of adoption i , and resurrection unto everlasting life k : and whereby the parties baptized are solemnly admitted into the visible church l , and enter into an open and professed ingagement to be wholly and only the lords m . q. 166. unto whom is baptism to be administred ? a. baptism is not to be administred to any that are out of the visible church , & so strangers from the covenant of promise , till they profess their faith in christ , and obedience to him n : but infants descending from parents , either both , or but one of them , pr●fessing faith in christ , and obedience to him , are in that respect , within the covenant , and to be baptized o . q. 167. how is our baptism to be improved by us ? a. the needful but much neglected duty of improving our baptism , is to be performed by us all our life long , especially in the time of temptation , and when we are present at the administration of it to others p , by serious and thankful con●ideration of the nature of it , & of the ends for which christ instituted it , the priviledges and benefits conferred and sealed thereby , and our solemn vow made therein q , by being humbled for our sinful defilements , our falling short of , and walking contrary to the grace of baptism and our ingagements r , by growing up to assurance of pardon of sin , and of all other blessings sealed to us in that sacrament s , by drawing strength from the death and resurrection of christ into whom we are baptized , for the mortifying of sin , and quickning of grace t , and by endeavouring to live by faith u , to have our conversation in holiness and righteousness w , as those that have therein given up there name to christ x , and to walk in brotherly love , as being baptized by the same spirit into one body y . q. 168. what is the lords supper ? a. the lords supper is a sacrament of the new testament z , wherein by giving and receiving bread and wine according to the appointment of jesus christ , his death is shewed forth : and they that worthily communicate , feed upon his body and blood , to their spiritual nourishment and growth in grace a , have their union & communion with him confirmed b , testifie and renew their thankfulness c , and ingagement to god d , and their mutual love , and fellowship each with other , as members of the same mystical body e . q. 169. how hath christ appointed bread & wine to be given and received in the sacrament of the lords supper ? a. christ hath appointed the ministers of his word , in the administratition of the sacrament of the lords supper , to set apart the bread and wine from common use , by the word of institution , thanksgiving , & prayer , to take and break the bread , and to give both the bread , & the wine to the communicants , who are , by the same appointment , to take , & eat the bread , and to drink the wine , in thankful remembrance that the body of christ was broken and given , and his blood shed for them f . q. 170. how do they that worthily communicate in the lords supper , feed upon the body and blood of christ therein ? a. as the body and blood of christ are not corporally or carnally present in , with , or under the bread and wine in the lords supper g , and yet are spiritually present to the faith of the receiver , no less truly and really than the elements themselves are to their outward sense h , so they that worthily communicate in the sacrament of the lords supper , do therein feed upon the body and blood of christ , not after a corporal , or carnal but in a spiritual manner , yet truly & really i , while by faith they receive and apply unto themselves christ crucified , and all the benefits of his death k . q. 171. how are they that receive the sacrament of the lords supper to prepare themselves before they come unto it ? a. they that receive the sacrament of the lords supper , are , before they come , to prepare themselves thereunto , by examining themselves l , of their being in christ m , of their sins and wants n , of the truth and measure of their knowledge o , faith p , repentance q , love to god and the brethren r , charity to all men s , forgiving those that have done them wrong t , of their desires after christ u , and of their new obedience w , and by renewing the exercise of these graces x , by serious meditation y , and fervent prayers z . q. 172. may one who doubteth of his being in christ , or of his due preparation , come to the lords supper ? a. one who doubteth of his being in christ , or of his due preparation to the sacrament of the lords supper may have true interest in christ , though he be not yet assured thereof a , and in gods account , hath it , if he be duely affected with the apprehension of the want of it b , & unfainedly desires to be found in christ e , and to depart from iniquity d : in which case ( because promises are made , and this sacrament is appointed , for the relief even of weak and doubting christians e ) he is to bewail his unbelief f , and labour to have his doubts resolved g , and so doing he may and ought to come to the lords supper , that he may be further strengthened h . q. 173. may any who profess the faith , and desire to come to the lords supper , be kept from it ? a. such as are found to be ignorant or scandalous , notwithstanding their profession of the faith , and desire to come to the lords supper , may and ought to be kept from that sacrament by the power which christ hath left in his church i , until they receive instruction , and manifest their reformation k . q. 174. what is required of them that receive the sacrament of the lords supper in the time of the administration of it ? a. it is required of them that receive the sacrament of the lords supper , that , during the time of the administration of it with all holy reverence and attention they wait upon god in that ordinance l , did ligently observe the sacramental elements and actions m , heedfully discern the lords body n , and affectionatly meditate on his death and sufferings o , and thereby stir up themselves to a vigorous exercise of their graces p , in judging themselves q , and sorrowing for sin r , in earnest hungring and thirsting after christ s , feeding on him by faith t , receiving of his fulness u , trusting in his merits w , rejoycing in his love x , giving thanks for his grace y , in renewing of their covenant with god z , and love to all the saints a . q. 175. what is the duty of christians after they have received the sacrament of the lords supper ? a. the duty of christians after they have received the sacrament of the lords supper , is seriously to consider how they have behaved themselves therein , and with what success b ; if they find quickning and comfort , to bless god for it c , beg the continuance of it d , watch against relapses e , fulfil their vows f , and incourage themselves to a frequent attendance on that ordinance g , but if they find not present benefit , more exactly to review their preparation to , & carriage at the sacrament h , in both which if they can approve themselves to god and their own consciences , they are to wait for the fruit of it in due time i , but if they see they have failed in either , they are to be humbled k , and to attend upon it afterward with more care & diligence l . q. 176. wherein do the sacraments of baptism and the lords supper agree ? a. the sacraments of baptism and the lords supper agree , in that the author of both is god m , the spiritual part of both is christ and his benefits n , both are seals of the same covenant o , are to be dispensed by ministers of the gospel and by none other p , and to be continued in the church of christ untill his second coming q . q. 177. wherein do the sacraments of baptism and the lords supper differ ? a. the sacraments of baptism and the lords supper differ , in that baptism is to be administred but once with water to be a sign & seal of our regeneration and ingrafting into christ r , and that even to infants s ; whereas the lords supper is to be administred often , in the elements of bread and wine , to represent and exhibit christ as spiritual norrishment to the soul t , and to confirm our continuance and growth in him u , and that only to such as are of years and abilitie to examine themselves w . q. 178. what is prayer ? a. prayer is an offering up of our desires unto god x , in the name of christ y , by the help of his spirit z , with confession of our sins a , and thankful acknowledgment of his mercies b . q. 179. are we to pray unto god only ? a. god only being able to search the hearts c , hear the requests d , pardon the sins e , & fulfil the desires of all f , and only to be believed in g , and worshipped with religious worship h , prayer which is a special part thereof i , is to be made by all to him alone k and to none other l . q. 180. what is it to pray in the name of christ ? a. to pray in the name of christ is in obedience to his command , and in confidence on his promises , to ask mercy for his sake m , not by bare mentioning of his name n , but by drawing our encouragement to pray & our boldness , strength , and hope of acceptance in prayer , from christ and his mediation o . q. 181. why are we to pray in the name of christ ? a. the sinfulness of man , and his distance from god by reason thereof , being so great , as that we can have no access into his presence without a mediator p , and there being none in heaven or earth appointed to , or fit for that glorious work , but christ alone q , we are to pray in no other name but his only r . q. 182. how doth the spirit help us to pray ? a. we not knowing what to pray for as we ought , the spirit helpeth our infirmities , by enabling us to understand both for whom , and what , and how prayer is to be made , and by working and quickning in our hearts ( although not in all persons , nor at all times in the same measure ) those apprehensions , affections , & graces which are requisit for the right performance of that duty s . q. 183. for whom are we to pray ? a. we are to pray for the whole church of christ , upon earth t , for magistrates u , and ministers w , for our selves x , our breathren y , yea our enemies z , and for all sorts of men living a , or that shall live hereafter b , but not for the dead c , nor for those that are known to have sinned the sin unto death d . q. for what things are we to pray ? a. we are to pray for all things tending to the glory of god e , the welfare of the church f , our own g , or others good h , but not for any thing that is unlawful i . q. 185. how are we to pray ? a. we are to pray with an awful apprehension of the majesty of god k , and deep sense of our own unworthiness l , necessities m , and sins n , with patience o , thankful p , and enlarged hearts q , with understanding , faith , sincerity , fervency , love and perseverance , waiting upon him with humble submission to his will. q. 186. what rule hath god given for our direction in the duty of prayer ? a. the whole word of god is of use to direct ur in the duty of prayer : but the special rule of direction is that form of prayer , which our saviour christ taught his disciples ▪ commonly called the lords prayer b · q. 187. how is the lords prayer to be used ? a. the lords prayer is not only for direction as a patern according to which we are to make other prayers , but may also be used as a prayer , so that it be done with understanding , faith , reverence , and other graces necessary to the right performance of the duty of prayer c . q. 188. of how many parts doth the lords prayer consist ? a. the lords prayer consists of three parts , a preface , petitions , and a conclusion . q. 189. what doth the preface of the lords prayer teach us ? a. the preface of the lords prayer , [ contained in these words , our father which art in heaven d ] teacheth us , when we pray , to draw near to god with confidence of his fatherly goodness , and our interest therein e , with reverence and all other child-like dispositions f , heavenly affections g , and due apprehensions of his soveraign power , majesty , and gracious condescension h , as also to pray with and for others i . q. 190. what do we pray for in the first petition ? a. in the first petition [ which is hallowed be thy name k ] acknowledging the utter inability & indisposition , that is in our selves and all men to honour god aright l ; we pray that god would by his grace inable and incline us and others to know , to acknowledg and highly to esteem him m , his titles n , attributes o , ordinances , word p , works and whatsoever he is pleased to make himself known by q , and to glorify him in thought , word r , and deed s , that he would prevent and remove atheism t , ignorance u , idolatry w , prophanness x , and whatsoever is dishonourable to him y , and by his overruling providence direct and dispose of all things to his own glory z . q. 191. what do we pray for in the second petition ? a. in the second petition [ which is , thy kingdom come a . ] acknowledging our selves and all mankind to be by nature under the dominion of sin and satan b ; we pray that the kingdom of sin and sathan may be destroyed c , the gospel propagated throughout the world d , the jews called e , the fulness of the gentiles brought in f , the church furnished with all gospel officers and ordinances g , purged from corruption h , countenanced & maintained by the civil magistrate i , that the ordinances of christ may be purely dispensed and made effectual to the converting of those that are yet in their sins , & the confirming , comforting and building up of those that are already converted k : that christ would rule in our hearts here , & hasten the time of his second coming , l & our reigning with him for ever m , and that he would be pleased so to exercise the kingdom of his power in all the world , as may best conduce to these ends n . q. 192. what do we pray for in the third petition ? a. in the third petition [ which is , thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven o , ] acknowledging that by nature we & all men are not only utterly unable & unwilling to know & to do the will of god p , but prone to rebel against his word q , to repine & murmure against his providence r , & wholly inclined to do the will of the flesh , & of the devil s , we pray that god would by his spirit take away from ourselves and others , all blindness ▪ weakness , indisposedness w , and perversness of heart x , & by his graces make us able and willing to know , do and submit to his will in all things y , with the like humility z , chearfulness a , faithfulness b , diligence c , zeal d , sincerity e , and constancy f , as the angels do in heaven g . q. 193. what do we pray for in the fourth petition ? a. in the fourth petition , [ which is , give us this day our daily bread h , ] acknowledging that in adam and by our sin , we have forfeited our right to all the outward blessings of this life , & deserve to be wholly deprived of them by god , and to have them cursed to us in the use of them i , and that neither they of themselves are able to sustain us k , nor we to merit l , or by our own industry to procure them m , but prone to desire n , get o , and use them unlawfully p , we pray for our selves and others , that both they & we waiting upon the providence of god , from day to day in the use of lawful means , may of his free gift , and as to his fatherly wisdom shall seem best , enjoy a competent portion of them q , and have the same continued and blessed unto us in our holy and comfortable use of them r , and contentment in them s , & be kept from all things that are contrary to our temporal support and comfort t . q. 194. what do we pray for in the fifth petition ? a. in the fifth petition [ which is forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors u , ] acknowledging that we & all others are guilty both of original and actual sin , & thereby become debters to the justice of god , and that neither we , nor any other creature can make the least sa●isfaction for that debt w ; we pray for our selves & others , that god of his free grace would , through the obedience & satisfaction of christ apprehended & applyed by faith , acquit us both from the guilt and punishment of sin x , accept us in his beloved y , continue his favour and grace to us z , pardon our daily failings a , & fill us with peace and joy , in giving us daily more and more assurance of forgiveness b , which we are the rather emboldned to ask and encouraged to expect when we have this testimony in our selves , that we from the heart forgive others their offences c . q. 195. what do we pray for in the sixth petition ? a ▪ in the sixth petition [ which is , and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil d ] acknowledging that the most wise righteous and gracious god for divers holy and just ends may so order things , that we may be assaulted , and for a time led captive by temptations e , that satan f , the world g , and the flesh are ready powerfully to draw us aside and insnare us h ; & that we , even after the pardon of our sins , by reason of our corruption i , weakness , and want of watchfulness k , are not only subject to be tempted , & forward to expose our selves unto temptations l , but also of our selve● unable & unwilling to resist them , to recover out of them and to improve them m , and worthy to be left under the power of them n we pray that god would so over-rule the world and al● in it o , subdue the flesh p , and restrain satan q , order all thing● r , bestow and bless all means of grace s , and quicken us to watchfulness in the use of them , that we and all his people may b● hi● pr●vidence be kept from being 〈◊〉 to sin t , or if tempted , that by 〈◊〉 spirit we may be powerfully supported and enabled to stand in that hour of temptation u , or when fallen , raised and again recovered out of it w , & have a sanctified use and improvement thereof x , that our sanctification & salvation may be perfected y , satan trodden under our feet z , and we fully freed from sin , temtation , and all evil for ever a . q. 196. what doth the conclusion of the lords prayer teach us ? a. the conclusion of the lords prayer , [ which is , for thine is the kingdom , the power and the glory , for ever , amen b , ] teacheth us to enforce our petitions with arguments c , which are to be taken not from any worthiness in our selves , or in any other creature , but from god d , and with our prayers to joyn praises e , ascribing to god alone eternal soveraignty , omnipotency , and glorious excellency f , in regard whereof , as he is able and willing to help us g , so we by faith are imboldned to plead with him that he would h , and quietly to rely upon him that he will fulfil our requests i , k and to testifie this our desire and assurance , we say , amen . the shorter catechism , first agreed upon by the assembly of divines at westminster . and now appointed by the general assembly of the kirk of scotland , to be a part of uniformity in religion , between the kirks of christ , in the three kingdoms . quest. 1. what is the chief end of man ? a. mans chief end is to glorifie god a , and to enjoy him for ever b . q. 2. what rule hath god given to direct us how we may glorifie and enjoy him ? a. the word of god ( which is contained in the scriptures of the old and new testament o ) is the only rule to direct us , how we may glorifie and enjoy him d . q. 3. what do the scriptures principally teach ? a. the scriptures principally teach what man is to believe concerning god ; and what duty god requires of man e . q. 4 what is god ? a. god is a spirit f , infinite g , eternal h , and unchangeable i , in his being k , wisdom l , power m , holiness n , justice , goodness and truth o . q. 5. are there more gods than one ? a. there is but one only , the living and true god p . q. 6. how many persons are there in the godhead ? a. there are three persons in the god-head , the father , the son , and the holy ghost ; and these three are one god , the same in substance , equal in power and glory q . q. 7. what are the decrees of god ? a. the decrees of god are his eternal purpose according to the counsel of his will , whereby for his own glory , he hath fore-ordained whatsoever comes to pass r . q. 8. how doth god execute his decrees ? a. god executeth his decrees in the works of creation & providence . q. 9. what is the work of creation ? a the work of creation is gods making all things of nothing , by the word of his power , in the space of six days , and all very good s . q. 10. how did g●d create man ? a. god created man , male & female after his own image , in knowledge , righteousness , and holiness , with dominion over the creatures t . q. 11. what are gods works of providence ? a. gods works of providence are , his most holy u , wise w , and powerful preserving x , and governing all his creatures and all their actions y . q. 12. what special act of providence did god exercise towards man in the estate wherein he was created ? a. when god had created man , he entred into a covenant of life with him , upon condition of perfect obedience : forbidding him to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil , upon pain of death z . q. 13. did our first parents continue in the estate wherein they were created ? a our first parents , being left to the freedom of their own will , fell from the estate wherein they were created , by sinning against god a . q. 14. what is sin ? a. sin is any want of conformity unto , or transgression of the law of god b . q. 15. what was the sin whereby our first parents fell from the estate wherein they were created ? a. the sin whereby our first parents ●ell from the estate wherein they were created , was their eating the forbidden fruit c . q. 16. did all mankind fall in adams first transgression ? a. the covenant being made with adam , not only for himself , but for his posterity , all mankind descending from him by ordinary generation , sinned in him , & fell with him in his first transgression d . q. 17. into what estate did th● fall bring mankind ? a. the fall brought mankind into an estate of sin and misery . q. 18. wherein consists the sinfu●●ness of that estate whereinto man fell ▪ a. the sinfulness of that estat● whereinto man fell , consists in th● guilt of adams first sin , the want 〈◊〉 original righteousness , and the cor●ruption of his whole nature , which 〈◊〉 commonly called original sin , tog●ther with all actual transgressions which proceed from it f . q. 19. what is the misery of that estate whereinto man fell ? a. all mankind by their fall lost communion with god g , are under his wrath & curse h , & so made liable to all miseries in this life , to death it self , & to the pains of hell for ever i . q. 29. did god leave all mankind to perish in the estate of sin and misery ? a. god having out of his meer good pleasure from all eternity , elected some to everlasting life k , did enter into a covenant of grace , to deliver them out of the estate of sin & misery , and to bring them into an estate of salvation by a redeemer l . q. 21. who is the redeemer of gods elect ? a. the only redeemer of gods elect , is the lord jesus christ m , who being the eternal son of god , became man n , and so was , and continueth to be god & man , in two distinct natures , & one person for ever . o q. 22. how did christ being the son of god become man ? a. christ the son of god became man by taking to himself a true body p , and a reasonable soul q , being conceived by the power of the holy ghost in the womb of the virgin mary , & born of her r , yet without sin s . q. 23. what offices doth christ execute as our redeemer ? a. christ as our redeemer executeth the offices of a prophet , of a priest , and of a king , both in his estate of humiliation , & exaltation t . q. 24. how doth christ execute the office of a prophet ? a. christ executeth the office of a prophet , in revealing to us by his word , and spirit , the will of god for our salvation u . q. 25. how doth christ execute the office of a priest ? a. christ executeth the office of a priest , in his once offering up of himself a sacrifice to satisfie divine justice w , and reconcile us to god x , and in making continual intercession for us y . q. 26. how doth christ ex●pute the office of a king ? a. christ executeth the office of a king , in subduing us to himself z , in r●ling a , and defending us b , and in restraining and conquering all his and our enemies . q. 27. wherein did christs h●miliation consist ? a. christs humiliation consisted in his being born , and that in a low condition d , made under the law e , undergoing the miseries of this life f , the wrath of god g , and the cursed death of the cross h , in being buried i , and continuing under the power of death for a time k . q. 28. wherein consisteth christs exaltation ? a. christs exaltation consisteth in his rising again from the dead on the third day l , in ascending up into heaven m , in sitting at the right hand of god the father n , and coming to judge the world at the last day o . q. 29. how are we made partakers of the redemption purchased by christ ? a. we are made partakers of the redemption purchased by christ , by the effectual application of it to us p , by his holy spirit q . q. 30. how doth the spirit apply to us the redemption purchased by christ ? a the spirit applyeth to us , the redemption purchased by christ by working faith in us r , and thereby uniting us to christ in our effectual calling s . q. 31. what is effectual calling ? a. effectual calling is the work of gods spirit t , whereby ●●nvincing us of our sin & misery u , inlightening our minds in the knowledge of christ w , and renewing our wills x , he doth perswade and inable us to imbrace jesus christ freely offered to us in the gospel y . q. 32. what benefits do they that are effectually called partake of in this life ? a. they that are effectually called , do in this life partake of justification z , adoption a , sanctification , & the several benefits which in this life do either accompany or flow from them b . q. 33. what is iustification ? a. justification is an act of gods fr●e grace , wherein he pardoneth all our sins c , and accepteth us as righteous in his sight d , only for the righteousness of christ imputed to us e , and received by faith alone f . q. 34. what is adoption ? a. adoption is an act of gods free grace g , whereby we are received into the number , & have a right to a●l the priviledges of the sons of god h . q. 35. what is sanctification ? a. sanctification is the work of god● free grace i , whereby we are renewed in the whole man after the image of god k : and are inabled more and more to die unto sin , and live unto righteousness l . q. 36. what are the benefits which in this life do accompany or flow from iustification , adoption & sanctification ? a. the benefits which in this life do accompany or flow from justification , adoption , and sanctification , are ▪ assurance of gods love , peace of conscience m , joy in the holy ghost n , increase of grace o , and perseverance therein to the end p . q. 37. what benefits do believers receive from christ at death ? a. the souls of believers are at their death made perfect in holiness q , & do immediately pass into glory r , and their bodies being still united to christ s , do rest in their graves t , till the resurrection u . q. 38 vvhat benefits do believers receive from christ at the resurrection ? a. at the resurrection , believers being raised up in glory w , shall be openly acknowledged & acquitted in the day of judgment x , and made perfectly blessed in full enjoying of god y , to all eternity z . q. 39. what is the duty which god requireth of man ? a. the duty which god requireth of man , is obedience to his revealed will a . q. 40. what did god at first reveal to man for the rule of his obedience ? a. the rule which god at first revealed to man for his obedience , was the moral law b . q. 41. where is the moral law summarily comprehended ? a. the moral law is summarily comprehended in the ten commandments c . q. 42. what is the sum of the ten commandments ? a. the sum of the ten commandments is , to love the lord our god , with all our heart , with all our soul , wi●h all our strength , and with all our mind : and our neighbour as our selves d . q. 43. what is the preface to the ten commandments ? a. the preface to the ten commandments is in these words , [ i am the lord thy god , which have brought thee out of the land of egypt , out of the house of bondage e . ] q. 44. what doth the preface to the ten commandments teach us ? a. the preface to the ten commandments teacheth us , that because god is the lord , and our god , and redeemer , therefore we a●e bound to keep all his commandments f . q. 45. which is the first commandment ? a. the first commandment is , [ thou shalt have no other gods before me g . ] q. 46. what is required in the first commandment ? a. the first commandment requireth us to know and acknowledge god to be the only true god and our god h , and to worship and glorifie him accordingly i q. 47. what is forbidden in the first commandment ? a. the first commandment forbiddeth the denying k , or not worshipping & glorifying the true god , as god l , and our god m , and the giving that worship & glory to any other , which is due to him alone n . q. 48. what are we especially taught by these words [ before me ] in the first commandment ? a. these words [ before me ] in the first commandment , teach us , that god who seeth all things taketh 〈◊〉 of , and ● much displeased with the sin of having any other god o . q 49. which is the second commandment ? a. the second commandment is , [ thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image , or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above , or that is in the earth beneath , or that is in the water under the earth ; thou shalt not bow down thy self to them nor serve them : for i the lord thy god am a jealous god : visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children , unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me ; and shewing mercy unto thousands , of them that love me , and keep my commandments p . ] q. 50. what is required in the second commandment ? a. the second commandment requireth the receiving , observing , and keeping pure and intire all such religious worship and ordinances , as god hath appointed in his word q . q. 51. what is forbidden in the second commandment ? a. the second commandment forbiddeth the worshiping of god by images r , or any other way not appointed in his word s . q. 52. what are the reasons annexed to the second commandment ? a. the reasons annexed to the second commandment , are , gods soveraign●y over us t , his prop●iety in us u , and the zeal he hath to his own worship w . q 53. vvhich is the third commandment ? a. the third commandment is , [ thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain , for the lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain x . ] q. 54. vvhat is required in the third commandment ? a. the third commandment requireth the holy and reverent use of gods names y , titles z , attributes a , ordinances b , words c , and works d . q. 55. vvhat is forbidden in the third commandment ? a. the third commandment forbiddeth all prof●ning or abusing of any thing whereby god maketh himself known e . q. 55. vvhat is the reason annexed to the third commandment ? a. the reason annexed to the third commandment is , that however the breakers of this commandment may escape punishment from men● yet the lord our god will not suffer them to escape his righteous judgment f . q. 57. which is the fourth commandment ? a. the fourth commandment is , [ remember the sabbath day to keep it holy : six days shalt thou labour and do all thy work , but the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord thy god ; in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , thy man servant , nor thy maid servant , nor thy cattel , nor the stranger that is within thy gates : for in six days the lord made heaven and eartb , the sea and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day ; wherefore the lord blessed the sabbath day , and hallowed it g . ] q. 58. what is required in the fourth commandment ? a. the fourth commandment requireth the keeping holy to god such set time as he hath appointed in his word , expresly one whole day in seven to be a h. sabbath to himself h . q. 59. which day of the seven hath god appointed to be the weekly sabbath ? a. from the beginning of the world to the resurrection of christ , god appointed the seventh day of the week to be the weekly sabbath : & the first day of the week ever since to continue to the end of the world , which is the christian sabbath i . q. 60. how is the sabbath to be sanctified ? a. the sabbath is to be sanctified by an holy resting all that day k , even from such worldly imployments and recreations as are lawful on other days l , and spending the whole time in the publick and private exercises of gods worship m , except so much as is to be taken up in the works of necessity and mercy n . q. 61. what is forbidden in the fourth commandment ? a. the fourth commandment forbiddeth the omission or careless performance of the duties required o , & the prophaning the day by idleness p or doing that which is in it self sinful q , or by unnecessary thoughts words , or works , about worldly imployments or recreations r . q. 62. what are the reasons annexed to the fourth commandment ? a. the reasons annexed to the fourth commandment are , gods allowing us six days of the week for our own imployments s , his challenging a special propriety in the seventh , his own example , and his blessing the sabbath day t . q. 63. vvhich is the fifth commandment ? a. the fifth commandment is , [ honour thy father & thy mother that thy day may be long upon the land which the lord thy god giveth thee u . ] q. 64. vvhat is required in the fifth commandment ? a. the fifth commandment requireth the preserving the honour , and performing the duties , belonging to every one in their several places and relations , as superiours w , inferiours x , or equals y . q. 65. what is forbidden in the fifth commandment ? a. the fifth commandment forbiddeth the neglect of , or doing any thing against the honour & duty which belongeth to every one in their several places and relations z . q. 66. what is the reason annexed to the fifth commandment ? a. the reason annexed to the fifth commandment is , a promise of long life and prosperity ( as far as it shall serve for gods glory , and their own good ) to all such as keep this commandment . q. 67. which is the sixth commandment ? a. the sixth commandment is [ thou shalt not kill b . ] q. 68. what is required in the sixth commandment ? a. the sixth commandment requireth all lawful endeavours to preserve our own life c , and the life of others d . q. 69. what is forbidden in the sixth commandment ? a. the sixth commandment forbiddeth the taking away of our own life , or the life of our neighbour unjustly : or whatsoever tendeth thereunto e . q. 70. which is the seventh commandment ? a. the seventh commandment is , [ thou shalt not commit adultery f . ] q. 71. what is required in the seventh commandment ? a. the seventh commandment requireth the preservation of our own and our neighbours chastity in heart , speech and behaviour g . q. 72. what is forbidden in the seventh commandment ? a. the seventh commandment forbiddeth all unchast thoughts , words , and actions h . q. 73. which is the eighth commandment ? a. the eighth commandment is , [ thou shalt not steal i . ] q. 74. what is required in the eighth commandment ? a. the eighth commandment requireth the lawful procuring , and furthering the wealth and outward estate of our selves and others k . q. 75. what is forbidden in the eighth commandment ? a. the eighth commandment forbiddeth whatsoever doth , or may unjustly hinder our own , or our neighbours wealth , or outward estate l . q. 76. which is the ninth commandment ? a. the ninth commandment is , [ thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour m . ] q : 77. what is required in the ninth commandment ? a. the ninth commandment requireth the maintaining and promoting of truth between man and man n , and of our own and our neighbours good name o , especially in witness bearing p . q. 78. what is forbidden in the ninth commandment : a. the ninth commandment forbiddeth whatsoever is prejudicial to truth , or injurious to our own , or our neighbours good name q . q 79. which is the tenth commandment ? a. the tenth commandment is , [ thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his man servant , nor his maid servant , nor his ox , nor his ass , nor any thing that is thy neighbours r . ] q. 80. what is required in the tenth commandment ? a. the tenth commandment requireth full contentment with our own condition s , with a right and charitable frame of spirit toward our neighbour and all that is his t . q. 81. what is forbidden in the tenth commandment . a. the tenth commandment forbiddeth all discontentment with our own estate u , envying or grieving at the good of our neighbour w , & all inordinate motions and affections , to any thing that is his x . q. 82. is any man able perfectly to keep the commandments of god ? a. no meer man since the fall , is able in this life , perfectly to keep the commandments of god y , but doth daily break them in thought , word , and deed z . q. 83. are all transgressions of the law equally hainous ? a. some sins in themselves , and by reason of several aggravation● , are more hainous in the sight of god than others a . q. 84. what doth every sin deserve ? a. every sin deserveth gods wrath , and curse , both in this life , and that which is to come b . q. 85. what doth god require of us , that we may escape his wrath and curse , due to us for sin ? a. to escape the wrath and curse of god due to us for sin ▪ god requireth of us faith in jesus christ , repentance unto life c , with the diligent use of all the outward means , whereby christ communicateth to us the benefits of redemption d . q. 86. what is faith in iesus christ ? a. faith in jesus christ is a saving grace e , whereby we receive and rest upon him alone for salvation ▪ as he is offered to us in the gospel f . q. 87. what is repentance unto life ? a. repentance unto life is a saving grace g , whereby a sinner out of a true sense of his sin h , and apprehension of the mercy of god in christ i , doth with grief and hatred of his sin , turn from it unto god k : with full purpose of , and endeavour after , new obedience l . q. 88. what are the outward means , whereby christ communicateth to us the benefits of redemption ? a. the outward and ordinary means whereby christ communicateth to us the benefits of redemption , are his ordinances , especially the word , sacrament , and prayer ; all which are made effectual to the elect , for salvation m . q. 89. how is the word made effectual to salvation ? a. the spirit of god maketh the reading , but especially the preaching of the word , an effectual means of convincing and converting sinners , and of building them up in holiness , and comfort through faith unto salvation n . q. 90. how is the word to be read and heard , that it may become effect●al to salvation ? a. that the word may become effectua● to salvation , we must attend thereunto with diligence o , preparation p , and prayer q , receive it with ●aith and love r , lay it up in our hearts s , & practice it in our lives t ▪ q. 91. how do the sacraments become effectual means of salvation ? a. the sacraments become effectual means of salvation , not from any vertue in them , or in him that doth administer them , but onely by the blessing of christ u , and the working of his spirit in them that by faith receive them w . q. 92. what is a sacrament ? a. a sacrament is an holy ordinance instituted by christ , wherein , by sensible signs , christ and the benefits of the new covenant are represented , sealed , and applyed to believers x . q. 93. which are the sacraments of the new testament ? a. the sacraments of the new testament are , baptism y , and the lords supper z . q. 94. what is baptism ? a. baptism is a sacrament , wherein the washing with water , in the name of the father , and of the son , and ●f the holy ghost a , doth signifie and seal our ingrafting into christ , and partaking of the benefits of the covenant of grace , and our engagement to be the lords b . q. 95. to whom is baptism to be administred ? a. baptism is not to be administred to any that are out of the visible church , till they profess their faith in christ , and obedience to him c , but the infants of such as are members of the visible church are to be baptized d . q. 96. what is the lords supper ? a. the lords supper is a sacrament , wherein by giving and receiving bread and wine according to christs appointment , his death is shewed forth : and the worthy receivers are not after a corporal and carnal manner , but by ●faith made partakers of his body and blood , with all his benefits to their spiritual nourishment , and growth in grace e . q. 97. what is required to the worthy receiving of the lords supper ? a. it is required of them that would worthily partake of the lords supper , that they examine themselves , of their knowledge to discern the lords body f , of their faith to feed upon him g , of their repentance h , love , and new obedience , lest coming unworthily , they eat and drink judgment to themselves l . q. 28. vvhat is prayer ? a. prayer is an offering up of ou● desires unto god m , for things agreeable to his will n , in the name of christ o , with confession of our sins p , and thankful acknowledgement of his mercies n . q. 99. vvhat rule hath god given for our direction in prayer ? a. the whole word of god is of use to direct us in prayer r : but the special rule of direction , is that form of prayer , which christ taught his disciples , commonly called , the lords prayer s . q. 110. vvhat doth the preface of the lords prayer teach us ? a. the preface of the lords prayer , which is , [ our father which are in heaven t , ] teacheth us to draw near to god , with all holy reverence , and confidence , as children to a father , able and ready to help us u ▪ and that we should pray with and for others w . q. 101. vvhat do we pray for in the first petition ? a. in the first petition , which is , [ hallowed be thy name x ] we pray that god would enable us & others to glorifie him in all that whereby he maketh himself known y , and that he would dis●ose all things to his own glory z . q. 102. vvhat do we pray for in the second petition ? a. in the second petition , which is , [ thy kingdom come a , ] we pray that satans kingdom may be destroyed b , and that the kingdom of grace may be advanced c , our selves and others brought into it , and kept in it d , and that the kingdom of glory may be hastned e . q. 103. vvhat do we pray for in the third petition ? a. in the third petition , which is , [ thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven f , ] we pray that god by his grace would make us able and willing to know , obey , and submit to his will in all things g , as the angels do in heaven h . q. 104. vvhat do we pray for in the fourth petition ? a. in the fourth petition , which is , [ give us this day our daily bread i , ] we pray , that of gods free gift we may receive a competent portion of the good things of this life , and enjoy his blessing with them k . q. 105. what do we pray for in the fifth petition ? a. in the fifth petition , which is , [ and forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors l , ] we pray that god for christs sake would freely pardon all our sins m : which we are the ●ather encouraged to ask , because by his grace we are inabled from the heart to forgive others n . q. 106. what do we pray for in the sixth petition ? a. in the sixth petition , which is , [ and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil o , ] we pray that god would either keep us from being tempted to sin p , or support and deliver us when we are tempted q . q. 107. what doth the conclusion of the lords prayer teach us ? a. the conclusion of the lords prayer , which is , [ for thine is the kingdom , and the power , and the glory , for ever , amen r , ] teacheth us to take our incouragement in prayer from god onely s , and in our prayers to praise him , ascribing kingdom , power and glory to him t , and in testimony of our desire and assurance to be heard , we say , amen u . the ten commandments . exod. 20. god spake all these words , saying , i am the lord thy god , which have brought thee out 〈◊〉 the land of egypt , out of the house of bondage . i. thou shalt have no other gods before me . ii. thou shalt not make unto thee any graven i●age , or any likeness of any thing that is in hea●en above , or that is in the earth beneath , or that 〈◊〉 in the water under the earth , thou shalt not 〈◊〉 down thy self to them nor serve them : for i the ●ord thy god am a jealous god , visiting the iniqui●● of the fathers upon the children , unto the third ●nd fourth generation of them that hate me ; and ●●ewing mercy unto thousands of them that love me , ●nd keep my commandments . iii. thou shall not take the name of the lord thy god in vain , for the lord will not ●old him guilt●●ss ▪ that taketh his name in va●n . iv. remember the sabbath-day to keep it holy : ●ix days shalt thou labour and do all thy work ▪ 〈◊〉 the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord 〈◊〉 god : in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , 〈◊〉 thy son , nor thy daughter , thy man-servant , 〈◊〉 thy maid-servant , nor thy 〈◊〉 , nor the stranger that is within thy gates : for in six days the lord made heaven and earth , the se● , and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day , wheref●re the lord blessed the sabbath day , and hallowed it . v. honour thy father and thy mo●her , that thy days may be long upon the land which the lord thy god giveth thee . vi. thou shalt not kill . vii . thou shalt not commit adultery . viii . thou shalt not steal . xi . thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour . x. thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his man servant , nor his maid servant , nor his ox , nor his asse , nor any thing that is thy neighbours . the lords prayer . math. 6. ovr father which art in heaven . hallowed be thy name : thy kingdom c●me : thy will be done on earth , as it is in heaven , give us this day our daily bread : and forgive us our debts , as we forgive our debtors ; and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil : for thine is the kingdom , and the power , and the glory for ever ; amen . the creed . i believe in god the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth : and in iesus christ his only son our lord , which was conceived by the holy ghost , born of the virgin mary , suffered under pontius pilate , was crucified , dead and buried : he descended into hell * : the third day he rose again from the dead , he ascended into heaven , and siteth on the right ●and of god the father almighty , from thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead : i believe in the holy ghost , the holy catholick church , the communion of saints , the forgiveness of sins , the resurrection of the body , and the life everlasting . amen . so much of every question both in the larger and shorter catechism , is repeated in the answer , as maketh every answer an entire proposition , or sentence in it self ; to the end , the learner may further improve it upon all occasions , for his increase in knowledge and piety ▪ even out of the course of catechising , as well as in it . and albeit the substance of the doctrine comprised in that abridgement , commonly called the apostles creed , be fully set forth in each of the catechisms , so as there is no necessity of inserting the creed it self , yet it is here annexed , not as though it were composed by the apostles , or ought to be estee●ed canonical scripture , as the ten commandments , and the lords prayer ( much less a prayer , as ignorant people have been apt to make both it and the decalogue ) but because it is a brief sum of the christian faith , agreeable to the word of god , and anciently recei●ed in the churches of christ. the summe of saving knowledge , with the practical use thereof . john 6.37 . all that the father giveth me , shall come to me : and him that cometh to me , i will in no wise cast out . edinbvrgh , printed by george swintoun , and thomas brown , and are to be sould by iames glen , and david trench . 1671. a brief sum of christian doctrine , contained in holy scriptures , and holden forth in the confession of faith & catechism . agreed upon by the assembly of divines at westminst●r , and received by the general assembly of the kirk of scotland . the sum of saving knowledge may be taken up in these four hea●s . 1. the woeful condition wh●r●in all men are by nature , through breaking of the covenant of works . 2. the r●medy pr●vided for the elect in iesus christ , by the covenant of grace . 3. the means appointed ●o make them part●kers of this covenant . 4. the blessi●gs which are effectually conv●yed unto the elect by these means . which four heads are set down each of them in some f●w propositions . head 1. our woful condition by nature , through breaking the covenant of works . hos. 13 9. o israel , thou hast destroyed thy self . the almighty and eternal god the father , the son , and the holy ghost , three di●tinct persons , in one and the same undivided god-head , equally in●inite in all perfections ; did before time most wisely decree for his own glory , whatsoever cometh to pass in time , and doth most holily , and infallibly execute all hi● decrees ▪ without being partaker of the sin 〈◊〉 any creature . ii. this god in six days made all things 〈◊〉 nothing very good in their own kind , in special● he made all the angels holy ; and he mad● our first parents adam and eve , the root 〈◊〉 mankind ▪ both upright and able to keep the law written in their heart . which law the●● were naturally bound to obey under pain 〈◊〉 death , but god was not bound to reward thei● service , till he entered in a covenant or contract with them , and their posterity in them ▪ to give them eternal life upon condition of perfect personal obedience , withal threatning death in case they should fail . this is the covenant of works . iii. both angels and men are subject to the change of their own free-will as experience proveth ( god having reserved to himself the incommunicable property of being naturally unchangeable ) for many angels of their own accord fell by sin from their first estate and became devils our first parents being inticed by satan , one of these devils speaking in a serpent ▪ did break the covenant of works in eating the forbidden fruit ▪ whereby they and their posterity being in their loins , as branches in the root , and comprehended in the same covenant with them , became not only lyable to eternal death , but also lost all ability to please god ; yea did become by nature enemies to god and to all spiritual good , and 〈◊〉 lined only to evil continually . this is our original sin , the bitter root of all our actual transgressions ▪ in thought , word ▪ and deed . head ii. the remedy provided in jesus christ for the elect by the covenant of grace ; hos. 13.9 . o israel , thou hast destroyed thy self , but in me is thine help . albeit man , having brought himself into this woeful condition be neither able to ●elp himself , nor willing to be helped by god ●ut of it , but rather inclined to ly still unsen●●●le of it , till he perish : yet god for the glory ●f his rich grace , hath revealed in his word ●way to save sinners , to wit , by faith in jesus christ the eternal son of god , by vertue of ●nd according to , the tenor of the covenant of redemption , made and agreed upon between god the father and god the son , in the counsel of the trinity before the world began . ii. the sum of the covenant of redemption is this , god having freely chosen unto life , a ●ertain number of lost mankind , for the glory ●f his rich grace did give them before the world began , unto god the son appointed redeemer , that upon condition he would humble ●imself so far as to assume the humane natur●●f a soul and body , unto personal union with ●is divine nature , and submit himself 〈…〉 law as surety for them , and satisfie justice for them , by giving obedience in their name , even unto the suffering of the cursed death of the cross , he should ransom and redeem them all from sin and death , and purchase unto them righteousness and eternal life , with all saying graces leading thereunto , to be effectually , by means of his own appointment , applyed in due time to every one of them . this condition the son of god ( who is jesus christ our lord ) did accept before the world began , and in the fulness of time came into the world , was born of the virgin mary , subjected himself to the law , and compleatly payed the ransome on the cross : but by vertue of the foresaid bargain made before the world began , he is in all ages since the fall of adam , still upon the work of applying actually the purchased benefits unto the elect : and that he doth by way of entertaining a covenant of free grace and reconciliation with them , through faith in himself , which covenant he makes over to every believer a right and interest to himself , and to all his blessings . iii. for the accomplishment of this covenant of redemption , and making the elect partakers of the benefits thereof in the covenant of grace , christ jesus was clad with the three●old office of prophet , priest , and king. made a prophet , to reveal all saving knowledge to his people , and to perswade them to believe and 〈◊〉 the same ▪ made a priest , to offer up himself a sacrifice once for them all , and to interceed continually with the father for making their persons and services acceptable to him . and made a king , to subdue them to himself , to feed and rule them by his own appointed ordinances , and to defend them from their enemies . head 3. the outward means appointed to make the elect partakers of this covenant , and all the rest that are called to be inexcusable , mat. 22.14 . many are called . the outward means and ordinances for making men partakers of the covenant of grace are so wisely dispenced , as the elect ●hall be infallibly converted and saved by them , and the reprobate among whom they are not , be justly stumbled . the means are specially these four . 1. the word of god. 2. the sacraments . 3. kirk government . ● . prayer . in the word of god preached by ●ent messengers , the lord makes offer of grace to all sinners upon condition of faith in jesus christ , and whosoever do confess their sin , accept of christ offered , and submit themselves to his ordinances , he will have both them and their children received into the honour and priviledges of the covenant of grace . by the sacraments god will have the covenant sealed for confirming the bargain on the foresaid condition . by kirk government he will have them ●edge in , and help foreward unto the keeping of the covenant . and by prayer , he will have his own gl●rious grace promised in the covenant , to be daily drawn forth , acknowledged and imployed . all which means are f●llowed either really , or in profession only , according to the quality of the co●enanters , as they a●e true or counter●it believers , ii. the covenant of grace set down in the old testament before christ came , and in the new since he came , is one and the same in substance , albeit different in outward administration : for the covenant in the old testament , being sealed with the sacraments of circumcision and the paschal lamb did set forth christs death to come , and the benefits purchased thereby , under the shadow of bloody sacrifices and sundry ceremonies : but since christ came , the covenant , being sealed by the sacraments of baptism , and the lords supper , do clearly hold forth christ already crucified before our eyes , victorious over death , and the grave , and gloriously ruling heaven , and earth for the good of his own people . head iv. the bless●ngs which a● effectually conveyed by these mea● to the lords elect or chosen one mat. 22.24 . many are called , 〈◊〉 few are chosen . by these outward ordinances as our lord makes the reprobate inexcusable so , in the power of his spirit , he applies unto the elect effectually , all saving graces purchased to them , in the covenant of redemption , and maketh a change in their persons . in particular , 1. he doth convert or regenerate them , by giving spiritual life to them , in open●ng their understandings , renewing their wills , affections and faculties , for giving spiritual obedience to his commands . 2. he gives unto them saving faith by making them in the sense of deserved condemnation , to give their consent heartily to the ▪ covenant of grace , and to imbrace christ jesus unfained . 3. he gives them repentance , by making them , with godly sorrow in the hatred of sin , and love of righteousness : turn from all iniquity to the service of god , and , 4. he sanctifies them , by making them go on and persevere in faith , and spiritual obedience of the law of god , manifested by fruitfulness in all duties , and doing good works , as god offereth occasion . ii. together with this inward change of their persons , god changes also their state : for so soon as they are brought by faith into the covenant of grace , 1. he iustifies them , by imputing unto them , that perfect obedience which christ gave to the law , and the satisfaction also which upon the cross christ gave unto justice in their name . 2. he reconcials them , and makes them friends to god , who were before enemies to god. 3. he adoptes them that they should be no more children of satan , but children of god , inriched with all spiritual priviledges of his sons : and last of all , after their warfare in this life is ended , he perfects the holiness and blessedness , first of their souls at their death , and then both of their souls and their bodys , being joyfully joyned together again , in the resurrection , at the day of his glorious coming to judgment ▪ when all the wicked shall be sent away to hell , with satan whom they have served ; but christs own chosen and redeemed ones true believers , students of holiness , shall remain with himself for ever , in the state of glorification . the practical use of saving knowledge , contained in scripture , and holden forth briefly in the foresaid confessions of faith and catechisms . the chief general use of christian doctrine is , to convince a man of sin , and of righteousness , and of judgment , iohn 16.8 . partly by the law or covenant of works , that he may be humbled and become penitent , and partly by the gospel or covenant of grace , that he may become an unfained believer in jesus christ , and be strengthened in his faith by good fruits ▪ and so be saved . the sum of the covenant of works , or of the law , is this , if thou do all that is commanded , and not fail in any point , thou shalt be saved : but if thou fail , thou shalt die . rom. 10.5 . gal. 3.10 , 12. the sum of the gospel or covenant of grace and reconciliation is this , if thou flee from deserved wrath , to the true reedemer iesus christ , ( who is able to save to the uttermost all that come to god , through him ) thou shalt not perish but have eternal life , rom. 10.8.9 , 11. for convincing a man of sin , of righteousness , and of judgment by the law ▪ or covenant of works let these scriptures among many more be made use of . 1. for convincing a man of sin by the law : consider , ier. 17.9 , 10. the heart is d●ceitful above all things , and desperately wicked , who can know it ? i the lord search the heart , i try the reins , ●v●n to give every man according to his ways , and according to the fruit of his doings : here the lord teacheth these two things . 1. that the fountain of all our miscarriage and actual sinning against god is in the heart , which comprehendeth the mind , will , affections and all the powers of the soul , as they are corrupted and defiled with original sin : the mind being not only ignorant and uncapable of saving truth ; but also full of error and enmity against god ▪ and the will and affections being obstinately disobedient unto all gods directions ▪ and bent toward that only which is evil ▪ the heart , saith he , is deceitful above all things , and desperately wicked ; yea , and unsearchably wicked : so that no man can know it , and gen. 6.5 . every imagination of the thoughts of mans heart is only evil continually ( saith the lord ) whose testimony we must trust in this and all other matters : and experience also may teach us , that till god make us deny our selves , we ●ever look to god in any thing ▪ but fleshly ●elf interest alone doth rule us and move all the wheels of our actions . 2. that the lord bringeth our original sin ●r wicked inclination , withal the actual fruits ●hereof , unto reckoning before his judgment ●eat , for he searcheth the heart and tryeth the ●eins , to give every man according to his ways , ●nd according to the fruit of his doings . hence let every man reason thus : what god and my guilty conscience beareth witness of , i am convinced that it is true . but god and my guilty conscience beareth witness , that my heart is deceitful above all ●hings ▪ and desperately wicked ; and that all ●he imaginations of my heart , by nature , are only evil continually . therefore i am convinced that this is true . thus a man may be convinced of sin by the law. ● for convincing a man of righteousness by the law , consider , gal. 3.10 . as many as are of the w●rks of the law , are under the curse : for it is written , cursed is ●very ●ne that continueth not in all things which are ●ri●t●n in th● book of t●e law to ●o them . here the apostle teacheth us three things . 1. that by reason of our natural sinfulness , 〈◊〉 impossibility of any mans being justified ●y the works of the law is so certain , that whosoever do seek justification by the work of the law , are liable to the curse of god , fo● breaking of the law ; for , as many as are of 〈◊〉 works of the law are under the curse , saith he . 2. that unto the perfect fulfilling of th● law , the keeping of one or two of the pr●●cepts , or doing of some , or of all duties ( if 〈◊〉 were possible ) for a time is not sufficient ; 〈◊〉 the law requireth , that a man continue in 〈◊〉 things which are written in the book of the law , 〈◊〉 do them . 3. that because no man can come up to th● perfection every man by nature is under th● curse ; for the law saith cursed is every one th● continueth not in all things , which are written 〈◊〉 the book of the law , to do them . now to be under the curse , comprehende●● all the displeasure of god , with the danger 〈◊〉 the breaking forth more and more of his wrat● upon soul and body , both in this life and afte● death perpetually , if grace do not prevent th● full execution thereof . hence let every man reason thus : whosoever , according to the covenant o● works is liable to the curse of god , for break●ing the law , times and ways out of number cannot be justified or find righteousness by the works of the law. but i ( may every man say ) according to th● covenant of works , am liable to the curse 〈◊〉 god , for breaking the law , times and ways 〈◊〉 of number . therefore i cannot be justified , or have ●●ghteousness by the works of the law. thus may a man be convinced of righteous●●●● , that it is not to be had by his own works 〈◊〉 by the law. ● . for convincing a man of judgment by the lavv : consider , 2 thes. 1.7 . the lord shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty angels , ver . 8. in flaming 〈◊〉 ●aking vengeance on them that know not 〈◊〉 ▪ and that obey not the gospel of our lord 〈◊〉 christ. ver . 9. who shall be punished with ●●erlasting destruction from the presence of the 〈◊〉 , and from the glory of his power . ver . 10. ●hen he shall come to be glorified in his saints , 〈◊〉 to be admired in all them that believe . wherein we are taught , that our lord jesus , ●ho now offers to be mediator for them who ●el●eve in him , shall at the last day , come armed ●ith flaming fire , to judge , condemn and de●●roy all them who have not believed god , 〈◊〉 not received the offer of grace made in 〈◊〉 gospel , nor obeyed the doctrine thereof ; 〈◊〉 remain in their natural estate under the ●aw or covenant of works . hence let every man reason thus : what the righteous judge hath fore-warn●d , me shall be done , at the last day , i am sure 〈◊〉 just judgement . but the righteous judge hath fore-warned ●e , that if i do not believe god in time , and obey the doctrine of the gospel , i shall 〈◊〉 secluded from his presence and his glory , at t●● last day , and be tormented in soul and body 〈◊〉 ever . therefore i am convinced that this is 〈◊〉 judgement . and i have reason to thank god heartil● who hath forewarned me to flee from the wrat● which is to come . thus every man may be , by the law or c●●venant of works , convinced of judgment , 〈◊〉 he shall continue under the covenant 〈◊〉 works , or shall not obey the gospel of ou● lord jesus . for convincing a man of sin , righteous●ness , and judgment by the gospel . as for convincing a man of sin , and righ●teousness , and judgment by the gospe● or covenant of grace , he must understan● three things . 1. that not believing in jesu● christ , or refusing of the covenant of grace offered in him , is a greater and more dangerous sin , then all other sins against the law● because the hearers of the gospel ▪ not believing in christ , do reject gods mercy in christ ▪ the only way of freedom from sin and wrath , and will not yield to be reconciled to god. next , he must understand that perfect remission of sin and true righteousness is to be had only by faith in jesus ; because god requireth no ●ther conditions but faith , and testfiies from ●eaven that he is well pleased to justifie sinners ●pon this condition . 3. he must understand ●hat , upon righteousness received by faith , ●udgment shall follow on the one hand , to the ●estroying of the works of the devil in the ●eliever , and to the perfecting of the work of ●anctification in him , with power : and that ●pon refusing to take righteousness by faith in ●esus christ , judgment shall follow on the o●her hand , to the condemnation of the misbe●●ever , and destroying of him with satan and ●is servants for ever . for this end let these passages of scripture , ●mong many others , serve to make the great●ess of the sin of not believing in christ appear , ●r to make the greatness of the sin of refusing ●f the covenant of grace , offered to us , in ●he offering of christ unto us , let the fair offer ●f grace be looked upon as it is made , isa. 55. ● . incline your ear and come unto me ( saith the ●ord ) hear , and your soul shall live , and i will ●ake an everlasting covenant with you , even ●he sure mercies of david . that is , if ye will ●elieve me , and be reconciled to me , i will by covenant ▪ give unto you christ , and all sa●ing graces in him ; repeated , acts 13.24 . again consider that this general offer in ●ubstance is equivalent to a special offer made ●o every one in particular , as appeareth by ●●e apostles making use of it , acts 16.13 . ●elieve on the lord jesus christ , and thou shalt be saved and thy house . the reason o● which offer is given i●h . 3.16 . for god so lov●● the world , that he gave his only begotten son , th●● whosoever believeth in him , should not perish , bu● have everlasting life . seeing then this grea● salvation is offered in the lord jesus , whosoever believe not in him , but lo●k for happines● some other way , what doth he else , but observ● lying vanities , and forsake his own mercy whic● he might have had in christ ? ion●h 2.8 , ● ▪ what doth he else but blaspheme god in hi● heart ? as it is said , 1 iohn 5.10 . he that believeth not god , hath made him a liar , because 〈◊〉 believeth not the record that god gave of his son and this is the record , that god hath given to us eternal life , and this life is in his son ; and that no si● against the law is like unto this sin , christ testifies , iohn 15.22 . if i had not come and spoke● to them ▪ they had not h●● sin ; but now they hav● no cloak for their sin . this may convince 〈◊〉 man of the greatness of this sin of not believing in christ. for convincing a man of righteousness to be had only by faith in christ ● consider how , rom. 10.3 , 4. it is said , that the iews being ignorant o● gods righteousness , and going about to establis● their own righteousness . have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of god , ( and so they perished ) for christ is the end of the la● 〈◊〉 righteousness to every one that believeth : and ●cts 13.34 . by christ iesus all that believe , are ●●stified from all things , from which ye could not be ●●stified by the law of moses : and 1 iohn 1.7 . 〈◊〉 blood of iesus christ his son , cleanseth us from 〈◊〉 sin . for convincing a man of judgement , if a ●an imbrace this righteousness : consider , ● iohn 3.8 . for this purpose the son of god was ●●nifested that he mi●●t destroy the works of the ●evil . and heb. 9.14 . how much more shall the 〈◊〉 of christ , who through the eternal spirit , 〈◊〉 himself without spot to god , purge your consci●ce from dead works to serve the living god. but if a man imbrace not this righteousness , 〈◊〉 is pronounced , iohn 3.18 . he that be●●●veth not is condemned already ; because he hath 〈◊〉 believed in the name of the only begotten son of 〈◊〉 . and this is the condemnation , that light is 〈◊〉 into the world , ●nd men love darkness rather 〈◊〉 light . hence let the penitent desiring to believe , ●●ason thus : what doth suffice to convince all the elect 〈◊〉 the world of the greatness of the sin of not ●●lieving in christ , or refusing to flee to him 〈◊〉 relief from sins done against the law , and ●●om wrath due thereto ? and what sufficeth 〈◊〉 convince them that righteousness and eter●●l life is to be had by faith in jesus christ , or 〈◊〉 consenting to the covenant of grace in him ? and what sufficeth to convince them of judgement to be exercised by christ for destroying the works of the devil in a man , and sanctifying and saving all that believe in him , may suffice to convince me also . but what the spirit hath said in these or other like scriptures , sufficeth to convince the elect world of the foresaid sin and righteousness and judgment . therefore what the spirit hath said in these and other like scriptures , serveth to convince me thereof also . whereupon let the penitent desiring to believe take with him words , and say heartily to the lord ; seeing thou saye●t , seek ye my face ▪ my soul answereth unto thee , thy face , lor● will i seek , i have hearkned unto the offer of an everlasting covenant of all saving mercies to be had in christ , and i do heartily embrace thy offer , lord let it be a bargain , lord i believe , help my unbelief : behold i give my self to thee to serve thee in all things for ever , and i hope they right ●and shall save me , the lord will perfect that which concerneth me . thy mercy ▪ o lord endureth for ever , forsake not the works of thy own hands . thus may a m●n be made an unfained believer in christ. for strengthning the mans faith who hath agreed unto the covenant of grace . because many true believers are weak , and do much doubt if ever they shall be sure of the soundness of their own faith and effectual calling , or made certain of their justification and salvation , when they see , that many , who profess faith , are found to deceive themselves ; let us see how every believer may be made strong in the faith , and sure of his own election and salvation upon solid grounds by sure warrants and true evidences of faith . to this end among many other scriptures , take these following . 1. for laying solid grounds of faith , consider , 2 pet. 1.10 . wherefore the rather , brethren ▪ give diligence to make sure your calling and election , for if ye do these things , ye shall never fall . in which words the apostle teacheth us these four things , for help and direction , how to be made strong in the faith . 1. that such as believe in christ jesus , and are fled to him for relief from sin and wrath , albeit they be weak in the faith , yet they are indeed children of the same father with the apostles : for so he accounteth of them , while he called them brethren . 2. that albeit we be not sure , for the time of our effectual calling and election , yet we may be made sure of both , if we use diligence : for this he presupposeth , saying , give diligence to make your calling and election sure . 2. that we must not be discouraged , when we see many seeming believers prove rotten branches and make defection , but we must the rather take the better heed to our selves wherefore the rather , brethren , saith he , give all diligence . 4. that the way to be sure both of our effectual calling , and election , is to make sure work of our faith , by laying the grounds of it solidly , and bringing forth the fruits of our faith in new obedience constantly , for if ye do these thing● , saith he , ye shall never fall ; understand by these things , what he had said of sound faith , ver . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. and what he had said of the bringing out of the fruits of faith , ver . 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. to this same purpose , consider , rom. 1.8 . there is therefore now no condemnation to them that are in christ iesus , who walk not after the flesh , but after the spirit . ver . 2. for the law of the spirit of life , in christ iesus , hath made me free from the law of sin and death . ver . 3. for what the law could not do , in that it was weak through the flesh , god sending his own son , in the likeness of sinfull flesh , and for sin condemned sin in the flesh . ver . 4. that the righteousness of the law might be fulfilled in us , who walk not after the flesh , but after the spirit . wherein the apostle teacheth us these four things , for laying of the ground of faith solidly . 1. that every one is a true believer , who in the sense of his sin and fear of gods wrath doth flee for full relief from both unto jesus christ alone , as the only mediator , and all-sufficient redeemer of men , and being fled to christ , doth strive against his own flesh , or corrupt inclination of nature , and studieth to follow the rule of gods spirit , set down in his word ; for the man whom the apostle doth here bless as a true believer , is a man in christ jesus , who doth not walk after the flesh , but after ●he spirit . 2. that all such persons as are fled to christ , ●nd do strive against sin , howsoever they may ●e possibly exercised under the sense of wrath , ●nd fear of condemnation , yet they are in no ●anger ; for there is no condemnation ( saith he ) ●o them that are in christ iesus , who walk not ●fter the flesh , but after the spirit . 3. that albeit the apostle himself ( brought 〈◊〉 here for examples cause ) and all other true ●elievers in christ , be , by nature , under the ●aw of sin and death , or under the covenant ●f works , ( called the law of sin and death , ●ecause it bindeth sin and death upon us , till ●hrist set us free ) yet the law of the spirit of ●●e in christ jesus , or the covenant of grace ●o called , because it doth inable and quicken man to a spiritual life through christ ) doth set the apostle and all true believers free from the covenant of work● or the law of sin and death , so that every man may say with him , the law of the spirit of life , or the covenant of grace , hath freed me from the law of sin and death , or covenant of works . 4. that the fountain and first ground from whence our freedom from the curse of the law doth flow , is the covenant of redemption , past betwixt god , and god the son , as incarnate , wherein christ takes the curse of the law upon him for sin , that the believer , who could not otherwise be delivered from the covenant of works , may be delivered from it . and this doctrine the apostle holdeth forth in these four branches . 1. that it was utterly ▪ impossible for the law , or covenant of works , to bring righteousness and life to a sinner because it was weak . 2. that this weakness and inability of the law , or covenant of works , is not the fault of the law , but the fault of sinfull flesh , which is neither able to ●ay the penalty of sin , nor to give perfect obedience to the law ( presuppose by-gone sins were forgiven ) the law was weak ( saith he ) through the flesh . 3. that the righteousness and salvation of sinners , which was impossible to be brought about by the law , is brought to pass by sending gods own son , jesus christ in the flesh , in whose flesh sin is condemned and punished , for making satisfaction in the behalf of the elect , that they might be set free . 4. that by his means the law loseth nothing , because the righteousness of the law is best fulfilled this way : first by christ , giving perfect active obedience in our name unto it in all things : next , by his paying , in our name , the penalty , ( due to our sins ) in his death . and lastly , by his working of sanctification in us , who are true believers , who strive to give new obedience unto the law , and walk not after the flesh , but after the spirit . warrants yo believe . for building our confid●nce upon th●s solid ground , these four warrants and special motives to believe in christ may serve : the 1. whereof is gods hearty invitation , holden forth , isa. 55.1 , ● , 3 , 4 , 5. ho , every one that thirsteth , come ye to the waters , and he that hath no money , come and buy without money , and without price . ver . 2. wherefore do ye spend your money for that which is not bread , and your labour for that which satisfieth not ? hearken diligently unto me , and eat ye that which is good , and let your soul delight it self in fatness . ver . 3. incline your ear and come to me ; hear , and your soul shall live , and i will make an everlasting covenant with you , even the sure mercies of david . ver . 4. behold i have given him for a witness to the people , a leader and commander to the people , &c. here ( after setting down the precious ransom of our redemption by the sufferings of christ , and the rich blessings purchased to us thereby in the two former chapters ) the lord , in this chapter , 1. maketh open offer of christ and his grace by proclamation of a free and gracious market of righteousness and salvation ; to be had through christ to every soul without exception , that truly desires to be saved from sin and wrath ; ●o , every one that thirsteth , saith he . 2. he inviteth all sinners , that , for any reason , stand at distance with god , to come and take from him riches of grace running in christ as a river to wash away sin , and to slacken wrath : come ye to water , saith he . 3. lest any should stand back , in the sense of his own sinfulness or unworthiness and ina●ility to do any good , the lord calleth upon such persons in special , saying , he that hath no money , come . ● . h● craveth no more of his merchant , but that he be pleased with the wares offered , which are grace and more grace , and that he heartily consent unto , and imbrace this offer of grace , that so he may close a bargain and a formal covenant with god●punc ; come , buy without money ( saith he ) come eat , that is , consent to have , and take unto you all saving graces , make the wares your own , possess them , and make use of all blessings in christ , whatsoever maketh for your spiritual life and comfort , use and enjoy it freely , without paying any thing for it . come , buy wine and milk without money and without price , saith he , 5. because the lord knoweth how much we are inclined to seek righteousness and life by our own performances , and satisfaction to have righteousness and l●fe●punc ; as it were by the way of works , and how lo●th we are to embrace christ jesus , and to take life by way of free grace , through jesus christ , upon the tearm● whereupon it is offered to us , therefore the lord lovingly calls us off this our crooked and unhappy way , with a gentle and timous admonition , giving us to understand that we shall but lose our labour in this our way , wherefore do ye spend your money ( saith he ) for that which is not bread , and your labour for that which satisfieth not ? 6. the lord promiseth to us solid satisfaction , in the way of betaking our selves unto the grace of christ , even true c●ntentment , and fulness of spiritual pleasure , saying , hearken diligently unto me , and eat that which is good , and let your soul delight its self in fatness . 6. because faith cometh by hearing , he calleth for audience unto the explication of the offer , and calleth for believing of , and listening unto the truth , which is able to beget the application of saving faith and to draw the soul to trust in god. incline your ear and come unto me , saith he . to which end the lord promiseth , that this offer , being , received , shall quicken the dead sinner , and that upon the welcoming of this offer , he will close the covenant of grace with the man that shall consent unto it , even an indissolvable covenant of perpetual reconciliation and peace , hearken and your soul shall live , and i will make an everlasting covenant with you . which covenant he declareth , shall be in substance the assignation , and the making over of all the saving graces , which david ( who is jesus christ , act. 13.34 . ) hath brought for us in the covenant of redemption , i will make a covenant with you ( saith he ) even the sure mercies of david . by sure mercies he means saving graces , such as are righteousness , peace , and joy in the holy ghost , adoption , sanctification , and glorification , and whatsoever belongs to godliness , and life eternal . 8. to confirm and assure us of the real grant of these saving mercies , and to perswade us of the reality of the covenant betwixt god and the believer of this word , the father hath made a fourfold gift of his eternal and only begotten son. first , to be incarnate and born , for our sake , of the seed of david , his type , for which cause he is called here , and act. 13.34 . ( david the true and everlasting king of israel . ) this is the great gift of god to man , iohn . 4.10 . and here [ i have given him to be david , or born of david to the people ] secondly , he hath made a gift of christ to be a witness to the people , both of the sure and saving mercies granted to the redeemed in the covenant of redemption , and also of the fathers willingness , and purpose to apply them , and to make them fast in the covenant of reconciliation made with such as imbrace the offer ; i have given him ( saith the lord here ) to be a witness to the people : and truly he is a sufficient witness in this manner , in many respects . 1. because he is one of the persons of the blessed trinity , and party contracter for us , in the covenant of redemption before the world was . 2. he is by office as mediator , the messenger of the covenant , and hath gotten commission to reveal it . 3. he began actually to reveal it in paradise , where he promised that the seed of the woman should bruise the head of the serpent . 4. he set forth his own death and suff●ring● , and the great benefits that should come th●reby to us , in the types and figures of sacrifices and ceremonies before his coming . 5. he gave more and more light 〈◊〉 this covenant , speaking by his spirit , thou ag● to age , in the holy prophets . 6. he came him●●lf 〈◊〉 the fulness of time , and did bear witness of all things belonging to this covenant , a●d of gods willing mind to take believers into it , partly by uniting our nature in one person with the d●vine nature , part●y by preaching the good tidings of the covenant with his own mouth , partly by paying the price of redemption on the cross , and partly by dealing still with the people from the beginning to this day , to draw in and to hold in the redeemed in this covenant . thirdly , god hath made a gift of christ , as a leader to the people , to bring us through all difficulties , all afflictions and temptations , unto life , by this covenant . and he it is , and no other , who doth indeed lead his own unto the covenant , and in the covenant all the way on unto salvation . 1. by the direction of his word and spirit . 2. by the example of his own life , in faith and obedience , even to the death of the cross. 3. by his powerful working , bearing his redeemed ones in his arms , and causing them to lean on him , while they go up through the wilderness . fourthly , god hath made a gift of christ unto his people , as a commander ; which office he faithfully exerciseth , by giving to his kirk and people , laws and ordinances , pastours and governours , and all necessary officers , by keeping cou●ts and assemblies among them to see that his laws be obeyed : subduing by his word , spirit and discipline , his peoples corruptions ; and by his wisdom and power , guarding them against their enemies whatsoever . hence he who hath closed bargain with god , may strengthen his faith , by reasoning after this manner . whosoever doth heartily receive the offer of free grace made here to sinners , thirsting for righteousness and salvation , unto him by everlasting covenant belongeth christ the true david , with all his sure and saving mercies . but i ( may the weak believer say ) do heartily receive the offer of free grace , made here to sinners , thir●●ing for righteousness and salvation . therefore unto me , by an everlasting covevenant belongeth christ jesus , with all his s●re and saving mercies . the second warrant and special motive to imbrace christ and believe in him is the earnest request that god maketh to us to be reconciled to him in christ , holden forth , 2 cor. 5. ver . 14.19.2.21 . god was in christ , reconciling the world unto himself , not imputing their trespasses unto them : and hath committed unto us the word of reconciliation . ver . 20. now then we are embassadors for christ , as though god did beseech you by us , we pray you in christs stead , be ye reconciled to god. ver . 21. for he hath made him to be sin for us who knew no sin , that we might be made the righteousness of god in him . wherein the apostle teacheth us these nine doctrines . 1. that the elect world , or the world redeemed souls , are by nature in the estate of enmity against god. this is presupposed in the word reconciliation ; for reconciliation , or renewing of friendship , cannot be , except betwixt those that have been at enmity . 2. that in all the time by-past , since the fall of adam , christ jesus , the eternal son of god , as mediator , and the father in him , hath been about the making friendship ( by his word and spirit ) betwixt himself and the elect world , god ( saith he ) was in christ reconciling the world to himself . 3. that the way of reconciliation was in all ages one and the same in substance , viz. by forgiving the sins of them who do acknowledge their sins , and their enmity against god , and do seek reconciliation and remission of sins in christ , for god ( saith he ) was in christ reconciling the world to himself , by way of not imputing their trespasses unto them . 4. that the end and scope of the gospel and whole word of god , is threefold . 1. it serveth to make people sensible of their sins , and of their enmity against god , and of their danger if they should stand out , and not fear gods displeasure . 2. the word of god serveth to make men acquainted with the course which god hath prepared for making friendship with him through christ , viz. that if men shall acknowledge the enmity , and shall be content to enter into a covenant of friendship with god , through christ , then god will be contented to be reconciled with them freely . 3. the word of god serveth to teach men how to carry themselves towards god , as friends , after they are reconciled to him , viz. to be loath to sin against him , and to strive heartily to obey his commandments , and therefore the word of god here is called the word of reconciliation , because it teacheth us , what need we have of reconciliation , and how to make it , and how to keep the reconciliation of friendship , being made with god through christ. 5. that albeit the hearing , believing , and obeying of this word , doth belong to all those to whom this gospel doth come , yet the office of preaching of it , with authority , belongeth to none but to such only as god doth call to this ministry , and sendeth out with commission for this work . this the apostle holdeth forth , ver . 18. in these words , he hath committed to us the word of reconciliation . 6. that the ministers of the gospel should behave themselves as christs messengers , and should closely follow their commission set down in the word , matth. 28.19 , 20. and when they do so , they should be received by the people , as ambassadours from god : for here the apole , in all their names , saith , we are embassadours for christ , as though god did beseech you by us . 7. that ministers in all earnestness of affections should deal with people , to acknowledge their sins , and their natural enmity against god more and more seriously : and to consent to the covenant of grace and embassage of christ more and more heartily ; and to evidence more and more clearly their reconciliation by a holy carriage before god. this he holdeth forth , when he saith , we pray you be reconciled to god. 8. that in the ministers affectionate dealing with the people , the people should consider , that they have to do with god and christ , requesting them by the ministers to be reconciled , now there cannot be a greater inducement to break a sinners hard heart , than gods making request to him for friendship : for when it became us , who have done so many wrongs to god , to seek friendship of god , he preventeth , and ( o wonder of wonders ! ) he requesteth us to be content to be reconciled wit● him : and therefore most fearful wrath must abide them , who do set light by this request ; and do not yield when they hear ministers with commission , saying , we are embassadours for christ , as though god did beseech you by us , we pray you in christs stead be ye reconciled to god. 9. to make it appear , how it cometh to pass that the covenant of reconciliation should be so easily made up betwixt god and a humble sinner fleeing to christ , the apostle leads us unto the cause of it , holden forth in the covenant of redemption ; the sum whereof is this . it is agreed betwixt god and the mediator iesus christ the son of god surety for the redeemed , as parties contractors , that the sins of the redeemed should be imputed to innocent christ , and he both condemned and put to death for them upon this very condition , that whosoever heartily consents unto the covenant of reconciliation offered through christ , shall by the imputation of his obedience unto them , be justified and holden righteous before god , for god hath made christ who knew no sin , to be sin for us ( saith the apostle ) that we might be made the righteousness of god in him . hence may a weak believer strengthen his faith , by reasoning from this ground after this manner . he that upon the loving request of god and christ , made to him by the mouth of his ministers ( having commission to that effect ) hath embraced the offer of perpetual reconciliation through christ , and do purpose by gods grace , as a reconciled person to strive against sin , and to serve god to his power constantly , may be as sure to have righteousness , and eternal life given to him for the obedience of christ imputed to him , as it is sure that christ was condemned and put to death for the sins of the redeemed imputed to him . but i ( may the weake believer say ) upon the loving request of god and christ made to me by the mouth of his ministers , have imbraced the offer of perpetual reconciliation through christ , and do purpose by gods gra●e , as a reconciled person , to strive against sin , and to serve god to my power constantly . therefore i may be as sure to have righteousness and ●ternal life given to me for the obedience of christ imputed to me , as it is sure that christ was condemned and put to death for the sins of the redeemed imputed to him . the third warrant and special motive to believe in christ , is the strait and awful command of god , charging all the hearers of the gospel to approach to christ , in the order set down by him , and to believe in him : holden forth , 1 ioh. 3.23 . this is his commandment , that we should believe on the name of his son iesus christ , and love one another , as be gave us commandment . wherein the apostle giveth us to understand these five doctrines . 1. that ●f any man shall not be taken with the sw●et invitation of god , nor with the humb●e and loving request of god made to him to be reconciled , he shall find he hath to do with the soveraign authority of the highest majesty ; for this is his commandment , that we believe in him , saith he . 2. that if any man look upon this command as he hath looked heretofore upon the neglected commandments of the law ; he must consider that this is a command of the gospel , posterior to the law , given for making use of the remedy of all sins ; which if it be disobeyed , there is no other command to follow but this : go , ye cursed , into everlasting fire of hell : for this is his commandment : the obedience of which is most pleasant in his sight , ver . 22. and without which it is impossible to please him , heb. 11.6 . 3. that every one who heareth the gospel , must make conscience of the duty of lively faith in christ , the weak believer must not think it presumption to do what is commanded : the person inclined to despiration must take up himself , and think upon obedience unto this sweet and saving command : the strong believer must dip yet more in the sense of his need he hath of jesus christ , and more and more grow in the obedience of this command , yea , the most impenitent , prophane and wicked person , must not thrust out himself , or be thrust out by others , from orderly aiming at this duty , how desperate soever his condition seem to be ; for he that commands all men to believe in christ , doth thereby command all men to believe that they are damned and lost without christ : he thereby commands all men to acknowledge their sins , and their need of christ , and in effect commands all men to repent , that they may believe in him . and whosoever do refuse to repent of their by-gone sins are guilty of disobedience to this command given to all hearers , but especially to those that are within the visible church , for this is his commandment , that we should believe in the name of his son iesus christ ▪ saith he . 4. that he who ob●yeth this commandment , hath built his salvation on a solid ground . for first , he hath found the promised messiah , compleatly furnished with all perfections unto the perfect execution of the offices of prophet , priest , and king ; for he is that christ in whom the man doth believe . 2. he hath embraced a saviour who is able to save to the uttermost ; yea , and who doth effectually save every one that cometh to god through him : for he is jesus the true saviour of his people from their sins . 3. he that obeyeth this command , hath bui●t his salvation on the rock , that is , on the son of god , to whom it is no robbery to be called equal to the father , and who is worthy to be the object of saving faith and of spiritual worship , for this is his command ( saith he ) that we believe in the name of his son iesus christ. 5. that he who hath believed on jesus christ ( though he be freed from the curse of the law ) is not freed from the command and obedience of the law , but tyed thereunto by a new obligation , and a new command from christ : which new command from christ importeth help to obey the command , unto which command from christ , the father addeth his authority and command also ; for this i● his commandment ( saith john ) that we believe on the name of his son iesus christ , and love one another , as he hath commandded us . the first part of which command enjoyning belief in him ▪ necessarily implyeth love to god , and so obedience to the first tab●e , for believing in god , and loving god are inseparable . and the second part of the command injoyneth love to our neighbour , ( especially to the houshold of faith ) and so obedience unto the second table of the law. hence may a weak believer strengthen himself by reasoning from this ground after this manner . whosoever in the sense of his own sinfulness and fear of gods wrath , at the command of god , is fled to iesus christ the only remedy of sin and mis●ry and hath ingaged his heart to the obedience of the law of love , his faith is not presumptuous or dead , but true and saving faith. but i ( may the weak believer say ) in the sense of my own sinfulness and fear of gods wrath am fled to iesus christ the only remedy of sin and misery , and have ingaged my heart to the obedience of the law of love. therefore my faith is not a presumtuous and dead faith , but true and saving faith . the fourth warrant and spec●al motive to believe in christ is much assurance of life given , in case men shall obey the command of believing , and a fearful certification , of destruction , in case they obey not : holden forth , ioh. 3.35 . the father loveth the son , and hath given all things into his hand . ver . 36 he that believeth on the son hath everlasting life , and he that believeth not the son , shall not see life , but the wrath of god abideth on him . wherein are holden forth to us these five following doctrines , 1. that the father is well satisfied with the undertakings of the son , entered redeemer and surety to pay the ransom of believers , and to perfect them in holiness and salvation . the father loveth the son , saith he , viz. as he standeth mediator in our name , undertaking to perfect our redemption in all points . the father loveth him , that is , doth heartily accept his offer to do the work , and is well pleased with him : his soul delighteth in him and resteth upon him , and maketh him in this his office , the receptacle of love and grace and good will , to be conveyed by him to believers in him . 2. that for fulfilling of the covenant of redemption , the father hath given to the son , ( as he standeth in the capacity of the mediator ) or as he is god incarnate , ( the word made flesh ) all authority in heaven and earth , all furniture of the riches of grace , and of spirit and life with all power , and ability , which the union of the divine nature with the humane ; or which the fulness of the godhead , dwelling substantially in his humane nature , or which the indivisible all-sufficiency and omnipote●●y of the inseparable , every where present trini●● do●h import ; or the work of rede●ption ca●●equire ; the father ( saith he ) hath given al●●hi●gs into the sons hand , to wit , for acco●pl●●hing his work . 3. 〈◊〉 assurance of life is holden forth to all , who shall heartily receive christ and the offer of the covenant of grace and reconciliation through him , he that believeth on the son ( saith he ) hath everlasting life , for it is made fast unto him , 1. in gods purpose , and irrevocable decree , as the believer is a man elected to life . 2. by effectual calling of him unto life by god , who as he is faithful , so will he do it . 3. by promise and everlasting covenant , sworn by god to give the believer strong consolation in life and death upon immutable grounds . 4. by a pawn and infestment under the great seal of the sacrament of the lords supper , so oft as the believer shall come to receive the symbols and pledges of life . 5. in christ the fountain and head of life , who is entred in a possession , as atturney for believers , in whom our life is so laid up , that it cannot be taken away . 6. by begun possession of spiritual life and regeneration , and a kingdom consisting in righteousness , peace , and joy in the holy ghost , erected within the believer , as arles of the full possession of everlasting life . 4. a fearful certification is given , if a man receive not the doctrine concerning righteousness and eternal life to be had by jesus christ : he that believes not the son , shall not see life , that is , not so much as understand what it meaneth . 5. he further certifieth , that if a man receive not the doctrine of the son of god , he shall be burdened twice with the wrath of god once as a born rebel by nature , he shall bear the curse of the law , or the covenant of works ; and next , he shall endure a greater condemnation , in respect that light being come into the world , and offered to him , he hath rejected it , and loveth darkness rather than light , and this double wrath shall be fastned and fixed immoveably upon him , so long as he remaineth in the condition of misbelief , the wrath of god abideth on him , saith he . hence may the weak believer strengthen his faith by reasoning from this ground after this manner . whosoever believeth the doctrine delivered by the son of god , and findeth himself partly drawn powerfully to believe him , by the sight of life in ●im , and partly driven by the fear of gods wrath to adhere unto him , may be sure of right and interest to life eternal through him . but , sinful and unworthy i , ( may the weak believer say ) do believe the doctrine delivered by the son of god , and do feel my self partly drawn powerfully to believe in him , by the sight of life in him ; and partly driven , by the fear of gods wrath to adhere unto him . therefore i may be sure of my right and interest unto eternal life through him . the evidences of true faith. so much for the laying the grounds of faith and warrants to believe : now for evidencing of true faith by fruits , these four things are requisite . 1. that the believer be soundly convinced in his judgment , of this obligation to keep the whole moral law , all the days of his life : and that not the less , but so much the more , as he is delivered by christ from the covenant of works , and curse of the law. 2. that he endeavour to grow in the exercise and daily practice of godliness and righteousness . 3. that the course of his new obedience run in the right channel , that is , through faith in christ , and through a good conscience , to all the duties of love toward god and man. 4. that he keep strait communion with the fountain christ jesus , from whom grace must run along for furnishing of good fruits . for the first , viz. to convince the believer , in his judgement , of his obligation to keep the moral law , among many passages , take matth. 5.16 . let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your father which is in heaven . ver . 17. think not that i am come to destroy the law or the prophets : i am not come to destroy , but to fulfil . ver . 18. for verily i say unto you , till heaven and earth pass , one jot or one title shall in no wise pass from the law , till all be fulfi●led . ver . 19. whosoever therefore shall break one of these least commandments , and shall teach men so , he shall be called least in the kingdom of heaven but whosoever shall do and teach them , the same shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven . ver . 20. for i say unto you , that except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pharisees , ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven . wherein our lord , 1. giveth commandment to believers , justified by faith , to give evidence of the grace of god in them , before men , by doing good works . let your light so shine before men ( saith he ) that they may see your good works . 2. he induceth them so to do , by shewing that albeit they be not justified by works ; yet spectators of their good works may be converted or edified , and so glory may redound to god by their good works , when the witnesses thereof shall glorifie your father which is in heaven . 3. he gives them no other rule for their new obedience , than the moral law , set down , and explicated by moses and the prophets . think not ( saith he ) that i am come to destroy the law , and the prophets . 4. he gives them to understand that the doctrine of grace , and freedom from the curse of the law , by faith in him , is readily mistaken by mens corrupt judgment , as if it did loose or slaken the obligation of believers to obey the commands , and to be subject to the authority of the law , and that this error is indeed a destroying of the law and of the prophets , which he will in no case ever endure in any of his disciples , it is so contrary to the end of his coming , which is first to sanctifie , and then to save believers . think not ( saith he ) that i am come to destroy the law , and the prophets . 5. he teacheth , that the end of the gospel and covenant of grace , is to procure mens obedience unto the moral law , i am come ( saith he ) to fulfil the law , and the prophets . 6. that the obligation of the moral law , it● all points , unto all holy duties , is perpetual and shall stand to the worlds end , that is , till heaven and earth pass away . 7. that as god hath a care of the scriptures from the beginning , so shall he have care of them still to the worlds end , that there shall not one jot or one title of the substance thereof be taken away , so saith the text , v. 11. 8. that as the breaking of the moral law , and defending the transgression thereof to be no sin , doth exclude men both from heaven , and justly also from the fellowship of the true kirk , so the obedience of the law and teaching others to do the same , by example , counsel and doctrine , according to every mans calling , proveth a man to be a true believer , and in great estimation with god , and worthy to be much esteemed of by the true church , v. 19. 9. that the righteousness of every true christian , must be more than the righteousness of the scribes and pharisees ; for the scribes and pharisees , albeit they took great pains to discharge sundry duties of the law , yet they cutted short the exposition thereof : that it might the less condemn the practice , they studied the outward part of the duty , but neglected the inward and spiritual part : they discharged meaner duties carefully , but neglected judgment , mercy and the love of god : in a word , they went about to establish their own righteousness , and rejected the righteousness of god by faith in jesus . but a true christian must have more than all this , he must acknowledg the full extent of the spiritual meaning of the law , and have a respect to all the commandments , and labour to cleanse himself from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , and not lay weight upon what service he hath done , or shall do , but cloath himself with the imputed righteousness of christ : which only can hide his nakedness , or else he cannot be saved . so saith the text , except your righteousness , &c. the second thing requisite to evidence true faith , is that the believer endeavour to put the rules of godliness and righteousness in practice , and to grow in the daily exercise thereof : holden forth , 2 pet. 1.5 . and besides this giving all diligence , add to your faith vertue , and to vertue knowledge , ver . 6. and to knowledge temperance ; and to temperance , patience ; and to patience godliness : ver . 7. and to godliness , brotherly kindness , and to brotherly kindness , charity . ver . 8. for if these things be in you , and abound , they make you that ye shall neither be barre● nor unfruitfull in the knowledge of our lord iesus christ. wherein , 1. the apostle teacheth believers , for evidencing of pious faith in themselves , to endeavour to add to their faith seven other sister graces : the first is vertue , or the active exercise and practice of all moral duties , that so faith may not be idle , but put forth it self in work . the second is knowledge , which serveth to furnish faith with information of the truth to be believed ; and to furnish vertue with direction what duties are to be done , and how to go about them prudently . the third is temperance , which serveth to moderate the use of all pleasant things , that a man be not cloged therewith , nor made unfit for any duty , whereto he is called . the fourth is patience , which serveth to moderate a mans affections , when he meeteth wi●h any difficulty or unpleasant thing , that he neither weary for pains required in well doing , nor faint when the lord chastiseth him , nor murmur when he crosseth him . the fifth is godliness , which may keep him up in all exercises of religion , inward and outward , whereby he may be furnished from god , for all other duties which he hath to do . the sixth is brotherly kindness , which keepeth estimation of , and affection to , all the houshold of faith , and to the image of god in every one wheresoever it is seen . the seventh is love , which keepeth the heart in readiness to do good to all men , whosoever they be , upon all occasions which god shall offer . 2. albeit it be true , that there is much corruption and infirmity in the godly , yet the apostle will have men uprightly endeavouring , and doing their best , as they are able to joyn all these graces one to another , and to grow in the measure of exercising of them : giving all diligence ( saith he ) add to your saith , &c. 3. he assureth all professed believers , that as they shall profit in the obedience of this direction , so they shall profitably prove the soundness of their own faith , and if they want these graces , that they shall be found blind deceivers of themselves , ver . 9. the third thing requisite to evidence true faith is , that obedience to the law run in the right channel , that is through faith in christ , &c. holden forth , 1 tim. 1.5 . now the end of the commandment is love out of a pure heart , and of a good conscience and of saith unfaigned . wherein the apostle teacheth these seven doctrines . 1. that the obedience of the law must flow from love , and love from a pure heart , and a pure heart from a good conscience , and a good conscience from faith unfaigned , this he maketh the only right channel of good works , the end of the law is love , &c. 2. that the end of the law is not that men may be justified by their obedience of it , as the jewish doctors did falsly teach : for it is impossible that sinners can be justified by the law , who for every transgression are condemned by the law : for the end of the law is ( not such as the jewish doctors taught , but ) love out of a pure heart , &c. 3. that the true end of the law , preached unto the people , is that they , by the law , being made to see their deserved condemnation , should flie to christ unfaignedly , to be justified by faith in him : so saith the text , while it maketh love to flow through faith in christ. 4. that no man can set himself in love to obey the law , except in as far as his conscience is quieted by faith , or is seeking to be quieted in christ , for the end of the law is love of a good conscience , and faith unfaigned . 5. that faigned faith goeth to christ without reckoning with the law , and so wants an errand ; but unfaigned faith reckoneth with the law , and is forced to flie for refuge unto christ as the end of the law , for righteousness so often as it finds it self guilty for breaking of the law : for the end of the law is faith unfaigned . 6. that the fruits of love may come forth in act particularly it is necessary , that the heart be brought to the hatred of all sin and uncleanness , and to a stedfast purpose to follow all holiness universal ; for the end of the law is love out of a pure heart . 7. that unfaigned f●ith is able to make the conscience good , and the heart pure , and the man lovingly obedient to the law ; for when christs blood is seen by faith to quiet justice , then the conscience becometh quiet also , and will not suffer the heart to entertain the love of sin , but sets the man on work to fear god for his mercy , and to obey all his commandments out of love to god for his free gift of justification by grace bestowed on him : for this is the end of the law indeed , whereby it obtaineth of a man more obedience than any other way . the fourth thing requisite to evidence true faith is , the keeping of strait communion with christ , the fountain of all grace and of all good works : holden forth , iohn 15.5 . i am the true vine , ye are the branches , he that abideth in me and i in him , the same bringeth forth much fruit ; for without me ye can do nothing . wherein christ in a similitude from a vine tree teacheth us . 1. that by nature we are wild barren briers till we be changed by coming unto christ , and that christ is that noble vine tree having all life and sap of grace in himself , and able to change the nature of every one that cometh to him , and to communicate spirit and life to as many as shall believe in him : i am the vine ( saith he ) and ye are the branches . 2 that christ loveth to have believers so united unto him , as that they be not separated at any time by unbelief : and that there may be a mutual inhabitation of them in him by faith and love , and of him in them , by his word and spirit , for he joyneth these together , if ye abide in me and i in you , as things inseparable . 3. that except a man be ingrafted in christ and united to him by faith , he cannot do any the least good work of his own strength : yea , except in as far as a man doth draw spirit and life from christ by faith , the work which he doth is naughty and nul in the point of goodness in gods estimation , for without me ( saith he ) ye can do nothing . 4. that this mutual inhabitation , is the fountain and infallible cause of constant continuing and abounding in well-doing . for he that abideth in me , and i in him ( saith he ) the same beareth much fruit . now as our abiding in christ presupposeth three things , 1. that we have heard the joyful sound of the gospel making offer of christ to us who are lost sinners by the law. 2. that we have heartily embraced the gracious offer of christ. 3. that by receiving of him we are become the sons of god , iob. 1.12 . and are incorporated into his mystical body , that he may dwell in us as his temple , and we dwel in him as in the residence of righteousness and life , so our abiding in christ importeth other three things . 1. an imploying of christ in all our addresses to god , and in all our undertakings of whatsoever peece of service to him . 2. a contentedness with his sufficiency , without going out from him to seek righteousness or life , or furniture in any case , in our own or any of the creatures worthiness . 3. a fixedness in our believing in him , a fixedness in our imploying and making use of him , and a fixedness in our contentment in him , and adhering to him , so that no allurement , no tentation of satan or the world , no terror nor trouble may be able to drive our spirits from firm adherence unto him ; or from constant avowing of his truth and obeying his commands , who hath loved us and given himself for us : and in whom not only our life is laid up , but also the fulness of the god-head dwelleth bodily , by reason of the substantial and personal union of the divine and humane nature in him . hence let every watchful believer , for strengthning himself in faith and obedience , reason after this manner . whosoever doth daily imploy christ iesus for cleansing his conscience and affections from the guiltiness and filthiness of sins against the law , and for making of him to give evidence of true faith in himself . but i ( may every watchful believer say ) do daily imploy jesus christ for cleansing my conscience and affections from the guiltiness and filthiness of sins against the law , & for enabling of me to give obedience to the law in love . therefore i have the evidence of true faith in my self . and hence also let the sleepy and sluggish believer reason , for his own up-stirring thus . whatsoever is necessary for giving evidence of true faith , i must study to do it , except would deceive my self and perish . but to imploy christ jesus daily for cleansing of my conscience and affections from the guiltiness and filthiness of sins against the law , and for enabling of me to give obedience to the law in love , is necessary for evidencing of true faith in me . therefore this i must study to do , except i would deceive my self and perish . and lastly , seeing christ himself hath pointed this fourth as an undoubted evidence of a man elected of god unto life , and given to jesus christ to be redeemed , if he come unto him , that is , close covenant and keep communion with him , as he teacheth us , iohn 6.37 . saying , all that the father hath given me , shall come to me , and him that cometh to me , i will in no wise cast out . let every person who doth not in earnest make use of christ , for remission of sin and amendment of life , reason hence , and from the whole premisses , after this manner , that his conscience may be wakned . whosoever is neither by the law nor by the gospel so convinced of sin , righteousness and judgment , as to make him come to christ and imploy him daily for remission of sin and amendment of life , he wanteth not only all evidence of saving faith , but also all appearance of his election , so long as he remaineth in this condition . but i ( may every impenitent person say ) am neither by the law nor gospel convinced of sin , righteousness and judgment , as to make me come to christ and imploy him daily for remission of sin and amendment of life therefore i want not only all the evidence of saving faith , but also all appearance of my election , so long as i remain in this condition . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a34242-e120 a a rom. 2.14.15 . rom. 1.19.20 , psal. 19.1 , 2 , 3. rom. 1.32 . b b 1 cor. 1.11 . & 2.14.15 . c c heb. 1.1 . d d pro. 22· 19 , 20 , 21. luk 1.3 , 4. rom 15.4 . mat. 4.4 , ● , 10. isa 8.19 , 20 e e 2 tim. 3.15 . f f heb. 1.1 , 2. 2 pet. 1.19 . g g luk. 16.29.31 . eph. 3.20 . rev. 22.18.19 . 2 tim. 3.16 . r r luk. 24.27 , 44. rom. 3.2 . 2 pet. 1.21 . i i 2 pet. 1.19 21. 2 tim. 3.16 . 1 ioh. 5.9 . 1 thes. 2.13 . k k 1 tim. 3.15 . l l ioh. 2.20 , 27. ioh. 16.13 14 ▪ 1 cor. 2.10.11 , 12 ▪ isa. 59.21 . m m 2 tim. 3.15 , 16 , 17. gal. 1.8 , 9. 2 thes. 2.2 . n n ioh. 6.45 . 1 cor. 2.9 , 10 , 11 , 12. o o 1 cor. 11.13 , 14. 1 cor. 14.26 , 40. p p 2 pet. 3.6 . q q ps. 119.103 , 130. r r mat. 5 . 1● s s isa. 8.10 . act. 15.15 . ioh. 5.39.46 . t t ioh. 5.39 . u u 1 cor. 14.6 , 9 , 11 , 12 , 24 , 27 , 28. w w col. 3.16 x x ro. 15.4 . y y 2 pet. 1.20 , 21. act. 19.15.19 . z z mat. 22.29.31 . eph. 2.10 . act. 28.25 . a a deut. 6.4 . 1 cor. 8.4 , 6. b b 1 t●es . 1.9 . ier. 10.10 c c iob. 11.7 , 8 , 9. iob. 26.14 . d d iob 4.24 ▪ e e 1 tim. 1.17 , f f deut. 4.15.16 . g g act. 14.11 . h h iam. 1.17 i i 1 ki. 8.27 . k k ps. 143.3 . l l ps. ● ▪ 43.3 . m m gen. 27.1 n n ro. 16.27 . o o isa. ● . 3 . p p ps. 115.3 . q q 〈◊〉 3. ●4 . r r h●b . 1.11 . s s ●ro . 16.4 . t t ioh. 4 , 16. u u exo. 34.7 . w w heb. 11.6 x x neh. 9.32 . y y ps. 5.5 , 6. z z n●h . 1.2 . a a iob. 5.26 . b b act. 7.2 . c c ps 119.68 . d d 1 tim. 6.15 e e act. 17.24 , 25. f f i●● . 27.2 . g g rom. 11.6 . h h 〈◊〉 . 4.11 . dan. 4.25 . i i heb. 4.13 . k k rom. 11.33 , 34. psal. 147.5 l l act. 14.18 ezek. 11.5 . m m ps. 145.17 . rom. 7.12 . n n rev. 5.12 , 13 , 14. o o 1 ioh. 5.7 . mat. 3.16 , 17. mat. 28.61 2 cor. 13.4 . p p joh. 1.14 , 15. q q joh. 15.26 . gal. 4.6 . a a eph. 1.1 . rom 11.33 heb. 6.17 ro 9 15.18 . b b ia● . 1.13 17. ● iob. 1.1 . c c act. 2.24 . mat. 17.12 act. 4.27 . ioh. 19.11 . pro. 16.33 . d d act. 15.18 . mat. 11.12 24. e e rom. 9.11 , 13 , 16 , 18. f f 1 tim. 5.21 . mat. 25.41 g g rom 9.22 , 23. eph. 1.5 , 6. pro. 16.4 . h h 2 tim. 2.19 . i i eph. 1.4 . rom. 8.30 . 2 tim. 1.9 . 1 thes. 5.9 . k k ro. 9.11 . l l eph. 1.4 . eph. 1.6 . m m 1 pet 1.2 . eph. 1.4 , 5. eph. 2.10 . 2 thes. 2.13 . n n 1 thes. 5.9 , 10. tit. 2.14 . o o rom. 8.10 . eph. 1.5 . 2 thes 5.18 p p 1 pet. 1.5 . q q ioh. 17.9 . rom. 8.28 . to the end . ioh. 10.26 . ioh. 8.47 . ● ioh. 2.19 . r r mat. 11.25 , 26. rom. 9.12 . ● ●im . 2.19 . 1 pet. 2.8 . s s ro. 9.22 . ro. 11.35 . deu. 29.29 . t t 2 pet 1.10 u u eph. 1.6 . w w ro. 11.5 , 6 , 20. 2 pet. 1.10 . rom. 8.33 . luk. 10.20 a a heb. 1.2 . ioh. 1.1 , 2. gen. 1.2 . iob. 26.13 . b b ro. 1.20 . ier. 10.12 . ps. 33.5 , 6. c c gen. 1. cap heb. 11.5 . col. 1.16 . act. 17.2 . d d gen. 1.27 . e e gen. 2.7 . luk. 23.24 mat. 10.28 f f gen. 1. ●6 . col. 3.10 . eph. 4.24 . g g rom. 2.14 , 15. b b eccl. 7.29 . i i gen. 3.6 . eccl. 7.23 . k k gen. 2.12 . & 2.8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 23. l l gen. 1.26 , 28. a a heb. 1.3 . b b dan. 4.34 . ps. 135.6 . act 17 25.26 , 28. c c mat. 10.29 , 30 , 31. d d pro. 15.3 e e act. 15.18 f f eph. 1.11 . psal. 33.10.11 . g g isa. 63.14 . eph 3.10 . rom. 9.17 . gen. 45.7 . psa. 14 5.7 . h h act. 2.23 . i i gen. 8.22 . ier. 11.35 . ex. 22.13 . with deut. 19.5 . isa. 10.6 , 7. k k act. 27.3 . isa. 55.10 . l l hos. 1.7 . mat. 4.4 . m m rom. 4.19 , 20 , 21. n n 1 kin. 6.6 . dan. 3.26 . o o rom. 11.31 , 33 , 34. 2 sam. 24.1 . 1 chr. 10.4 , 13 , 14. 2 sam. 19.10 . act. 2.23 . p p act. 14.16 . q q ps. 76.10 . 2 ki. 19.28 r r gen. 50.20 isa. 10 , 6.7 . s s iam. 1.13 14 , 17. 1 ioh ▪ 2.16 . psal. 50 , 21 t t 2 cor. 12.25 , 26 , 31. 2 sam. 24. u u 1 cor. 12.7 , 8 , 9. psal. 73. throughout . psal. 77.1 . to 12. w w rom. 1.24 , 26 , 28. ro. 11.7 , 8. x x deu. ●9 . 4 . y y mat. 13.12 . z z deu. 2.30 . 2 reg. 8.12 . a a ps. 81.11.12 . 2 thes. 2.10 , 11 , 12. b b exod. 7.3 . 2 cor. 2.15 . isa. 8.14 . 1 pet. 2.7.8 isa. 6.9 , 14. c c 1 tim. 4.10 . rom. 8.28 . isa. 34.24 . a a gen. 3.13 . 2 cor. 2.3 . b b ro. 11.3 . c c gen 3 , 6 , 7 d d gen. 2.17 . e e tit. 1.15 . f f gen. 1.17 . act. 17.16 . rom. 3.12 , 15 , 16 , 17. g g ps. 51.5 . gen. 5.3 . iob. 14.4 . h h rom. 5.6 . rom. 8.7 . col. 1.21 . i i gen. 6.5 . gen. 8.21 . rom. 3.10.11 , 12. k k iam. 1.14 , 15. ep. 2.2 , 3. mat. 15.19 . l l 1 ioh. 1.8 . iam. 3.2 . prov. 20.9 . eccl. 7.20 . m m rom. 7.5 , 7 , 8 , 25. gal. 5.17 . n n 1 ioh 3.4 . o o ro , 2.15 . & 3.9 , 19. p p eph 2 3 q q gal. 3.1 . r r rom. 6 ▪ 13. s s eph. 4.16 . t t rom 8.20 . lam. 3.39 . u u ma. 25.41 2 thes. 1.9 . a a isa. 40.13.14 , 15 , 16 , 17. job . 9.32 . 1 sam. 2.25 ps. 100.2 , 3. iob. 22.2 , 3 luk. 17.10 act. 17.24 , 25. b b gal. 3.12 . c c rom. 10.5 . rom 5.12 . to 20. l l 1 cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3.4 . heb. 11.13 . ioh. 8.56 l m m gal. 3.7 , 8 , 9 , 14. n n col. 2.17 . o o mat. 28.19 , 20. 1 cor. 11.23 24 , 25. p p heb. 12.22 . to 28. ier. 31.33 . q q mat. 28.29 . eph. 2.15.16 , 17 , 18 , r r lu. 12.10 . s s oal . 3.14 . act. 5.1 . rom ' 3.2 , 1.23 , 28 , 30. psal. 31.1 . heb. 13 ▪ 8. l l 1 cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. heb. 11.13 . ioh. 8.56 . m m gal. 3.7.8 , 9 , 14. n n col. 2.17 . o o mat. 28.19.20 . 1 cor. 11.23.24.25 . p p heb. 12.22 . to 28. ier. 31.33 . q q mat. 28.19 . eph. 2.15 , 16 , 17 , 18. r r lu. 12.10 . s s gal. 3.14 . act. 5.1 . rom. 3.21 , 23 , 28 , 30. psal. 31.1 . heb. 12.8 . a a isa. 42.1 . 1 pet. 1.19 . joh. 3.16 . 1 tim. 2.5 . b b act. 3.22 . c c heb. 5.5 . d d ps. 2.6 . luk. 1.33 . e e eph. 5.13 . f f heb. 1.2 . g g act. 17.1 . h h ioh. 17.6 . ps. 21.30 . isa. 53.10 . i i 1 tim. 2.6 . isa. 55.4 , 5. 1 cor. 1.30 . k k ioh. 1.1 . 1 joh. 5.20 . phil. 2.6 . l l heb. 2.14 . & 4.15 . m m luk. 1.27.31 , 35. gal. 4.4 . n n lu. 31.35 . rom. 9.5 . 1 tim. 3.26 . o o ro. 1.2 , 4. a a isa. 42.1 . 1 pet. 1.19 . iob. 3.16 . 1 tim. 2.5 . b b act. 3.22 . c c heb. 5.5 . d d psal. 2.6 . luk. 1.33 . e e eph. 5.13 . f f heb. 1.2 . g g act. 17.1 h h iob. 17.6 ▪ psal. 21.30 isa. 53.10 . i i 1 tim. 2.6 . isa. 55.4.5 , 1 cor. 1.30 . k k ioh. 1.1 . 1 ioh. 5 , 20. h h pil. 2.6 . l l heb 2.14 . & 4.15 . m m luk. 1.27 31 , 35. gac . 4.4 . n n lu. 31 , 35. rom. 9.5 . 1 tim. 3.26 . o o rom. 1.2 , 4 i i rom. 14. ● act. 1.11 mat. 13.40 iude v. 6. 2 pet. 2.4 ▪ k k rom. 5.19 heb 10.14 ▪ eph. 5.2 . rom. 3.25 . l l dan. 9 2● 26 col. ● . 19.20 . ioh. 17.2 . heb , 9.12 ▪ 13. m m gal. 4 , 4 , 5. gen. 3.15 . rev. 13.8 . n n heb. 9.14 1 pet. 3.18 ▪ o o act ▪ 20.28 jo● . 3 13. 1 jo● . 3.16 p p jo● . 6.37 . q q ● jo● . 2.1 . rom. 8.14 . r r jo● . 15.13 ●ph . 1.7 , 8. joh. 17.6 . s s joh. 14.16 . heb. 12.2 . 2 cor. 4.3 . ●o . 8.9 , 14. & 15.18.19 ●oh . 17 , 17. t t ps. 110.1 . ● cor. 15.15 . mal. 4.2 , 3. col. 2.15 . a a mat. 17.12 jam. 1.14 . d●●t . 30.15 b b ecol . 7.29 gen. 1.26 . c c gen. 2.16 . & 3.6 . d d rom. 5.6 . and 8.7 . joh. 15.5 . e e re. 3.10.11 . f f eph. 2 1.5 . col. 3.13 . g g joh. 6.44 . 1 cor. 2.14 . tit. 2.3.4 . h h col. 1.13 . jo● . 8.31.36 . i i phil. 2.13 . ro. 6.18.22 k k gal. 5.17 . rom. 1.15.18 , 19 , 21. l l eph. 4.12 . heb. 11.13 . jude v. 24. a a ro. 8.30 . & 11.7 . eph. 10.21 . b b 2 thes. 1.13 , 14. 2 cor. 3.36 . c c rom 8.2 . eph. 2.1 , 5. 2 tim. 1.9 . d d act. 26.18 . eph. 1.17.18 . f f ezek. 11.19 . phil. 2.13 . deut. 30.6 . e e ezek 36.26 . g g eph. 1.19 h h cant. 1.4 . ioh 6.37 . i i 2 tim. 1.9 . tit. 3.4.5.8.9 . k k 1 cor. 2.1.4 . rom. 8.7 . eph. 2.5 . l l ioh 6.37 . m m luk. 18.15.16 . ioh. 3.3 , 5. n n ioh. 3.8 . o o 1 ioh. 5.12 . act. 4.12 . p p mat. 22.14 . q q mat. 7.22 heb. 6.4 5. r r ioh. 6.64.65 , 66. and 8.24 . s s act. 1 12. ioh. 14 6. eph 2.12 . ioh. 4.22 . t t 2 ioh. v. 9 , 10 , 11. gal. 1.6.78 a a ro. 8.30 . and 3 , 24. b b rom. 4 5.9 , 7 , 8. 2 cor. 5.19 . rom. 3.22.24 , 25 , 26. tit. 3 5.7 . eph. 1.7 . ier. 23.6 . 1 cor. 1.30 . rom. 5.17.18 , 19. c c act. 10.44 . phi. 3.5 . act. 13 . 3● , 39. d d john 1.12 . rom. 3.18 . e e ●am . 2.17 . gal. 5.6 . f f rom. 5.8 . 1 tim. 2.5 . heb. 10.10 . isa. 53.4 , 5 , 6 , 10 , 11. g g rom. 8.32 . i i rom 3.24 h h mat. 3.17 k k ro. 3.26 . l l gal. 3.8 . rom. 8.30 . m m gal. 4.4 . rom ● . 25 . tit. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. o o mat. 6.12 . 1 joh. 2.1.2 . p p luk , 22.32 , ● joh. 10 , 8. q q psal. 8● . 31 , 32 , 33. mat. 26.75 r r gal. 3.9 , 13 , 14. a a eph. 1.5 . gal. 4 4 , 5. b b rom. 8.17 . jer. 14.9 . rev. 3.12 . d d rom. 8.15 . e e eph. 3.12 . f f gal. 4.6 . g g ps. 103.13 . h h prov. 14.26 . i i mat. 6.30 1. pet. 5 7. k k heb. 12.6 l l lam. 3.31 m m eph 4 30 n n heb. 6.12 o o 1 pet. 1.3.4 heb. 1.14 . a a 1 cor. 6.11 act. 20.32 . b b ioh. 17.17 eph. 5.26 . c c rom. 6.6 . d d gal. 5.14 . rom , 8.13 . e e col. 1.12 . f f 2 cor 7.1 . heb. 12.12 . g g 1 thes. 5.23 . h h 1 ioh. 1 10 rom. 7 18.23 . phil. 3.12 . i i gal. 5.17 . 1 pet. 2 11. k k ro. 7.23 . l l ro. 6.14 . m m 2 pet. 3.18 . n n 2 cor. 7.1 . a a heb. 10.39 . b b 2 cor. 4.13 . c c rom. 10.14 , 17. d d 1 pet. 2.2 rom. 4 . 1● . e e ioh. 4.42 . 2 thes. 3.13 f f rom. 16.26 . h h heb. 11.13 . g g isa. 66.2 . h h heb. 11.13 . i i ioh. 1.11 . act. ●6 . 32 act. 15.11 . k k heb. 5.13 l l luke 22.31 . eph. 6.16 . m m heb 6.11.12 . heb. 10.22 . col. 2.2 . n n heb. 12.2 . a a zech. 12. ●0 . act 11.18 b b luk. 24.47 . mat. 1. ●5 . c c ezek 18.30 , 31. i●a . 30.22 . psal. 51.4 ▪ p●a● . 119.128 . d d psa. 119.6.59.105 . luk. 1.6 ▪ 2 kings . 23.15 . e e ezek. 36.31 , 32. ezek. 16.61.62 , 63. f f hos. 14.24 . rom. 3.24 . g g luk. 13.3.5 . act. 17.50 , 51. h h rom. 6.23 . mat. 22.36 i i isa. 1.16.18 . k k ps. 19.13 . luk ▪ 9.8 . l l ps. 51.4 . m m prov. 28.13 . 1 joh. 1.9 . n n jam 5.16 . luk 17 3. joh. 7.19 . psal 51. 〈…〉 o o a a mic. 6.8 rom. 12.2 . heb. 13.21 . b b mat. 15.9 . isa. 29.13 . 1 pet. 1.18 . rom. 10.2 . ioh. 16.2 . c c iam. 2.18 22. d d psal. 116.12 , 13. 1 pet. 2.9 . e e 1 iob. 2.3 . f f 2 cor. 6.2 . mat. 5.16 . g g tit. 2.5 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 1 tim. 6.1 . h h 1 pet. 2.15 . i i 1 pet. 2.22 . ioh. 15.8 . k k eph. 2.10 . l l rom. 6.22 m m ioh. 15.4 ezek. 16.26 , 27. n n phil. 2.13 ● cor. 3.5 . o o phil. 2.12 heb. 6.11.12 . isa. 64.7 . 2 tim. 26.6 . iude v. 20.21 . p p luke . 17.10 . neh. 13.22 . ioh. 9.2.7 . gal. 4.17 . q q ro. 3.20 . eph. 2.8.9 . psal. 16.2 . iob. 35 78 r r luk. 17.10 . s s gal. 5.22 . t t isa. 64.6 . gal. 5.17 . rom. 7.15.18 . u u eph. 1.6 . 1 pet. 2.5 . gen. 4.4 . heb. 11 , 4. w w job . 9.20 . x x heb. 13.20 , 21. 2 cor. 8 12. heb. 6.10 . mat. 15.21 23. y y 2 kings 10.30 , 31. phil. 1.15.16 , 18. z z gen. 4.9 . heb. 11.4 ▪ a a 1 cor. 13 3 , isa. 12. b b mat. 6.3 . c c hag. 2.14 . tit. 1.15 . amos 5.21.22 hos. ● . 4 . d d ps. 14.4 . job . 21.14 , 15. mat. 25.41 . a a phi● . 1.6 . 2 pet. 1.10 . 1 ioh. 2.9 . 1 pet. 1.5 . b b 2 tim. 2.18 , 19. ier. 31.3 . c c heb. 10.10 , 11. heb. 9.12 , 13.14 , 15. luk. 12.32 d d ioh. 4.16 john 2 ▪ 27. e e jer. 32.40 . f f joh. 10.28 1 joh. 2.19 . g g mat. 26.70 , 71 , 74. h h psal. 51.14 ▪ i i isa. 64.5 . k k eph. 4.30 . l l psal. 51.8 . m m isa. 53.17 . n n ps. 37.3.4 o o sam. 12.14 . p p ps. 89 ▪ 31.32 . a a iob. 8.13 14. mic. 3.11 . deut. 29.19 b b mat. 7.22 act. 26.6.23 . c c 1 ioh. 2.3 1 ioh. 5.13 d d rom. 5.2 , 5. e e heb. 6.11.19 . f f heb. 6.17.18 . g g 1 pet. 1.4.5 , 10 , 11. 1 iob. 2.3 . 2 cor , 1.12 . h h rom. 8.15 i i eph. 3.13 . k k ioh , 5.13 isa. 30 , 10. mark 9.24 . psal. 77. to ver . 12. l l 1 cor. 2.12 1 ioh. 4.13 heb. 6.11 . eph. 3.17.18 ▪ 19. m m 2 pet. 1.10 . n n rom. 5.1 , 2 , 5 rom. 14.17 . ephes. 1.3 , 4 psal. 4.6.7 . o o 1 ioh. 2.1 . rom. 6.1 , 2. 2 cor. 7.1 . ro. 8.1.12 . 1 ioh. 1.2.3 psal. 1●0 . 4 1 ioh. 1.6.7 p p cant. 5.2.3 , 6. psal. 51.8 , 12 , 13. eph. 4.30 . psal. 77.1 . mat. 26.69 isa. 50.10 . psal. 31.22 psalm . 88. throughout . q q joh. 3.9 . luk. 21.52 . job 13.15 . psal. 73.15 . isa. 50.10 . r r mic. 7.7 , 8 , 9. jer. 32.10 . i●a . 5.4 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. ps . 22.1 . ps . 88. throughout a a gen. 1.16 gen. 2.17 . ro. 2.14.15 & 10.5 . gal. 3.10 . eccl. 7.9 . job . 28.28 . b b jam. 1.25 ▪ & 2 . 8.1● , 11. ro. 13.8 , 6. deut. 5.32 . & 0.4 . exod. 34.1 c c mat. 22.37 , 33 , 39 , 40. d d heb. 9. chap. heb. 10.1 . col. 2.17 . e e 1 cor. 5 ▪ 2. f f col. 2.14.16 , 17. dan. 9.27 . eph. 1.15 , 16 g g exod. 21. chap. exod. 22 , to 29. 1 pet. 2.3 , 14. mat. 5.17 . h h rom. 13.8.9 , 10. i i iam 2.10.1 . k k mat. 5.17 18.19 . jam. 2.8 . rom. 3.31 . l l rom. 6.14 . gal. 2.16 . and 4 , ● . 5 . act. 13. ●9 . rom. 8.1 . m m rom. 7.21 , 22 , 25. psal. 119.4 5 , 6. 1 cor. 17.19 n n rom. 7.7 . o o iam. 1.23 rom. 7.9 . p p gal. 3 . 2● . rom. 8.3 , 4. q q iam. 2.11 psal. 119.101 , 104. r r ezra 9.13 , 14. psal. 89.30 31 , 32 , 33. s s lev. 26.1 . to 14. with 2 cor. 6.10 . eph. 9.2 , 3. psal. 19.11 t t gal. 2.16 . luk. 17.12 . u u rom. 6 12 1 pet. 3 , 8.9 , 10 , 12. heb. 12.28 w w gal. 3.21 x x ezek. 36.27 . heb. 8.10 . a a tit. 2.11 . gal. 3.13 . b b gal. 1.4 . rom. 6.14 . c c rom. 2.8 . 1 cor. 15.54 55 , 56 , 57. d d ro. 5.1 , 2. e e ro. 8.14 . 1 ioh. 4.18 i i job . 7.58 , 59. 2 cor. 3.13.17 , 18. k k jam. 4.12 rom. 14.4 . l l act. 4.19 act. 5.29 . mat. 13.8 , 9 , 10. 2 cor. 1.24 . mat. 15.9 . m m col. 2.20.22 , 23. gal. 1.10 . & 2.4 , 5. & 5.1 . n n ro. 10.17 isa. 4.20 . act. 17.11 joh. 4.21 . hos. 5.11 . rev. 5.11.16 , 17. jer. 8.9 . o o gal. 1 . 13· 1 pet. 2.16 2 pet. 2.19 . job . 8.34 . luk. 1.74 . p p ma. 12.29 . 1 pet. 2.13.14 , 16. rom. 13.1 . to 8. heb. 13.17 . q q ro. 1.30 . 1 cor. 5.1 , 5 , 11.13 . 2 joh. 10.11 2 thes. 3.14 tit. 1.10 , 11 , 12 , & 3.12 mat. 18.15 , 16 , 17. rev. 3.2 . r r deut. 23.6 . to 12. ro. 13.3.4 . 2 joh. 10.11 . ezra 7.23 . to 28. rev. 17.12 , 16 , 17. neh. 13. to 30. 2 kin , 23. to 21. 2 ch. 34.35 . & 15.12 , 13. dan. 3.21 . isa. 49.23 . zech. 13.2.3 . a a rom. 1.20 psal. 119.68 . ier. 10.7 . psal , 18.3 . mark. 12.33 . b b deut. 12.32 . mat. 15.9 . act. 17.25 . mat. 4.9 . c c mat. 4.10 d d col. 2.18 . rev. 19.10 . e e ioh. 4.6 . 1 tim. 2.5 . eph. 2.8 . f f phil. 4.6 . g g psal. 65.2 h h ioh. 13.14 i i rom. 8.16 . k k 1 ioh. 5.14 l l ps. 47.7 . m m 1 cor. 14. n n 1 ioh. 5.14 . ioh. 17.20 . p p 2 sam. 12.21 , 23. rev. 13.12 q q 1 ioh. 5.16 . r r act. 15.21 . s s 1 tit. 4.2 . t t mat 3.1.19 . u u col. 3.16 . iam. 5.13 . eph. 5.19 . w w mat. 28.19 . x x deu. 6.63 mat. 9.18 . y y isa. 19.21 . eccles. 5.4 , 5. z z ioel. 2.12 . esther . 4.16 . 1 cor. 7.5 . a a ps. 107. throughout . esther . 9 . 2● b b heb. 12.28 c c ioh. 4.21 d d mal. 1.11 1 tim. 2.8 . e e ioh. 4.23 . f f ier. 10.25 ioh. 1 ▪ ● . g g mat. 6.11 h h mat. 6.6 . i i ●sa . 16.6 . heb. 10 . 2● . p●ov . 8.34 . act. 13.42 ▪ k k exod. 20 8 , 10 , 11. isa. 56.1 , 4. l l gen. 2.2 ▪ 3 m m rev. 1.10 . n n exod. 20.8 , 10. mat· 5.17 . o o exod. 20.8 . exod. 3.15 , 16 , 17. isa. 58.13 . nehem. 13.15 . to 22. p p isa. 58.13 a a d●ut . 10.20 . b b ex. 20.7 : 2 cor. 1.23 . 2 chron. 6.22 , 23. e e ●eut . 6.13 d d exod. 30.7 . ier. 5.7 . mat. 5.34 . e e heb 6.16 . f f 1 king. 8.31 . g g exod. 20.7 . ier. 4.2 . h h gen 24.2 . to 9. i i num. 5.1.9 k k ier. 4.2 . psal. 24.14 . l l 1 sam 25.32 , 33 , 34. m m ezek 17.16 , 18 , 19. n n isa. 1● . 21 . o o ps. 76.11 p p deu● . ●3 . 22 , 23. q q act. 23.12 , 14. r r mat. 19.11 , 12. 2 pet. 4.2 . a a rom. 13.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. b b pro. 8.15 ▪ c c ps. 2.10 . 1 pet. 2.13 . d d luk. 3.14 mat. 8.9 . rev. 17.16 . e e 2 chron. 26.18 . mat. 16.9 . rom. 10.15 heb. 5.4 . f f isa. 49.23 lev. 24.16 . 2 king. 1 8 4. 1 chr. 13.1 . to 9. g g 2 chr. 19.8 , 9 , 10. h h 1 tim. 2.1.2 . i i 1 pet. 2.17 . k k rom. 15.6 , 7. l l rom. 13.5 . m m 1 pet. 2.13 , 16. n n rom. 13.1 . act. 25.9 . iude v. 8. to 11. o o 2 th●s . 2.4 . a a gen. 2.34 . mat. 19.5 . b b gen. 2.18 . c c mal. 2.15 d d 1 cor. 7.2 . e e heb 13.4 . 1 cor. 7.36 . f f 1 cor. 7.39 . g g gen. 34.14 . deut. 7.34 . ne● . 13 25. h h lev. 8. chap. 1 cor. 5.1 . i i mar. 6.18 levit. 18.24 . to 28. k k levit. 26 19 , 21. l l mat. 1.8.19 , 20. m m mat. 5.31 ▪ 32. n n mat. 19.9 . rom. 7.2 3· o o mat. 19.8 . 1 cor. 7.15 . p p deut. 14.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. a a ep● . 1.10 . b b 1 cor. 1.2 ren. 7.9 . c c 1 cor. 7.14 . ● ez●k . 16.20.21 . rom. 11.16 d d mat. 13.47 . e e eph. 2.19 . eph. 3.15 . f f act. 2.47 . g g 1 cor. 12.28 . eph. 4.11 , 12 , 13. h h rom. 15.3 , 4. rev. 12.6 , 24. i i rev. 2.3 . k k 1 cor. 13.12 . mat. 13.24 to 47. l l rev. 18.2 . rom. 11.18 m m mic. 6.18 . mat. 28 1● n n co● . 1.18 . o o mat. 2.3 , 8 , 9 , 10. re● . 13.6 . a a 1 ioh. 1.3 ioh. 1.16 . phi● . 3.10 . b b eph. 4.15 . col. 2.19 . c c 1 thes. 5.11.14 . 1 ioh. 3.16 d d heb. 10.24.25 . isa. 2.3 . e e act. 2.44 . 1 ioh. 3.17 . f f col. 1.18.19 . 1 cor. 8.6 . isa. 41.8 . heb. 1.89 . g g exod. 10.15 . eph. 4.28 . a a rom. 4.12 b b mat. 28.19 . c c 1 cor. 10.16 . ga. 3.7 d d rom. 15.8 . ex. 12.18 . e e rom. 6.3 , 4. 1 cor. 10.16.21 . f f gen. 17 , 10 mat. 26.27 g g rom. 2.28 . h h mat. 3.11 . 1 cor. 12.13 i i mat. 16.27 , 28. k k mat. 28.19 . heb. 5.4 . l l 1 cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. a a mat. 28.19 . b b 1 cor. 12.1 , 3. c c rom. 4.11 . d d gal. 3.27 . e e tit. 3.5 . f f mat. 1.4 . g g rom. 6.2 . h h mat. 28.19 , 20. i i mat. 3.12 ioh. 1.33 . k k heb. 9.10 . to 22. l l mat. 16.15.16 . m m gen. 7.9 . col. 2.11.12 . act. 2.38.39 . mat. 28.19 . n n luk. 7.30 . exod. 4.24 . o o rom. 4.11 p p act. 8.13 . q q ioh. 3.58 r r gal. 1.27 . s s tit. 3 5. a a 1 cor 11.23 , 24. b b heb. 9.22 28. c c 1 cor. 11.24 , 36. mat. 26.26 d d heb. 7.23 heb. 10.12 . e e mat. 26.26 , 28. luk. 22.19 f f act. 10.7 . g g 1 cor. 10.6 . h h mat. 14.23 . i i mat. 15.9 . k k mat. 26.26 , 27 , 28. l l 1 cor. 11.26 , 28. mat. 26.29 m m act. 3.21 cor. 11.26 . n n 1 cor. 2.28 . o o 1 cor. 10.16 . p p 1 cor. 11.27 , 28 , 29. q q 1 cor. 5.6 . a a isa. 9.6 , 7. act. 20 17. mat. 28.18 . b b mat. 16.19 . mat 18.17 . ioh. 20.21 . c c 1 cor. 5. chap. mat. 7.6 . iude v. 23. d d 1 th●s . 15.12 , 2. mat. 18.17 a a act. 15.2 b b isa. 49.23 1 tim. 2.12 . 2 chron. 9.8 , 9 , 10 , 11. mat , 2.4.5 . c c act. 15.2.22 , 23 , 25. d d act. 15.15 , 19 , 24 , 27 , 28. act. 16.4 . mat. 18.17 to 20. e e eph. 2.20 . act. 7.11 . 1 cor. 2.5 . f f luk. 12.13 , 14. a a gen. 3.19 . act. 13.36 . b b luk. 23.43 . eccl. 12.7 . 2 cor. 5.1 . phil. 1.13 . c c act. 3.21 d d luk. 16.23 , 24. 1 pet. 3.19 . e e 1 thes. 4.17 . f f 1 cor. 13.42 , 43 , 44. g g act. 24.15 . ioh. 5.28 . a a act. 1● . 21 . b b ioh. 5.22 . c c 1 cor. 5.3 . d d 2 ●o● . ● . 10 . e e mat. 25 31 rom. ● . 22 , 23 ▪ f f pet. 3.11 g g m●● . 24. ●6 . re● . 22. ●● . notes for div a34242-e20830 a a rom. 11.36 . b b ps. 73.24 . to the end . ioh. 7.21 c c rom. 1.19 d d 1 cor. 2.9 e e 2. tim. 3.16 . 2 pet. 1.19.21 . f f 〈◊〉 2.20 . g g h●s . 8.12 h h p●al . 11.6 i i 〈◊〉 ●● . 43 k k rom. 3.19 . l l act. 18.28 m m ioh. 16.13 . 1 ioh. 2 20.21 . n n tim. 1.13 o o h●b . 11 . 6· p p 1 ioh. 5 . 7· q q act. 15.14 r r act. 4.27 ▪ s s ioh. 4.24 t t ●x . 3 . 14· u u act. 7.2 . w w 1 tim. 6. x x mat 5.48 . y y gen. 17.1 . z z ps. 40.12 . a a mal. 3 . 6· b b iam. 1.7 . c c ps. 139.1 . d d rev. 4.8 . e e heb. 4.13 . f f ro. 16.17 . g g isa. 16.3 . h h deu. 32.1 i i ex. 34.6 . k k deut. 6.2 . l l 1 ioh. 5.9 . mat. 3.16 , 17. m m heb. 1.5 . n n io● . 1.4 o o iohn 15.26 . gal. 4.6 p p i●a . 6.2.5 . q q io● 1 1. r r co● 1.1 . s s mat. 28.19 . t t eph. 4.11 u u eph. 1.11 w w 1 tim. 5.21 . x x eph 1 4. y y rom. 9.17 18.22 . z z eph. 1.17 . a a heb. 11.3 b b gal. 1.16 ps. 104.4 . d d mat. 12.30 . e e mat 25.31 . f f 2 sam. 14 17. g g 2 thes. 1.7 . h h ps. 103.20 . i i 2 pet. 2.4 . k k gen. 1.27 gen. 2.7 . m m gen. 2.12 n n gen. 2.7 . o o g●n . 1.27 . p p col. 3.10 . q q eph. 4.24 . r r rom. 2.13 s s ec. 7.29 . t t gen. 1.28 . u u gen. 3.6 . w w ps. 14.5 . x x ps. 10.4 . y y heb. 1.3 . z z ps 10.19 a a mat 10.39.31 . b b ro. 11.36 . c c iude. v. 6. d d ioh. 1.12 e e 1 tim. 5.21 f f ps. 104.4 . g g 2 king. 19.25 . h h gen. 2 8. i i gen. 1.28 k k gen. 2.18 . l l gen. 1.25 . m m gen. 2.3 . n n gal. 3.12 o o gen. 2.9 . p p gen. 2.17 q q gen. 3.9 . 2 cor. 11.3 . r r act. 17.26 s s gen. 2.16 . t t rom 5.12 . rom. 3.13 . u u 1 ioh. 3.4 w w ro. 5.12 . x x rom. 3.10 to 20. y y iam. 1.14 z z ps. 57.3 . a a gen. 3.8 . b b eph. 2.2 . c c 2 tim. 2.26 . d d gen. 2.17 rom , 6.23 . e e eph. 4.28 . f f ro. 1.28 . g g 2 thes. 2 11. h h ro. 2.5 . i i isa. 33.14 k k ro. 1.26 l l gen. 3.17 m m deut. 18.15 . n n ro. 6 , 21. o o 2 thes. 1.9 . mat. 9.44 , 46 , 48. p p 1 thes. 5.9 q q gal. 3.10 r r t it 3.4.5 s s gal. 3.16 . rom. 5.15 . to the end . t t gen 3.15 u u 1. ioh. 5.11 , 12. w w ioh. 3.16 x x pro. 1.23 y y 1 cor. 4.13 . z z gal. 5.22 . a a ez. 36.27 b b iam. 2.18 c c 1 cor. 5.14 . d d eph. 2.10 e e 2 cor. 3.6 f f rom. 15.8 . g g act. 3.10 h h heb. 10.1 i i rom. 4.11 k k 1 cor. 5.7 . l l heb. 8.9 . m m gal. 3.7 . n n mat. 16.15 . o o mat. 28.20 . p p 1 cor. 11.23 , 24 , 25 , q q 2 cor ▪ 3.6 . to the end . r r 1 tim. 2.5 s s ioh. 1.11 t t gal. 4.4 . u u luk. 1 , 35 w w ioh , 1.14 x x luk. 1.27 . y y heb. 4.15 . z z act. 2.24 a a act. 20.28 . b b ro. 3 24. c c eph. 1.6 . d d tit. 2.13 . e e gal 4.6 . f f luk 1.68 g g heb. 5.8 . h h heb. 2.16 i i gal. 4.4 . k k heb 2.14 l l heb. 4.5 . m m gal. 4.15 n n heb. 4 16 o o mat. 1.12 p p 1 pet. 2.6 q q mat. 1.21 . p p ioh 3.34 s s ioh. 6.27 t t act. 13.21 u u heb. 5.5 . w w psal. 2.6 x x ioh. 1.18 y y 1 pet. 1.10 z z heb. 1.1.2 a a ioh. 15.15 b b act. 20. c c heb. 9.14 d d heb. 2.17 e e heb. 7.25 . f f act. 15.14 g g eph. 4.11 . h h isa. 35.21 i i mat. 18.18 k k act. 5.35 l l rev. 12.12 . m m rev. 3.19 n n isa. 63.9 . o o 1 cor. 15. p p rom. 14.10.11 . q q ro. 8.28 . r r 2 thes. 1.8 , 9. s s phil 2.6.7 , 8. t t ioh. 1.14 . u u gal. 4.4 w w mat. 5.17 . x x ps. 22.6 . y y mat. 4.1 . to 12. z z heb. 2.17 . a a mat. 27 4 b b mat. 26.56 . c c isa. 5.2 , 3. d d mat. 27.26 . to 50. e e luk. 22.44 . f f isa. 53 10 g g phil. 2.8 . h h 1 cor. 15 3.4 . i i ps. 16.10 . k k 1 cor. 15.4 . l l mat. 16.10 m m eph. 1.20 n n act. ● . 11 . o o act. 2.24 p p lu. 24.39 q q rom. 6.9 . r r ioh. 70.8 s s rom. 1.4 . t t rom. 8.34 u u heb. 2.14 w w ro. 14.9 x x 1 cor. 15 21 , 22. y y eph. 1.20 z z ro. 2.25 . a a eph. 2.1 . b b 1 cor. 15.26 , 27. c c 1 cor. 15 20. d d act. 1.2 . e e mat. 28.19 , 20. f f heb. 6.20 g g eph. 4.8 . h h act. 1.9 . i i col. 3.1.8 k k ioh. 14.3 l l act. 3.21 . m m phil. 2.9 n n act. 2.28 o o ioh. 17.5 p p eph. 1.21 . q q eph. 4.10 . r r rom. 3.34 s s heb. 1.3 . t t heb. 1.3 . u u ioh. 3.16 w w ro. 8.33 . x x ro. 5.1.2 . y y heb. 4.16 z z eph. 1.6 . a a 1. pet. 2.5 b b act. 3.14 c c mat. 24.30 . d d luk. 9 26 e e 1 thes. 4.16 . f f act. 17 . 3● g g heb. 9.12 . h h 2 cor. 1.20 . i i ioh. 1.11 k k tit. 3.5 . l l eph. 1.13 . ioh. 6.37 . m m eph. 2.8 . n n ro 10.14 . o o 2 thes. 1.8 . p p ioh. 8.24 q q 1 cor. 1.20 . to 24. r r rom. 9.31 . s s act. 4.12 . t t eph. 5.23 . u u ioh. 12.38 . to 40. mat. 22.14 mat. 7.21 . rom. 11.7 . w w 1 cor. 1.2 . x x 1 cor. 7.14 y y isa. 4.5 , 6 z z ps. 111 throughout a a act. 2.39 . b b psal. 147.19 , 20. c c ioh. 6.37 d d eph. 1.10 . ioh. 10.19 e e ioh. 17.21 ioh. 17.24 f f eph. 1.22 g g 1 cor. 6.17 . h h 1 pet. 5.10 . i i ioh. 5 25 k k tit. 3.4 . l l 2 cor. 5.20 . m m act. 26.18 . n n ioh. 6.45 . o o eph. 2.5 . p p act. 13.48 . q q ma● . 2● . 14 . r r mat. 7.22 s s joh. 12.38 , 39 , 40. ioh. 6.64 . t t rom. 8.30 u u eph ▪ 1.5 . w w 1 cor. 1.30 . x x rom. 3.21.24.25 . y y 2 cor. 5.19 21. z z tit. 3.5 . a a rom. 5.17 18 , 19. b b act. 10.54 rom. 5.8 , 9 , 10 , 11. d d 1 tim. 2.5 , 6. e e 2 cor. 15.21 . f f rom. 3.24 . g g eph. 2.8 . h h eph. 1.7 . i i heb. 10.39 k k 2 cor. 4.13 l l rom. 10.14 , 17. m m act. 2.37 n n eph. 1.13 o o joh. 1.12 p p phil. 3.9 . act. 15.11 . q q gal. 3.11 . r r rom. 4.5 . s s jo● . 1.12 . phil. 3.19 . t t 1 io● . 3.1 u u eph. 1.5 . w w jo● . 5.12 . x x 2 cor 6.18 . y y gal. 4.6 . z z ps. 103.13 . a a heb. 6.12 . b b heb. 1.4 . c c rom 6.4 . d d eph. 4.23 act. ● . 18 f f iudev . 20. g g rom. 6.4 . to 14. h h 2 tim 2.25 i i zech. 12.10 . k k act. 11.18 . l l ezek. 18.28 , 32. m m ezek 36.21 . n n io●l . 2.12 o o ier. 31.18 p p 2 cor. 7. ● . q q act. 26.18 . r r ps. 119.9 . s s 1 cor. 6.11 t t rom. 5.6 . u u ez. 36.27 w w rom. 3.24 , 25. x x rom 6.6 . y y rom. 8.33 . z z 1 ioh. 2.12 , 13 , 14. a a ioh. 1.8 . b b 2 cor. 7.1 . c c rom. 7.18 . mar. 14.66 to the end d d h●b . 12.1 . e e isa. 64.5 . f f ier. 31.3 . g g 2 tim. 2.19 . h h 1 cor. 1.8 . i i heb. 7.25 . k k 1 ioh. 3.9 . l l ier. 32.40 m m 1 pet. 1.5 n n 1 ioh. 2.9 o o 1 cor. 2.12 . p p rom. 8.16 . q q 1 ioh. 5.13 . r r eph. 1.131 . s s isa. 50.10 psal. 88. throughout . t t psal. 77.2 to 12. u u 1 joh 1.9 . w w 1 cor. 3.18 . x x l●k . 23.43 . y y 1 thes. 4.17 . z z eph. 2.5 . a a rom. 5.5 b b rom. 5.1 . c c gen 4.13 mat. 27.4 . d d rom. 6.13 e e heb. 9.17 . f f rom. 5.11 . g g 1 cor. 15.16 ▪ 56. h h 〈◊〉 57.1 . i i rev. 14.15 . k k luk. 23.43 . l l 〈◊〉 ●2 . 2● m m 2 cor. 5.6 , 8. n n io● . ● . 2 . o o rom ● 23. p p 1 thes. 4.14 . q q isa. 57.2 . r r job . 19.26 , 27. s s luk. 16.73 . t t act. 24.15 u u 1 cor. 15.52.53 . w w 1 cor. 15.22 , 23 , 42 , 43 , 44. x x joh. 5.27 y y 2 pet. 2.4 . jude v. 6.7 14 , 15. z z mat. 24.35 , 42 , 4● . a a mat. 25.33 . b b rom. 2.15 . c c mat. 25.41 , 42 , 43. d d 2 thes. 1.8 . e e 1 thes. 4.17 . f f mat. 25.33 . g g 1 cor. 6.2 . h h mat. 25.34 , 36. 1 eph. 5.27 . k k ps. 16.11 . l l heb. 12.22 m m 1 ioh. 3.2 n n rom. 12.1 , 2. o o gen. 1.28 . p p deut. 5.1 . q q luk. 1.75 r r rom. 10.5 . s s so. 8.3 . t t tim. 1.8 . u u lev. 11.44 , 44. w w mic. 6.8 iam. 2.10 , 11. x x ps. 19.11 , 12. y y rom. 3.9.25 . z z gal. 3.21 22. a a rom. 10 , 4. b b 1 tim. 1.9 , 10. c c gal. 3.24 . d d rom. 1.20 e e gal. 3.10 f f rom. 6.14 . gal. 4.4 , 5. g g rom. 3.10 h h gal. 5.23 . rom. 8.1 . i i rom. 7.24 , 25. k k luk. 1.68 , 69 , 74 , 75. col. 1.12 . l l rom. 7.22 . m m deu. 10.4 . n n mat. 22.37 , to 40. o o psal. 19.7 mat. 5.21 . to the end . p p ro. 7.14 . q q col. 3.5 . amos. 8.5 . r r isa. 58.13 deut. 6.13 . s s mat. 1.21 to 25. t t exod. 20.11 . u u ier. 18.7 w w job . 13.7 x x deut. 4.8 y y mat. 12.7 z z mat. 5.21 a a exod. 20.10 . b b 2 cor. 1.24 . c c 1 tim. 5.29 . d d ex. 20.2 . e e isa. 14.6 . f f ex. 3.44 . g g ex. 6.4 . h h act. 17.24 , 28. i i gen. 17.7 . k k luk. 1.74 l l 1 pet. 1.15.16 , 17 , 18. m m luk. 10.27 . n n ex. 20.3 o o 1 chron. 28 , 9. p p psal. 95.6 . q q mal. 13.16 r r ps. 63.6 . s s eccl , 12.1 . t t ps. 71.19 . u u mal. 1.6 . w w is. 45.23 . x x josh. 24.15 , 22. y y deut. 6.5 . z z ps. 73.25 a a isa. 8.13 . b b ex. 1●4 . 31 c c isa. 26.1 . d d ps. 1●●0 . 7 e e ps. 37.4 . f f ps. 32.11 g g ro. 12.11 . h h phil. 4.6 . i i jer. 7.23 . k k 1 joh. 3.22 . l l jer. 31.28 . m m mic. 6.8 . n n ps. 14.1 . eph. 2.12 . o o ier. 2.27.28 . s s jer. 2.32 . p p ps. 81.11 . q q isa. 43.22 . r r jer. 4.22 . t t act. 17.23 . u u isa. 40.18 . w w ps. 15.20 . x x deut. 29.29 . y y tit. 1.16 . z z rom. 1.30 . a a 2 tim. 5.1 b b phil. 2.21 c c 1 joh. 2.15 . d d 1 joh. 4.1 . e e heb. 3.12 . f f gal. 5 20. g g act. 26.9 . h h ps. 78.22 . i i gen. 4.13 k k jer. 5.3 . l l isa. 42.25 . m m rom. 2.5 . n n jer. 13.15 o o ps. 19.13 . p p zeph. 1.12 . q q mat. 4.7 . r r rom. 3.8 . s s ier. 17.5 . t t 1 tim. 3.5 u u gal. 4.17 . w w rev. 3.16 . x x rev. 3.1 . y y ezek. 14.5 . z z rom. 10.14 , 15. a a rev. 20.6 . b b act. 5.3 . c c 2 cor. 1.24 . d d deut. 32.15 . e e act. 1.51 f f psal. 73.2 , 3 , 14 , 22. g g 1 sam. 6. h h dan. 5.23 i i deut. 8.17 . k k heb. 1.16 . l l ezek. 8.5 . to the end m m 1 chyon . 38 , 9. n n exod. 20.4 , 5 , 6. o o deut 32.46 , 47. p p phil. 4.6 . q q deut. 17.18 . act. 10.33 . r r mat. 28.29 . s s mat. 18.15 . t t eph. 4.11 . u u ioel. 2.12 w w deu. 6.13 x x isa 19 21. y y act. 17.16 z z deut. 7.5 . a a num. 15.39 . b b deu. 13.6 c c hos. 5.11 . d d 1 king. 12.33 . e e deu. 12.30 , 32. f f deut. 13.6 . to 12. revel . 2.2.14 , 15 , 20. rev. 17.12 . g g deut. 4.15 . to 19. act. 17.29 . rom. 1.21 , 22 , 23 , 25. h h dan. 1.3 , 18. gal. 4.8 . i i exod. 32.5 , 8. l l 1 kin. 18.26 . m m act. 17.22 n n mal. 1.7 . o o deut. 4.2 . p p ps. 104.19 q q mat. 10.9 r r 1 pet. 1.18 s s ier. 41.17 . t t isa. 65.3 . u u 1 sam. 15.21 . w w act. 8.18 x x ro. 2.22 . y y ex. 4.24 . z z mat. 22.5 a a mal. 1.7 . b b act. 13.43 . c c ex. 20.5 . d d ps. 45.11 e e ex. 34.13 f f 1 cor. 10.20 , 22. g g hos. 2.27 . h h deu. 5.39 . i i ex. 20.7 . k k mat. 6.9 . l l mal 1.14 m m ps. 138.2 . n n 1 cor. 11.24 , 26 , 28. o o 1 tim. 2.8 . p p ier. 4.2 . q q eccl. 5.3 . r r act. 1.2 . s s iob. 16.24 t t mal. 3.16 u u psal. 8. to the end w w col. 3.17 . x x ps. 102.18 . y y pet. 3.15 . z z phil. 1.27 . a a 1 cor. 10.35 . b b jer. 32.35 c c 1 pet. 2.12 d d mat. 2.2 . t t act. 17.28 . f f prov. 50.9 ▪ g g mal. 1.6 . h h 1 sam 4.4 , 5. i i 2 kings 18.30 , 35. k k ps 50.16 . l l isa. 5 11. m m 2 kings 19.22 . n n zech. 8.17 . o o 1 sam. 27.42 . p p ier. 5.7 . q q deut. 23.18 . r r esth. 3. ● . s s ps. 24.4 . t t mat. 6.26 . u u rom. 3.14 w w deut. 29 19. x x rom. 3.5 . y y eccl. 8.11 z z mat. 5.21 a a ezek. 13.22 . b b 2 pet. 3.16 . c c isa. 22.13 . d d 1. tim. 1.4.6 , 7. f f 2 tim. 1.3 , 4. rom. 13.13 , 14. iude v. 4. g g acts. 13.4 , 5. h h psal. 1.1 . i i 1 pet. 4.4 . k k act. 13.45 , 50. l l 2 tim. 3.5 . e e deut. 18.11 , 12 , 13 , 14. act 19. m m mat. 8.38 n n ps. 73.14 . o o 1 cor. 6.5 . p p isa. 5.4 . rom. 3 23 gal. 3.31.3 s s exo. 20.7 t t lev. 19.12 u u ezek. 36.21 , 22 , 23. w w 1 sam. 2.12 . to 24. x x exod. 20.8 , 9 , 10 , 11 y y deu. 5 12. z z rev. 1.10 . a a exod. 20.8 ▪ 10. b b exod. 16.29 . to 28. c c mat. 12.10 , to 13. d d isa. 58.13 act. 20.7 . isa. 6 6.23 . e e ex. 20.8 . f f ex. 20.10 ier. 17.20 21 , 22. g g ezek 22.26 . h h act. 20.7 i i ezek. 23. ●8 . k k ier. 17.14 . isa. 58.13 . l l ex. 20.9 . m m ex. 20.10 n n ex. 20.11 o o ex. 20.8 . p p ex. 16.23 . luk. ●3 . 5● q q psal. 92. title with v. 13.14 . r r gen. 2.2.3 . s s eze. 12.26 t t gen. 9.14 . u u ex. 34.31 w w deut. 54.14 , 15. x x ●●n . 1.7 . y y ma. 22 19 z z mat. 7.12 a a ex. 20.12 b b prov. 23.22 , 25. c c 1 tim. 5.1 . d d gen. 4 20. e e 2 kin. 5 13 f f kin. 2.12 . g g isa. 49.23 h h eph. 6.4 . i i 1 cor. 4.14 , ●5 , 16. k k eph. 5.21 . l l mal. 1.6 . m m prov. 31.28 . n n le. 19.32 . o o 2 tim. 2.1 . p p heb. 13.7 . q q eph. 6.12 . r r heb. 12.9 . s s tit. 2.9 . t t 1 sam 26.15 , 16. u u mat. 22.21 . w w 1 pet. 2.18 . pro. 23.22 . x x ps. 127.3 , ● , 5. y y mat. 15.4 , 5 , 6. z z num. 11.28 , 29. a a 1 sam. 8.7 b b 2 sam. 15 1. to 12. c c exod. 2.1.15 . d d 1 sam. 10.27 . e e 1 sam. 2.25 . f f deut. 21.18 . g g pro. 30.11 . h h pro. 19.26 . i i col. 3.19 . k k iob. 1.5 . l l heb. 7.7 . m m deu. 6.6 . n n eph. 6.4 . o o 1 pet 3.7 . p p 1 pet. 2 14 q q est. 6.3 . r r rom. 13.3 . s s pro. 29.15 t t iob. 29.12 u u eph. 6.4 . w w ● tim. 5.8 x x 1 tim. 4.12 . y y 1 king. 3.28 . z z tit. 2.15 . a a ez. 34.2 . b b phil , 2.21 c c ioh. 5.14 . d d isa. 56.11 e e deut. 3.4 . f f ex. 5 10. g g mat. 14.18 . h h sa. 13.28 . i i 1 sam. 3.13 . k k ioh. 7.46 l l 1 pet , 2.18 m m gen. 38.26 . n n eph. 6.4 . o o gen. 9.21 p p 1 ●e 2.7 . q q rom. 12.1 10. r r rom. 12.15 s s rom 23.8 . t t 2 tim. 3.3 . u u act. 7.9 . w w num. 13.2 x x 3 ioh. 5.9 . y y ex. 20.12 z z deu. 5.16 . a a ex. 20.13 b b eph. 5.28 . c c 1 kings 18.4 . d d ier. 16.15 . e e eph. 4 , 16. f f 2 sam. 2.22 . g g mat. 4.6 . h h 1 sam. 24.12 . i i ps. 82.4 . k k iam. 5.7 . l l 1 thes. 4.12 m m pro. 17.22 n n pro. 15.26 , 27. o o 1 tim. 5.23 p p isa. 38 . 21· q q ps. 127.2 . r r eccl. 5.12 . s s eccl. 3.4 . t t sam. 19.4 . u u ro. 13.10 . w w lu. 10.33 x x col. 3.12 y y iam. 3.17 z z 1 pet. 3.8 , 9 , 10.11 a a mat. 5.24 b b 1 thes. 5.14 c c act. 16.28 d d gen. 9.5 . e e num. 35.32 , 33. f f ier. 48. to deut. 20.9 . g g ex. 22.2 . h h mat. 25.42 , 43. i i mat. 5.22 . k k 1 ioh. 3.15 l l pro. 14.30 . m m ro. 12.19 . n n eph. 4.31 . o o mat. 6.31 . p p lu. 21.34 . q q ecc. 12.2 . r r isa. 5.12 . s s pro. 15.1 . t t eze. 18.18 u u gal. 5.15 . w w nu. 35.16 x x ex. 21.18 . y y ex. 20 . 14· z z 1 thes. 4.4 . a a col 4.6 . b b 1 pet. 3.2 . c c 1 cor. 7.2 . d d iob. 31.2 . e e act. 24.24 f f prov. 2.16 g g 2 tim. 2.9 . h h 1 cor. 7.2 . i i pro. 5.19 k k 1 pet. 3.7 . l l pro. 31.12 m m pro. 5.8 . n n pro. 5.7 . o o heb. 13.4 . p p 2 sam. 13.14 . q q rom. 1.24 r r mat. 5.28 col. 3.5 . s s eph. 5.3 . t t isa. 3.16 . u u pro. 7.10 . w w 1 tim. 4.3 . x x lev. 18.1 y y 1 king. 15 12. z z mat. 19.10.11 . a a 1 cor. 7.7 . b b mal. 2.14 . c c mat 4.32 d d 1 cor 7.12 e e ezek 16.49 . f f ge. 39.10 . g g eph. 5.4 . h h 2 ki. 5.30 i i ex. 20.15 k k ps 15 2. l l rom. 13.7 . m m lev. 6.2 . n n lu. 6.30 . o o 1 tim. 6.6 . p p 1 tim 5.8 . q q pro. 27.23 r r 1 cor. 7.10 . s s eph. 2.28 . t t ioh. 6 12. u u 1 cor. 6.1 . w w pro. 6.1 . x x lev. 15.35 . y y iam. 2.25 z z eph. 4.28 . a a ps. 62.10 b b 1 tim. 1.10 c c pro. 29 24 d d 1 thes. 4.6 . e e pro. 11.1 . f f deu. 19.14 g g amo● 8.5 . h h luk. 16.10 , 12. i i ez. 22.29 . lev. 25.17 . k k mat. 22.25 ▪ ●z . 22.12 . l l ps. 15 5. m m ioh. 15. ●4 n n 1 cor 6.6 , 7 , 8. prov. 3.29.30 . o o isa. 5 8. mic. 2.2 . p p prov. 11.26 . q q act. 19.19.24 , 25. r r ioh. 20.19 s s lu. 12.15 . t t 1 tim 5.3 . u u mat. 6.25 w w ps. 73.3 . x x 2 thes. 3.11 y y prov. 21.17 . prov. 18.9 . z z eccl. 4.8 . a a ex. 20.16 . b b zech. 8.16 c c 3 ioh. v. 12 d d pro● 31.8 . e e ps. 15.2 . f f 2 chro. 19.9 . g g 1 sam. 19.4 , 5. h h io●h . 7.19 i i 2 sam. 14.18.20 k k lev. 19.15 l l 2 cor. 1.17 . m m heb. 6.9 . 1 cor. 13.6 . n n rom. 1.8 . o o 2 cor. 2.4 . p p prov. 12 9. q q 1 cor. 1.4 . r r 1 sam. 12.14 . s s 1 cor. 13.6 . t t psal. 15.3 . s s 1 cor. 13.6 . u u prov. 25.23 . pro. 26.24 , 25. x x ps 101.5 . y y pro. 14.5 . z z ps. 1.4 . a a phil. 4 ▪ 8. b b 1 sam. 17.28 . c c lev. 19.15 d d pro. 19.5 . e e act. 5.13 . f f ier. 9.3 . g g 1 king. 21.9 . to 14 h h isa. 15.23 i i ps. 119 69. k k lev. 5.1 . l l 1 kin. 5.6 . m m isa. 5 9.4 . n n pr. 19. ●1 . o o 1 sam. 12.9 , 10. p p ps. 56.6 . q q gen. 3.5 . r r isa. 59.3 . s s lev. 19.11 t t ps. 50.20 . u u ps. 15.3 . w w iam. 4.11 x x le. 19.19 . y y ro. 1.29 . z z gen. 21.6 . a a 1 cor. 6.10 . b b mat. 7.1 . c c act. 28.4 . d d rom. 2.1 . e e neb. 6.6 . f f ps. 12.2 . g g 2 tim. 3.2 . h h luk. 18.9 . rom. 12 . 1● . 1 cor. 4.4 . act. 12.22 . exod. 4.10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. i i ioh. 4.6 . k k mat. 7.3 , 4 , 5. l l prov. 28.13 . gen. 4.9 . m m gen. 9.22 . prov. 25.9 , 10. n n exod. 23.1 . o o prov. 29.12 . p p act. 7.56 . q q 1 cor. 13.3 . r r num. 11.29 . s s ezra 4.11 . t t ier. 48.27 u u ps. 35.15 ▪ w w iu. v. 16. x x rom. 1.32 y y 1 sam. 2.14 z z 2 sa. 12.13 a a ex. 10.17 b b heb. 13.5 . c c ioh. 31.29 rom. 12.15 d d 1 kin. 11.4 . e e gal. 5.26 . f f ps. 112.9 . g g rom. 7.7 . h h iam. 3.3 . ioh. 15.5 . i i eccl. 7 . 2● k k gen. 6.5 . l l rom. 3.9 . m m ioh. 19.11 , n n ier. 2.8 . o o iob. 22.7 . p p 1 kin. 11.4 . q q 2 sam. 12.14 . r r iam. 4.17 . s s ier. 5.4 , 5. t t 2 sam. 12.7 , 8 , 9. u u rom. 2.17 . w w gal. 2.11 x x mat. 2.38 39. y y 1 sam. 2.25 . z z rom. 2.4 . a a mal. 1.8 . b b heb. 2.2 . c c heb. 10.29 d d ep. 4.30 . e e heb. 6.4 . f f iude v. 8. g g prov. 30.17 . h h zeph. 2.8 . i i 1 cor. 12.8 k k eze. 13.9 . l l 1 thes. 2.15.16 . m m prov. 6.30 , 35. n n ezra 5.10 , 11 , 12. o o col. 3.5 . 1 tim. 6.20 . prov. 5 , 8 , 9 , 10. p p iames 1.14 . mat. 5.22 . mic. 2.1 . q q mat. 18.7 . r r deut. 22.22 , to 28. s s mat. 11.21 . to 24. t t isa. 1.3 . u u amos 4.8 . to 14. w w rom. 1.16 , 17. x x rom. 1.24 . y y prov. 29.1 . z z tit. 3 10. a a prov. 27.22 . b b ps. 78.24 . c c eccl. 5.4 . d d lev. 26.25 . e e pro. 2.17 . f f ps. 35.3 . g g ier. 6.16 h h nu. 15 30 i i ier. 3.3 . k k ps. 52.1 . l l 3 ioh. v. 10 m m num. 14.22 . n n zech. 7.11 , 12. o o ●ro . 2.24 . p p isa. 57.17 q q ier 34.8 . r r 2 king. 5.26 . s s ier. 7.10 . t t ezek. 23.37 , 39. u u isa 58.3 . w w 1 cor. 11.20.21 . x x ier. 7.8 . y y ez. 9.13 . z z 2 sam. 16.22 . a a iam. 2.10 b b exod. 20.1 , 2 ▪ c c heb. 1.13 . lev. 10.3 . d d 1. io● . 3.14 . rom. 7.11 . e e eph. 5.6 . gal. 3 ▪ 10. f f deut. 28.15 . g g mat. 25.41 . h h heb. 9.22 . i i act. 20.21 . mat. 3.7 , 8. k k prov. 2.1 . to 6. l l mat. 28.19 , 20. m m neh. 8.8 . n n 1 cor. 14.24 , 25. o o act. 2.37 41. p p 2 cor. 3.18 q q 2 cor. 10.4 , 5 , 6. r r mat. 4.4.7.10 . s s act. 20.32 t t rom. 16.25 . u u deu. 31.9.11 , 12 , 13. w w deut. 17.19 . x x deut. 6.6.7 , 8 , 9. y y 1 cor. 14.6 , 9 , 11 , 12 , 15 , 26. z z ps. 19.10 . a a 2 pet. 1.19 , 20 , 21. b b luk. 14.25 . c c deut. 17.19 , 20. d d act. 17.11 . e e act 8.30 , 31. f f ps. 1.2 . g g 2 chr. 34.21 . h h prov. 3.5 . prov. 21. to 17. k k 1 tim. 3.2.6 . l l ier. 14.63 . m m tit. 2.1.8 . n n act. 18.25 o o 2 tim. 4.2 . p p 1 cor. 14.19 q q 1 cor. 2.4 . r r ier. 23.28 s s act. 20.21 . t t col. 1.28 . u u 1 cor. 3.2 . w w act. 8.25 x x 2 cor. 5.13 , 14. y y col. 4.12 . z z 2 cor. ● . 17 a a 1 thes. 2.4 , 5.6 . b b 1 cor. 9.19 , 20 , 21 , 22. c c 2 cor. 12.19 . d d 1 tim. 4.9 . e e prov. 8.3 . f f 1 ●et . 2.1 , 2. g g psal. 119 8. h h act. 18.11 . i i heb. 4.2 . n n 1 thes. 2.13 o o luk. 9.44 p p lu. 21.14 . q q prov. 2.1 . r r luk. 6.15 . s s 1 pet. 3.21 t t gen. 17.7.10 . u u rom. 4.11 w w rom. 15.8 . x x acts 2.38 . y y rom. 4.11 z z rom. 6.3.4 . a a eph. 4.2 , 3 , 4 , 5. b b eph. 2.11 12. c c mat. 3.11 1 pet. 2.21 . d d mat. 28.19 . 1 cor. 11.20 , 23. e e mat. 28.19 . f f gal. 3.2 . g g mat. 14. h h tit. 3.5 . i i gal. 3.26.27 . k k 1 cor. 15.29 . l l 1. cor. 12.13 . m m rom. 6.4 . n n act. 8.36 , 37. act. 2.38 . o o gen. 17.7 , 9. luke . 18.15.16 . rom. 11.16 p p col. 2.11.12 . rom. 6.4 , 6 , 11. q q rom. 6.3 , 4 , 5. r r 1 cor. 1.11 12 , 13. rom. 6.2 , 3. s s rom. 4.11 . ● . t t rom. 6.3 , 4 ▪ 5. u u gal. 3.26.27 . w w rom. 6.22 . x x act. 2.38 y y 1 cor. 12.13 , 25 , 26 , 27. z z luk 22.20 . a a mat. 26.26 , 27 , 28. b b 1 cor. 10.15 c c 1 cor. 11.24 , 25 , 26. d d 1 cor. 10.14 , 15 , 16. e e 1 cor. 10.17 . f f 1 cor 11.23 , 24. mat 26.26 27 , 28. g g act. 3.2 . h h mat. 26.26 , 28. i i 1 cor. 11.24 , 25.26 , 27 , 28 , 29. k k 1 cor. 10.16 . l l 1 cor. 11.18 . m m 1 cor. 13.5 . n n 1 cor. 5.7 . o o 1 cor. 11.29 . p p 2 cor. 13.5 . q q zech. 12.10 . r r 1 cor. 10.16 , 17. s s 1 cor. 5.8 . t t mat. 5.23 24. u u isa. 55.1 . w w 1 cor. 5.7 , 8. x x 1 cor. 11.25 , 26 , 28. y y 1 cor. 13.24 , 25. z z 2. chr. 30 ▪ 18 , 19. a a isa. 50.10 . b b isa. 54.7 , 8 , 9 , 10. e e phil. 3.8 , 9. d d 2 tim. 2.19 . e e isa. 40.11 , 20 , 31. mat. 21.28 f f mat. 9.22 . g g act. 2.37 . h h rom. 4.11 . i i 1 cor. 11.27 . to the end . 1 tim. 5.22 k k 2 cor. 3.7 . l l lev. 10.3 m m exod. 14.8 . n n 1 cor. 11.29 o o luke 12.19 . p p 1 cor. 12.26 . q q 1 cor 1● . 3 r r zech. 1● . 10 . s s rev. 13.17 . t t joh. 6.25 . u u ioh. 4.16 . w w phil. 3.9 . x x ps. 63.4 , 5 y y ps. 22.26 . z z ier. 50.5 . a a act. 2.11 b b ps. 28.7 . c c chr. 30.21 to 26. d d ps. 36.10 ▪ e e 1 cor. 10.3 , 4 , 5 , 11. f f ps. 50.14 . g g 1 cor. 11.25 , 26. h h can. 5.1 . to 6. i i ps. 125.1.2 k k 2 cor. 13.18 , 19. l l 2 cor. 7.11 . m m mat. 28.19 . n n rom. 6.3.4 . o o rom. 4.11 . p p ioh. 1.33 . q q mat. 1 19. r r mat. 3.11 . s s gen. 17.7 t t 1 cor. 1.23 , 24 , 25 , 26. u u 1 cor. 10.16 . w w 1 cor. 11.28 , 29. x x ps. 62.8 . y y joh. 16.23 . z z rom. 8.26 a a ps. 31.5 , 6 b b phil. 4.6 . c c 1 king. 8.39 . d d ps. 65 2. e e mic. 7.18 . f f ps. 145.18 , 19. g g rom. 10.11 . h h mat. 1.10 . i i 1 cor. 1.2 . k k ps. 50.15 . l l ro. 10.14 . m m ioh. 14.14 , 1. n n mat. 7.21 o o heb. 4.14.15 , 16. 1 iob. 5.13.14 , 15. p p ioh. 14.6 . isa. 49.2 . q q ioh. 6.27 . r r col. 3.17 . heb. 13.15 s s rom. 8.26.27 . t t eph. 6.18 . u u 2 tim. 3.12 . w w col 4.3 . x x gen. 31.11 . y y iam. 16. z z mat. 3.41 a a 1 tim. 2.1 , 2. b b ioh. 17.20 . c c sam. 12. d d 1 ioh. 5.16 . e e mat. 6.9 . f f ps ▪ 51.18 . g g mat. 7.11 h h ps. 125.14 i i 1 ioh. 5.1 . k k eccl. 3.1 . l l gen. 1 8.17 m m luke 15.17 , 18 , 19. n n luke 18.13 , 14. o o ps. 51.17 . p p phil. 4.6 . q q 1 sam. 1.15 . b b mat. 6.5 . to 13. luk. 1.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. c c mat. 6.9 . luke 11.2 . d d mat 6.9 . e e luk. 11.13 . f f isa. 46.9 . g g ps. 11.1 . h h isa. 63.15.16 . i i act. 11.5 . k k mat. 6.9 . l l 2 cor. 3.5 . m m ps. 67.2 . n n ps. 83.18 o o ps. 86.10 . p p 2 thes. 3.2 . q q ps. 145. throughout r r ps. 103.1 s s ph. 19.11 t t ps. 67 1. u u eph. 1.17 . w w ps. 98.7 . x x ps. 74.18 . y y 2 kin. 19.15.16 . z z 1 chron. 20.6 , 10. a a mat. 6.10 . b b eph. 2.2 . c c ps. 58.1 . d d 2 thes. 3.1 . e e rom. 10.1 f f ioh. 17.9.20 . g g mat. 9.18 h h mal. 3.1.11 . i i 1 tim. ● . 1 , 2. k k acts. 4.29 30. l l eph. 3.14 . to 21. m m rev. 22.10 . n n isa. 64.1 , 2. o o mat. 6.10 p p rom. 7.18 q q rom 8.7 . r r exod. 17.7 s s eph. 2.2 . w w mat. 26.40 , 41. x x ier. 21.18 , 19. y y ps. 110.1 , 8 , 25 , 6. z z mic. 6.8 . a a ps. 100.2 . b b isa. 38.3 . c c ●s . 119.4 , 5. d d rom. 12.11 . e e ps. 119.80 . f f ps. 119.112 . g g isa. 6.2 . h h mat. 6.11 . i i gen. 2.17 . k k deut. 8.5 . l l gen. 32.10 . m m deut. 8.17 , 18. n n ier. 6.13 . o o hos. 2.7 . p p iam. 4.3 . q q gen. 4.12 , 13 , 14. r r 1 tim. 4.3 , 4 , 5. s s 1 tim. 6.6 , 7 , 8. t t prov. 30.8 , 9. u u mat. 6.12 w w rom. 3.9 . to 22. x x rom. 3.24 , 25 , 26. y y eph. 1.5.7 z z 2 pet. 1.2 . a a hos. 14.2 b b rom. 15.13 . c c luk. 11.4 . d d mat. 6.13 e e 2 chr. 32.31 . f f 1 chr 21.1 . g g luk. 21.34 h h iam. 1.14 . i i gal. 5.17 . k k mat. 26.41 . l l mat. 26.63 , 70 , 71 , 72. m m rom. 7.23 , 24. n n ps. 81.11.12 . o o ioh. 17.15 p p ps. 51.10 . q q 2 cor. 12 ▪ 7 , 8. r r 1 cor. 10.12 , 13. s s heb. 13.20 , 21. t t mat. 26.11 . u u eph. 3.14 , 15 , 16 , 17. w w ps. 51.12 x x 1 pet. 5.8 , 9 , 10. y y 2 cor. 13.7 , 9. z z rom. 16.20 . a a ioh. 17.1 . b b mat. 6.13 c c rom. 15.30 . d d dan. 9.4.7 , 8 , 9 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. e e phil. 4.6 . f f 1 chr. 29.10 . to 13. g g eph. 3.20.21 . h h 2 chr. 20.6.11 . i i 2 chr. 14.11 . k k 1 cor. 14.16 . notes for div a34242-e56580 a a 1 cor. 10.2 . rom. 11.26 b b ps. 73.15 . to the end . o o 2 tim. 3.16 . d d 1 ioh. 1.3 , 4. e e 2 tim. 1.13 . & 3.16 . f f ioh 4.24 . g g ioh. 11.7 , 8 , 9. h h ps. 90.2 . i i jam. 1.17 . k k ex. 3.14 . l l ps. 147.5 . m m rev. 4.8 . n n rev. 15.5 . o o ex 54.6 , 7 p p deut. 6.4 . q q 1 ioh. 5.7 . r r eph. 1.4.11 . s s gen. 1. ●ap . heb. 11.5 . t t gen. 1.26.27 , 28. eph. 4.24 . u u ps. 1●5 . 17 . w w ps 104.24 . isa. 28.29 . x x heb. 1.3 . y y ps. 103.9 . mat. 10.29 , 30 , 31. z z gal. 3.12 . g●n . 2.17 . a a gen. 3.6 , 7 , 8 , 13. eccl. 7.29 . b b 1 io● . 4.4 c c gen. 3 6.12 . d d gen. 2.16 17. rom. 5.12 . 1. cor. 15.21 , 22. rom. 5.12 . f f rom. 5.18.19 . eph. 2.1 , 2 , 3. g g gen. 3.8.10 , 24. h h eph. 2.2 , 3 i i la 3.39 . mat. 25 41.46 . k k eph. 2.4 . l l rom. 3.10 21 , 22. m m 1 tim. 2.3 , 6. n n ioh. 1.14 . gal. 1.4 . o o rom. 9.5 . heb. 7.24.25 . p p heb. 2.14.16 . & 10.5 q q mat. 26.38 . r r luk 1 27 31 , 35. s s heb 4.15 . & 7.16 . t t act. 3.21 2● . heb. 12.25 . u u ioh. 1.18 . ioh. 15.15 . & 20.31 . w w heb. 9.14 , 18. x x heb. 2 17 y y heb. 7.24 , 25. z z acts 15.14 , 15 , 16. a a isa. 33.22 b b isa. 32 2. ● . 1 cor. 15. ●5 . d d luk. 2.7 . e e gal. 4.4 . f f heb. 12.2 , 3. g g luke 22.44 . h h phil. 28. i i 1 cor. 15.3 . k k acts 1.24 , 25 , 26. l l 1 cor. 13.4 . m m mar. 16.19 . n n eph. 1.20 . o o act. 2.11 . & 17.31 . p p ioh. 1.12 , 13. q q tit. 3.5 , 6 r r ep. 1.13 , 14. s s eph. 3.17 . 1 cor. 8.5 . t t 2 tim. 1.9 2 thes 2.13.14 . u u act. 1.37 w w act. 26.18 . x x ezek. 36.26 , 27. y y ioh. 6.44 , 45. z z rom. 8.30 . a a eph. 1.5 . b b 1 cor. 1.16.20 . c c rom. 3 ▪ 24 ▪ 25. d d 2 cor. 5.12 , 21. e e rom 5.17 18 , 19. f f gal. 2.16 . phil. 3.9 . g g 1 ioh. 3.1 . h h ioh. 1.12 . rom. 8.7 . i i 2 thes. 2.13 . k k eph. 4 23.24 . l l ro. 6.4.5 . rom. 8.1 . m m rom. 5.5 , 25. n n ro 14.17 . o o pro 4.18 . p p 1 ioh 5.13 q q heb. 12.23 . phil. 2.23 . s s 1 thes. 4. t t isa 57.11 . u u ioh. 29.26 , 27. w w 1 cor. 15.43 . x x mat. 25.2 y y 1 ioh. 32. z z 1 thes. 4.17 , 18. a a mic 6.8 . b b rom. 2.14 , 15. & 10.5 . c c deut. 10.4 . d d mat 22.37 . to 41. e e exod. 49.4 . f f luke . 1.74.7 . g g ex. 18.3 ▪ h h 1 chr. 18.9 . i i mat. 4.10 . k k ps. 11.1 . l l rom. 1.21 . m m ps. 81.10.11 . n n rom. 1 23.26 . o o 〈◊〉 8.5 . ●o the end . ps. 44 20 , ●● . p p exod. 20.4 , 5 , 6. q q deut. 32.46 . mat. 28.20 act. 2.42 . r r deut. 4.15 to 19. s s deut. 12.31 , 32. t t ps. 95.2.5 , 6. u u ps. 45.11 . w w exod. 34 ▪ 13 , 14. x x exod. 20 7. y y mat. 6.9 . z z ps. 38.4 . a a rev. 15.3 , 4. b b mal. 1.11.14 . c c ps. 1 ▪ 38.1 , 2. d d ioh 26.24 . e e mal. 16 , 7 , 22. & 1.2 . & 5.14 ▪ f f 1 sam. 2. ● . to 24. 1 sam 3.13 . g g exod. 20.8 to 11. h h deut. 5.12 , 13 , 14. i i gen. 7.2.3 acts. 20.1 . k k exod. 22 8 , 10. l l neh. 13.15 . to 22. m m luke . 4.16 . n n mat. 13.1 . to 13. o o ezek. 22.26 . p p act. 20.7 , 9. q q ezek. 2.38 . r r ier. 17.24 . s s exod. 20.9 . t t exod. 29.11 . u u exod. 20.12 . w w eph. 5.21 x x 1 pet. 2.17 . y y rom. 10.12 . z z mat. 15.4 , 5 , 6. ezek. 34.2 , 3 , 4. deut. 5.16 . b b exod. 20.15 . c c ep. 5.28.29 . d d 1 kin. 18.4 . e e act. 16.28 . gen. 9.6 . f f exod. 20.14 . g g 1 cor. 7.2.3 , 5 , 35 , 36. col. 4.6 . 1 pet. 3.1 . h h math. 15.19 . i i ex. 20.15 k k gen. 20.30 . 1 tim. 5.8 . l l prov. 23.20 , 21 ▪ & 28.19 . m m ex. 20.16 . n n zach. 8.16 . o o ioh. 3.11 . p p prov. 14.3 , 25. q q 1 sam. 17 28. ps. 15.3 . r r exod. 10.17 . s s heb. 13.5 t t ioh. 13.29 rom. 11.15 u u 1 king. 21.4 . w w gal. 5.26 . x x rom. 7.7 , 8. & 13 9. z z gen. 5.6 . & 6.21 . a a ezek 8.6 13 , 15. 1 ioh. 5.16 . b b eph. 5 6. gal. 3.10 . mat. 25.41 c c act. 20.21 . d d prov. 2.1 . to 6. isa 55.3 . e e heb. 10.39 . f f ioh 1.12 . phil. 3.9 . g g act. 11.18 . h h act. 2.37 . i i ioel. 2.12 k k ier. 11.18 , 19. l l 2 cor. 7.11 . m m mat. 28.19 , 20. act. 2.42 , 46 , 47. n n neh. 8.8 . 1 cor 14.24 , 25. o o pro. 8.34 . p p 1. pet. 2.1 , 2. q q ps. 119.18 . r r heb. 4.1 . s s ps. 119.11 . t t luk. 8.15 . u u 1 pet. 3.11 mat. 3.11 . w w 1 cor. 12.13 x x gen. 17.7 , 10. 1 cor. 11.23 , 26. y y mat. 28.19 . z z mat. 26.26 , 27 , 28. a a mat. 28.19 . b b rom. 6.4 . gal. 3.27 . c c act. 8.36 37. & 2.38 d d act. 2.38.39 . 1 cor. 7.14 . e e 1 cor. 11.23 ▪ to 36. & 10.16 . f f 1 cor. 11.28 , 29. g g 2 cor. 13.5 . h h 1 cor. 11.31 . l l 1 cor. 11.26 , 29. m m ps. 62.8 . n n 1 ioh. 5.11 . o o ioh. 15.23 . p p ps. 31.5 , 9. dan. 9.4 . n n phil. 4.6 . r r 1 ioh. 5.14 s s mat. 6.9 . to 12. t t mat. 6.9 . u u rom. 8.18 . luk. 11.13 . w w act. 12.15 . 1 tim. 2.2 . x x mat. 6.9 . y y ps. 67.2 , 3. z z psal. 83. throughout . a a mat 6.10 . b b ps. 68.1 , 18. c c rev. 12.10 , 11. d d 2 thes. 3.1 . e e rev. 22.20 . f f mat. 6.12 . g g ps. 67. throughout . h h ps. 103.20 , 21. i i mat. 6.11 k k prov. 30.8 , 9. l l mat. 6.12 . m m ps. 51.1.2 , 7 , 9. dan. 9 17 , 18 , 19. n n luke 11.4 . mat. 18.35 o o mat. 6.13 p p mat. 26.41 . q q 2 cor. 12.8 . r r mat. 6.13 . s s dan. 9.4 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. t t 1 chr. 29.10 to 13. u u 1 cor. 14.16 . notes for div a34242-e67270 * * i. e. continued in the state of the dead , and under the power of death till the third day . heautontimoroumenos, or, the self-revenger exemplified in mr. william barlee. by way of rejoynder to the first part of his reply, viz. the unparallel'd variety of discourse in the two first chapters of his pretended vindication. (the second part of the rejoynder to the second part of his reply being purposely designed to follow after by it self, for reasons shortly to be alledged.) wherein are briefly exhibited, amongst many other things, the rigidly-presbyterian both principles and practice. a vindication of grotius from mr. baxter. of mr. baxter from mr. barlee. of episcopal divines from both together. to which is added an appendage touching the judgement of the right honourable and right reverend father in god, iames lord primate of armagh, and metropolitan of ireland, irrefragably attested by the certificates of dr. walton, mr. thorndike, and mr. gunning, sent in a letter to doctor bernard. by thomas pierce rector of brington. pierce, thomas, 1622-1691. 1658 approx. 552 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 96 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a90688 wing p2181 thomason e950_1 estc r207591 99866632 99866632 118909 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90688) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118909) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 142:e950[1]) heautontimoroumenos, or, the self-revenger exemplified in mr. william barlee. by way of rejoynder to the first part of his reply, viz. the unparallel'd variety of discourse in the two first chapters of his pretended vindication. (the second part of the rejoynder to the second part of his reply being purposely designed to follow after by it self, for reasons shortly to be alledged.) wherein are briefly exhibited, amongst many other things, the rigidly-presbyterian both principles and practice. a vindication of grotius from mr. baxter. of mr. baxter from mr. barlee. of episcopal divines from both together. to which is added an appendage touching the judgement of the right honourable and right reverend father in god, iames lord primate of armagh, and metropolitan of ireland, irrefragably attested by the certificates of dr. walton, mr. thorndike, and mr. gunning, sent in a letter to doctor bernard. by thomas pierce rector of brington. pierce, thomas, 1622-1691. gunning, peter, 1614-1684. thorndike, herbert, 1598-1672. walton, brian, 1600-1661. [24], 163, [1] p. printed by r. daniel, for richard royston, at the angel in ivie-lane, london : m dc lviii. [1658] annotation on thomason copy: "sept 1st". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng barlee, william. -necessary vindication of the doctrine of predestination, formerly asserted. ussher, james, 1581-1656 -early works to 1800. baxter, richard, 1615-1691 -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -early works to 1800. predestination -early works to 1800. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-05 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ἑαυτοντιμωρούμενος , or , the self-revenger exemplified in mr. william barlee . by way of rejoynder to the first part of his reply , viz. the unparallel'd variety of discourse in the two first chapters of his pretended vindication . ( the second part of the rejoynder to the second part of his reply being purposely designed to follow after by it self , for reasons shortly to be alledged . ) wherein are briefly exhibited , amongst many other things , the rigidly-presbyterian both principles and practice . a vindication of grotius from mr. baxter . of mr. baxter from mr. barlee . of episcopal divines from both together . to which is added an appendage touching the judgement of the right honourable and right reverend father in god , iames lord primate of armagh , and metropolitan of ireland , irrefragably attested by the certificates of dr. walton , mr. thorndike , and mr. gunning , sent in a letter to doctor bernard . by thomas pierce rector of brington . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . isocrat . out of thine own mouth will i condemn thee . luk. 19. 22. london , printed by r. daniel , for richard royston , at the angel in ivie-lane , m dc lviii . a praemonition to the reader . had we such eyes and other instruments , as ( by the help of a macroscope ) might suffice for the dissection of an emmet , or a flye , we are told by a * greek and a latin proverb , that we should find a gall in the one , and a spleen in the other . even a gnat , or a puneze , may break the sleep and repose of the strongest man living . and brasidas , though a stout and a valiant captain , did yet acknowledge this truth , when he was bitten by a mouse . i am not making any comparisons , as being too odious to serve for my use . i desire only to signify , that 't is so far from being manlike , to contrive mischief unto a neighbour , that 't is a sordid privilege to be hurtfull , and common to men with the meanest creatures . how manifold a mischief hath been designed upon my person , by one who utterly despaired of disadvantaging my cause , i foresee an occasion to shew anon . in the mean time i will desire this common favour , from all indifferent , unbyass't readers , that they will take some acquaintance , in case they have none , or that in case they have any , they will send back their memoryes upon the all that hath passed betwixt my neighbour and my self . i had , by way of prevention , set out a copy of some notes , which i had written for a friend , upon god's decrees . how well i kept to the subject , hath been as clear as that light , by the help of which it hath been cleared . how much beside the whole subject my neighbour pretended to frame an answer , i have discovered in my account of that his correptorie correction . and now how much his second book is more exorbitant then his first , i am again obliged to make apparent . i say , obliged in conscience , as well as in ordinary discretion , and that for diverse good reasons hereafter mention'd . had he disputed against my notes , though not as a christian , yet at least like a man , i had receiv'd and treated him as a generous enemy ; and by how much the stronger i had found him , i should have lov'd & honor'd him so much the more . but if the venerable grotius might say of mr. rivet , much more may i of mr. barlee , that in stead of a confutation , he only presented me with a † dung-cart , fully laden and running over with all sorts of muck , wherein his doctrins ( belike ) were to lye and batten . for besides the worst names , and the uncleanest epithets , which could have dropped from the pen of a consistorian , ( of which tribe we have a * character from the wise and provident bishop bancroft ) whatsoever ill things he was able to fancy , or to hear , or but to say that he had heard , concerning my person , and my opinions , all that was my portion , heaped up , and fasten'd on me , with the profusest liberality i ever heard of . i knew that vengeance was none of mine ; for , by a peculiar right , god had challeng'd it to * himself ; nor durst i venture to break in upon gods † inclosure . i was contented to make my self some little part of amends , by giving my reader no other tast of his stile and temper , then what i had met with in his first nine sheets , and by exhibiting the weaknesse of all his pertinent argumentations , wheresoever i could find them throughout his book . i did not give him ill language , unlesse it were an ill language to say what language he had given ; nor did i do him the least wrong , unlesse it could possibly be a wrong to shew the wrongs which i had suffer'd : but even * possessed my soul in patience , and † committed my cause to him who judgeth righteously . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i confesse it had been more for my secular interest , to have pai'd my neighbour in his * own coin , or rather to have made him pay soundly for it . for had i impleaded him at law upon an action of slander , ( as some , who were learned in the law , thought most convenient , ) i had probably sate down in peace and safety . but see how well i am requited , for having but shew'd , and so pardon'd , his misdemeanours . my neighbour observing my resolutions neither to raile , nor to raise reports , nor to take advantages of law , but only to shew that i am * innocent from the great offenses imputed to me , ( in the doing of which i was constrained , by unavoidable necessity , to demonstrate the injustice of my accuser ) he took the boldnesse thereupon to persevere in the course which he had begun ; as being well assured by my principles , that when he had done his very worst , ( both as a bitter speaker , and as a bearer of false witnesse , ) he could not fail of my forgivenesse , and that upon no dearer termes , then his own willingnesse to accept it . it seems he did esteem it so great a punishment to be shew'd , ( though in no other colours then he had put upon himself , and such wherein he had chosen to make his appearance upon the stage ) that nothing now would content him , unlesse he might shew himself worse . after many * travails , and much pains-taking , † labouring in the work , and * thrashing hard , a second volume was squeezed out ; which , for the better sound 's sake , he adorned with this title , a necessary vindication . for , whatever the contents of the thing required , he thought it could not be seemly to call it a necessary revenge . to that he added in the title-page , a full abstersion of all * calumnyes : because it was grievous to flesh and blood , to declare a confession of former faults . when men have drank too deeply of the waters of † strife , hardly any thing but vengeance will quench their thirst . they will never leave dabling in printer's ink , till they have made themselves blacker then any negroes . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] but yet their lives are bitter to them , when they come to the † dreggs of the guilty potion ; and they do commonly rake up those putrid things out of the grave , to which they wish they had given the deepest buriall . there were many grand fictions in my neighbours first book , which having proved to be such , i meant should dye , and be buried in perfect silence . but being raised again to life by him who gave them their being , and that by a new kind of clyster , to which is given the name of a full abstersion , i shall be forced ( do what i can ) to make their life very miserable , and ( for ought i know ) to give them a wofull immortality . yet very far shall i be from doing this upon design , but only by such a meer accident , as will inseparably follow my vindication . for had he confessed his perpetrations , and thereby taken off the scandals , which have been given to as many as have read his writings , i had readily embraced him with both mine armes . nor shall i fail to forgive him ( by the help of god's grace ) though he shall still offend against me more then * seventy times seven . or had he only bitten me with a neat piece of drollerie , i had been pleased with his wit , and taken all in good part : for that which i have complained of , hath not at all been the sharpnesse , but only the noysomnesse of his teeth . so far have they been from being sharp , that ( to speak the very truth ) i have thought them the obtusest i ever felt . and in biting at any thing of mine , they have but broken themselves in pieces ; perhaps much more then if they had chewed upon a flint . or had he charged me in his second book ( as he had done in his first ) with now and then a volley of railing , by calling me dragon , or devil , or atheistical lucianizer , or a belcher forth of damnable blasphemies , and the like ; and having given that vent to the exuberances of his passions , ( as † himself is pleased to make it out ) had not proceeded any farther to things incomparably worse , i had either not answer'd , or only answer'd with the angel , * the lord rebuke thee . nay farther yet : had he raised such idle rumors , as had reached no farther then the outward man , as that i had 17 or 18 fingers , and about some 13 or 14 toes , i had confuted him no otherwise , then meerly by shewing my hands and feet . nothing then but his doctrins should have falne under my pen. but when i am publickly charged with things of that nature , that if i really am guilty , i must not live ; and of which if i am silent , i may by some unkind people be reported to consent ; i do conceive it to be a duty , to the performance of which i am in reason and conscience indispensably obliged , to shew the groundlesnesse and falsehood of such suggestions , lest i appear ( by my omission ) to bear false witnesse against my self . 't is true , that some of my neighbours storyes are so incredible in themselves , and so bewrayed to be inventions by his very indeavours to prove them none , that many may think it had been better to tread them only under foot by passive silence , then by a solemn confutation to cast them back in their author's face . but when i see , and consider , that the things are twice printed , and with much more boldnesse in the second indictment then in the first , nay with confident affirmations that they shall be justifyed to my face , if need require ; i do conceive that my silence might help to lend them some credibility , though without my silence they can have none . and this may serve for the first reason of my following enlargements ; especially of those in my two first chapters . which being premised and suppos'd , there are others so cogent , as i know not how they can be resisted . for first , how shall i hope to serve god in my calling , with any considerable successe , by any doctrin i shall deliver from presse or pulpit , if i am judged before-hand to be a piece of an atheist , hin-quarter of an anabaptist , the bigger half of a papist , 3 quarters of a ranter , a whole socinian , an angel of darknesse every inch , as highly a pelagian as pelagius himself when at his worst , and not only guilty of much hereticall pravity , but an helvidian anti-scripturist , and whose design in highly iesuiticall ? nay if besides all this , i am a frontlesse , absurd , and gracelesse person , dementate by god for perdition , a kind of a sorcerer , the quakers darling , and worthy to be reckon'd among the witches , and a hundred things more , ( of which * hereafter , ) what sort of men will take part with me ? sure not the papists , because i am a protestant , and ( upon all occasions offer'd ) dispute against them : nor yet the protestants , because i am ( forsooth ) a cassandrian papist . not the quakers , because i am a black-coat : nor yet the anabaptists , because a socinian : nor the socinians , because a sorcerer . nor the sorcerers , because a pelagian . much lesse the pelagians , because an atheist : no nor the atheists , because an arminian : nor the arminians by any means , because a witch : nor the rest of mankind , because i am not a presbyterian . neither the town in barbary which was all turn'd into stone both man and beast , nor yet the monster brought forth at weerted on the elder-sconce near ardemburg , were any way comparable to the monster which mr. b. hath described ( i may say ) in his news-book . i will propose no more ( in an epistle ) then two particulars to consideration . first , if i am not only thought , but said in print to be the monster , who did not only think , but boast aloud , [ * that there was no sin in me , that i was above sin , and that by my own power i could abstain from all sin , ] how can i rationally hope to fare better then servetus , who never spake any thing like it that i can learn , unlesse i prove it to be a groundlesse and witlesse slander ? for what were this but to make my self god , who alone by his own power is above all sin ? our blessed saviour did but say , son , thy sins be forgiven thee , when straight the scribes accused him of * blasphemyes ; alledging this reason , that to forgive sins was for god only . with how much a greater force of reason should he have stones cast at him , who should affirm himself sinlesse , nay above sin , nay above all sin , nay suopte marte , by his own power above it all ? to clear my self from so foul a charge , and to shew the impertinence , the unskilfulnesse , nay the demonstrable falsenesse of that aspersion , i † answer'd in a section of 10. particulars . all which mr. barlee doth tacitly confesse to be irresistible , by his wilfull omission of a reply ; and yet he asks no pardon , makes no confession , but ( on the contrary ) denyes it flatly to be a fault , and ( without the least colour or shew of proof ) professeth to stand to his accusation , and ( twice in a breath ) calls me impudent for denying what he is pleased to affirm , and talks of proving it by a minister without a name , and seeks to cover it with new slanders , so unluckily chosen , that they become their own traitors , as i shall shortly demonstrate in the following papers . secondly , if i am not only a papist , but iesuitical ; nor only such , but also a seminary priest ; nor only one of them who creep privately into houses , but one in possession of a parsonage ; if i am one of the * conspirators against the protestant religion , who having more wit then dr. vane , dr. goff , and dr. baily , do only stay here in england under the names of episcopal divines , because we think we may do our party more service then by declaring our selves papists ; and if our design for the introduction of popery is so strongly laid , that it gives a strong probability of prevailing , if god do not wonderfully blast it ; i say , if i am one of these popish complotters ( as mr. barlee now publisheth ) against whom mr. baxter † professed to take himself bound to proclaim a publick warning to the inhabitants of the nation ; then by the law of this land must my quarters be hung up on the high places of the great city , for the striking a terror into those who are partakers of the plot . and the great plot ( saith mr. baxter ) is design'd to be carried on with no lesse then * 5 subservient plots , of which the least is a swinger ; and of which i am publickly † charged by mr. barlee , as well with the greatest , as with the least . by these two instances it is evident , that i am now to deal with an other thing , then the most who are ingaged in any controverted doctrins : not only with a weak and unskilfull disputant , but also with an outragious and false accuser ; who layes things to my charge , which ( if he is able also to prove ) will make my native country too hot to hold me . so that now mr. barlee hath brought affairs to this passe , that i must either be suspected for the worst creature in the world , or else i must manifest to the world that i am slander'd . had he kept to the questions of god's decrees , the death of christ , the grace of conversion , and the like , and in prosecuting them had shew'd but a shortnesse of discourse , bewraying nothing but his cause and his understanding , i had had no more to do then to * instruct him in meeknesse opposing himself , if god per adventure would give him repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth . for as he should not have been offended that i saw not with his eyes , but with mine own ; so could i never have been displeas'd so far forth as to be angry , that he saw no farther then he was able . but when a man is accused of committing a murder , or of stealing a horse , or any other matter of fact of very dangerous importance , he must prove the negative by such mediums , by which negatives are to be proved . as by catching the accuser in diverse contradicting tales ; by proving him [ virum non fide dignum ] a customary raiser of false reports ; by shewing the vast improbability of the thing ; by evincing the inconsistence of circumstantials ; by making it evident and clear , that the life and temper of the defendant is known by thousands of worth and credit to have ever been * quite of another fashion ; last of all by the exerting of a hand from heaven to compurge him . how much of this is my case , the intelligent reader will see anon . and if my neighbour did pretend he was to publish his reply , to secure [ the * credit of his ministerial office , his name , and fame , ] it may well be one reason of my rejoynder , that besides those things i must also provide for truth , and safety . secondly , as i must not hate my brother in my heart , † so in any wise i must rebuke him , and must not suffer sin upon him . if i should not resist a growing evill , i know not to what it may aspire , or whither at last it may arrive . it is so dangerous a thing to go along with impunity in any lewd course , that the greatest mercy to malefactors is to arrest them in their carriere . why did diagoras turn atheist , but because he saw a plagiarie not struck with thunder ? when * mr. hacket and his adherents were apprehended and examin'd , they did then confesse before witnesse , [ that their extraordinary purposes were nothing else , but illusions of satan , cruell , bloody , and traiterous designments , which yet before they were detected , they protested even with tears , fastings , groans , and imprecations , to have proceeded from the dictates of god's good spirit . so much wholsomer it is for evill doers to be caught , then to be cruelly permitted to grow successfull . thirdly , there is some such thing in plato's gorgias , as that offenders are to be punished for three gooduses . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the revenging of the offense , and paying satisfaction to injur'd iustice ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the admonishment of the offender , that he never again commit the like ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the giving a timely warning to lookers-on , that they amend their lives by that example . it was one of the menaces of god to israel , * that he would execute his judgements in the midst of them in the sight of the nations round about them . which was no doubt for this reason ( as i collect from the context ) that as their exemplary sins had been apt to hurt many , so by their exemplary punishments many also might be healed . and this is openly expressed to be one end of punishment , that † all the people may hear and fear , and doe no more presumptuously . these are the things at which i ayme , and ( i hope ) very sincerely . first , the clearing of mine innocence , as to that whereof i am accused ; next , the good of my * accuser , whom i would fain be instrumentall to promote unto repentance and change of life ; lastly , the benefit and instruction of both our readers , whom another man's harms may render circumspect and wary : but the glory of god more especially , both first , and last , is the end and scope of my undertaking . i have not been ignorant , or unmindfull , that i am put by my neighbour in slippery places , and that in the doing of my duty i am not freed from all danger : it being possible for the injur'd to seek revenge against the injurious , under the righteous pretense of a vindication . and truely the fear of the former hath sometimes put me to the question , whether it were not my safest course to omit the later . it being absolutely impossible to clear my self , but by extenuating the credit of my accuser . to this i answer'd within my self , that should i be so very impotent , as to requite his railing with railing , and his false accusations with false accusations , i might conclude my self guilty of a defensive vengeance . and yet what might i not say , ( would i make use of my invention ) with greater credibility then he hath done ? nay should i but faithfully repeat what i have heard from persons whom i can name , iam more then confident i could make his ears tingle . but whilst i keep to this rule , of divulging no more of his misdemeanours , then i find divulged by himself , ( which yet will so vehemently tend to his disadvantage , that his abettors will be apt to think me cruell , unlesse they consider all along that i am no more then a defendant , and that the follyes of my neighbour were wilfully printed in both his books , before it was in my power to reprint them in mine own ) i say , whilst i keep to this special rule , i am hitherto perswaded i do not deviate from my duty . to prove that i am slander'd , is but to do my self right ; and to do my self right , is no man's wrong . to punish an evil doer , is no injustice . it is rather a great mercy , to punish him lesse then he deserves ; because in the doing of corrective or vindicative justice , an arithmetical proportion is still allow'd . yet should i think my self cruell , for having shew'd how out of measure i have been wrong'd and injur'd by my provoker , but that i find within my self a perfect . willingnesse to forgive him ; and upon competent satisfaction ( though but half so much as i may require ) i shall readily offer him a solid friendship . but now in order to this end , i must convince him of his guilt ; and let him see his necessity of coming in , by shewing the dangers of holding out . i must make it undeniable , that he hath charged me with things , which ( because i am not able to expresse their nature any otherwise ) i must discover and expresse by the name of slanders . diverse of them being such , that the cabbidge whose diameter was half a mile , and the furnace erected to boyl it in , were but puny fictions in comparison . i am very well aware , that whilst i am using the means for the attainment of the end , ( that undeniable conviction of which i spake ) he may say in a third book , as now he doth in a second , that i am much more pungent in my defense , then he hath been in his accusations . concedo torum , i am exactly of that opinion : it being not the pungency , but the rancidity of a writer , which men of clean nostrills are wont to nauseat . very far were the pharisees from being pungent , unlesse by moving our saviour's pity , when they called him glutton , wine-bibber , a friend to sinners , & one who wrought by the power of beelzebub : but sure our saviour was very pungent , when he proved them malicious and senselesse slanders . to shew that another is abusive , is much more smarting , then to abuse . and therefore ( with pardon to the comparison ) i think it more my neighbour's torment , that he is evinced to be injurious , then it can possibly be mine , that i am injur'd . it is not a little for my comfort , that my greatest severity doth consist in a manifestation that he is cruell ; and that no other miseryes do fall upon him as from me , but what he hath pulled upon himself with all his might . it is not so little as seventeen times that he hath called me an impudent and a brazen-fac't person , which i never could indure to call him once . without a circumlocution , he hath often given me the lye , for having spoken the greatest truths ; much more then i had given him , for having printed the greatest falsehoods . times without number he calls me proud and insolent . much good doo 't him with all his meeknesse . to sum up all in a word ; the more injustices and wrongs he hath industriously done me , i shall be still the more resolute to do him none . i confesse that slander is a very hard word ; but unavoidable to those , who are obliged to distinguish it from other species of untrue speaking . whatsoever is not true comes under the notion of a lye , but one sort only is call'd a slander . and to call a thing slander whilst it is proved to be such , ( and in part confessed , as well as denyed , by its author , ) cannot possibly be a slander , unlesse ( which implyes a contradiction ) it be also proved to be none . in so much as for the usage of this one word , it will be needless to ask my neighbour's pardon . there are now remaining but 3 things more , of which my reader may be pleased to be premonish't . 1. mr. barlee seeming to me to be * professedly immethodicall , and to have made a kind of thicket wherein to hide his argumentations , which he hath also so fenced with thornes and briars and hollow teeth , as to forbid the reader an accesse unto the nakednesse of his doctrins ; i determin'd so to order my account of the whole , as that his doctrins and his manners may no longer afford an umbrage to one another . this is therefore no more then the first part of my rejoynder . it is indeed but the prolusion to those approaching calamityes , wherein mr. barlee and mr. whitfeild will be made appear to have involved their dearest doctrins . for i reserve the second part for a peculiar work , to follow this at some distance , with a strict injunction upon my stationer , that he shall never permit the one to be bound up with the other . and i contrive it thus to this end , that what concerns gods decrees , and the subjects depending thereupon , may be put farr asunder from those exorbitant subjects , which ( however very usefull in severall kinds ) are wholly forreign and impertinent to the professed subjects of our debate . my aime being now to set out personals by themselves , that i may shortly with greater comfort fetch all his doctrinals out of their dens , and expose them stark naked , ( divested of those capparisons wherein they are labour'd to be disguis'd ) that the abused people of the land may behold them clearly as they are , and start back at their appearance , & keep aloof from the danger of being ever again led captive by them . 2. as i have now d●scharged but half my debt to mr. barlee , so he may probably stay the longer for what remaines , because of grave mr. whitfeild , his fellow-labourer in the work who , it seems , conceiving ( & very wisely ) that one at once was insufficient for the maintaining of many errors against one single man , ( who hath never a second but the truth to take part with him in this contention ) took advantage of the time to joyn his forces to mr. barlee's ; as being very well assur'd , that my actions are successive , not instantaneous ; that i must first do one thing , and then another , before it is possible to do a third . now because his whole book is at least intitled against mine , ( though the greatest part of it is against no-body-know'swho ) and because he is superiour to mr. barlee ( in point of manners at least , though not at all in point of learning , ) & in regard of some other things of which i shall shortly give account , i do intend in the next place to make him acquainted with himself , to whom i find he hath been hetherto a very great stranger ; & all for want of such friends , as i shall shew my self to him , if god permit . i shall not reflect on those indignityes most uningenuously put upon me in his poetick and b●tter prose before the correptorie correction , ( wherein he instructed mr. barlee how to raile , & calumniate , by the tacit exhortative of his example ; ) but immediately falling upon the matter of his last printed book , and that in conjunction with his collegue's , i shall charitably indeavour to make him see that his greatest * strength had been to sit still . 3. whatsoever is found spoken , in the ensuing sheets of this book , concerning the principles and practise of presbyterians , i have only spoken as an historian upon matters of fact. nor have i done it from my self , but from the credit of the most questionlesse and authenticall records . nor have i sought out occasions of such discourse , but patiently received occasions offer'd . all is to satisfy mr. barlee , who ( if we may judge by his writings ) would not otherwise be content . nor are my words to be extended unto all presbyterians indiscriminately , but to such , and such only , of whom the authors by me cited are found to speak . for i know there are many , who at least are esteemed to be of that judgement ( how truly or falsely i cannot tell ) whom for their peaceable dispositions , their christian temper and moderation , i do very unfeignedly both love and honour . in rem , non in personam , scripta est mea actio . i intend those zelots , to whom my character doth agree , let their names or qualityes be what they will. what i say from the history of mr. knox , i mean of those men whom mr. knox himself meant , who was a chieftain of the party . when i name paraeus , buchanan , hacket , and the like , it is plain i mean them. if , when no body is nam'd , any one or more persons shall name themselves , & apply my words to their particulars , which i had left only in common , ( to be seized on by none but the proper owners ) they will be , in that case , their own accusers . there is nothing else in my thoughts , which seemeth needfull to be premised . and this at least is enough for the no-greatlength of the following treatise ; whose great variety of matter ( whereof the third chapter will afford the best choice ) is represented to the reader in the generall contents which now ensue . the generall contents of the severall chapters . chap. i. an introduction containing the great dishonesty of the tongue : it s severall species , and degrees . mr. b. arrived at the utmost round of the climax . how a man may be brought to believe his own lye : made apparent by 4 examples . mr. b's concernment in the premisses . his wise & caetera . his confession sealed with an oath , that he gave no credit to the far greatest part of his inventions . yet will not make a recantation . but seekes to secure an old falsity with a new one . proved by an induction . his 2 oaths opposite to each other . his impossibility of escaping at any crevice , either from perjury , or contradiction . the best that can be said for him is vehemently bad . what he gets by his denial of vain credulity . his oath at best inconsiderate as from a common swearer . his pretended necessity for swearing . his argumentative oath like mr. hackets . his necessityes and streights betwixt his first and second book . he gives the slip to a passage which would convince him of a double perjury . the first of his 3 excepted slanders : proved no more now then when it was crudely affirmed : pretended to be a hear-say contrary to his oath . he is provoked to name his informer , if he hath any . motives used to that purpose , from parallel slanders which might be raised upon him , and that with more probability , and greater hopes of escape . reasons for the motives to the producing of his informer . of adams sin , and ours , original and actual , in him , and us . how mr. b's notion tends to pelagianism , and to other absurdityes . t. 〈◊〉 's account of original sin in himself . what it is to be born in sin : what it is not . of that text rom. 5. 12. the absurdityes which follow from mr. b's exposition . the ridiculous force of his argument . it s absurdity shewn in a parallel case . he betrayeth his crime with his excuse : and blasteth his informer . his second informer evinced by himself to have been a forger . how his tempter betray'd him to the choice of his invention . how the trick of his confidence is an argument of his distrust . again he runs on the sympl●gades either of perjury or causelesse railing . the shamefull modesty of the informer . he is challenged to appear . mr. b. makes more way to the discovery of his slanders . his signal tergiversation . his new calumny in defense of an old one . his revenge upon a gentleman of 3 years old . his wofull drollery . his malice against castalio . of christian perfection in scripture . a catalogue of his gettings by maligning castalio . he slanders arminius , or chargeth mr. baxters doctrin with arminianism . his personating a bp. his being by confession 400 wide of the truth . his conscionable divine confessedly a cheat . of artificial handsomness . his perjury thereupon . in sum , his confessions without repentance : his repentance without amendment : his liberall promises to amend , with resolutions of growing worse . chap. ii. mr. b. cites private letters to his own disadvantage . his competent judges none but those of his party . his tacit confession of scurrility . his go●…●bullitions . his 15 falsityes in 8 lines . his passing judgement before doomsday . his adjudging men to hell imply's the falsenesse of all his doctrins . his fear of danger , without being of opinion that there is any . he wo●nds himself with a sal●o . sneaks from his charge of socinianism , yet layes it on mr. p. and inferres calvin a s●c●man . his cruell kindnesse . servetus his books burnt before his body . mr. 〈◊〉 's monstrous dilemma his own snare . his ordination into the priesthood ; when , and by whom and on what termes . his promises of conformity . subscription to the 39 articl●s . severall oaths . deny's his own hand , wherein he professed to proceed by the common counsell of the presbytery . his accusation of dispatch . his recriminations the saddest part of his adventure . his love of falsehood quatenus ipsum . the first ground of his malignity ript up by himself . what he gets by his complaint that his parishoners were filched from him . their vindication . his charge recoils upon himself . his cursing , and swearing , and pulpit-scuffles . the continuation of his inventions . his dream of the printers boy . his sin against conscience and common sense . his sad defense of his scholarship . he bu●●ets mr. calvin and himself , in hope to make his latin whole . an important digression to a new way of convincing mr. b. of false witnesse . of praying for the dead , and unto saints . a bashfull calumny betraying its own guilt . a short catalogue of 34 other falsehoods , to save the labour of 34 whole sections . chap. iii. mr. b's charge of ingratitude the greatest jest in the world . he defileth his own nest : is disobliging to sequestrators , and unthankfull to mr. hobbs . king iames concerning the presbyterians . the imprisonment of mr. cartwright , travers , &c. king iames his antipathy to presbyterianism and pigg . the bishops lenity compared with the presbyterian rigor . the presbyterian doctrins of excommunicating and killing the supreme civill magistrate . knox , and buchanan . the presbyterian principles agreeable to their practice . that of the kirk in particular . quares touching the covenant . touching a book subscribed by the ministers within the province of london against toleration , and for the covenant . paraeus his book most seditious : dissembled , and defended by mr. b. ●ondemned to be burn'd by the whole vniversity of oxford : and by orthodox king iames with the hands of the common hangman . grotius his judgement of the book . paraeus an oracle to the party . of lambeth articles : king iames and bishop mountague : vniversall grace and redemption . the late reverend primate against mr. b. mr. b's quaestion never enough to be admir'd . his remarkable calumny , and impertinence . the irresistible truth of vniversall redemption . of testard , camero , amyrald , spanheim , daille . blondel for universal redemption in his approbation of daille's book . of mr. baxter's warning to the nation against cassandrian papists under the names of episcopal divines . how applyed by mr. barlee . a vindication of grotius : his temper and design . the peace of christendom attempted by melanchthon , maximilian , ferdinand , and others , before grotius . accusations must not be too generall . episcopal divines no papists . melanchthon , bucer , nay calvin and beza for episcopacy , set formes of prayer , rites and ceremonies . popery shut out by episcopal divines : but advanced by presbyterians . how iesuites and presbyt . 〈◊〉 have been assisting to one another . mr. b's contradictions about bishop davenant : his third edition before his second : and his being alive at least a year after he was dead . his pretended correspondence with that bishop . his exceptions and sawcinesse to the same . that bishop reckons universal redemption among fundamentals , and declares against all who shall deny it . how severely that bishops judgement reflects on mr. b. his foul inventions of the late primate of armagh . chap. iv. his breeding , and way of complement , to the admiration of all the world . xi . pages full of railing , of which a tast only is exhibited . a copy of mr. b's reformation . his notable justification of himself . his asperity against all others : obliquely against dr. bernard and dr. reynolds ; expressely against grotius , castalio , episcopius , dr. taylor , mr. thomson , &c. against mr. calvin . mr. thomson vindicated in particular . of mr. baxters godly man : and why mr. barlee so much extoll'd him . the sad effect of that opinion , that the regenerate man cannot cease to be so . mr. b's self-contradictions . his excessive commendations and condemnations of himself . his digression to the sum of 150l . at which he values his study of books . his dexterityes in speaking beside the purpose . how great an artificer of escapes . the two instances of his wit. the contents of the appendage . a manifestation by severall instances , that dr. bernard never pretended to prove the negative to that which was affirm'd by t. p. concerning the judgement of the late primate as to the controverted points . that matter is ventilated in severall letters to dr. bernard . in the first it is evinced , that t. p. spake safely of the said primate , on which side soever the truth might lye ; and that the case of mr. barlee is very sad on all hands . the same things with more advantage are evinced in the second . the third letter sheweth , that the primates honour was advanced in the publication of his change . the aspersions cast upon the primate by mr. b. as well as on bishop overall , with whom the primate at last concurr'd . the great harmony and agreement between the judgement of the primate as it is lately set forth by dr. bernard , and the doctrin deliver'd in the books of t. p. the fourth letter doth make a parallel of the primates judgement with the writings of t. p. in 13 particulars . then sheweth the inconsistence of the primates judgement with m. b's in 15 particulars . wherein is also included bp. andrews his vindication . the fifth letter exhibiteth the three certificates , by which t. p. was induced to believe and publish the primates change : the first from dr. walton ; the second from mr. gunning ; the third from mr. thorndike . vpon which , satisfaction is required of such calvinists , as have adorn'd their doctrins by unjustly usurping the primates name . his grace of armagh is farther proved to have changed his former judgement , by the irish articles concluded a. d. 1615. and by the late account which dr. bernard gave of it . to which is added the primates care , that dr. iackson's writings might be preserved . and mr. baxters censure of st. austin , as unsound , and against scripture , in that particular , wherein 't is collected from dr. bernard , that the primates judgement agreed with austin's . an introduction to the first chapter , concerning slanders and other falsehoods . § . 1. in the whole catalogue of impostures by which the god of all glory hath been dishonour'd , religion perverted , and the world abus'd , there is certainly none greater then the dishonesty of the tongue . for in a direct contrariety to the principal ends of its creation , to wit , the honour of god , and the mutual benefit of man , it is frequently imployed ( by some sorts of factors more especially ) in the blaspheming of the one , and in the ruining of the other . since the iesuites , and their apes , ( who at the first did but imitate , yet at last were able to instruct them ) have made use of their tongues to conceal their meanings ( although intended by god to lay them open ) there have been whole volumes written concerning the mystery , or science , or art of lying ; and a sadder confusion hath been made of the distinct est languages and tongues , then that which was given for a defeat at the t●wer of babel . god himself in much mercy was the author of the * one ; but the devil in great malice was the first father of the * other . § . 2. now the dishonesty of the tongue , though of divers species and degrees , by a generical word is called falsehood ; which being singly taken is breach of truth , and joyn'd to witnesse , is breach of iust●ce , and joyn'd to neighbour , is breach of charity : all expresly forbidden in that short praecept , a thou shalt not bear false witnesse against thy neighbour . in the former respects , it is no more than a lye ; whereas in the later , it is that , and somewhat more , improperium , a slander . but there are three sorts of speaking which are not literally true , betwixt which notwithstanding there is a very vast difference : to wit , a rhetorical , a logical , and an ethical falsehood . of which the first , and the second , may in many cases be very innocent ; but there is hardly any case , in which the third will not be guilty . and yet of this last sort there are degrees too . for a lie that is perfectly officious , is not so filthy as a malicious one . that is nakedly a lie , but this a slander . and this is capable of degrees , whether the slander be contumelious , or only by way of obtrectation . § 3. for that i may not suffer a possibility of doing mine enemy any wrong , by laying more to his charge then i can certainly demonstrate , whilst i say he hath arriv'd to the very top of this ladder on which so many have climb'd to ruine , i will informe my self and my reader with so much more of this subject , as may help to preserve us from all mistakes , and inable us to passe a righteous judgement on mr barlee , as to that which is the subject of this first chapter . § 4. there are three or four wayes , by which a man may be brought to believe his own lie , as well as to credit the lyes of others . for first , a man may be sick of a phrensie , through some distemper in the brain ; or be transported by the strength of a windy spleen , which may feed the fancy with strong and strange dreames . or secondly , in revenge of his former wickednesse , and continued enmity to the truth , he may by god's just judgement be wholly left unto himself , and to the suggestions of the tempter ; according to that of the apostle 2 thess . 2. 10 , 11. because they received not the love of the truth that they might be saved , even for this very cause god shall send them strong delusions , that they should believe a lie . or thirdly , he may stumble into the stedfast belief of an arrant falsehood , through the scandal of [ felix & prosperum scelus ] his temporal prosperity in any lewd practise : and this is likely to be meant by that of solomon , because sentence against an evil is not executed speedily , therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to doe evill . or fourthly , his case may be just the same , which i have read in the works of that excellent patriot , the most wise bishop bancroft ; a a man ( saith he ) may tell a lie so oft , that forgetting himself to be the author of it , he may think he heard it from some person of credit , and so believe it to be true . and of this he the●e gives us two remarkable examples , in the two origins of popery and presbyterian●sme . § 5. how this is pertinent to the indictment of the grievous malefactor , who stands before us in this arra●gnment , i shall demonstrate so much the better , if i give some examples of this assertion , that a man many wayes may believe his own lie . the first occurring to my memory is that which i find in learned buxtorf , and by him it is b recorded out of rabbi mosche ben majemon , who in an epistle to the rabbins of the city marseilles , makes this relation of one eldavid . that about 520. years agoe , he gave himself out to be the prodromus of the messias , and that he came to prepare the way before him . upon this his pretension many jews flock'd to him , as their ancestors had done to iohn the baptist. but after the space of twelve months , this confident impostor was apprehended : and being asked by a king of arabia ( before whom he was brought to be examin'd ) what it was that mov'd him to do such things , his answer was ( like that of the scotish c presbyterians ) that he was moved to what he did by the commandement of god. and when the king again ask'd him , what signe wilt thou give us whereby to induce us to a belief ? eldavid presently replyed , cut my head from off my shoulders , and a little after i will revive . the king , as he desir'd , cut off his head ; but farre was eldavid from making good what he had promis'd , by either recovering his old head , or by getting a new one . and so he proved himself to have been a false prophet . but 't is likely the man was serious , & deceived not others , untill his heart or his fancy deceived him , because he was willing to be tryed by a decollation , and dyed a martyr to his delusion . i find d another example in the seditious presbyterians of queen elizabeths dayes , i mean copinger , and wigg●nton , and the rest of that gang ; who having fasted and prayed , both much and often , to try what method god would put into their hearts , for the releasing of the * brotherhood , as well as for the reforming of church and state , at last they . found in themselves an impetuous motion ( called by them and their brethren , a call from god ) to murder the lords of the privy councell , and so to make an insurrection against the queen . and to prepare the peoples minds for the readyer acceptation of their purposes , they printed a pamphlet of pradestination , as though by the abuse of that doctrin they meant to have laid their intended wickednesse upon god ( they are the authors own words ) as if he should have moved them to such ●ewd attempts . these things stand upon record , transcribed from the mouths of severall witnesses upon oath , such as were sharers in the conspiracy , when openly examin'd in the starr-chamber . we have a third example in the a tyrant dionysius : who having spoiled the three temples of proserpina , iupiter , and aesculapius , conceived his sacrilege not only lawfull , but godly too ; because the first did not drown him as he sail'd to syracuse , nor the second strike him with a thunderbolt , nor the third infest him with some great sicknesse . and if with these great instances of self-deceit we call to mind , and compare , what we cannot but have heard of the * man at bristoll , who thought himself to be the christ , and was worshipped as such ( by not a few both men and women ) and was so stifly wedded to this unreasonable fancy , that for all the whipping in london , he would not admit of a divorce , but carried it with him into the prison , and ( for ought i hear ) continues to embrace it untill this instant , and defends this whoredome of his invention , by pleading testimony of conscience , and the inward witnesse of the spirit ; if , i say , we compare this fourth example with the former , i think i need not here add a fifth . § . 6. from what hath been said in the last two paragraphs , it appears to be a thing possible , that mr. barlee really might believe ( at least some part of ) his inventions ; by which of the four wayes ( § . 4 ) it doth not concern me to passe a iudgement . but that in some of his falsehoods , he hath been a most deliberate and wilfull sinner , beyond the worst that i have met with , in all my reading , or converse , i shall shortly manifest and evince , not by perswasive probabilities , but by cogent demonstrations ; such as shall wring out an assent from the most incredulous of all his friends , i mean his complices and abettors . concerning some of his falsehoods i will be bold to say , that had he endeavoured for a wager , or been brib'd by me with a reward , to frame his calumnies so unproportionable to all the rules and arts of lying , as not to leave a possibility of his being believed by any creature , he could not have given us a lustier experiment of his faculty , by all the pangs and tortures of his invention . § 7. now then , good reader , give me the steadyest of thy attention , and prepare thy self for an astonishment . he begins to quit himself of the forgeries which i had laid to his charge , in these following words . w. b. * about what he hath of my ( 1 ) fictions against him , of taking up things upon ( 2 ) bare report , or simple hear-say , about what i charge him with corrept , cor. 39. concerning his being above sin , and concerning the deniall of the lawfulnesse of second marriages , p. 73. of ministers , &c. answ . that i may at once quit my self from the aspersion of having indulged to any vain credulity against him , i must once for all protest before god and men , that i know but three things in all my book , which i did so much as seem to give * credit to against him , and which yet i did not take up upon bare hear-say , &c. t. p. 1. had not the man been so distinct in the later part of these lines , which he marks for an answer unto the manifold charge , i should have thought his two & caeteras ( but especially the first ) had been the wisest performance in all his book . for i had charg'd him in one a chapter with 40. palpable inventions , which were the subjects of so many sections , all conspicuous in the front of the severall sections , and thereby thrusting themselves into the eye of the reader , and expressed all in his own words , and all referred to the pages from whence i took them . mr. b. observing but two of the 40. in my epistle ( set down only as a specimen of what the reader was to expect , ) sets them down with an & caetera , ( but imperfectly too ) and pretends to acquit himself from all at once . this is the bottom of his deep project , and my first observation . but secondly , he spoyles himself for a projector in the very next words . for he rapps out an oath , that in all his book ( without exception of a page ) there are but three things that he knows , which he did so much as seem to give credit to against me . reader , observe the man's confession . of those 40. great falshoods which he delivered in his book with the greatest confidence in the world , he doth acknowledge 37. to have been wilfully committed , there being but 3. of all the number to which he gave any credit . how great a wickednesse was that , to accuse a neighbour , even in print , of so many foule things , when he makes oath ( even in print too ) that he believed so very few ? but this is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the meer beginning of all his sorrows . for thirdly , there was a multitude of slanders ( besides those 40. thrust up together ) which i observed out of his pasquil both in the first , second , and fourth chapters of my book . of all which , when i expected that he would offer at a proof , or publish at least a recantation , he puts me off with a solemn oath , that ( excepting three things ) he gave no credit to a syllable of whatsoever he spake against me throughout his book . how then shall i , or the world give credit to him , if he can hardly believe a word of what himself speakes ? fourthly , since he confesseth with an oath , that all his slanders , except three , were so transcendently incredible , that he himself could not believe them ; why do we not find him upon his knees , at an open penance , as he b promis'd no longer since then whilst he was dedicating his labours ? here is his * fateor with a witnesse , but where is his * peccavi , which he is wont to be at in a poenitent mood ? does he think that his making a lusty confession of his sins , can intitle him to a privilege of doing as wickedly as before ? if so , we understand what is his doctrin of repentance , which doth consist of a confession without satisfaction or amendment ; ( a goodly ornament of the party , of which he would be reckon'd a leading man. ) or does he think that slanders are peccadillos in the elect , of whose small number ( small i mean in comparison ) he often gloryes that he is one ? if so , what need such large confessions , and so many offers to cry peccavi , when the omission of that also can be no more then a peccadillo ? but i will follow him no farther in this his miserie , as being diverted by a greater . for fifthly , he doth not only sweare that he gave no credit to all the things which he spake against me ( excepting three ) but that he did not so much as seem to give credit to them . was ever man so unhappy in the laying down so few words ? that whilst he is saying a very great truth [ his giving no credit to what he spake against me ] he should spoyle it in the same instant with as great a falsehood [ his not so much as seeming to do it neither ? ] doth he never so much as seem to give any credit to the articles of his creed , when he pronounceth them in the most positive and dogmaticall manner to be imagin'd ? and was he not every whit as positive , every whit as dogmaticall , in pronouncing things against me , to which he here sweares that he did not so much as seem to give any credence or belief ? i will put it home by an * induction of some particulars . when he said , that i gave out faith to be the a cause of election , in my publick papers ; and that i did not so much as deny that when two men are equally called , whereof the one converts himself , the other miscarrieth , it is not b god , but man that puts the difference ; and that at daintry in my sermon i affirm'd god to have prepared hell , for the devil and his angels , but c not for any wickedmen ; that i affected to be an d elector and determiner of grace ; that i call'd in poets , if not e devils , to help me to blaspheme ; that i was a satanicall blasphemer , and f exceeded the devil himself in blasphemy ; ( with a multitude the like ) did he not so much as seem to believe what he said ? or will he say that these things were rather for me , then against me ? or when he g professed in the presence of god , that he did much fear , that no man could write thus , but one wel-nigh in the same condition with simon magus , adding , that i did openly blaspheme against scripture , did he not seem to give credit to it ? either he did , or he did not . if he did not , why then did he professe it in the presence of god ? and if he did seem to give credit to it , why then doth he protest before god and men , that he did not ? poor man ! what hath he done ? or what will he do ? can he escape doing penance upon his knees ( as before he a promis'd , and hath now b reprom●s'd ) when he hath not a mousehole through which to run from it ? the many falsehoods which he affirmed in the word of a priest only ( for he is a priest , or a lay-preacher ) he did lustily seem at least to credit : and did he not so much as seem to believe what he said upon his oath ? behold * two oaths as perfectly opposite to each other , as the scotish covenant was opposite to any oath which can be nam'd . and will be do no penance for being perjur'd ? at what crevice will he creep out ? he cannot say , either in reason , or in charity to himself , that by his phrase of giving credit , he only meant taking up upon report from other men . for 1. if that had been his meaning , he would certainly have expressed it in a significant phrase ; whereas habere fidem , to give credit , and credere , to believe , are [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] two expressions of one thing . a man may give credit to the false suggestions of his own heart ; and again his own fancy may create such fictions , to which himself can give no credit . 2. in that very objection which he proposeth unto himself , as that to which he must shape his answer , there are two sorts of falsities with which he stands charged ; viz. the fictions of his brain , and things taken upon report : to the first of which he is to give his first answer , or at least his second , or to give a reason for the omission . 3. as a man is said to be vainly credulous , who believes his own iealousyes without just ground , so had mr. b. meant otherwise by that expression in that place , it had been more to his miserie , then now it is . for 4. no sooner had he sworn that he knew but three things to which he gave credit , but he immediately lets fall a fourth , concerning second marriages , which he confesseth to have taken upon the report of a reverend divine : which plainly proves him to be perjur'd , if he meant there were but 3 things which he took upon trust . nay 5. there were many amazing portentous falsehoods , with which he was charged in my book , and clearly proved to be guilty of ; which he must either now say he had but taken upon trust from other men , ( and then he is perjur'd , as before , ) or that at least they were the issues of his invention . such was that of rifling the batavian cabinet , and of being * beholding to such roguish pamphlets as fur praedestinatus , and to † my domestick doctor iackson , and to * castalio for flowers of rhetorick , &c. neither of which is in the number of those 3. fictions , to which alone he sweares his having seemed to give credit . and be it known to all his readers , that he neither indeavours to prove the truth of those things , nor declareth his sorrow for their falsehood , but passeth them over in a very deep silence , hoping that i would forget them , as well as our lesse-concerned readers . in a word : if he will say his meaning is , that of the numerous calumnies and forgeries which i demonstrated to be such , ( and himself also confesseth , partly implicitly , and partly explicitly ) there were three , and three only , which he received upon trust from some other man ; he is not only perjur'd , as hath been shew'd , but also ownes the greatest wickednesse that any man ( in this kind ) can be guilty of . it being much a greater fault , to be the coyner of adulterate mony , than only to take it with the one hand , and put it off with the other . that is such a betraying subterfuge , that i conceive he dares not use it . i have taken his words , not only in the most rationall , but the most favourable construction : and therefore knowingly he will not cast anchor upon quick-sands . but whither then will he flye for refuge ? he cannot say that the place is false-printed , for the sense is intire , the words exact , they are not alter'd in the errata , nor yet with his pen , and he jogg'd up to london immediately before his book came forth , ( 't is said ) on purpose to set all right as he would have it . he cannot say that he excepted but three things only of some one sort , or in some one part of his correptorie correction ; for the words of his oath are these expressely , [ i must protest once for all before god and men , that i know but three things in all my book , which i did so much as seem to give credit to against him , and which yet i did not take upon bare hear-say , &c. ] observe good reader . all his book , is the widest expression he could have us'd , whereby to justify me , and defame himself . nor will his last words afford him any the smallest chink . for what he took * not up upon bare hear-say , he either saw , or felt , or smelt at least afarr off : and then why gave he no credit to them ? or if he did , why did he not so much as seem to do it ? or if he did , and did seem too , why doth he swear that he did neither , when in the very same oath , he sweareth that he had reason and ground for both ? here he sweares that which implyes a contradiction , and that within the compasse of not many words , of which his oath is composed . for if he alledge ( as a salvo for name , and conscience ) that the last words do not relate to any thing else , then the three particulars excepted , his calamityes will increase by all the things that he hath spoken in their defense , as i shall clearly demonstrate , when i come to consider them apart . & yet ( the sadder is his condition ) they cannot regularly belong to any other then those three ; nor truly should i have guess't it to be his meaning , but that i know it his lesser evill , and find him often at false construction , and so in charity would hope , that some degree of his guilt may be imputed unto his ignorance , rather then all should be laid on the back of conscience . yet that he may not be ingratefull for so much favour as i afford him , ( as he formerly hath been ) i will shew him very shortly how ill he chooseth for himself , in case he chooseth to be thought a good grammarian . but i may not yet passe from the present passage lying before us . for sixthly , i must not omit any means whereby to lessen the unhappinesse of this unfortunate creature , if any means may be found for so good a purpose . the best excuse that i am able to prompt him to , is to put a speciall emphasis upon the words [ i know . ] for so run's his oath , [ i must first once for all protest before god and men , that i know but three things in all my book , which i did so much as seem to give credit to against him , &c. ] but alas ! this best of excuses is so vehemently bad , that i know not how he will be able to take it kindly . for if he did not see the greatest part of my book , nor of his own , whilst he was a labouring in the work of vindicating the later from the many high charges of the former , where were his eyes ? if he did see , but not perceive , whether went his understanding ? if he did see , and perceive , but would not be known to do either , whereabouts lay his honesty ? if i rightly remember , busbequius , in one of his embassyes , tellsus a story of some turks ( the great assertors of mr. barlee's doctrin of decrees ) who having a very great mind to be drunk with wine ( which mahomet's law had forbid them ) did first break forth into such a showt , as they thought was sufficient to fright their consciences into their feet , that so they might revell it without all scruple . some such expedient our correptory corrector had need devise , if after his having published so many things against me , he will have an ability not to know them ; or to know but three of them , and to unknow the rest ; or not to know them to have been credited by himself , no not so much as in appearance . if by saying , he doth not know , he means , he doth not consider or respect them , it hath some resemblance to his doctrin of god's decrees , viz. that god did decree the reprobation of his creatures , not without a foreknowledge of their actuall sins , but yet without the least respect or consideration of them . seventhly , it is to be noted , that mr. barlee doth imply it to be a very ill thing , for a man to have indulged to any vain credulity against a neighbour ; because he calls it an aspersion from which at once he would fain be quit . and to effect his purpose , he must protest before god , that he gave no credit to any one thing which he spake against me in all hi● book ; excepting those three , which shall be by and by mention'd . as if he thought it a lesser crime to slander a man against his knowledge , then to speak vvhat he thinks through vain credulity of disposition . for that they really vvere slanders ( every one , except three ) he doth more then confesse vvhilst he protests before god , that he himself did not give any credit to them ; vvhereby he proves them , by an oath , to have been maliciously intended , and not embraced through meer credulity . nay he is yet more unlucky : for in that he protests against his having been vainly credulous , and against his having taken those things upon hear-say , doth he not intimate unto us , that they vvere only the children of his invention ? as if he thought it a finer thing , to spin a forgerie out of himself , and not to give it any credit , then to be so credulous as to believe it from another . eighthly , neither he , nor his friends , can comfortably say in his excuse , that the vvords of his oath vvere not carefully put together , and tha● through some inadvertency he hardly knew vvhat he said , be yet his meaning was good enough . for this will render his gilt as great as any thing else , that he should swear he cares not , or considers not what . i can expect it from none but a common swearer , to protest before god even before he is aware . but neither is it credible , that that sin should serve for his excuse . because it was written , and read , ( in probability very often ) before 't was printed . were it available to say , that his intention and meaning was good enough , though infinitely different from the signification of his words , there would not be any difference betwixt the truest and the most slanderous speaker , as to an human tribunal . but if mr. barlee should speak treason against the commander of 30. legions , and then appeal to good meaning , i doubt such logick would not preserve him . nay ninthly , his invoking of god was clearly used as a design , to wipe off the aspersion of being credulous . for so run his words , that i may at once quit my self from the aspersion of having indulged to any vain credulity against him , i must once for all protest before god , &c. where the particle [ that ] in the beginning , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , it notes the final cause of his protesting before god ; [ that i may ] is all one with [ to the end that i may . ] nay tenthly , he ushers in his transgression of the third commandement , with a positive [ i must , ] which needs must signify either his duety , or his necessity . not his duety , because it was lawfull to have omitted the attestation of god in such a case . but his necessity ( as he thought ) for one of these two reasons : either because he was reduced to that extremity and exigence , that he had no other shift whereby to amuse one sort of readers , ( and then the necessity was but morall , created to himself by himself ; ) or else because he was predetermin'd to that abuse of god's name , by such a fatal decree as he is wont to dream of , such as gives a necessity to all mens actions , ( and then 't was a physicall necessity , not at all to be avoided , if we believe mr. b. upon his word , or his oath . ) * but then , in the eleventh place , what a subtil disputant is mr. barlee , who urgeth an oath for an argument ? and no other argument , except an oath ? i had accus'd him of many falsehoods which he reported upon hear-say in severall kinds , and other falsehoods which he invented , ( which sure are worse ; ) and he , to vindicate himself , hath not any thing to say , but that he protests before god and men , &c. and to give us assurance that this is all he hath to say , he tells us , he must once for all protest , &c. for though he inserts the word [ first ] yet there follows no [ secondly ] to which that first can have a regular relation . what falsehood is there , or can there be , which may not be proved to mr. barlee ( by an argument ad hominem ) if wicked protestations may passe for proofs ? but what is the thing which he protests ? not the negative to that which was laid to his charge , but a thing impertinent and senselesse . for i accus'd him of his slanders and other falsehoods , ( as things wicked in themselves , and injurious to his neighbour ) partly invented by himself , and partly taken up upon bare report ; ( and in that very method he sets them down in the objection : ) i did never accuse him of giving credit to those falsehoods , but rather of raising such falsehoods as were incredible , and pretending nothing for his ground , but a simple hear-say . now reader , attend to his astonishing answer . i must once ( saith he ) for all , protest before god and men , that i know but three things in all my book , which i did so much as seem to give credit to against him , &c. would he have justified himself , or answer'd the objections , he should have protested , or proved , one of these two things : that either he never said the things whereof he was accus'd ; or if he did , he said true , and that for such or such reasons . whereas he only protesteth , that of all the particulars in his book he believed but three , nay that he did but seem to believe those three too . and therefore twelfthly , mr. barlee subscribeth implicitly to my whole volume of accusations , and stigmatizeth his second book , for pretending to vindicate his first . the reason is evident , because in this most signall and remarkable place , ( wherein he protests before god and men ) he doth not offer so much as to say , that they were not fictions with which i charg'd him , but he sweares that they were fictions , by swearing that he gave no credit to them . for , what other reason can be imagin'd , why he gave no credit to them , but because he believ'd them or knew them to be but fictions ? behold now the streights into which this writer hath cast himself ( for i am only an index to shew him how . ) he must confesse himself guilty , for fear he confesse himself guilty . it must be his refuge to say , that he was slanderous before , that he may not seem perjur'd in having sworn that he was slanderous . i have his publick protestation to clear my self , nay to clear the very charge which i brought against him . at least the utmost that he can say , is , that he excepted three things ; which what they are , his next words tell us , by way of reference . w. b. * the first is that which here he hath , and which again he makes a great stirr about , philanthrop . chap. 3. p. 81 , 82 , 83. the second is that about the 600. copyes mentioned by him chap. 3. p. 54 , 55. the third is about the dialogue of two ladyes about artificial beauty , mentioned from p. 150. to 552. of chap. 3. t. p. § . 8. now he names the three things , to which alone ( he protested ) he seemed at least to have given credit . but he slily passeth over that , of which in particular he swore , that he did not so much as seem to give credit to it , and yet that he did not take it up upon bare hear-say , &c. which must therefore be examin'd , before i goe forward to the three particulars expressed . whilst he was speaking of gods decree in relation to sin , he brake out most impertinently into these very words , a look you to that formidable ergo , who are said to be against all second marriages of ministers . this passage he was willing to give the slip , because he knew it would convince him of a twofold perjury . for first , if he did not believe , or give credit to it , at least he seem'd so to doe , and yet he swore he did not , as hath been shew'd . and if he did but seem to believe the fiction ( by having printed it in his pamphlet of predestination ) but did not believe it in good earnest , what a wicked impertinence must it needs have been , to publish a fiction quatenus ipsum , without connexion to any syllable before or after ? as if in the midst of his thoughts concerning eternal predestination , it had occurr'd to his memory , that ( the day before ) he swallow'd the ace of trumps , and so forgot where he lef● : and then he remembred , what he thought a fine thing , ( a sh●ed of latin ) baculus stat in angulo , &c. which suggested a slander from a pretended hear-say . and this inferres his second perjury . for his protestation before god referres to all that period ( as hath been shew'd ) and so to his pretention of not having taken upon bare hear-say . yet he had printed , [ that i was said to be against the lawfulnesse of all second marriages of mini●●ers : ] which how could he tell , if he never heard it ? if he heard it , he did but hear it , and then we know he is forsworn ; if he did not , 't was his invention . thus having shewed his miscarriage , which he so cunningly huddled up ; i will hasten to that which is more amazing , his three excepted particulars which are of most weight with him , and for which he thinks he hath most to say , [ as being the onely three things in all his book against me , to which he protested his having giving some credit . ] stand forth , malefactor , and name the first of your offences . w. b. * first , if my reader will be pleased once more to turn to my correptory correction , p. 39. he will find that i used my utmost care and diligence to inform my self of the truth of it , and i farther back it there , with a probable argument from what he hath in his uncorrect copy . t. p. § . 9. now he enters upon that , which will paradigmatize him to all posterity : the greatest slander , and the most groundlesse ; that i believe hath been brewed in the brain of man. and because by that which i shall say , his utter undoing in point of credit ( if at least he hath any ) must needs ensue ; i desire his well-willers to carry this in their minds , that should i abstain from doing that which may seem a siverity to mr. barlee , i cannot fail of being guilty of perfect cruelty to my self , besides a double injustice both to the truth , and to the world . i have turn'd to the page where the great slander is recorded , where i find a bare narrative of a pretended report from a reverend minister , who is said at first to have told him alone , and afterwards many more ministers in his hearing , and as heard by him from my own mouth , viz. that i believe no sin to be in me , that i was above sin , that by my own power i could abstain from all sin ; and that he wrote this testimony as the testator of it did dictate it to him . ] first observe , that here is nothing of care and diligence expressed in finding out the truth of it , but only a hearing the words at one time , and transcribing them at another . here is not a syllable concerning the care which he took , to try the truth , or the falsehood of that report : for the finding out of which , he professeth that in that place ( p. 39. ) he used his utmost of care and diligence . to find out the truth or the falsehood of such a strange tale , he should have examined the relator , about the time when , and the place wherein , and the occasion upon which such words were spoken : he should have asked who heard them besides himself , and have told him ( out of st. paul ) that against a man of my calling ( which is their own also ) an accusation is not to be admitted but before two or three witnesses : he should have consulted with me about it , to try if i did remember , or would acknowledge any such words , or any other words like them , or if i never said something which might occasion such a mistake in him who heard me ; or if that would not prevail , he should have tryed to catch me in several stories : he should have moved every stone to have found out the truth , had he used his utmost of care and diligence . but what did he in stead of all this ? he bids us look . but whither ? to his p. 39. for what ? even his utmost care and diligence . wherein employed ? in finding out the truth of what was told him by a reverend divine . wherein did his utmost both care and diligence consist ? in giving ear to the words , and in writing them down . here then is one falsification in the beginning of his defence . secondly , he pretends to no more than a naked hear-say forth t invention ( for so i shall prove it in the end ; ) whereas he swore a little before , that he did not take it up upon a bare hear-say . nor doth he pretend , that any more than one man did ever say that he had heard me to speak such words , and he a sympresbyter of the gang too , who cannot therefore pretend to so much as one witnesse ; but the apostle saith expresly , an accusation must not be received against a priest , without two or three witnesses : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to admit , or receive , a complaint or accusation , was but the first part of the three , which were to goe before the sentence in the judicial proceedings among the iews , by which that text must be explain'd : * next the complaint must be confirmed by the oaths of those witnesses : and because the witnesses may be perjur'd , ( whether brib'd with money , or suborn'd by their own malice ) the cause is thirdly to be searched , and considered by the iudge . for if the witnesses are two , but made appear to be sons of bel●al , if they are proved to be greedy of filthy lucre , or if the plaintiff is known to be a iezebel , and apt to be a suborner with either money or moneys worth , if naboth is known to be both honest and religious , and yet accused at once of blaspheming god and the king , if ahab is known to have been in love with naboth's vineyard , and that he could not obtain it by fairer meanes , a considering judge will be suspicious of such mens oaths . but mr. barlee's informer is the original accuser , and cannot be his own witnesse ; for where two single men say yea , and no , to one sentence , the result is nothing but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an endlesse strife of contradiction . nay thirdly , that one informer is but pretended ; neither named in the first book , nor now in the second ; and i really believe he is not yet christen'd . if there is any such creature , let him not hide his head and his name together ; nor any longer expose his brother zelot to shame and censure . if his name be simeon , let him not suffer little levi to bear the whole odium of such a slander . at least let mr. barlee have so much mercy upon himself , as to lighten his load of guilt and hatred , by laying part of it upon a new pair of shoulders . when i reported that i had heard of the primates change , i thought my self obliged to name my authors , first in private , and now in print . and if there is any other case wherein this iustice shall be requir'd , i will not fail to perform it , or make satisfaction for the wrong . i require no more of my accuser , then what i offer at his demand . if he had an informer on this side his bosome , or his brain , let him be brought into the light , that the deed of darknesse may be made manifest , and mr. barlee be freed at least à tanto . but untill he doe this , he must remain on that gibbet on which he hath truss'd himself up . his upper lip must be thought the reverend ▪ divine unto his lower ; or his tongue did dictate , whilst his ear and his hand did both receive the information ; and so at once he is simeon and levi too . but fourthly , that i may force him by cogent reason to take this course , which is more for his interest , then he can think it to be for mine , ( for whilest he names not his informer , he is concluded to have none ) i shall intreat him to remember , that he may make it a leading case to as many sons of belial , as either for malice , or for money , shall ruine themselves , or their dearest friends , in point of fame , or fortune , or life it self , by raising a false report , upon pretence of an author without a name , if it were fit that such a report should passe so easily for its own proof . as for example , if i my self had any malice to mr. barlee's person , or any love to his parsonage , or any envy of his parts , or had been publickly non-plust in some dispute , and thereupon had a design to contrive his mischief , i could easily publish a declaration , that september the eight 1649. he was found under a hedge in the act of adultery , and that this i was told by three godly ministers , who riding that way , were all three witnesses of the thing . and many yeares before , when mr. barlee was in holland , he was commonly drunk every week , as three dutch merchants told me , first when i was alone with them , and afterwards upon the exchange , when many more heard it as well as i , and this they protested to have been eye-witnesses of ; and they were most a conscronable men , who i think made as much conscience of not telling or believing lies , as any men in holland . such slanders , i say , i could invent , or cause others to invent , if i had his conscience ( which god of his mercy , and by his grace , defend me rom ) or if i could indure to repay him in kind . nay let mr. barlee lay to heart , that these two fictions are more commendable , or ( to speak more exactly ) l●sse intolerable then his . first , because in the former i name the year , and the day , and the place of commission ; secondly , because i pretend to three witnesses , all as reverend as his one ; thirdly , because the subject matter is much more probable ( as i conceive ) then that which is the subject of his invention . or i could say , that mr. barlee had kill'd a man in his wrath , when he was at leyden , for worsting him in dispute about the point of praedestination , and thereupon fled into england , &c. and for this i could give a more probable reason , then he can give for my saying , i am without sin , &c. for is it not true , that he was at leyden ? and that he came into england ? and that he is strangely cholerick , ( as himself confesseth ) and that he is vehement in dispute ? impatient of opposition ? much more impatient of being worsted ? and since wilful murders are sometimes committed , manslaughter often , in fits of passion ; is it not infinitely more probable , that fire should burn down a house , or a cholerick man kill in a fit of rage , then that a man should say , he believes he is without sin , and above sin , and by his own power can keep himself from sin , who hath breathed nothing so much as confessions of sin , ever since his very boyage ? the former case hath so much colour of probability in it , and mr. barlee hath discovered so much virulence of spirit , that many men have consider'd how great a happinesse it is , that neither he , nor his kinsmen , have got the power of the sword . nay fifthly , should i invent such a slander as one of those above mentioned , i could have such an advantage as he is not able to pretend to : for i could say , that my three dutchmen , or my three reverend divines ( from whom i had my intelligence ) are all six dead , and so escape the necessity of bringing them forth to the tribunal ; whereas mr. barlee's one man is implyed by him to be still alive ( as we shall happily observe anon . ) and truly ( reader ) the chiefest reason why i use these impellents , to force my confident accuser unto the naming of his informer without delay , is my rational jealousie and fear , that if he stay a long time before he doth it , he will impute it to any minister within the compasse of his acquaintance , who betwixt this and that shall chance to die ; or else , for want of a better way , he may take an occasion to die himself ; at least he may hope to be my surviver , and then may use me as well as mr. rivet and others have used grotius . and because i find at the later * end of his book , he hath provided a pretense for his saying nothing to this charge , by professing to be * resolved to cut off all the advantages , which in this kind i may take against him , and to cut them off by an obstinate kind of silence for the future ; i am afraid he will pretend he must not answer to my charge , because he dares not break his promise ; and that the clearing of himself ( by aspersing the minister who did inform him ) will not any way consist with his obstinate kind of silence , nor with his stedfast resolutions of cutting off all my advantages from this day forward . but this is just as if a felon should take an oath before his trial , that he will cut off all advantages by an obstinate silence , and refuse an answer to his inditement , under pretense of his duty to keep his oath . indeed i have heard of a cunning school-boy , who when the master was brand●shing ( over his back ) the terrible . instrument of his anger , besought him only this favour , that he might not be whipt until he first had said his prayers . the master pleas'd with the petition , thought good to grant it . why then ( said the boy ) i w●ll never say my prayers until i am grown too big for such correction . but mr. barlee must consider , that if he shall refuse to name his reverend informer , because he resolved to write no more , and confirm'd it with his promise in the conclusion of his book , the slander will be ascribed to his invention . or if he will not write , he may read at least before the magistrate , and take the advantage of being plaintiff : for if he hath not slander'd me , nor his informer neither , then they may worthily implead me for all this wrong . and therefore let me perswade him , either to crave my forgivenesse , and to make me a little satisfaction , ( for i will not rigidly require my due ) or else let him speedily produce his man , who was the author of his report . i know that most souldiers doe love to make a golden bridge to a flying enemy , because even cowards , and conquer'd men , will doe strange things when they are desperate . but so sure am i of being innocent , as to that wherewith i have been slandered , and so very desirous to know the bottom of the report , that i will not willingly accept of mr. barlee's tergiversation , nor so much as afford him a wooden bridge . for suppose the worst that can arrive , to wit , that he and his congerro should both conspire to be perjur'd at a dead lift , or suborne false witnesses ( as iezebel did ; ) yet so much doe i rely upon the integrity of my cause , ( and upon the good providence of god upon it ) that if i could not evince them to be suborn'd and perjur'd , by either the multitude , or strength of reasons , i should not despaire of a miracle , for the making a d●scovery of truth and falsehood . but i find i am so farre from having spoken the totall of what i have to say , for the proving this slander to be demonstratively a slander ( however demonstratively prov'd already ) that i doe think it fit for another section . § . 10. because a namelesse informer ( he knew ) was worth nothing , he tells us that he back't it with a probable argument from what he found in my uncorrect copy ; that is , from a manuscript , which he transcribed , i know not when , nor from whence , nor with how many interpolations ; such as i never yet saw , nor would he suffer me to see it when i desir'd that favour by way of epistle . yet he confessed in his epistle , that there was non sense in two places , and that if he should send it , i could not possibly read it ; and other transcripts which i saw , were strangely alter'd from my originall : and yet he calls this my uncorrect copie ( uncorrected indeed of all his interpolations ) and to the world of readers who never were in his desk , nor had ever a sight of his manuscripts , he citeth no body knows what , to prove his slander . how much better might i accuse him , of having written whatsoever i please to fancy , who have so much of his own hand whereon to father it ? but secondly , admit in his manuscript there are such words from whence he can draw a probable argument ( as by and by i shall shew the contrary ) yet is that sufficient to back a story , which if not true , is an incomparable slander ? probable is that , which as it may possibly be true , so it may possibly be false too . behold the manifold unluckinesse of this d●sputer . the very topick from which he argues he confesseth to be apocryphall , a jen-scay-quoy , an uncorrect copy in the dark , a manuscript lying in his desk , or at least in his closet ; and yet from this unknown thing he pretends to no more then a probable argument , which he hopes will perswade , but cannot hope it will prove , unlesse he understands not what [ probable ] signifyes , and so hath printed he knew not what . but thirdly , his greatest unluckinesse is yet to come . for that which he calls a probable argument of my having said , [ i am without sin , and above it , and by my own power can abstain from all sin , ] is rather a probable argument that i never said it . because the words which he citeth from the manuscript copy ( which he calls mine ) are expresly these ; * [ you say that adam's a sin was none of our own , contrary to the apostle rom. 5. 12. ] in which few words , how many wayes hath he miscarried , and even ruin'd his own interest , for which he spake them ? for 1. suppose i had said , that adam's sin is none of our own , had i thereby inferred that we are without sin and above sin ? had i not rather infer●'d the contrary , that though another mans sins are not ours , yet ours are our own ? is there no difference betwixt another man , and our selves ? the things of another , and the things of our selves ? and was not adam an other man ? was not adam's whole person , ( body , soul , and spirit , and the qualityes of each ) a different thing from our persons , bodyes , souls , and spirits , and all personall qualityes whatsoever ? every child could have taught mr. b. that though adam and we do agree in specie , yet we are ( with a witnesse ) numerically different . 2. it seems mr. b. is so unsufficient for the ministery , that he knows not what is meant by our original sin amongst the men of his own way . he thought that adam's actuall sin of eating the apple had been that which we call original sin in our selves : which none of his party ( if they have more wit then he ) will ever say : and b if they should , they would imply unavoidably , that our original sin is not inherent in our souls , but only in adam ; who being forgiven , dead , and happy , hath that sin done away from his imparadised soul , and so there is no such thing remaining as original sin , by that doctrin . and by the same it would follow , that original sin is actual sin , that actual sin is no sin , that mr. barlee's daughter is guilty of his books , ( as having been in ipsius lumbis ) though she never had a hand in them , and i verily believe was never willing they should be written . 3. but if i had said , that adam's sin was none of our own , and had implyed thereby what he supposeth , yet having spoken in the plurall number , including all the posterity of adam , of which mr. barlee is a part , i had by consequence implyed that every man in the world ( mr. barlee too ) is without sin , and above sin , and by his own power can abstain from all sin . and thus we see that mr. b. was an unpolitick projector : for he should have fancyed my words were these , adams sin was none of mine own ; but he would needs have it thus , adams sin was none of our own . 4. a that which i call original sin in my self , is the pravity of my nature , my corruptnesse of disposition , by which i love darknesse better then light , unlesse god by his grace doth make me able to choose better , to have better loves , desires , and inclinations , then i can possibly have without it . and through this pravity of nature there is not any meer man who can possibly be without sin . and the spirit of this doctrin doth run through all that i have published from presse or pulpit . but i b must not lye , and speak non-sense , and abuse the scriptures , and imply a thousand contradictions , for fear of displeasing an angry neighbour . i say , i must not commit these crimes , by saying that adams sin was very really mine own . indeed if adam had never sinn'd , i hope i should ever have been innocent . but death having entred into the world by sin , and sin by adam , i have too many sins which are peculiarly mine own , ( both original and actuall ) to need another man's sin for the completing of my number perhaps a few country people , who have been taught by such pastors as were put besides the right use , when they were dedicated to learning , may think it sense to say , that adam's sin was our own before we were , or that his sin which began above 5600. years since , did also not begin till yesterday when we were borne , or did begin a thousand times , and was ten thousand times begun before its beginning . such men as these must be taught to say , that all our own sins did enter by adam ; not that our sins were adam's , much lesse that adam's sins were ours . and before i shew this from mr. b's own text , ( which he thought had been pertinent , but is nothing lesse ) i will thus reason him into his wits . if adam's sin was none of mr. barlee's own , it was none of mine or thine , reader : but it was none of mr. barlees own . for did he eat of the fruit in the midst of eden , many thousands of years before he had a mouth ? no more did i , or t'other man. what the jewes said to christ ( and very rationally in respect of his manhood ) * thou art not yet 50. years old , and hast thou seen abraham ? that may i say more rationally of my self , i am not yet 40. years old , and have i ever seen adam , whom abraham was too young to see ? and could his sin be mine without my commission ? and could i commit it without existence ? nothing is mine in any sense , ( right , or wrong , ) unlesse i find , or conquer , or purchase , or inherit , or claime by prescription , or receive it by deed of gift . now it cannot be pretended that adam's sin is mine own , unlesse by right of inheritance , and that is but weakly pretended too . for when i say in my a confessions and prayers , that i was born in sin , and in sin my mother conceived me , and the like , i do not mean that i was born in the act of eating forbidden fruit growing in the midst of the garden of eden ; nor that i did eat it with adam's mouth before i was born ; nor that my mother eve conceived me in sin as she once conceived cain or abel ; nor that i was born , in the guilt of those actuall sins , which my mother committed , who brought me forth into the world : but i b mean that i was born in original sin , that is , a pravity of nature , a corruptnesse of disposition , which makes me naturally prone to obey the law that is in my c members , & to rebell against the law which god hath imprinted in my mind . so that that which i inherit , is a depraved nature , common to me with all mankind , considered in specie ; but numerically consider'd , it is peculiarly mine own , and no mans else . whereas if i inherited ( in a proper sense ) as well the sin , as the substance of my progenitors , then the sins of my particular immediate parents would be mine own , rather then adams . and therefore ( fifthly . ) let us consider , how perfectly contrary to common sense mr. b. opposeth that text , d rom. 5. 12. where the apostle saith , that by one man [ adam ] sin entred into the world , and death by sin . he doth not say , that one mans sin is the peculiar sin of all men , or all mens own , ( as the word was : ) nor can he mean it in such a sense , as if the numericall sin of adam's eating the apple , were successively propagated ( as mankind was ) throughout the universe of men . e for then , as all the sons who descended from adam , were the same kind of creatures that adam was , to wit men ; so all the sinners , as sinners , descending from adam , should be the same kind of sinners that adam was , to wit apple-eaters , and eaters of that apple which was forbidden . a and if every thing of man which entered into the world by adam were adam's own , and our own too , then as adam's sin should be our sin , so his personall qualityes and members should be our own too . and mr. barlee must say , that adam's nose was mr. barlee's own nose , or deny himself to be adam's son ; or say that he was born without a nose , and that this which he now weares , is not an originall , but an actuall nose . he must say that adam's death was our own , if his sin was our own , by force of that text rom. 5. 12. which saith , that death , as well as sin , did by one man enter into the world . now then let us observe the utmost force of his probable argument . b [ mr. pierce said in his uncorrect copy , that adam's sin was not our own : & st. paul saith , that by one man sin entered into the world : therefore it is probable mr. pierce said , that he was without sin , and above sin , and by his own power could abstain from all sin . ] by the very same logick , ( but with a greater force in some respects ) i will prove that mr. barlee doth probably think he shall never dye ; ( but either be translated , or live immortall upon earth . ) for he doth probably believe c that adam's death was none of mr. barlee's own : and st. paul saith , that by one man death enter'd into the world , rom. 5. 12. therefore it is probable , mr. b. believeth , that he is without death , and above death , and by his own power can abstain from dying . besides ; the same apostle that saith , by one man sin entered into the world ( v. 12. ) doth also say at the same time , that by the righteousnesse of one , the free gift came upon all men unto justification of life , v. 18. from whence how many inconveniences will arise to mr. barlee , and to his doctrins , as well as his wayes of arguing , i leave to be observed by the considering reader . having shewed how little he understood that saying , that by one man sin enter'd into the world , &c. i will but add that the meaning is only this : it was by adam's eating the forbidden fruit , that we are all of us obnoxious both to sin and mortality , as being born after the image and likenesse of adam . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by one , as by an instrument , which satan used ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by one , as by a door , at which sin enter'd , and death by sin . not that adam's sin and death were both our own . but notwithstanding the lesse then nothing which mr. b. hath alledged for his report , that i said such things as must needs imply me to be a ranter ( a sect which follows his principles , for want of mine ) yet he adventures to proceed ( not foreseeing what i have shew'd him ) in that desperate manner which now ensues . w. b. * the minister from whose mouth i took up † both the reports , about his maintaining himself to be above † sin , and about his deniall of the lawfulnesse of second marriages of ministers , is not a man of mean note in the ministery , nor far off , with whom , since this last book of his came forth , i have divers times conferred about these reports ; and he professeth , that upon any just occasion he will justify them to his face ; and stands amazed at his impudent denyall of what he then said to him . methinks therefore his marginal finger p. 81. is but like that of the naughty one who be speakes his own impudence with his fingers , prov. 6. 13. t. p. § . 11. first it ought to be observed , that what he barely reported in his first book , he barely repeateth in his second , without replying to those a ten things , which i had returned in my answer to that incomparable report . and yet he said in his title-page , that he had made a full abstersion of all calumnyes , &c. thereby implying this confession , that those were far from being calumnyes , from which he hath not endeavour'd to clear himself . this is a speciall point of his necessary vindication , to acknowledge the enormityes which were laid to his charge , even whilst he labours to deny them . to sing the same song , in the very same notes , with this ridiculous difference , that he who before was a reverend minister without a name , is now a namelesse minister of no small note , what is this but to be stomack full in the midst of a confession ? and to betray his crime with his excuse ? secondly , he confesseth a little after , that that minister who told him , i was the author of artificial handsomnesse , although a * conscionable divine , was yet a deceiver in that point . and if he was cheated by his conscionable informer , why did he not suspect his man of note too ? since i was much more likely to have pen'd that book , then to have given occasion for such a slander . nay thirdly , he confesseth , ( in the passage lying above ) that his man of no mean note in the ministery had foulely wrong'd me in one thing which he related , [ viz. my denying the lawfulnesse of second marriages of ministers , ] and why might he not have thought , that he as foulely wrong'd me in the other , [ viz. my saying , that i was without sin , & c ? ] that he wrong'd me in the former , by mr. b.'s confession and oath too , i prove from those words which were the subject of my seventh section , where he protested before god and men , that there was nothing in all his book to which he gave credit so much as seemingly , except those three things , of which this , concerning second marriages , he knows , was none . and by this we may see , that mr. b. wants a good memory the most of any man living , unlesse i may except his reverend minister . for as if satan had betrayed him , since he slunk from the mention of second marriages , when it concern'd him nearly to crave my mercy , or at least to prove he did not need it , ( which yet he could not prove without a confession of being perjur'd , as hath been shewn § . 7. ) he here confesseth the same man ( that is , probably , himself ) to have been the author of both reports ; as well of that which is acknowledg'd to be false , as of the other which is still pretended to be true . thus he useth his brother presbyter , ( as the men of his leven do use the catholick church ) whilst he relyes upon him in one thing , as an infallible informer , and yet esteems him in another an arrant cheat . but fourthly , the greatest jest is , that he should leave his informer in his more tolerable invention , and stick fast to him in that which is more impossible to be true . for i did really disswade a neighbour minister from a plurality of wives , though the arguments which i used were taken only ab incommodo ; which might give a slander some kind of colour , or pretense . but so infinitely distant hath my tongue ever been from that impious boast of being without , and above all sin , that i never spake any thing like it , never any thing that look'c that way , or that might give an eve-dropper and an enemy the least occasion of mistake , but as much the contrary as any man hath ever spoken . he might have said with more skill , that christ and st. paul were against all marrying , because they both preferred the single life . or being resolved to say an ugly thing of me , he might rather have given it out , that i pretended to be a prophet , sent in the spirit of elias as a forerunner of christ at his second coming ; or that i us'd to say masse in a cope and surplice ; or that i was canon of saint croix ; or any other strange thing , rather then that i said , i was without sin , &c. and yet to gain some credit to this wonder , he saith [ he hath diverse times conferred with his man of note about these * reports , who stands amaz'd at my impudent denyall , and upon any just occasion will justify * them to my face . ] § . 12. the more desperate the pranck is , the greater confidence is needfull to make it prosperous . when the besieged romans were almost famish't in the capitol , and had no provisions now left besides a few loaves of bread , they cunningly threw out those loaves at their besiegers , that so the enemy might swallow a strong belief of their plenty . and still the guiltiest malefactor is the readyest to wish the earth would swallow him alive , if he was ever suborned to bear false-witnesse . some mens sins are so great , that to protect them from a discovery , they think it needfull to make them greater . if laban's teraphims are stoln , and searched after very narrowly , they must either be restored , or else a concealed with a lye . dioxippus was innocent , and yet did b blush at his inditement : but the c whore in the proverbs did wipe her mouth , and say that she had done no wickednesse . mr. barlee finds it concernes him to be as confident as the best ; and i wonder how he miss't of rapping out the other oath . but it happens to him , as to most malefactors , that he reveales his guilt in his indeavours to conceal it ; and may say of the tongue , what diana did of the countenance , heu quam difficile est crimen non prodere ! — for not remembring that he protested before god and men , that , except three things , he knew nothing in all his book which he had spoken against me to which he gave the least credit ; and again not remembring , that the report about second marriages was none of those three ; and again not remembring , that he was now only to speak about the first of those three , ( viz. my saying , that i was without sin , &c. ) he links that of marriages together with this ( quite out of its place ) and saith that the same man of note will justify both . insomuch that mr. barlee should have excepted four things , from the multitude of those , to which he swore he gave no credit . for that now he gives credit to that which he swore he gave no credit to , appeares by his charging me with impudence , both in the person of his informer , and from himself , and both within the space of 3. or 4. lines . or else he chargeth me with impudence against his own conscience , and in violation of his oath , because he swore he did not credit , what now i must be impudent for not crediting my self . which of his sentences will he adhere to ? if to the later , he is perjur'd ; and if to the former , a causelesse rayler . secondly , i do not wonder that his informer admires my impudence , since himself is so bashfull , as not to shew us his head , and even to hide his very name . good modest creature ! he runs behind mr. barlee , before he railes . he goes on the other side his stalking horse , that i may not discover by whom it is that i am shot . this is now the second time that we have heard of him in print , sine nomine , sine tribu . and turning his own back to me , ( as being asham'd of my impudence ) he tells me ( by his vicar ) what he will do before my face . once more therefore i send a challenge to this anonymous man of note , ( unlesse his name is mr. outis ) to shew himself above-board , and either publickly to confesse that he hath abused mr. barlee , or to declare that mr. barlee hath slander'd him , or to prove that i have injur'd both , or to acknowledge that both have injur'd me . mr. b. implyeth his being yet extant ; and therefore let him not say with the man in the comedy , non possum audire , quia dormio . nay thirdly , he is not only alive , and mettlesome , and wonders i am so impudent as not to own being a ranter , when it pleaseth his black majesty to have me thought such , but he is of note in the ministery , and not far off . this is better then all the rest , at least as good for my purpose . for now i shall prove by an induction ( i thank mr. barlee for this assistance ) that the slander is an unlucky one in severall respects . for i can easily number all the ministers of note in this part of the county . with one part of them i have never had any discourse ; with another part of them i have discoursed only in publick , when many persons upon their oaths , will and must be my witnesses , that i never utter'd any such thing , as that i was without sin , above sin , and by my own power could abstain from all sin . nor doth mr. b. so much as pretend , that i was heard speaking thus by more then one . and the ministers of note are very few , in this county , with whom i have ever discoursed singly . and those few have been such , who have not only still treated me in friendly manner , and censur'd mr. barlee in a high degree , but they have given me such characters behind my back , as have much exceeded my small deservings . i am tempted to name them , but that i think i ought not without their leaves , least they should be in some pain , and look with suspicion on one another , as the * disciples did when christ said , that one of them should betray him . to one of those ministers i once affirmed in a letter , that i was , and would continue , ( by the grace of god assisting me ) free from the great abomination of the presbyterian directory ; but that was far enough from saying , i was without sin , because there are many other sins besides complying with the directory . i said to another by word of mouth , that we did many times resist the grace of god. he said , he could not , being one of the regenerate . and whether did he or i imply , that we were above sin ? this is the utmost i can remember i ever spake , whereby to give him any occasion of so impertinent a slander . fourthly , if mr. b. hath diverse times discoursed with his informer , and his informer hath answer'd as he reports , he is perhaps of their number ( spoken of by bp. bancroft ) who come to † believe their own lyes meerly by telling them too often . fifthly , he saith his minister will justify his two reports upon any just occasion . a likely matter , when upon two such occasions already offer'd , he hath so valiantly hid his head , and taken the courage to be namelesse . when that time comes , that he can think it a just occasion , i shall prove him brother to those two , who took their oaths against naboth . but betwixt this and that , bear witnesse reader , that mr. b. hath accused me a second time in print , of saying that which is said by none but ranters , and yet he thinks he hath not hitherto a just occasion to name his author . but he hath not yet done with it ; nor i with him , i do assure him . and therefore let us observe him confuting himself in his own defense , as it were casting himself backward by trying to stand upon his guard . w. b. * secondly , i cannot but believe , had he not publickly brought in a large plea for the innocency of infants , chap. 4. p. 25 , 26 , 27. but that the same front of his would bear him out in the deniall of what a person of true honour and integrity told me , as having heard it too from his own mouth ; that he called a waggish lad of about four years old an innocent , free from sin , who yet , i trow , hath by this time committed some kind of actuall sins . t. p. § . 13. in these few lines , there are many things most grosly false , which , in case they were true , would be impertinent and absurd . before i shew the grosse falsehoods , i will relate the whole story which gave occasion to this calumny , though nothing but rancor could be the cause . there was a child in his parish of 3. years old , who being sickly and consumptive ( as his physicians were of opinion ) and yet at that time the only son of his parents , ( whose plentifull fortune might make them the gladder of a son ) gave some occasion to his parents of very mournfull apprehensions . i thought it my part , ( as in many respects i was obliged ) to administer comfort in such a case . in the tract of my discourse i was led to say , that if god should be pleased to take their child unto himself , in the harmlesse nonage that he was in , they might raise themselves comfort even from this consideration , that god had taken him from the evill to come , and set him in a safety , as the book of wisdom expresseth it . god might b speedily take him away ( for ought they knew ) to this end , that c wickednesse should not alter his understanding , nor deceipt begu●le his soul , in case he outlived his harmlesse years . that this was the utmost , i have more witnesses then one , and i defie his informer to prove it more if he is able . now observe mr. b's prevarications of the truth . 1. the child was then but 3 years old ; mr. b. hath mounted it to 4. 2. the child was then very weak ; mr. b. feigns him to have been waggish . 3. i said he was harmlesse ; mr. b. addes innocent , and free from sin . * innocent i might say , though i do not remember that i did : but [ free from sin ] i am sure i did not● : and they that heard me will bear me witnesse . but innocent and harmlesse are both of one signification . when david said he would d wash his hands in innocency , and that in innocency e he had washed them , when daniel said that god had saved him from the lyons , for as much as before him f innocency was found in him , when abimelech said , in the g innocency of my hands have i done this , when god himself said of the inhabitants of jerusalem , that they had filled that place with the blood h of innocents , will mr. barlee complain against those expressions , and say they were denyers of original sin ? if his person of honour will say i said any more then the pen-men of scripture have said before me , i will prove him a person of no integrity . but secondly , how should a person of honour have any thing to do with mr. barlee ? he that can , let him believe it . or thirdly , how unfit is mr. b. to give his verdict of that child , to whom he was concluded to have owed a shrewd turn , ever since that child was known to have cut him with a sarcasme ? but my words were spoken long before m. b. had found him waggish . nor doth he pretend , that the child was then guilty of actuall sins when i pronounced him to be harmlesse , but [ he trow's that by this time he hath committed some such ; ] and why he trow's it , he is too bashfull to give the reason . fourthly , be it so that the little gentleman of four years old ( he should have said of 4. years young ) was somewhat playfull with mr. b. ( as mr. b. * professeth to be with me ) did he think the babe was of his match , and fit to be writ against from the presse , and in the presence of all the world to receive his correptory correction ? i have read the saying of will withers , ( in q. elizabeth's time ) that if any man pinch't him , he would strike him that stood next , whosoever he were . i should have quite forgot my reading , but that i am thus put in mind . if mr. barlee is once confuted , or pinch't with a discovery of his inventions , woe be to all the little children that stand in 's way . but now fifthly , let us grant him as much as may be , concerning the age , or the ladderie , or the waggishnesse of the child , or my pronouncing that he was innocent ; yet what was this to the purpose , for which alone with a [ secondly ] it was pretended to be brought ? thus runs his argument . mr. t. p. did say a child was innocent of four years old ; therefore probably he said , that himself was without sin , and above sin , and by his own power could abstain from all sin , who is somewhat more then four years old . how much better might he argue against daniel and david , who spake of innocency in themselves , then here he doth against me , who only spake of another , who was also more innocent then either daniel or david ? doth he not strike , through me , at the church of england ? i am sure in the collect upon innocents day ( which must now be called the waggish lads day ) we are appointed to use these very words , [ almighty god , whose praise this day the young innocents , thy witnesses , have confessed , and shewed forth , not in speaking , but in dying , mortify and kill all vices in us , &c. ] if mr. b. did not know what innocent signifyes , because it is a latin word , why must my front be therefore brought upon the stage ? i told him sufficiently what was meant by innocence apply'd to infants , even in that very a page which he just now cited , viz. a simplicity and inoffensivenesse of mind . he doth not reply either to that , or to any other part of my plea for infants : but only shews that he is angry , both with me , and with a gentleman of 4. years old , and leaves posterity to determine , whether the infant or his accuser was the waggish lad . w. b. * thirdly , if his publick and domestick confessions , of which he speaks , do all sound a contradiction to , or a cordiall retractation of what he formerly said to my reverend brother , i am heartily glad of it , for the good of his soul , and long i wish he may , with st. iohn , continue in that sound and humble acknowledgement of his sins : but i fear me he may quickly revert to his former presumptuous sayings , if he embrace too fast the tenents of his new friend s. castalio , who hath written a whole book about the perfection of christians , and their immunity from sin here upon the face of the earth . a totus orbis exercet histrioniam . t. p. § . 14. here he adventures to allude to one particular of the ten , which i return'd to his slander in my former defensative . my words were these , [ he b cannot but confesse , that when he hath heard me out of a pulpit , ( which hath been 5 or 6 times ) he hath heard from my mouth a full confession of my sins . ] or perhaps he alludes to my other words , c [ i have as many witnesses , as weekly auditors in my church , and as daily auditors in my family , that i affirme the quite contrary to that invention . ] notwithstanding which , and all other things by me alledged in that place , ( which he durst not here take notice of ) he perseveres in his impiety , and supposeth all i there said to signify no more then a retractation . but that his drollerie may not excuse him , i can prove by many witnesses ( whereof each is equall to a thousand of his informers ) that since i came into this county , within which time the matchlesse slander did take its date , there hath not been any one day , wherein i have not been liberall in the confession of my sins . which when my reader hath consider'd , and compared with all which i have publisht , especially with my preface to the sinner impleaded , and the two grounds of my belief , ( correct copy p. 6. ) when he hath weighed the wretchednesse of mr. b's reply , with what i have spoken in this rejoinder , he will infallibly conclude , that the ancient a cretians did not come near him , but were as much behind him in faculty , as before him in time . secondly , what he saith of castalio , gives us a measure of his logick , and his integrity . that holy and learned man , ( it seemes , ) hath published a book concerning obedience to be performed from man to god , wherein he shews to what pitch of that perfection , to which our saviour doth exhort us mat. 5. 48. a man by grace may attain to upon the earth : and of that immunity from sin of which st. iohn speakes 1 ioh. 3. 6 , 9. where he saith of the regenerate man , not only that he doth not , but that he cannot sin : which is a higher expression then castalio ever used . i am not concerned in this unseasonable-impertinent-incoherent effusion of mr. b's malice against castalio , save that i honour the memory , and admire the goodnesse of that great christian . in which respect i will say , it was castalio's design in all he writ , to advance the purity and strictnesse of christian practice , that the name of christ might be no longer blasphemed b among the heathen through the wickednesse of such as are called christians . it was said to abraham , walk before me & be thou c perfect ; and of noah , he was a just and d perfect man ; and of job , he was a e perfect and upright man ; fearing god and eschewing evill . ( god will not cast away * a perfect man. ) david said , god maketh my way f perfect . and our saviour , be ye g perfect as your father in heaven is perfect . if thou wilt be h perfect , go and sell that thou hast , and give to the poor . thou shall be i perfect with the lord thy god. we speak wisdome among them that are k perfect . he gave some apostles , and some prophets , evangelists , pastors , and teachers , for the l perfecting of the saints . m — till we come unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the ●…ature of the fulnesse of christ . now the god of peace make you n perfect in every good work to do his will. let patience have her perfect work , that ye may be o perfect , and intire , wanting nothing . let us cleanse our selves from all filthynesse of the flesh and spirit , p perfecting holynesse in the fear of god. st. paul could do a all things through christ who strengthened him . zacharie and elizabeth walked in b all the commandements , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blamelesse , without reproof , none ( but a correptorie corrector ) could say black to their eye . and had not castalio good reason to write a book of obedience , when he saw he lived in a rebellious world ? had he not reason ( in that book ) to speak of christian perfection , when he found men pleading for a fat all necessity of their sins , and an impossibility to be obedient ? he spake of that perfection which signifyes integrity , and is required of us in scripture , as hath been shew'd . ( if he went any farther , i defend him not . ) he spake of immunity from sin by the help of gods grace , not by the meer strength of nature ▪ nor did he speak of an immunity from original sin , or sins of ignorance and frailty , but from wilfull , deliberate , and damning sins . but this is doctrin which solifidians cannot indure ; because if they grant it to be true , they must rail no longer , and slander no more ; they must no more be perjur'd , or schismatical , or sacrilegious , or covetous , or cruel in persecuting their neighbours ; they must repent in another notion then they are willing to hear of ; for restitution , and satisfaction , mortification , and self-denial , and a newnesse of the whole life , must be ingredients in their repentance . thirdly then , let us observe what our pamphleter hath gotten by being impertinent against castalio . he hath shew'd himself an enemy to the grace of god , of whose effectual working in his children castalio writeth . ( as if god were not able to work wonders on earth as well as in heaven . ) he hath shew'd himself an enemy to all those scriptures above mention'd , which do affirm a perfection of men on earth , to wit , in the sense before given . he hath shew'd himself an enemy to the darling of all honest and pious christians , meerly for following the scriptures , and pressing hard for a conformity to the example and precepts of iesus christ. he hath shew'd himself an enemy to his best beloved and dearest self , who ( when it is for his turn ) is not only for effectual , but irresistible grace : as if he thought he could sin , without resisting the grace of god , or could resist that grace which is irresistible . he hath shew'd himself an enemy to all his own gang ; but above them all , to his * admired mr. baxter , who differs as much from him and his , as † arminius , or castalio , or whosoever he is , whom the presbyterians exclaim against : whether he differs from himself too , let him determine . but what saith mr. baxter ? he saith very truly , that the a personall gospell-righteousnesse is in its kind a perfect righteousnesse , and so far we may admit the doctrin of personall perfection . — b our righteousnesse is perfect , as in its being , so likewise in order to its end . — object . is our personal righteousnesse c perfect , as it is measur'd by the new rule ? ans . yes , saith mr. baxter . — d as it was possible for adam to have fulfilled the law of works by that power which he received by nature , so is it possible for us to performe the conditions of the new covenant by the power which we receive from the grace of christ . nay farther yet , the same mr. baxter who saith , that the tenor of the new covenant is not , believe in the highest degree , but believe e sincerely , and you shall be justified , ( so that our righteousnesse formally considered , in relation to the condition of the new covenant , is perfect or none ) doth also say , that a mans sincerity doth especially lye in his own f will. and that it is , under god , in a man 's own choice , whether he will live a blessed life , or not . thus mr. barlee hath shew'd his enmity against all he hates , and against all he loves too : and ( which is his opus naturalissimum ) he hath revealed to all the world , whereabouts his shoe wrings him . yet fourthly , i commend him for his confession , [ totum orbem exercere histrioniam ; ] though he knew it was not for his credit to translate it . but i will doe that for him . all the world is employed in the art of stageplayers or hypocrites . totus orbis ( saith mr. barlee ) all the world is pharisaicall , given to counterfeiting , and cheating , and holy co●senages , ( the * godly party not excepted . ) totus orbis is a capacious phrase ; ( as a circle is the most comprehensive of figures , and the world of circles ) it includes mr. barlee , when he plaid his part in that notorious ●omoe-tragoedie ( equally sad and ridiculous ) which he and others lately acted in daintry church , intil'd by the actors , an ordination of ministers , but by many of the spectators , an ordination of lay-preachers to be lay-preachers still , and ( without repentance ) for ever † incapable of the priesthood , by being ordained by such priests as were incapable of ordaining . a such horrible things are committed in the land , and some of the people ( a ) love to have it so , and what will they doe in the end thereof ? ordinationes eorum ●●m●rariae , leves , inconstantes , &c. tertull. de praescript● adversus haereticos . § . 15. it † now becomes me to be sensible , how many sections i have bestow'd upon those manifold absurdityes , thrust up together by mr. b. in his pretended vindication of himself from the first slander of the three , to which alone he protested to have given some credit . a running pen , in conjunction with a most obnoxious and faulty adversary , have betray'd me to this length , even whilst i still hoped i should be brief . should i proceed as i have begun , two inconveniencyes would follow . i should first reprint his voluminous libel ; and i should write such volumes of animadversions thereupon , as would speak me too prodigal of time and paper : nor would my stationers whole estate suffice for half the impression . i will therefore take up , before i go any farther ; and setting down his pages , if not his very lines too , ( as hitherto i have done ) i will mark out his follyes in the narrowest compasse that i am able . § . 16. in his ch . 2. p. 18. lin . 32 , &c. he confesseth that he lyed about the second thing excepted , although he excepted it from his lyes . his 600. copies are now dwindled into 200. good news for the brethren . things are better then they expected . for in the reckoning of 200 mr. b. did overlash no more then 400 beyond the truth . besides that he excuseth it , by saying that his memory was intolerable false to him , or w. c. was swayed by frowns , or favours , to a deniall of his words . but w. c. is amaz'd at the incongruity of the falsehood , because it is most for his secular interest to please that party . and yet he professeth not to have spoken of 200 neither : so that now mr. b. must prepare a new salvo , and lay the fault on his invention , which was terrible false to him , no longer on his memory , unlesse he forgets that 't was the babe of his invention . nor was it i , but mr. b. who told the world my book●●old well : i rather labour'd to refute him , and to fleece his 600. and therefore this was his waggery to lay his ordures in my dish . § . 17. in his ch . 2. p. 19. lin . 8. &c. he confesseth also that he lyed , or ( if you please ) that he slander'd , when he reported me the author of the book intitl'd artificial handsomnesse . but he excuseth it by saying , that he was told this lye by a most conscionable divine , ( is not he more conscionable who tells no lyes at all ? ) he farther commendeth the conscionable father of that lye , for a man that makes as much conscience of not telling , or believing lyes , as any man in england . he should sure have said crete ; because he gives no instance of his conscience , besides his having ( by his confession ) foulely slander'd his neighbour . but he gave three arguments to back his lye : which first were weak ones , because they did * almost perswade mr. b. to a belief ; and because he is ashamed to name one of them ; ( which he could not have failed of , if it had been for his advantage : ) and secondly , likely to be none at all ; because his conscience , or his fear , or something like conscience , flew fiercely into his face , and made him draw over it an invisible deleatur ; so as the printer might admit it into his book , and then be chid for that admission , if the worst came to the worst . the phrase , mentioned before , doth shew that the man had been at it long ago , but ( it seems ) had consider'd , that he needed not in the same book tell the same untruth twice . though that was also another untruth , to say that a thing was before mention'd , which now he saith was never mentioned before . and this , besides , is a contradiction . what he tells us of his letter sent up to the stationer , does but aggravate his crime : for it proves that he knew it to be a slander and when it was printed for the use of the world , he blotted it out of a few copyes to be sold in this county ( which were indeed very few ; ) & this he thought an expiation of such a generall slander . but his book slew abroad as far as the mercury could carry it . and i was taken to be the author of that book , by men who lived in other countyes , by whom i was also severely censur'd . and therefore to make me amends , he should have stood in a white sheet upon the stool of repentance , with a noverint vniversi ( upon his forehead ) that what he said was a slander , for the forgivenesse of which he intreated the prayers of all his readers . but now he shews us what a repentance he recommends to his parishoners by his example . * he confesseth that he had wrong'd me , but doth not shew that he is sorry : he rather labours to prove it a very good injury , which it was fit he should do me , for three strong reasons which he resolves shall be namelesse ; and in lieu of reparation , he proceeds to wrong me ( if it is possible ) ten times more then before . § . 18. having thus discover'd the three remarkable fictions in excuse of which mr. b. had most to say , and therefore excepted from all the rest , as the only three things to which he gave the least credit , i will now begin a new chapter . and looking back a few pages , i will observe the man's manners as far as p. 77. and try if his custome of speaking falsely is become his artificial and second nature . i will not pretend to pen them all down , ( that would be a vast enterprise , neither suitable to mine , nor my readers patience ) but only as many as may suffice for a little specimen of the man. chap. ii. mr. b's new falsehoods superadded to his old ones as a token of his repentance and proficiency ; with his absurdityes of severall kinds in the management thereof . § . 1. in his ch . 1. p. 7. lin . 12. he complains of my private , cruell , causelesse , epistolary provocations . ] 't is well for him that they are private : for should i make them as publick as diverse persons would have had me , the world would wonder at this complaint . when travellers have a mind to tell incredible stories , they commonly calculate their tales to fit meridians , and place the strangest the farthest off . and mr. b. thinks that he hath nick't it , when he cites my manuscripts and private letters , as knowing that his reader hath not a key to his cabinet . but he doth not consider , that i have copyes of my letters as well as he ; and can give his readers this short account : that when i heard he had been writing against i know-not-what manuscript , which he reported to be mine , i told him friendly ( in a letter ) what i had heard , and that i would not rashly believe a rumor , but desir'd to know the bottome of it from himself , that if indeed it were so , he might be sure to have a true copy , which i alone could infallibly supply him with . this i hope was no cruell or causelesse provocation . but yet he return'd in part of answer , [ that i knew him to be robbed ( he called not me the thief ) of a considerable part of his very few auditors when they be altogether . as for my question , he did say and write in a way that he would dare to own , and as just occasion should be given , he would not be afraid , nor asham'd , to give me and the church of god an account of what he had been doing against a trifling pamphlet savouring of my genius , and said and believed to be mine . ] and at last concluded with the words of austin to pelagius , having told me a little before , of my pelagian and semipelagian doctrins or tenents . § . 2. ibid. lin . 9 , 10 , 11. he saith , that to mine and his competent judges , he offered to do open penance for his passions , if they prove against him either scurrility or calumny . the * later of which mr. t. p. vehemently asserts and supposeth , but never proveth . ] ( 1. ) let the reader determine whether his lecturing-sympresbyters , to whom he dedicates that work , and to whom alone he submitted in * that epistle , are competent judges betwixt him and me . what malefactor in the world can be ever found guilty , if he may choose his own iury , and iudges too ? nay what condemn'd prisoner can be discouraged from his sin , or any whit troubled at his sentence , if he may have the priviledge to choose his own gallows ? twice besides in this new pasquil , he offers to be tryed for his doctrin and manners , by any † ten of his senior sympresbyters of any worth or note . but withall he provides for a double escape , if i should be so intoxicate as to stand to their judgement . for they must not only say , but prove him guilty , so as he may be fain to confesse the proof , which he resolves never to do . next they must be of worth and note ; which he will not grant them , unlesse they say that he is innocent . here is a tacit confession , that his doctrin and manners are both obnoxious , because he will not be tryed but by his peeres , that is his patrons , or congerrones , or fellow-labourers in the work . is there a quaker in the world , who will not offer to be tryed by any ten sym-quakers of any worth or note ? or if his sym-presbyterians are his competent iudges , can he think that they are mine too ? well fare the gallantry of the man , who hath found out the only way of being concluded william the conqueror . but ( 2 ) i appeal to the unconcern'd reader , and to late posterity , and withall to our legall ecclesiasticall superiors , whither i have not evinced his twofold guilt . nay i appeal to his own a confession , whether it was not a calumny which his ( a ) conscionable divine did help him forge against me , touching artificial handsomnesse , and his reverend minister , touching second marriages : which if it were not a calumny , mr. b. is a perjur'd , by not putting it down for one of his 3. things excepted from all his book . but ( 3 ) if we quit him of calumny , ( which we must not do ) yet for the sin of scurrility he must do open penance , as himself hath tacitly acknowledg'd . for having named both the crimes , he saith i never prove the later , implying the former beyond all question : else he certainly must have said , that i never prove either . in such language as this , avaunt , avaunt , thou satanical blasphemer , thou exceedest the devil himself in blasphemy , ragest against heaven , belchest out blasphemyes and diabolicall stuff , playest the lucian , and carpocratian , makest a new diabolicall pater-noster , openly blasphemest against scripture , dragon , sorcerer , noon-day devil , worse then diabolicall , and the like , mr. b. will not deny but that he is guilty of scurrility . yet ( 4 ) so insearchable is the man , that notwithstanding his b repetition of [ peccavi fateor , and , peto veniam , si unquam post hac ] yet here he writes a whole chapter to justify all he had committed : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was but somewhat c over-heated ; it was the d godly intumescency and ebullition of his zeal ; he had great e cause for it , even epistolary provocations which were cruell and causelesse ; he is but one of the orthodox f cordiall zelots ; these are only his ( g ) ludicralls and the ( g ) play fulnesse of his stile ; was not our saviour h sufficiently zealous ? his frailtyes ( he confesseth ) are i great and many ; he hath exuberancyes k of passion , and will promise to make ( if need be ) an open confession upon his knees for all the wrongs it shall appear he hath done me : l but his cordiall friends have no great reason to blame him , because he is for a usefull and necessary moderation ; whereas some men's hair-brain'd fury , falsely called zeale , is destitute of all prudence , and other mens soft , milky , faint-hearted coldnesse is disguised under the termes of prudence , fairenesse , peace , moderation ; but he hath shew'd himself against both extremes . thus his conscience and his tongue are accusing , and excusing , confessing , and denying , washing , and wallowing in the mire , sinning , and repenting , and speaking well of his sins : and so by turnes he does them both over and over , and thinks he may do it very safely ; for he is one of the few whom god hath a called to be faithfull , is acted by grace irresistible , from which he cannot so much as totally for a time , much lesse finally fall away , let his scurrilityes and calumnyes be what they can be . and whilst he is such a white boy of fate ( like homer's paris ) what need he care to put an end to any thing that is evill ? such are his opinions , and such his practice : and both have been published in print , first by himself , and then by me . § . 3. in his c. 2. p. 10. lin . 13 , 14 , &c. he complains , that i made assaults upon his 3 aged prefacers , the neighbouring lecturers of northampton and daintry , upon calvin , rivet , vedelius , walaeus , amyraldus , bp. usher , hall , davenant , king james , upon the whole synods of them at dort , or westminster ; in a word , upon almost all the protestant name and glory . ] now he begins to be pretty hopefull , because in these few lines we have not much more then 15 falsehoods . for to the first of his prefacers i gave a greater b commendation then perhaps in modesty he will own . the second i c passed over in silence , though he had publickly gaped upon me with his teeth . the third i d dismissed with lesse castigation then he deserv'd . nay . i e rebuked mr. b. for passing so terrible a sentence upon the publick practices of those his three patrons , their growing rich upon 3 sequestrations , which m. barlee had said was an unchristian , ungentlemanly , unscholarly , unneighbourly , unecclesiasticall thing . and it was he who assaulted his neighbour-lecturers , not only by speaking to them in publick ( which they could not but take for a disgrace ) but by f registring their receding from a part of those articles which they had formerly subscribed . from which aspersions i did endeavour to clear as many as i was able . i spake not of the person , but words and doctrins of mr. calvin . i repeated what others had spoken of him , ( which i did not do neither till mr. b. had urg'd me to it ) and what he spake of himself . i toucht rivet but once , and that by accident , mr. b. having used him to stave off a blow ; nor was it his person , but his g argument whereby he sought to prove that vitious , which he said must needs have been from god. of vedelius , however peccant , i spake but little more then nothing . of walaeus , nothing at all that i can now think on . amyrald , and the three a bishops , i spake reverently of , as i had reason . the synod of dort was composed of differing partyes , and not a little misliked by our english divines who were assessors ; whom mr. b. having b abus'd with their hierarchick flaunt , i did vindicate and rescue from that unclean member . of the westminster divines i said no worse , then that i had not c seen their confessions of faith , and that they could not make a better creed then the apostles , or teach their mother a better catechisme then she had taught them . but mr. b. by applying that to them , which was not spoken or meant of them by me , calls them by craft manichees , helvidians , carpocratians , turks and stoicks , c. 1. p. 7. king iames i vindicated exceedingly , when mr. b. had d said in effect , that his majesty and s. austin were as great railers as himself . as i e did also bp. davenant , when mr. b. jeer'd him with his orthodox put-offs . last of all for the protestant name and glory , so far was i from assaulting them , that when his sawcinesse had call'd them the lazie-hierarchick-non-preaching-lubbers , i did assert them as the f ornaments , the glories , and the venerable supports of our english-church , the very latchets of whose shoes we weekly preachers are not worthy to untie . and was this to make an assault against them ? believe me , for correptorie correction , and saying much in a little ( i speak of falsehood ) mr. barlee is he who shall wear the garland . § . 4. in his c. 2. p. 11. lin . ult . p. 12. lin . 1 , 2 , &c. he takes it ill that i said , he represented me to the world as in a state of damnation , because he did not expresse it in those very words . yet he confesseth , whilst he denyeth , that my charge was true . for he confesseth that he told me ( corr. corr. p. 43. ) that i was like to be looked on as some of the planets spoken of iude 13. ( for whom is reserved the blacknesse of darknesse for ever ) if i repent not the sooner , ( that is , if i turn not presbyterian . ) where he takes it for granted , that i have not yet repented , and therefore hitherto am in a state of damnation . besides , 't is one of his tenets , that the saints can never be in such a state , no not in the ( g ) act of adultery or g murder , and that they cannot dye untill they have repented . so that unlesse his meaning was , that i am one of those reprobates iude 13. he either knew not his own opinions , or saw not whether they would lead him , or else spake non-sense when he added , [ if you do not repent the sooner : ] it being certainly his opinion , that if i am not already of the elect , i never can be ; and if i am of the elect , i must * inevitably repent , or must not dye . here then mr. b. is put to his choice , whether he will renounce his whole conceipt of election , and irresistible grace of repentance , or confesse ( what he denyes ) that he thought me at that present in a state of damnation , or that he wilfully spake against his conscience . by the way observe at once his charity , and his discretion . if mr. b. commits the sin of murder , he thinks he cannot be in a state of damnation , and that he cannot dye till he repents ; but if i am found in the act of being antipresbyterian , i am certainly damn'd if i repent not the sooner . both are taken from a presumption , ( without any the least ground , save in his fancy ) that he is called to be a faithfull , and i was absolutely ordained to be a reprobate . secondly , he alledgeth for himself , that in his second passage which i cited , ( corr. corr. p. 174 ) he did not expresse his opinion , but his feares , that none could write as i did , unlesse well-nigh in the same condition with simon magus . as if he could fear my being a reprobate , without being of that opinion . it is so impossible for the one to subsist without the other , that philosophers do reckon fear as the b formall reason of opinion . in saying , he did fear my sad condition , he implyed indeed , he was not sure of it . ( and what a great vertue was this , that he did not speak himself god , who alone can be sure what shall become of us hereafter ? ) but the more he fear'd it , by so much the stronger was his opinion , which set his fear at that pitch . so that if he speakes sense , his meaning certainly must be this , ( which will be worse then if it were non-sense ) that he did think me well-nigh in the same condition with simon magus , but yet he was not of that opinion : or else he was of that opinion , but he did not say it in those words . let him choose which he pleaseth , his falsehood in saying , he did fear what he did not , or his falsehood in saying , he did not think what he did . and let him study some little logick , ( though it be but a system ) that he may trouble the world with not-so-many contradictions . above all , let him not call it his godly jealousy ( as here he doth p. 12. ) to pluck the c tares from the wheat before the harvest , untill he is able to distinguish betwixt the one and the other . but let him leave it to him , who shall come in the cloud at the last day to a gather the wheat into his garner , and to burne up the chaff with unquenchable fire . when mr. b. was pleas'd to charge me with * atheisticall lucianizing , and with the pouring out * of damnable blasphemyes , for vindicating god from the aspersion of being the author or cause of sin , i would ask him if he thought me a pretious vessell of election . when he will answer that question , i shall shew him what follows . § . 5. in his c. 2. p. 12. lin . 24 , 25. &c. he saith he only charged me with * consequential socinianisme , to his best remembrance , in all his book . ] is not this a rare christian , vvho for so great an injury to his neighbour , vvill make no other satisfaction then to deny or to extenuate the crimson fact ? and to justify this too with want of memory ? it can as little be expected by any reader , that i should remember so many pages , wherein the socinian is put upon me . yet by but dipping into his book , i find him speaking of my b socinio-grotian-persian glosses ; my desires not to be accounted a c socinian , in such a fleering way as doth imply , that i shall be so accounted do what i can ; my ( d ) atheistical lucianizing and ( d ) castalionizing , which ( with him who brands castalio vvith no lesse then viperous socinian books p. 13. ) vvas to call me socinian , and very much worse , unlesse he thought that the atheist lucian vvas a socinian only ( many hundreds of years before socinus vvas borne ) or that socinians are all atheists . again , he told me , i vvas nearly allied to the e iesuites and socinians : though novv he virtually confesseth , i vvas no more like a iesuite , then himself like a dominican . and so by his logick he is nearly allied unto the papists , and ( vvhich is vvorse ) unto the libertines , vvho only built upon the calvinists foundations . in hovv many more places he did asperse me as a socinian , i must needs be forgetfull , as vvell as he . he hints my erring about the very f trinity , but holds forth nothing ; only dreames of a manuscript , and talkes as impertinently out of it , nay a great deal more , then mr. haddock did in his sleep . at last he concludes , hovv he may shew me , another time , justly suspected of socinianisme , because i read the books of episcopius & castalio , who are no more socinians then mr. barlee , ( for ought i know , ) and i read them as little ( i believe , ) as he. or if i read socinian books never so much , ( as i know few men have read them lesse ) doth it follow i am a socinian , more then i am a presbyterian , because i read dr. twisse , and mr. barlee ? by this way of reasoning , mr. barlee may justly be thought a heathen , because it appeares by his latin shreds , that he hath taken some few of the heathen poets into his bosome . his signal ignorance of antiquity , as to the canon of scripture , and the three subsistences in one substance , i leave as i find it , meerly for fear of being tedious . § . 6. in his c. 2. p. 13. lin . 19 , 20 , &c. he talks of his witnesses in the country , how tender he hath been of my life , and of my livelyhood ; giving this instance of his tendernesse , that he thought me fit to be punished , but not to be burnt , as was servetus at geneva . ] yet 1. he defends the burning of servetus , who was not so bad as mr. b. hath labour'd to fancy me . for let them say what they please to lessen the guilt of that cruelty , yet they are partyes , and must not so easily be heeded , as other men who are none . if servetus his book was so blasphemous , why was calvin so a diligent in burning up the impression , which he should rather have preserved , that posterity might see some competent cause for such a terrible execution ? yet by the providence of god , one or two of the copies escap't the fire : and we are assured by peerlesse grotius , that in the copie which he saw , he could not find those things which were objected by mr. calvin . what melanchthon spake of it was meerly on supposition that calvin's narrative was true . and oecolampadius was offended at the barbarity of the sentence . nor find i any thing pretended against servetus , which was so highly blasphemous , as the making god to be the author or cause of sin . how well mr. calvin could tell his own tale , and how diligent he was in being the first informer of his affairs , we may guesse by his b epistles which he writ to the 4 helvetian cityes , for the gaining of authority to his new devise . secondly , mr. b. c complains of the severity which was used to penry , which shews how much kinder he is to treason , then to that which either is , or is called heresie . and with how many sorts of heresy he hath been pleased to load me in both his books , i need not here reckon either to his , or my readers . thirdly , though he professed in his a epistle to be so sollicitous of my fame , & outward safety , as no man more ; yet he will have me to be a sorcerer , and to be ranked with the witches spoken of by the apostle 2 tim. 3. 13. ( ch . 2. p. 42. ) again , he chargeth me at once with socimanisme and dimidiate pontificianism , p. 38. with my good friends the anabaptists , and quakers , p. 42. ( two sorts of persons to whom i am equally a stranger , and more a stranger then mr. barlee ) with b vehement pleading for the lawfulnesse of praying for the dead , and unto saints , p. 44. nay in the very next page to the place i am upon , he seeks my sequestration by this dilemma . § . 7. c either he practiseth in his publick ministry those many liturgical knacks which he doth so zealously plead for , or he doth not : if the first , he knows at what perill he doth it ; if the later , he proclaims himself a timorous unconscionable coward to all the world . the lord shew mr. t. p. a way how to leap out of this snare ; and this the lord knows is all the harme i wish him . ] observe the charity of this saint , who prayes by the directory . he wisheth me no worse then perfect beggerie on one side , or to be published on the other for an unconscionable knave . if one of these must be my lot ( as mr. b. seemes to be resolv'd ) give me the former , let him take the later . should i not speak to his dilemma , he would exclaim against my cowardise , and want of conscience , for doing as ill as a presbyterian . yet if i speak distinctly to it , he will admire my folly , and want of prudence , for not doing so ill as a presbyterian . i am not amorous of suffering ; i have had too much of it already from that implacable and bloody sect. but so much do i prefer the greatest secular inconvenience before the sin of complyance with such a gang , that i will readily cast my self on the shorter horne of his dilemma , as being most sure that it will do me least hurt . i would not be bribed with both the indies , to do any thing so ill , as might make me be mistaken for a presbyterian , or a complyer with that faction by any shew or appearance either of flatterie , or of fear . be it therefore known to this contriver of mischief , ( and to as many of his abettors as hope to have me in their lurch , ) that i do duely perform my oaths and promises ; i live in humble obedience both to the lawes of the land , and to the canons of the church ; i have no commerce with the directorie , or with any thing else that is presbyterian ; nor yet do i practice any more of my liturgical knacks ( as this zelot of the kirk profanely calls them ) then i think i am , in conscience , indispensably obliged and bound unto . i use that prudence and moderation , to which i am advised by the severest of my superiours . and they who had power to do me hurt in consideration of my practice , have been so throughly satisfied with the grounds and reasons of what i do , as to think me the worthyer of preservation . had the * fierie sort of the presbyterians ( which i have reason to distinguish from the more charitable and candid ) swallow'd down that power of doing mischief which they gaped after so long , with so much appetite and hunger , ( and when they had swallowed for a time , were happily made to cast it up , ) i had not expected so great a miracle , as that a man could have been honest , and have injoyed his own too . who can take the vast distances , or number the manifold degrees , by which the body of independents must be preferr'd ? but now 't is fit that mr. barlee should know his part in the d●lemma , who to avoid the peril on the right hand , hath made choice , on the left , to be recorded as a most timorous and unconscionable coward . when he entred into the priesthood , he took the oath of supremacy , and the other oath of alleg●ance , subscribed the nine and thirty articles ( without which , bp. † davenant admitted none into the priesthood , as i can shew ; ) nay if he were ordained in the year 1640. ( when that bp. celebrated a generall ordination in the cathedrall church ) he was made to take that other a oath against admitting or complying with any manner of innovations in point of doctrin or discipline , according to the canon in that case provided by the then-convocation , which was legitimately called , and authoriz'd . nay this is not all ; for before mr. barlee was admitted into the office of the priesthood ( which was the very expression then used by the bp. ) he did solemnly promise in the presence of god , and the congregation , ( amongst many other things ) that the lord being his helper , he would reverently obey his ordinary , and other chief ministers , unto whom the government and charge was committed over him , following with a glad mind and will their godly admonitions , and submitting himself to their godly judgements . there he solemnly and demurely did make profession , [ that he thought in his heart , he was truly called to the ministery of the priesthood , according to the will of our lord jesus christ , and the order of this church of england . ] clearly granting , ( by that copulative , ) that the order of our church , as then it stood , by his confession , was according to the will of our lord iesus christ . in * subscribing the 39. articles , he acknowledged the a power of the church to decree rites and ceremonyes , and auctority in controversyes of faith. b that none are lawfully called and sent to minister in the congregation , but such as are chosen and called to it by men who have publick authority given unto them in the congregation , to call and send ministers into the lords vineyard . c that whosoever through his private judgement willingly and purposely doth openly break the traditions and ceremonyes of the church , &c. ought to be rebuked openly , ( that others may fear to do the like ) as he that offendeth against the common order of the church , and hurteth th' authority of the magistrate , and woundeth the consciences of the weak brethren , &c. that the books of d homilies , ( concerning the common prayer , &c. ) ought to be read in churches by the ministers diligently , and distinctly , that they may be understood of the people . e that the book of consecration of arch-bishops and bishops , and ordering of priests and deacons , &c. doth contain all things necessary to such consecration and ordering , neither hath it any thing , that of it self is superstitious or ungodly , &c. f that the kings m. hath the chief power in this realm of england and other his dominions , unto whom the chief government of all estates of this realm , whether they be ecclesiastical or civil , in all causes doth appertain . all which , with the rest , being subscribed by mr. b. and the priesthood received , ( as hath been shew'd ) he a sealed to all he had subscribed , promised , and professed , by the tremendous sacrament of the lord's supper . all which notwithstanding , he hath covenanted with the scots to mould us all after the kirk ; polluted his church with the directorie , and many other abominations i spare to name ; hath taken upon him to ordain priests , to which office he knows he never received a consecration , and had no other power imparted to him by bp. d. venant , then to b preach , to dispense sacraments , to bind and loose ; and that not any how , or as he listeth , but c as this realm hath received the same . he jeer'd our divines at the synod of dort , ( and bp. davenant as one of them ) with their hierarchick flaunt , the masse of ceremonyes , the ceremonious litter , the many pretty liturgicall knacks , with other the like effects of his spirit and breeding . he denyes that any civill power can have a supremacy in causes ecclesiastical ( so long as he cleaves to his kirkirsh principles , ) and now he publickly d avows that his presbytery hath an authority to excommunicate the magistrate , the supreme civill magistrate under which they live , and to which they have * sworn to live in subjection and obedience . the foul and horrid consequences of which most popish and iesuiticall tenent , i could easily tell him out of story , were this a place for such inlargements . i shall omit many things , untill i am farther provoked , and find it needfull , i will only observe this once for all , that when he labours to excuse his senior sym-presbyters and patrons whom he had tacitly accused e of temporizing , and inconstancy , and receding from their subscriptions , &c. he saith ; they only receded from the rituall f part , and in an age unceremonial . what a rare animal is this ? and with how healing a tongue can he lick himself whole , although his ulcers are never so grievous ? there is but one article , of 39 , commanding a dutifull observance of rites and ceremonyes ; the rest are only of substantials : from which when the party * apostatizeth , then all was but rituall ( you may be sure ) and they grew out of fashion ; that is , the times did alter , and ( like their ordinary emblem , upon the pinnacle of the temple ) the men alter'd with them . there is nothing more easy , then to put soft names upon the ruggedst actions in the world . drunkennesse is good fellowship , euphoniae gratia ; fornication a trick of youth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every thing may be any thing . i make no doubt but if popery should reign amongst us in these dayes , and should be as rigidly imposed as in the dayes of queen mary , mr. rabbi buisy would be the first at his crucifix and his beades , and would say in his defense , to any man that should accuse him of serving the times , that he only † conformed to the rituall part , and in an age ceremonial . they are very unlikely to take up the crosse , who have laid it so heavily upon other men's shoulders . but now that i and mr. b. have taken our turns in his dilemma , i must consider of a way how to shorten my work ; lest if i punish the malefactor after the measure that he is guilty , i loose as much time as my greatest adversaries can wish . § . 8. in his c. 2. p. 16. lin . 18 , 19 , 31 , &c. he denyes that he intended a publication of his papers against a manuscript called mine ; and explains what he meant by communi presbyterorum consilio in one of his letters directed to me long since . ] if i had not experience of his hardinesse , i should admire how he durst to contradict his own eyes , when he could not but know that mine are open , & that it is in my power to send his letters into the light . i have them now under mine eye , and do find my self threatned in the second , as i find him boasting in the first , vvhat publick use he would make of an answer to my pamphlet , and what account he would give to the church of god of what he had been doing against that trifle . i am also looking upon his third letter ( as he directs me ) wherein his words are precisely these [ being a presbyterian i affect much to proceed communi presbyterorum consilio : ] that is , in plain english , by the common counsell of the presbyters , not by the common consent only , as here he falsely translates his own latin. did he think that consilium had been the latin word for consent ? or did he wilfully mistake it ? or had he forgot his own words when he challeng'd me to look under his hand and seale ? other men may judge as they think convenient : but i believe his forgetfullnesse is the best expression of his remembrance . § . 9. in his c. 2. p. 17. lin . 16. he saith , i make more hast with my good works , then good speed , ( giving this reason in the margin , ) because my correct copie , sinner impleaded , and philanthropie , were all put forth in lesse then a twelve-month . ] he cannot indure to speak truth , though nothing is gotten by his falsehood . nineteen months were expired betwixt the first and the last of those three books . and what had he to do with that ? why must he publish to the world , that i am industrious in my calling , and that himself ( if he is able , ) is not willing to tell twenty , without loosing 7 before he comes to 19 ? but be it so that my books had come forth all in a day , can that either better them , or make them worse ? then indeed is mr. b. an excellent author , who after some years a travail ( to use his phrase ) was able to squeeze out a couple of monsters . and however he tells me that i am not quick-sighted , yet in the very same line i can see his latin , [ acutum cernere & mordere ] and , few lines before , i can see his greek , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ] and whilst i see , i pity both ; advising him henceforward to content himself with dutch and hebrew . § . 10. whilst i am thus going forwards in shewing his falsehoods , i am arriv'd at that b page , where he is pleas'd to accuse me of the very same crime , palpable untruths which i published against him , and of them not a few , but many threes , saith our accuser . but here he stumbles at his own threshold , and no sooner tryes to get up , then he falls quite down . first he confesseth , that his three exceptions were bare hearsares , which he had sworn were no bare hearsayes p. 17. next he feares , that i had scarce so much as hearsayes to bear me out in what i said : though part of what i spake was from his own hand-writing ; part from his mouth , delivered to me from his own messenger on purpose sent unto my house , who did not whisper it neither , but spake it audibly to others ; and part from such persons , who for number are more , and for credit more weighty then this unhappy recriminator can pretend to be . thirdly , he tells us he will but touch upon a c few of my supposed calumnyes , without so much as mentioning a world more ; when yet he had told us in his title-page , that he had made a full abstersion of all calumnyes ; hoping the reader would forget what he had said in his title , or not read on till p. 20. or not observe the contradiction betwixt the one and the other , or at least conceive a world more beyond the collective all. how impossible it is , that m. b. should knowingly have omitted to accuse me of any failing , which he conceived to be such , i will briefly demonstrate by 2 examples of his willingnesse to make me guilty . 1. in the conclusion of my philanth . i had written these words , — when some wagers have been laid concerning the correptorie correction — the printers officer ( by setting his letters so loosely as to fall out of the frame ) expressed it thus — when some wagers have con been laid cerning the correptorie correction . — which misplacing of the syllable [ con ] which should have been added to [ cerning ] was demonstrably no other then the misfortune of the presse ; and yet mr. b. in his † prints thought fit to trouble his readers with it . 2. whereas my printer , in the * same book , had made it [ in ] in stead of [ ni ] which i had therefore very carefully took care to have mended in the catalogue of errata , and that in this printed form [ p. 99. l. 19. r. ni ] mr. b. taking no notice that it was alter'd in the errata , layes it roundly to my charge in his c. 2. p. 28. which however , in it self , most unworthy to be mention'd ; yet considering the use which may be easily made of it , i think it more worthy then greater matters . for from hence i thus argue : if mr. b. was so diligent in observing those oversights , which he could not but know were none of mine , but meerly typographicall , and as venial faults in the printer as any printer can let fall , in any the most weighty or sacred volume ; how would the man have triumphed , had he found any errors of greater moment ? and how innocent doth he declare my papers to have been , wherein he is fain to quarrell such motes ? and how incredible must he be thought , whilst he pretends an omission of other faults ? nay , fourthly , he protested before god , that he knew but three things which i accused of being fictions , to which he gave the least credit , p. 17. yet here he talkes of many threes ; at the very expense of being perjur'd in his former affirmation , or of speaking in the later against his knowledge . fifthly , how incredible must it needs be , that he who invented so many tales , and took up so many upon report ( either in deed , or in pretense ) should omit to publish any ill thing of me , if he had really met with it in any part of my writings ? but let us come to the particulars of which his unhappinesse is composed . § . 11. his first complaint is , ( p. 20. lin . 7 , 8 , 9 , &c. ) that his chief parishoners being of my congregation , i said , was the ground of all his correptorie correction . ] my own words were , that this a appeares to be the reason . and so it doth very sufficiently . for 1. he was civill and courteous to me , as civill , and as courteous , as most men in the country , untill the time that his parishoners betook themselves to my church , ( as much without my knowledge , as against his pleasure : ) and from that time forward my neighbours enmity to me did take its date . he got a copie of a manuscript which was conceived to be mine , ( and whisper'd such among the brethren ) against which he boasted what confutations he was preparing . i advis'd him by letter , that if it was true what i had heard , he would consider whether his copie were mine or not , and whether ( if mine ) it were a true copy or a false one . to this , ( before he would give me one pertinent word ) he return'd me an answer usher'd in with this preface — you know me to be robbed ( i call not you the thief ) of a considerable part of my very fevv auditors vvhen they be all together . in his second letter he told me , that those chief parishoners vvere the b fugitives of his flock , and that i was the receiver of another mans sheep ; that they were not so good as he vvould have them , else i needed not to turn c medler in another man's dioecese out of any over-fond love of abolished episcopacy . nay he flew so high as to wish , that matters might be judicially decided in an ecclesiasticall court. ( vvhich vvhat it imports in a presbyterian sense , so many have felt , that all have heard it . ) 2. this aking tooth did so torment him , that he abruptly cryed out in his first printed pamphlet ( as he vvas trying to speak of gods decrees ) that i had fulfilled my insolency against his d ministry , and his flock . and in another place , ( upon a suddain twitch of the vexed part ) he e blurted out a bold vvorld , that he took more pains vvith those fevv under him , then i with my more numerous flock . upon another sharp pang of the aking tooth , he brake out into a confidence , that his a sermons were more wholsome , though not so handsome as mine . nay so far is he from leaving this anodynous outcrie , untill his pain hath left him , that he reproacheth me ( even here too ) with my * filching of his parishoners ( lin . 17. ) and with schismaticall practices against his parish ( lin . 24. ) and this ground of his distempers he calls the ground of his godly jealousy ( lin . 20. ) nay ( as the acid humour doth increase , ) he layes about him like two or three b thrashers ; strikes at the high commendations which he saith i gave to his parishoners qualityes and conversations , when i said that they were persons of a most imitable converse , fearing god and hating covetousnesse , &c. then he talks of his advantage to do me a mischief ; and forgeth me to have said , c that it is in his power to do me many a shrewd turne ; talks of patriarch sibbs in anothers dioecese , and of no body-knows-who , who cheerfully complyed with his ministery ; calls me fawning tertullus ; speakes of his preaching by the hour-glasse ( in 2 words of true latin ) and of others coaching it to church ( in one word of false french ; ) observes that [ far fetcht is good for ladyes ; ] tells them how well they might have fared by hearing him speak ; and so concludes with another old say , [ their mind to them their kingdom is . ] thus he puts things together to the very end of his 21 page : & this must go for a proof ( if we are as willing as himself ) that his parishoners going from him was not at all the ground of his correptory correction . but because he denyes that he did preach them out of their patience , and spake against them , as well as to them , out of the very same pulpit , i will oppose to his deniall ( which is but single , and his own too ) their unanimous affirmation , that what i said they will justify on all occasions . it was from them who were affronted that i had knowledge of the affronts : and they are persons of so much honour , as well as of conscience and integrity , that one of their words will weigh more , then all the oaths and protestations which can be put by mr. b. into the contrary scale . nor is it a little to his prejudice , that he hath spent two pages in an impertinent invective against those persons , who are so generally belov'd , because so generally obliging , that they stood in some need of his evill tongue , to deliver them from the woe of being spoken well of by * all men . for now it happily falls out , ( to their unspeakable comfort and advantage ) that they are only spoken well of by all except one ; and he a correptorie corrector . § . 12. it is his second complaint , ( p. 21. lin . ult . p. 22. lin . 1. &c. ) that i did publish his confession , that it must cost him around sum of mony to get his book printed . ] was not 20● . such a sum ? would not that have done well in a daughters portion ? and did he not send it me in a message by a neighbour minister , that he could get his book printed for no greater sum then 20● . which if himself could not spare , he had friends who were able to do it for him ? i had been told it before by many grave persons ; but i should hardly have made it publick , had he not told me of it himself . and did i do ill to believe his own message , when delivered by a person much more credible then himself ? if the bargain was alter'd from after that time , he should have sent me word of that too , as he had done of the former . but how doth he blast his own credit , in setting this down as a palpable untruth , of which himself was the author , and i but his echo ? nay he confesseth even here , whilst he doth offer at a deniall , 1. that he suspected some such matter , and spake of it to his friends ; 2. that one acquainted with the wayes of printers did a little scare him about a sum of mony ; 3. that after the mony matter was talk't of , he did , out of pure respect to his budget , forbear committing his book to the presse ; ( truth will out one way or other . ) 4. that at last it cost him a small matter to the printer , and what he did gratify his choice friends with . but let him speak again in print ; was he not obliged , at the stationers price , to take off 200 of his correp . corrections ? and doth he not drop a * confession that divers dozens of his book came down to him bound up ? and did he not leave some dozens to be sold for him by the ●…tioners ? come away then , reader , to his next recrimination . § . 13. his third complaint is , ( p. 22. lin . 24 , 25. &c. ) that i said , he rayled at me to all sorts of people , and cursed me to some , and preached me down in his 2 lecture sermons . ] he preach't and rayl'd , for he rayled in preaching , to all sorts of people . once at northampton in mine own hearing , under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : vvhich when i charged him with , he did not deny it . another time in daventry pulpit , which ( being upon a market day ) was talked of in the market , and brought to my eares by a cloud of eare witnesses . and whether he railed at me or no behind the curtains , his readers may judge by what he hath done upon the stage . a correptorie corrector begins to grow into a proverb , and gives a speciall denomination to one that railes . a but mr. b. will lay down his life upon it , that , for above this 30 years , never did rash oaths or cursing come out of the doors of his lips ; nor in his greatest hast and heats did he ever protest so high , as by his faith , by his troth , or his truly . yet in the 17th page of this his last book , he protested before god , not only rashly , but very much worse , as hath been shew'd . is not that more then by his faith ? again he b professed in the presence of god , that he thought me well-nigh in the same condition with simon magus . is not that more then by his troth ? nay farther yet , he pulls a curse upon himself , and the greatest curse too , even c anathema maranatha , if he prove not the doctrins which he hath taught these 20 years most agreeable to the faith of the church of england . and when we consider how impossible it will be to prove that , how much worse hath he done , then if he had spoken it by his truly ? nay in this his second book he bestows this curse upon his friends , d beshrew them , who vvere at any time so credulous , &c. but in excuse of this last he may chance to say , that he vvas somevvhat older at his p. 38. vvhere he cursed , then at his p. 22. vvhere he laid his life upon it , that he had not cursed or sworne these 30. years . and therefore i presse it not much upon him : i love to allovv him all the scope that i am able . § . 14. his fourth complaint is ( p. 3. lin . 20 , 21. &c. ) concerning vvhat i said of the correctors of his presse , and that his apologie was to be looked on as the deepest instance of his invention : and p. 24. that he was at the cost to have his book in the diurnall . ] to the first i ansvver , that i vvas told it by divers persons vvhose eyes vvere still upon the place , and could tell more of those matters then mr. b. himself . vvhich i cannot prove , i 'le beg his pardon , although the matter is not of moment . for a most satisfactory answer to the second , i refer my reader to the a place , where my words may be seen in conjunction with the reasons which there i give for them . i say to the third , that what he did by a proxy , he truly did . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that i can shew my information under the hand and seale of a most worthy person . that if he did , he did well , ( for who prints books to keep them secret ? ) and therefore if he did not , i did not ill to think he did . yet because i did take it upon report , i shall as soon as he proves i did mistake it , make him amends in such a manner as he will have me . and thus having seen the very utmost of what he hath been able to charge me with , ( from the very beginning to the conclusion of my book , ) i will pursue my method of charging him. § . 15. in his p. 24. lin . 8 , 9. he is not afraid to divulge his dream , that by my silver hook i hooked in very printers boyes to be my historians , and that i bribed them to let me have a hansell of his papers , &c. ] a thing not only extremely false , but so very impossible to be true , that i was never able to find out whereabout his printer lived , whether at london , oxford , or cambridge . upon my diligent inquiry , i heard that london was the place , but i heard it only , and read it in the title-page of his book . for ought i know , there is no such matter . but admit him to be in london , i cannot tell ( to this hour ) either where he lives , or what his name is . all i find in his title-page , is , mr. sawbridge his stationer , and w. h. which what it signifyes , i cannot tell . indeed mr. sawbridge was ask't the question by a friend , but he was as wary as the ancient persians , and would not let fall a syllable towards the opening of the secret . the mysteryes of bacchus and of cybele were never lock't up with greater care . the like was observed in the printing of his last ; which i was never able to get a sight of ( notwithstanding my indeavours , which might administer an occasion to mr. b's confident invention ) untill after there were copyes in the publick shops at northampton . so very unhappy is mr. b. in printing all that lyes uppermost . § . 16. in his p. 25. lin . 18 , 19. he saith , i omitted to touch upon the 20th part of all that was substantiall in him , and argumentative . ] if he had said , [ of all that was scurrilous and invective , ] he had hit the truth a little nearer . i was chid by wise persons for considering him at all , and again i was chid for taking him so much into consideration . but for this i have been thanked by the very same persons , that i shew'd him the shadows of all his substance . what subject is there in all his satyr touching the questions in debate , and relating to my notes , upon which i have not fully spoken in my defense of gods philanthropie ? my alphabeticall index is a thousand witnesses , to such as list to look no farther . but i have many more witnesses then mr. b. can pretend to , because the whole impression was dispersed long ago . how i spake to all things which were substantiall and pertinent , and why i spake to no more , i cannot demonstrate by an induction , unlesse i transcribe the many sections , both of his book , and mine . but i can do it a shorter way , even by sending my equall reader to the conclusion of my philanthropie , and by desiring him , with that to compare the index . § . 17. in his 27 , 28 , 29. pages , he proclaimes his ignorance in greek and latin , by his pitifull endeavours to make them venial . i did occasionally name a few of his infirmityes , and in mercy to him i nam'd no more . i did seriously intend not to rub up that sore , and meant that time should either heale it , or skin it over . but since the delinquent is so ingratefull , as not to accept of my pity , and even flings dirt at me for concealing so much of his uncleannesse , i will compell him to be sorry , though i cannot be sure he will repent . first , for his generall excuses , that the printer did him much wrong , and that i would not admit of a corrected copy which he sent me , i have this to answer for his discomfort . 1. that the grossest of his commissions ( such as multa rara , ad phalerandum populum , derelictoscujus , and the like ) are not pretended by himself to have been errors typographicall . for of the three i now nam'd he seeks to justify two , and very wisely conceales the third : ad phalerandum populum he dares not mention . 2. though i would not accept of a book from his hands , ( having bought one before out of the shop , and suspecting many dishonestyes to lye in ambush by such a project ; ) yet i detein'd it so long , as to examine his monstrosityes of greek and latin , ( which by the index i had made was very easy to be done . ) and except daemon meridianum ( which he had mended with his pen ) i found the book to be as faulty ( in point of latin and greek ) as that which i had from the common stall . nay i have now in my custody one of those very copyes , which mr. b. corrected after it came to northampton ; and even there i have discover'd above twenty grosse errors ( as a neighbour minister can bear witnesse ) neither amended with the pen , nor yet in the catalogue of errata . but let us come to the particulars in which i * instanc't . the first , and chiefest , was his deplorable use of phalerandum , which in stead of confessing , or excusing , he very carefully passeth over , and breaks out into railing , as the naturall language of his misfortunes . and having shew'd by convina , ( as heretofore by monsieurs ) that he would fain be mistaken to have at least a little skill in italian and french , even whilst he demonstrates his perfect ignorance in both , he tryes to hide his reall frailty , by starting a frailty where there is none . for the fault that i found was multa rara , which was as bad as to have said , multa pauca : and to that i pointed with an asterisk both in the margin , and in the text. but our gamester provides a back-door for his escape , and makes as if i had blam'd him for the particle [ ni ] whereas he knows i never did , and was so far from laying it in his dish , that i laid it wholly in the printers , as mr. b. might have read in the catalogue of errata . in so much as that refuge hath quite undone him . nor fares he the better for his many rare gemms , because his words were multa lectu dignissima & admodum rara ; which if he thinks not worse then many grammaticall incongruities , i know what the reader will be apt to say of his learning . is not this bad enough ? not , it seems , for mr. barlee : for that which follows is much worse . † defectio arguit fuisse derelictos , cujus ( supple derelictionis , saith mr. barlee ) non potest alia adduci causa , quam reprobatio . calvin's word was derelictos , not derelictio : or if it had been so , as mr. b's ignorance would have had it , yet could it not have been mr. calvin's meaning . for 1. it appears by the context , that he was speaking of the defection of the reprobate angels , and inquiring after its cause : and 2. it could not otherwise be sense , then by making cujus to refer unto the word defectio . could mr. calvin be so silly , as to say that gods reprobation was the only cause of his dereliction ? not his positive reprobation , for then it would be before the negative , ( in contradiction to his tenent ; ) not the negative reprobation , for that is nothing but dereliction , which cannot possibly be the cause of it self . no , 't was only mr. b. who could arrive to that pitch of dementation . what satisfaction will he now make me for giving me the lye with a notorious epithet , and for his wonderfull impertinence of st. paul's ignorance in grammar ? he tells us it is venial to break priscian's head. but these are such faults as would break his heart too . the time would fail me if i should mention the great variety of the like , which are very conspicuous in his correp . correction . but i will shew my catalogue to any man that shall desire it for satisfaction ; and from the presse , if required by m. b. nor is he happyer in his second book then he was in his first . for not to speak of such trifles as coriphaeus , and acutum cernere , ( not mended in the errata ) i will only mention two or three rarityes . what i had written a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he thought he must repeat * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 17. no doubt because he found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his lexicon , and could not find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherein how many absurdityes might be observed ( to the filling up of both pages ) i leave to the guesse of a sufficient reader . again ( in his ch . 2. p. 54 , 55. ) he snibs me for an oversight in translating this latin , desinebat esse vir , sed non malus grammaticus : either not knowing , or not considering , that the words are amphibological ( like ibis redibis nunquam romane peribis ; ) and when the sentence vvas capable of both constructions , i had reason to take that vvhich vvas most for my purpose , and for the credit of origen , to vvhom the amphibolie vvas applyed . novv vvhether the logick , or the grammar of mr. b. is to be shent , i leave himself to be the judge . but above all , i admire him for his vvaving of my b dilemma , vvhereby he vvas forced to confesse , that he vvas either a wilfull impostor , or else understood not the latin tongue , vvhen he translated felix turpio , not only besides , but against the meaning of the vvords . whosoever shall read chap. 3. p. 105 , and 106. of divine philan. def. and compare it vvith mr. b's affected dumbnesse ( c. 2. p. 52. ) and vvith vvhat he saith of opinion astree ( c. 2. p. 36. ) and hovv he mends it in his errata , by making it worse , he will sure be tempted to laugh as loudly , as a philemon once did upon another occasion . § . 18. whilst i am in this place of my vindication , i am a little interrupted by a kind neighbour of the ministry , who was very much suspected to be the man , whom mr. barlee pretended to be the sole author of his reports : i mean those two , of which i have spoken so lately , and so much at large , chap. 1. § . 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. nay he himself was very confident , that mr. b. would lay those ugly children at his innocent door , if he were not prevented by timely caution . he hath therefore very worthily , like an affectionate neighbour ( lesse then which i never found him ) not only cleared himself from mr. barlee , but cleared me from himself too ; that i may be justified by them both , upon whomsoever the blame and the guilt may lye . so far was i from having said to this reverend minister , that i was without sin , above sin , and by mine own power could abstain from all sin , and again so far from denying the lawfulnesse of the second marriage of ministers ; that he hath three times attested i said the contrary : first , to a clergy-man of this county ; the next day after , to a gentleman of greater quality ; and two dayes after that , to me in person . nor this by an orall or fugitive profession , but he voluntarily offer'd to at test it under his hand , and accordingly hath done it at the very same time decemb. 14. 1657. nor hath he done it in one , but in three distinct written forms , to which he hath added a threefold subscription of his name ; that mr. barlee may be known not only the raiser of those two slanders , but withall to have invented his way of management , and defense . which to describe unto the life , in its complication of falsityes , with which mr. b. doth lye intangled , will be the subject of a treatise to be published by it self , if mr. b. shall make it needful , by any obstinate perseverance in so manifold a sin . but i suppose he will think it his easiest way , to make a confession of his faults , and to accept of my pardon , which i am b bound to afford him upon the account of christianity , though he shall yet sin against me no lesse then seventy times seven . in the mean time it concerns me , as the injur'd party , to make good use of my advantage . and since i find my self unabled , by no lesse then an induction of all particulars , to make a most cogent demonstration of my having been calumniated in severall kinds , and that without the least shadow or shew of reason ; i shall take a shorter course then i have hitherto done , for the clearing my self of all other calumnyes , as soon as ever i shall have spoken to this following insinuation . § . 19. he saith by head and shoulders ( c. 2. p. 44. lin . 25 , 26 , &c. ) that it will much concern me to inquire who that minister was , who vehemently pleaded , four or five years ago , for the lawfulnesse of praying for the dead , and unto saints , at a gentlemans table , who contended against it , and complained heavily to mr. barlee of it . ] ( 1. ) if another minister did this , how can ibe much concern'd to inquire who he was ? or why did he not say , he meant another , and not my self ? for as the words are here placed , he plainly seems to mean me by them ? which why should his readers be left to think , in case he did really intend some other ? ( 2. ) again , if i am the man he means , ( which is the opinion of all i meet with ) why durst he not say it in downright terms , as he was wont to say things of worse importance ? his very mode of delivery bewrayes his guilt . and well it might . for ( 3. ) how could i eat at any gentlemans table , who could possibly complain to mr. barlee ? or ( 4. ) how can he be a gentleman , who did not only complain of what was spoken at his table , but of what he feigned to have been spoken ? off goes his gentility , if that is part of his * entertainments . none but a astyages , and atreus , have ever made a more cruell and inhospitable feast . none but harpagus and thyestes have found a sorryer treatment at another mans table . for ( 5. ) so far have i been from pleading vehemently in behalf of those errors of the roman church , that i have vehemently pleaded against them both , when it hath not been for my interest , but much to the hazarding of my safety . nor am i able to believe , that this is any other story , then what was newly coined in the old mint , and only antedated from 4 or 5 years ago , that the gentleman ( when accused ) may fitly say he hath forgot it . but i omit to say more , ( how much soever i am provoked ) untill i am refused some satisfaction . it was no longer ago then in his p. 38. lin . 21 , 22 , 23. when mr. b. wished [ with an o ] that i would purge my self from dimidiate pontificianisme . and p. 73 , 74 , 75. he reckons me to be one of those cassandrian-papists , against whom mr. baxter doth warne the nation . and because he is assured that he hath no ground for it , he is fain to glance at me in a most oblique and squinting story , which is as far from truth , as malice is from charity , and truth from falsehood . it is as if a man should say , that it nearly concerns mr. b. to inquite , who that minister was , who upon the perusall of the divine philanthropie defended , did so exceedingly swell with anxiety and anger , that the cooper presently was sent for , to hoop his belly and his ribs , for fear of bursting : but i declare against this , as a most unchristian and unmanlike course : and only propose it as a glasse wherein mr. b. may behold the ugly face of his inventions . and because by these courses , and many more of this nature , he strikes directly at my living , and at many others through my sides , i think he cannot but owe me some very publick satisfaction : and by these presents i do require it . § . 20. now i come to my shorter course , which i promis'd at the end of the 18th section : and which if mr. barlee shall not take in good part , i will speak at large to those things , in another tract , which now i shall only think fit to mention . 1. what he saith of an imaginary a parallel betwixt my opinions and the pelagians ( which he pretendeth to have made in his correp . corr. ) 2. what he saith of b d. reynolds in his epistle to himself , shewing my arguments to have issued from the pelagian school . 3. what he saith of my c abusing d. reyn. and mr. whitfeld , &c. 4. of my d repeating the barbers bason a second time . 5. of its being no e fiction , into the partnership of which he took in his reverend divine . 6. of what passed at f daintry touching socrates and iob , ( who were both spoken of , but not as mr. b. doth make relation . ) 7. of my g ending my notes with a harsh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 8. of my h accusing him for being like pausanias , ( which indeed i mention'd of an indefinite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but he alone applyes to himself . ) 9. of i frequent repetitions , ( which is more his own fault then any mans whatsoever in all my reading . ) 10. of my k ranking the best of men with the worst of quakers , ( whereas i only said , what things i was unlike , and how far from being a quaker . ) 11. of my being not able not to know , that a bishops were no other then primi presbyterorum . 12. of my b justifying one of the worst of his expressions . 13. of his c not making promise to crave pardon for his faults . 14. d of my spending above 22 sheets in pure invective . 15. of his not e saying that he had need to cast about for topical arguments . 16. f of his 5 arguments to prove that matter of fact , pretended not to be spoken to . 17. g of my confessing a copy to be mine ( which i never saw , nor knew any thing of but from him. ) 18. h of confessing by faultring denyals . 19. i of leaving out a passage against speciall discriminating grace . 20. k of his never having heard that his three friends had their finger in the pye of sequestring others , though some of them lived upon sequestrations . 21. l of its being plain by the text and context , that he spake not of me , but of himself . 22. m of my granting those westmonasterial authors to make for him ( when yet he declares for the upper way , &c. ) 23. n of his alluding to my words when he calumniates them . 24. o of his opposing my idol fancy of grace , when he gibed at gods grace by me alledged . 25. p of his not charging me with atheisme , &c. 26. q of my not threatning him with a thing pass'● , but he me . 27. r of his not allotting me a portion in the bottomlesse lake , &c. ( which i have largely proved ch. 2. § . 4. ) 28. s of aerius his not being condemned generally for heresy . 29. t of his party 's maintaining communion with us in doctrin and worship . 30. u of bp. davenant's exacting nothing , but the oath of supremacy , and subscription to the 39 articles . 31. w of episcopius his being an antitrinitarian , &c. 32. x of my knowing that episcopius was fully confuted by vedelius , ( when i know the contrary . ) 33. y of the bishops severity to non-conformists , &c. 34. z of king james his promise , that he would labour to conform the church-government of england to that of scotland , rather then vice versa . 35. a of speciall grace being inconsistent with universall . 36. b of my charging testard , amyrald , bp. of armagh , &c. with arminianisme ( who never own'd it in my self . ) 37. c of bp. davenants pacificatorie to duraeus not being one of the last things he writ ( by which we must mean , his publick works , not private letters , &c. ) what mr. barlee saith , or insinuateth , ( by such inevitable consequences , as do make it equall to what he saith in dogmatical positions ) is neither more nor lesse true , in the 34 places directed to in the margin of this last section , then if a man should say that mr. barlee was passionatly in love with the queen of france , and pretends a just title to the crown of spain . and thus ( good reader ) i have preserved thee at once from so much labour , and losse of time , as 34 long sections must needs have cost thee . i wish i had thought of this method sooner ; since his prevarications with the truth are ( most of them ) so palpable , that to a name them only , is to discover them ; and to discover them only , is to confute them . chap. iii. mr. b's abuses of other men , ( as well as of me , and of himself , ) especially of his own party ; and his incomparable mistakes in those of the prelacy , the late primate , bp. davenant , &c. § . 1. mr. b. taking it for granted , upon the representation of his fancy , that he had done me some speciall savour , concludes from no-premisses , that i discover my self to be a monster of ingratitude for having written a tedious letter to him , and made that use of his answer which he expresseth ch . 2. p. 50. lin . 14 , 15. &c. ] where the ingratitude doth lye , i shall leave it to be consider'd by this impartiall account of that whole matter . when i had published a true copy of my notes to prevent the publishing of a false one , i was told , ( which since i find was true ) that mr. barlee had a designe to print as much of that false one as he thought might be usefull to do his work . against this i thought fit to preadmonish him in a letter . advising him first , to live in silence , and not to trouble the presse with breach of charity or peace . or if that might not be , that he would then keep close to the proper subject of debate ; and neither call me by ill names , nor affirm any thing to be mine , which i had already so very heartily and so knowingly disown'd . for having voted me already to be a papist , and a pelagian , ( and a socinian into the bargain ) should he proceed to aspersions from i knew not what manuscripts copied out with his ink , why might he not accuse me of having said masse , or of any thing else which might be matter of sequestration ? with how much reason i did this , both his books have made appear . for what i suspected only as possible , he hath abundantly perform'd , notwithstanding all those premonitions , with which my self and others did very affectionately oblige him . but the word sequestration did so sting him ( as he pretended ) that he wonder'd ( in his next letter ) at my monstrous uncharitablenesse , for representing him to my misgiving fancy , as if he had nothing of an ecclesiastick , of a christian , of a gentleman , of a scholar , of a neighbour left in him . so great a sin did he reckon a sequestration . he farther added , that even then when his principles did seem most to lead him to the liking of the sequestration of unworthy ecclesiasticks , yet even then he was so much for ecclesiastica ecclesiastice , and justa juste , as that , he blessed god for it , he never had , nor ever would have , nor ever in that way hoped to have , any hand or finger in that pye . now comes the jest . for having noted sequestrations with such a black coal , and startled at the mention of such a bugg , as if he thought it a scarlet sin ; and being afterwards put in mind , who they were that grew lusty upon that very dish which he thought poyson , ( and blessed god that his finger was never in it ; ) he tells the world even in print , that some of his friends ( his dearest friends and patrons too ) have even lived upon sequestrations , but he did not think of them when he wrote what he did . who saith he did ? or who can think it ? had he remember'd at that instant what now he tells us , he would not certainly have us'd them as accidentally he did . he would rather have lessen'd and excused that fact , then have loaded it ( as he did ) with so many heavy aggravations . what he saith , he never heard of his three speciall friends , and the distinction which he makes betwixt having a finger in the pye of sequestring , and living upon * sequestrations , &c. doth but amount to such a salvo , as stands in most need of being cover'd ; and kept close : for the more aire gets in , the more the u'cer will be indanger'd , as i could shew more wayes then one . mr. b. should have known , ( i mean , he ought to have consider'd ) that this is one of those things which , the more he stirrs , will smell the more unbeseemingly . but let it lye quietly for me , as before it did , untill mr. b. shall rake it up , as now he hath done . so much for monster of ingratitude , which himself was much rather to be charged with , for calling him [ a monstrous leviathan hobbs , ] who hath assisted his party ( at least to the utmost of his ability ) in asserting their doctrins of gods decrees . and though mr. b. doth but write like one of the lowest of his disciples , yet he tells us , he will as soon own the b devil for his master , as mr. hobbs . § . 2. in his c. 2. p. 65. lin . 28 , 29 , &c. he saith , it had been well for king james , and all his posterity , if he had continued to follow the counsell of robert rollock ; who did advise him , as he would not fal into inextricable streights first or last , to continue a fast friend unto the godly . ] so he calls the presbyterians of the kirk ; vvith whom if king james had complyed , as he did not , they had not done as they did , but had preserved him from falling into inextricable streights . and then ( saith mr. b. ) it had been better for his posterity . so dangerous and fatall a thing it is , for any magistrate whatsoever , in any kingdom or commonwealth , not to comply with the presbytery , when they have power to do mischief . he hath spoken very much to the credit of his party ; and given notice to all in power , that the way to be secure from the attempts of that sect , is either to set them up , or to keep them under . but which of the two is most eligible , i hope the world will make no more trialls . well , we have heard mr. b. of king iames and the godly : now it comes to my turne to produce king iames concerning both . in the conference at hampton-court , upon occasion of dr. reynolds obtruding twice the kings supremacy , his majesty took him up in these following words . c dr. reynolds , i will tell you a tale. after that the religion restored by king edw : the sixth was soon overthrown , &c. we in scotland felt the effect of it . whereupon mr. knox writes to the queen regent , that she was supreme head of the church ; and charged her , as she would answer it before gods tribunall , to take care of christ his evangill , and of suppressing the popish prelates , who withstood the same . but how long , trow you , did this continue ? even so long , till by her authority , the popish bishops were repressed , himself and his adherents were brought in and well settled , and by these means made strong enough to undertake the matters of reformation themselves . then loe , they began to make small account of her supremacy , nor would longer rest on her authority ; but took the cause into their own hand , and according to that more light wherewith they were illuminated , made a further reformation of religion . how they used that poor lady my mother , is not unknown , and with grief i may remember it . who , because she had not been otherwise instructed , did desire only a private chappel , wherein to serve god after her manner , with some few selected persons : but her supremacy was not sufficient to obtain it at their hands . and how they dealt with me in my minority , you all know . it was not done secretly , and though i vvould , i cannot conceal it . i vvill apply it thus . and then putting his hand to his hat , his majesty said ; my lords the bishops , i may thank you that these men do thus plead for my supremacy . they think they cannot make their party good against you , but by appealing unto it : as if you , or some that adhere unto you , vvere not vvell-affected tovvards it . but if once you vvere out , and they in place , i knovv vvhat vvould become of my supremacy . no bishop , no king , as before i said . neither do i speak at random , vvithout ground : for i have observed since my coming into england , that some preachers before me , can be content to pray for james king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith ; but as for supreme governor , in all causes , and over all persons ( as vvell ecclesiasticall as civill ) they passe that over vvith silence ; and vvhat cut they have been of , i have aftervvards learn'd . thus far king james . with vvhose vvords if vve compare vvhat hath been vvritten by * salmasius , vvho vvas in every part of his life , except the last , the greatest enemy to bishops , and the greatest patron to the presbytery , and yet hath fasten'd the blackest character upon the english presbyterians that hath ever been given to any sect , i suppose some readers vvill take the vvords of mr. barlee , and use them thus . it had been vvell for king james , and all his posterity , if he had follovved the counsell ( not of robert rollock , but ) of one vvho vvas infinitely vviser , i mean , his orthodox and learned self ; who advised his son a henry , whilst yet in scotland , not to suffer such ministers to be in his kingdom , if he liked to sit at rest . § . 3. but mr. b●addes further ( ibid. lin . ult . ) that mr. cartwright , and mr. travers , and others , were imprison'd for ceremonial inconformity towards the later end of q. elizabeth her reign . ( and he tells us a little before , that ) king iames interceded for their releasement . he would have it thought , i suppose , that q. elizabeth was cruell to those good men , when they were guilty of nothing but peccadillos . but was mr. hacket hanged for non-conformity to things indifferent ? or was it nothing but ceremonial , which copinger , lancaster , and artington , and others , designed against the lives of the whole privy councell , and against the person of the queen ? or were not cartwright , and travers , and wentworth , and charke , and egerton , and others of the presbyterian ministry , b made privy to the plot , to which they were accessary by their concealement ? perhaps mr. b. is not acquainted with those affairs . and therefore to requite him for his care to have me very well inform'd , about the faction which played rex in king iames his court , ( p. 69. lin . 32 , 33. &c. ) for which he adviseth me to a book writ in elegant verse by thomas hepey , if i am able to procure it for love , or money ; i will direct him for information to a most admirable volume , printed in the year 1593. and intitled thus — [ dangerous positions and proceedings published and practised within this iland of britain , under pretense of reformation , and for the presbyterial discipline . ] if king james did intercede for those mens release , perhaps being then but king of scotland , he did not know the whole cause of their imprisonment here in england : or he was not out of his wardship to those fiery spirits ( as he call'd them ) and so might intercede in complaisance to his guardians , ( however unfit for that office to a king of his age : ) or he was not yet perfect in his mystery of king-craft : or let the cause of his intercession be what it will , he did many things of which he afterwards repented that they were done . § . 4. what mr. b. is pleas'd to add , ( p. 66. lin . 19 , 20. ) of k. james his writing into scotland , that he would labour to reduce the church-government of england to that of scotland , rather then conform that to england's , is for many reasons very incredible . first , because mr. barlee tells it ; and citeth no other author then the unwritten words of a scotish minister . ( at every dead lift he tells us something that he was told , be it of me , or any man else . ) secondly , k. james was so far from such a preference , that his a version to presbyterianisme was as great as to pigg , or to tobacco . witnesse his words at a hampton-court , where speaking of dr. reynolds and other chieftaines of the party , if this , ( quoth he ) be all that they have to say , i will make them conform themselves , or i will harry them out of this land , or else do worse . witnesse his letter from b white-hall a. d. 1617. to the presbyterians of the kirk , wherein he upbraided to them their ignorance and profanenesse , and resembling them to the heathenish constable of castile , told them , [ they would indure both lions , dragons , and devils to be figur'd in their churches , but would not allow the like place to the patriarchs and apostles . ] c witnesse his chiding speech in the diet held at st. andres , when he pressed upon them to keep a yearly commemoration of our saviours greatest blessings bestow'd upon mankind , as his nativity , passion , resurrection , ascension , and descent of the holy ghost ; the private use of both sacraments in urgent cases ; the reverent administration of his holy supper ; the catechizing and confirming of children by bishops ; much too long to be here inserted . witnesse his very angry d letter directed to the arch-bishops of st. andrews and glascow , representing the wrongs he had received from that sort of men , and saying , [ he was of that age , that he would not be content to be fed with broath , as one of their coat was wont to speak . ] witnesse his other angry letter directed singly to the e arch-bishop of st. andrews , wherein he complained of their ridiculous and scornfull dealings with their soveraign , & their greater irreverence towards god himself , saying [ the ministers ease and commodious sitting on his taile ( they are the kings own words ) hath been more look't to then that kneeling , which for reverence he had required to be enjoyned to the receivers of so divine a sacrament . neither can we conceive ( as he there goes on ) what should be meant by that table ( which they required even in their private administrations to people upon their death-beds ) unlesse they meant to make a round table ( as did the jewes ) to sit and receive it . in conclusion , seeing we and this church here must be held idolatrous in this point of kneeling , or they reputed rebellious knaves in refusing the same ( they are the kings own words ) it is our pleasure , &c. ] witnesse his third severe a letter , sent with this unto the councell , for inhibiting the payment of stipends to any of the rebellious ministers , ( they are the king own words ) in burg , or landwart . witnesse his first letter of indignation , to the generall assembly indited at perth , wherein he charged all the rebellious dispositions of the people ( who of their own dispositions were most loyall ) upon them , and their doctrins : minding them of his patience under their manifold provocations , their slandering the truth of god ( they are the kings own words ) by walking disorderly under the cloak of seeming holynesse , shaking hands , as it were , in this their disobedience to magistracy , with the upholders of popery ( still the kings own words . ) witnesse his fourth sharp letter directed to the bishops at the * last parliament which was held by that king in scotland , telling them [ they had to deal with two sorts of enemyes , papists , and puritans ; that they should go forward in action against the one and the other . that papistry was a disease of the mind , and puritanisme of the brain , ( they are the kings own words ) and that the antidote of both must be a grave , settled , and well-order'd church in the obedience of god and their king. whereof he will'd them to be carefull , and to use all means for the reducing those that either of simplicity or willfulnesse did erre . witnesse his speeches at hampton-court , when he trounced mr. b knewstubs for taking exception to the crosse in baptisme : c when he said of him and his brethren , [ i have lived among this sort of men ever since i was ten years old : but i may say of my self as christ did of himself , that though i lived among them , i was never of them since i was able to * judge ; neither did any thing make me more to condemn and detest their courses , then that they did so peremptorily disallow of all things , which at all had been used in popery . witnesse his words upon the third day of that conference , when he pleaded for subscription to the three famous articles , which the church-men of england were to approve by subscribing ; namely , the kings supremacy , the articles of religion , and the book of common prayer . the necessity of which he did presse so home , and evinced by three such excellent reasons , as he thought it fit to conclude in these words , a [ that if any , after things were well ordered , would not be quiet , and shew his obedience , the church were better without him , he were worthy to be hanged . praestat ut pereat unus , quam unitas . † yet how favourably he used them , notwithstanding his threats , and how much mercy the bishops shew'd them , in spight of all their guilts and provocations , many thousands can witnesse , and have found too soon by sad experience . so little reason had mr. b. to accuse them of cruelty ( as just now he did p. 65. lin . 16 , 17. &c. ) whose only fault hath been thought ( by the prudentest persons ) to have been this , that they quenched not the fire whilst it was yet in the bramble , whereby it was suffer'd to grow boistrous , even able to devour the lofty cedars ; and had not an army of buckets opportunely encountred the threatning flame , had burn't up every green b thing upon the face of the earth . of this i am sure , that the severest of the bishops did exact no more of non-conformists , then mr. calvin c advised the duke of somerset , ( the then protector to king edward the sixth ) to exact very severely of all that were candidates for the ministery , before their admission to ecclesiasticall functions . from which he would have them to be rejected , if they would not stipulate for their conformity ; which the bishops by oath should be obliged to see perform'd . and 't is known that d beza was so rigid an exactor of universall conformity to the devise of the presbytery , that he would have it as unallowable to swerve from that , as from the very maximes of religion it self . what matchlesse crueltyes have been committed , as well by the scotish , as by the english consistorians , i will not relate , untill i think it more needfull . i will but hint to mr. b. what was once presaged in the painted chamber ( sept. 12. 1654. ) hovv sad a tyranny over mens consciences vvould have been exercised in britain , as vvell by the english as the scotish presbytery , if it had made such steps , or been as sharp and rigid , as it threatned vvhen it vvas first set up . and so i passe to his other plea for that party . § . 5. mr. b. confesseth ( c. 2. p. 67. lin . 30 , 31. &c. ) that if with the traitorous seditious jesuites , they should hold , that in ordine ad spiritualia , it vvere lavvfull by ecclesiasticall censures , to depose or kill vvicked kings , ( a thing vvhich all presbyterians vvith the late assembly at westminster plead against , ) dangerous matters vvith a vvitnesse i might be able to prove against them . ] here he happily confesseth the haynous nature of the fact , for vvhich he brands the iesuites ( very vvorthily ) vvith tvvo shrewd epithets . and therefore as many presbyterians as shall be found to have been guilty of the very same crime , mr. b. also confesseth to have been both traitorous and seditious presbyterians . and since he hath given me my theme , i vvill speak upon it as i am able , at least as i am bound upon this occasion . first , i knovv it vvill be granted by men of all judgements , that renovvned mr. knox vvas presbyterian vvith a witnesse ; as great a ring-leader in scotland , as luther in saxonie , or calvin at geneva , or zvvinglius in helvetia . nor vvas buchanan inferiour in point of parts or reputation . but buchanan and knox have taught the people these doctrins : that if princes are tyrants , their subjects are a freed from their oaths of obedience ; ( and vvhether or no they are tyrants , vvho but they must be the judges ? ) b it vvere good if revvards vvere appointed by the people for such as should kill tyrants , as commonly there is for those vvho have killed wolves or bears , or have caught their vvhelps . nay nearer yet to mr. barlee's purpose , they say , that ministers may c excommunicate kings : and that he vvho by excommunication is cast into hell , d is not vvorthy to injoy any life upon earth . nay knox sets it home , e [ the people are bound , as much as lyes in their povver , to revenge the injury that is done by the civill magistrate to god. ] would you know the force of the obligation ? he teacheth that in these words . a it is blasphemy to say , ( what yet was said by st. paul , and the primitive fathers of the church ) that we must obey kings , be they good or bad . if it is objected , that god placeth tyrants sometimes for the punishment of the people ; the answer is , so doth he b private men sometimes to kill them . obj. shew an example in the scriptures that subjects may use their governours so . answ . it doth not c follow that 't is unlawfull , because it cannot be shew'd in scriptures . yet that they urge for the unlawfulnesse of many ceremonyes in the church . if it is farther objected , that st. paul commandeth us to pray for the civill magistrate ; it is presently d answer'd , we may punish thieves , and yet we ought to pray for them . obj. st. paul commandeth us to be subject and obedient to them . e answ . st. paul writ this in the infancy of the church . there were but few christians then , and not many of them rich , or of ability , so as they were not ripe for such a purpose . before i shew the great harmony betwixt their principles and their practice , i will first observe , that what is thus taught by these persons , was embraced also by the party . ( i mean the violent , and rigid , prevailing sort . ) not only mr. knox , but multitudes of ministers adhering to him ( in the times of queen mary , and q. elizabeth ) were bold to innovate in religion by a very violent & forcible course . they took an oath of f confederacy of their own private heads ; prescribed g orders for reformation , to be observed throughout the realme ; h commanded the religieux to leave their houses by a day , upon pain of ejection by open force ; protested even to the i parlament , ( shortly after assembled by the summons of the q. regent ) that unlesse they had their desires , they would go on in their course : and if violence happen'd , they should thank themselves . what they promis'd ( or rather threaten'd ) they soon perform'd . being summoned to appear at striveling , they humbly k refused to obey . in stead of that , l they fell to the razing of religious houses ; sent m menaces to the queen , that unlesse they might have their own wills , and in their own way too , they would not be subject to any mortall upon earth . they n summon'd the nobility , upon pain of excommunication , to joyn with them ; preaching to them this lesson , a that it was their duty to bridle the fury and rage of wicked men , whether princes , or emperours . b they sent the like threats unto the bishops , and other clergy , who were not just of their cut ; c entred by oath into a league , that if one of their number should suffer justice , all together should revenge it ; d kept the field 2 months ; e plunder'd the coyning-irons ( however alledged by the queen to be a speciall po●tion of the patrimony of the crown ) f indeavoured also to make it good ; enter'd again into a g league to be disobedient . h the queen sought peace , and having wonderfully suffer'd , intreated too . but they would have i none , gave her insolent language , many times the k flat lye . at last they called the queens party a l faction , and threaten'd to punish them as m traitors when god should put the sword into their hands . they consulted with the n ministers , ( with knox and wilcock more especially ) for the deposing of the queen : and having pronounced it to be lawfull , they o actually did it in a most formall way . all which i have inserted so much the rather , both because mr. knox is his own historian ( who cannot be thought to have done himself , and his party , wrong , ) and because his historie is not every where at hand ; much lesse the works of arch-bishop bancroft , who is able to furnish the best account of those men , from the very best records that can be wished . as geneva vvas the place vvhere mr. knox had been p trained up , and throughly instructed for such a work ; so he professed in a letter , ( vvritten by him from diepe a. d. 1557. ) that his opinion and motion of that matter vvas not barely grounded on his ovvn conceipt , but upon the grave counsels and judgements of the most godly , and the most learned , vvho lived in europe . novv that the bishop of geneva vvas vvithall the free * prince , having the right of the sword , and the other parts of civill iurisdiction , mr. calvin himself did very liberally acknowledge , vvhen he abode at * strasburgh , vvhere his acquaintance vvith melanchthon had infus'd into him some moderation . witnesse his plentifull q epistle to cardinal sadolet , and his agreement in the conferences at worms and ratisbone , that in the reforming of the church , the ordination of priests and deacons should be left unto the bishops . yet what was done to that prince , and how the syndicks after him ( although the then chief magistrates ) were provoked by mr. calvin to banish him out of the city , and how again ( after that ) he made a very strange use of his restauration , in so much that they complained of a new kind of a popedome in a protestant commonwealth , the intelligent reader may easily call to his remembrance . i will not speak of those pranks which they played here in england during the reign of q. elizabeth , ( that would make a whole volume . ) but having mention'd the maximes of mr. knox , i will briefly give an instance how well he walked by their directions . for when he had given us a narrative of that studied murder , which was committed by his brethren upon the arch-bishop of st. andrews , he b commended it in his margin , not only as an innocent , but ( to use his own word ) a godly fact. in a word ; 1. that the scotish presbyterian discipline doth utterly overthrow the rights of magistrates , to convocate synods , to confirm their acts , to order ecclesiasticall affairs , and to reform the church in their dominions ; 2. that it robs the magistrate of the last appeal of his subjects ; 3. that it exempts the ministers from due punishment ; 4. that it subjects the supreme magistrate to their extremest censures , and the saddest effects of them ; 5. that it robs the magistrate of his dispensative power ; 6. that it takes from the magistrate his civill power about religion ; 7. that it challengeth this exorbitant power to it self by no lesse then the pretense of divine right ; 8. that it makes a monster of any common-wealth wherein it is suffer'd to prevail ; 9. that it is most prejudiciall to parlaments , and indeed destructive to them ; 10. that it is cruell and oppressive to particular persons , whose tender consciences will not suffer them to comply ; 11. that it is hurtfull to all orders and ranks of men ; the reader may easily collect out of their own relations of it in their books of discipline . or if the reader shall think those books too big , and not very easily to be met with , he may help himself a nearer way , by consulting that little extract ( cheaply bought and soon read ) intitled , a fair warning to take heed of the scotish discipline , &c. novv , 1. vvhether the english presbyterians did not jointly , and solemnly , swear and covenant , a with hands lifted upto the most high god , that with their utmost endeavours , they would b conform this church to the kirk of scotland , in point of doctrin , worship , discipline , and government ; 2. whether they did not c publickly declare ( a. d. 1647. ) that they did then still stand as firmly engaged to the reall performance of that oath and covenant with their utmost endeavours , as at the first taking of it , and that it was not in the power of any person or persons on earth to dispense with it , or absolve from it ; 3. whether they did not d then , and there , affirm the discipline of the kirk to have been found experimentally successfull in preserving the church of scotland from errors , schismes , and heresies , from their first reformation hitherto ; 4. whether they did not e confesse to all the world , that in stead of true piety and power of godlinesse , they had opened the very flood-gates to all impiety and prophanenesse ; and that from after the time of their having f removed the prelatical yoak from their shoulders by their covenanted endeavours , there was a g ruefull , deplorable and deformed face of the affairs of religion ; — h swarming with noysome errors , heresyes , and blasphemyes , in stead of faith and truth ; torn in pieces with destructive schismes , separations , divisions , and subdivisions , in stead of unity and uniformity ; i that in stead of a reformation , they might say with sighs what their enemyes said in scorn , that they had a deformation in religion ; and in stead of extirpation of heresy , schisme , profanenesse , &c. they had an impudent and generall inundation of all those evils ; 5. whether they did not k declare , that they had sworn to god , to disavow that toleration ( which was then made , and since hath been l re-made , for giving liberty of conscience to such as could not comply with them ; ) 6. whether they did not , according to the m law of this land , before they were admitted to any benefice , attest their hearty * consent ( in the open face of the congregation in time of divine service ) to that very doctrin , discipline , worship , and government , which they swore , in their covenant , they would reform , and alter , as unlawfull , and ( in diverse points ) abolish also ; 7. whether the house of commons ( in that parlament , by whose commission the assembly of divines did sit ) did not a declare in their remonstrance , ( dec. 15. a. d. 1641. ) that they did not purpose or desire to abolish the church-government ; nay 8. whether both the houses of that long parlament did not declare the next year after , b that they intended to take away nothing from either the liturgy or government of the church but what should be evill , and justly offensive , &c. 9. whether the ministers did not perswade the houses to the utter abolishment & razing out ( as much as in men lay ) of those very things , which at first they thus intended meerly to regulate & reform ; 10. whether there is not a contrariety in the * presbyterian principle ( both scotish , and english , and allobrogicall ) to the remarkable declaration of the foresaid parlament , wherein they c disclaimed all intentions of absolving men from that obedience which they owed to god under his majesty , whom they professed they knew to be intrusted with the ecclesiasticall law , as well as with the temporall ; whether all the premisses above mention'd have not been thus and thus , ( as in the queres hath been expressed ) i leave to be determin'd by all unpassionate and sober men . i will conclude this section with the d observation of king iames : that in the margin of a bible of the geneva translation , ( presented to him by an english lady ) he met with some notes very partial , untrue , seditious , and savouring too much of dangerous and traitorous conceipts . as for example , exod. 1. v. 19. the marginal note alloweth disobedience unto kings ; and 2 chron. 15. 16. the note taxeth asa for deposing his mother only , and not killing her . and how the book against the supreme civill magistrate , was supposed by dr. reynolds to have been writby ficlerus an arrant papist , which yet was proved to have been writby a great disciplinarian ( whether iesuite , or puritan , it was not specified ) and confessed by dr. reynolds to have been applyed against the queens majesty that last was for the pope , the reader may see in the two e next pages . of what concernment this is to mr. barlee in particular , may be partly judged by the subject of this section , and partly by that which now ensues . § . 6. mr. b. confidently affirmeth ( c. 2. p. 68. lin . penult . antepenult . ult . ) that paraeus his book upon the 13th to the romans doth not at all treat of meer ecclesiastical censures , such as suspension , excommunication , &c. but only of the lawfulnesse in some cases of coordinate states putting down of elect and limited princes , such as most of the german princes are . ] 1. if mr. b. was ignorant of what was said by paraeus , in that his comment , he cannot easily be excused for being so bold , whilst he is blind , as to say , that what he saith all those can tell who have seen paraeus , &c. 2. if he was ashamed to own his knowledge of the truth in that affair , he should not have outwardly excused what he inwardly condemn'd ; nor have denyed explicitly , what he implicitly granteth by so grosse a falsification . for first , it is as visible as the sun at noon , that it was not only the comment upon the 13th chapter , ( which alone is mention'd by mr. b. ) but the whole book of commentaryes upon the epistle to the romans , which was condemn'd and executed ( as women murdering their husbands are wont to be ) by the wise decree of the most learned , protestant , orthodox vniversity , assembled together in convocation a. d. 1622. and secondly , it was burnt , for containing such * propositions , as were unanimously judged and pronounced by that vast body of learned men , 1. false , 2. impious , 3. seditious , 4. subversive of found polity , 5. insidious , and 6. craftily threatning utter ruin , 1. to all monarchie , 2. to the faith and profession of the primitive church , 3. to the writings of the ancient and holy fathers , 4. to the decrees of christian councells , 5. to the canon of holy scripture . nay thirdly , the most wise king iames ( as grotius calls him ) who was acknowledged by mr. barlee at once an orthodox and learned prince , was so far provoked by the above-said book of paraeus , that he commanded it should be burnt by the hand of the common hangman . fourthly , to shew the wonderfull falsehood and unhappinesse of mr. b' s suggestions , be it known that paraeus did deliver these doctrins in the book above mentioned . 1. that the bishops and pastors , by the consent of the church , may , and ought to deliver up to satan their wicked and unjust magistrates , if they are stubborn , untill they repent . 2. that the inferiour magistrates being subjects have a right to defend themselves , even by armes , against the superiour magistrate . 3. that private subjects ( who are not so much as inferiour magistrates ) may take up armes , if they cannot be defended by an ordinary power . 4. that subjects meerly private may defend themselves and their relations against a tyrant , as well as against a private assassin , if they cannot implore the ordinary power , nor by any other means escape the danger which they are in . this may serve for a tast of that renowned presbyterian . now it is to be observed , that when the question is to be put , whether the chief magistrate is a tyrant , ungodly , unjust , or whatsoever else it is which makes him lyable to satan , and to the sword , the chief magistrate himself must not be suffer'd to be the judge , ( for he will never condemn himself ; ) but they , forsooth , will be the judges , who have a mind to make him away , both by excommunication , and force of armes . fifthly , it is apparent , from the premisses , that paraeus did treat of ecclesiastick censures ( which mr. b. denyed ) and not of coordinate states , much lesse of them only , ( which mr. b. affirmed : ) and unlesse m. b. did believe , that subditi was the latin word for princes or states , and that inferior did signify coordinate , and that by tradere satanae could not be meant an ecclesiasticall censure , what excuse can he invent to lessen the guilt of his excuses ? and if he anchors upon this , he doth declare himself a stranger to the latin tongue . sixthly , mr. b. discoyers his affection to paraeus his book , by a censuring the censure of that famous university , and by censuring me for approving of such a just censure . as if the book were more pardonable for endeavouring the ruin of church and state , then king iames and all oxford for sending that book into the fire . seventhly , that the burning of that book was ill resented by the * party ( as m. b. happily confesseth ) doth help us vvell to demonstrate , that though paraeus was but one of the presbyterians , yet his partners and abettors in the pernicious doctrins by him espoused , were too many by too many . nor is that any wonder , for ( eightly ) paraeus was an oracle to that sort of men , much consulted , and observed ; an aged professor of divinity at heidelberg , invited to sit in the synod at dort , whether ( because he could not go by reason of his antiquity ) he sent his large descants upon the 5 known articles , which had not only the honour to be read in the synod , but to be printed even at a large in the history of the thing . ninthly , the university of oxford did solemnly decree , b that all who were candidates of degrees in any faculty , should , before their admission , subscribe to those censures of paraeus his book , and at the very same time should take a corporall oath , that they would ever damn and detest , from their very souls , those paraean propositions before rehearsed . tenthly , grotius the great was of this judgement , that if c paraeus his eversions of st. pauls divinity are once admitted for expositions , no government can be safe one minute longer , then the abettors of such doctrin shall want ability to rebell . eleventhly , mr. b. pleads for paraeus , that he speaks against elected and limited princes ; as if he tacitly granted , that he ought not to have spoken against any other . in which case i will advise him , to compare the discipline of the kirk , and the national covenant , with the oath of supremacy , which he professeth also to have sworn , and all three with the statutes 24. h. 8. 12. 1 eliz. 1. and 3. and then let him tell me who is meant by d becanus , when he saith that the hereticks do neither keep faith with god , nor man. the words were not fit for a iesuites mouth , because the pope , as well as the presbyterian , doth pretend a gospell-right to * excommunicate his superiours . but i appeal to all the world , whether we may not say the same of david paraeus , which ronsardus said of mr. beza , quod armatum evangelium praedicavit , that the gospell which he preached was clad in armour . § . 7 to all his nothings which follow ( p. 69 , 70. &c. ) because it is not lawfull to say more then a little , i will say the least that i am able , till i meet with something of some importance . first , it is sufficient , that the articles of lambeth were never admitted into the church of england , as any part of her publick creed , however asserted by private men in their parlours , and perhaps by some in their pulpits too . their worthyest patron made some amends , by contriving the 3 articles of which mr. b. hath been so sick . they were a offer'd by dr. reynolds at hampton-court , but immediately cast out , and not so much as vouchsafed a consideration . but the king in those matters was of the mind of dr. overall , and the bishop of london . secondly , that king james incouraged the doctrin which was taught and printed by bishop mountague , mr. b. doth not deny ; but in stead of that , he gives the wise king some of his correptorie correction , because the presbyterian faction could not then play rex at court. thirdly , when i used those words , the chief head of arminianisme ( as mr. b. will call it do what i can ) is universall grace and redemption , i did clearly put off the nick-name of arminianisme , which mr. b. and his mrs are wont to fasten upon the doctrin of holy writ . but of that which they expresse by such a silly catachresis , i did professe to esteem universall grace and redemption the chiefest head : and with that i am willing to stand * or fall . nay m. b. doth confesse , he can easily justify my saying , because that all the 5 points have a necessary dependance on one another . fair fall for once a good confession , that when he is beaten out of one error , he may no longer admire the rest . he confesseth that mr. perkins , and the most eminent of the party , are for the universality of grace and redemption sensu aliquo . very good : let it be sensu sano , and we are friends . fourthly , in his p. 72. lin . 3. and 5. he addes [ only ] to universall , which no man ( i think ) did ever do before him : and then he askes , with what forehead i can write against him , for charging me with the denyall of all speciall and peculiar grace ? i will patiently tell him ( without admiring his question , though sure the most senselesse that ever was ) even because his charge was without all ground , nay without all colour of truth or reason , nay against his own knowledge , nay in a flat contradiction to both his eyes . for he read what i writ of special grace , divin . philan. def. c. 3. p. 84 , 85. &c. which i asserted as plainly as ever man did . but i said that all grace was not only special , there was general grace also . and did i deny either , by affirming both ? whose forehead now must be desir'd ? nay in the section going before ( p. 43. ) i did instance in the particulars of special grace , till i came to that of perseverance unto the end , which there i called a special grace . which being so , ( as his eyes shall witnesse for me it is ) with what discretion , or conscience , could he ask such a question ? but mr. b. cannot conceive how redemption can be universal , when grace is special . poor man ! what he cannot conceive he thinks not conceivable . i told him that christ is a conditional saviour , who will not give a second talent to him that squanders a way the first , or wraps it up in a napkin . the learned a primate hath lately told him , by dr. bernards publication , that by vertue of christs death , god is made placable unto our nature , but not actually appeased with any , untill he hath received his son. all men may be said truly to have an interest in christ , as in a common , though all do not injoy the benefit thereof . doth m. barlee ask why ? the bishop answers , because they have no will to take it . they b refuse to accept the gracious offer that is made unto them . now that every man in the world is made saveable by christ , untill he wilfully forfeiteth his interest , the bishop proves invincibly from these two grounds which cannot fail : 1. c that it is every mans duty to accept of christ thankfully , and to apply him with comfort unto his own soul ; 2. d that no man is bound by the command of god to believe an untruth . from vvhence he inferreth his opinion ( in opposition to two extremes , vvhich i have ever opposed as vvell as he ) that e christ hath prepared for thee [ o man whosoever thou art ] and the gospell hath offered unto thee , a sufficient remedy for the taking avvay of all thy sins . this i have chosen to expresse in the bishops vvords , in exact conformity to vvhich i had delivered my opinion upon the very † same grounds , before i had the possibility of reading that work , which came so lately into the light by the happy care of dr. bernard . § . 8. as if mr. b. were of opinion , that apostasy signifyes conversion , or reformation of judgement , he blunders on ( c. 2. p. 71. lin . 13 , 14. p. 72. &c. ) that i framed a charge of apostacy ( so he writes it , with a c ) upon learned testard , amyrald , daille , the bishop of armagh , bishop davenant , and mr. baxter . ] first , it is a foul calumny , to say i charged apostasy upon any man within the church , much more to say it of those persons , of whom i spake not a syllable of disrespect . nor do i think the word apostasy is any where in my writings , unlesse where i speak of the wicked angels . secondly , the reader will find in that * page , that i speak of a conversion or change of judgement in philip melanchthon and my self , whom yet i meant not to call apostates . nay , thirdly , i did not expresse a change of judgement in any one of the six who are expresly named by mr. b. nay , fourthly , though i might seem to imply such an honorable change in 2 of the 6 ; yet in the 4 remaining i did not so much as imply it neither . fifthly , or if i had said any such thing , i had said no worse of them , then of melanchthon , king iames , bishop andrews , dr. potter , dr. godwin , ( the author of the jewish antiquityes ) tilenus , mr. hoard , and diverse others , who are known to have improved their younger judgements into that which mr. b. doth call arminian . and sixthly , by the same way of erring which mr. b. here useth , we may say that st. austin was defamed by himself for an apostate , by having writ his retractations . seventhly , my designe in that place was to shew that i ought not to be called an arminian , for professing the doctrin of universall grace and redemption , because the anti-arminians ( so many of them as were the most learned ) did hold that doctrin as well as i. nay i shew'd it to be the doctrin of st. hilarie and prosper ( i might have added , of all the fathers ) many hundreds of years before arminius was born . of which two fathers mr. b. durst not take any notice . eighthly , in stead of speaking to the purpose , by proving that point to be arminian , or by proving that those persons were not assertors of that point , he runs away with this impertinence , that those six men were no arminians , with which he fills up severall pages in confutation of his own fancy . for i had told him in one word , ( what he therefore needed not to have told me back in many pages ) that those six persons were a anti-arminians : which doth not signify for arminius , though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifyes pro , or for , ( which perhaps was the reason of m. b's mistake ) but against arminius , vvhich is the force of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in composition , as mr. b. will find when he is got as far as his greek grammar . i am not sure that his mistake lay in this ; but if it did not , it needs must argue his greater guilt . for he would instill into the reader , that i called them arminians , whom he knows very well i called the contrary ; that so he might compare me , with some pretense , to malicious persons guilty of the plague . but now let us come to his particulars . § . 9. 1. his account of testard ( p. 71. ) is only this , that he hath nothing of him in his study , but that the learneder he was , he was the likelyer not to differ from the gallican church . of which he appeals to a nationall synod held by the protestants at charenton 1623. ] but first he cites not the words , either in french or latin. and secondly , his words are the lesse likely to be true , because in that very synod , learned camero was approved , both by durant the praesident , and all the rest of that body , after his conference with tilenus , wherein he declared his opinion of universal redemption , and that in such a full sense , as gave occasion to b spanhemins to call it arminian , and pelagian , and finally rejected by the synod at dort. thirdly , if testard did differ from other protestants of france , doth it follow from thence that he did not differ ? yet this was that which i implyed . and others did differ as well as he , and were accused before synods of those very things which mr. b. doth forge in me . fourthly , it was demonstrated by camero , and since by daille , that the c publick monuments of their church do teach that christ is the saviour of every man in the world without exception , not only sufficienter , but also intentionaliter : that christ hath purchased , for every man , a possibility of being saved ; and that the reason why so many are damn'd is , because they do d repudiate their own salvation . all which is proved against spanhemius by such a multitude of arguments , as will not be answer'd in any great hast . now if mr. b. will say , that that church was divided against it self , or that her pastors taught they knew not what , or that spanhemius , a dutch-man , was better acquainted with the french church , then the learnedst ministers in france , or that these were arminians whom it concerns him to clear from all suspicion of arminianism , in what a labyrinth of absurdityes is he involv'd ? § . 10. what he talkes of amyrald ( p. 72. ) is just as much at a venture : who , however no arminian , ( no more then i ever was ) was yet so opposite to the puritans in the points of grace and redemption , that spanhemius writ against him no lesse then three volumes , and gave him correptorie correction for being arminian , massilian , pelagian , and what not ? now mr. b. must confesse , that spanhemius had either reasons for what he said , or else was guilty of more then heathenish scurrility . which of the two will mr. b. now side with ? if with spanhemius , he pleads against amyrald , for whom he pleads ; and if with amyrald , he is bound to do penance for both his books . what i said of gods a sincerity in desiring the welfare of all mankind , ( and by consequence the things in which his welfare doth consist ) is said by amyrald and daille throughout their books . nay even that very thing which mr. b. chargeth upon me and the arminians , is said by camero , amyrald , b daille , my c lord his grace of armagh , and ( if my memory fail me not ) by mr. baxter also , viz. that christ did procure upon the crosse a salvable condition for all mankind , or possibility of being saved , rather then any actuall salvation . in which few words , mr. b. calleth them all arminians , ( before he is aware ) for whom he pretends the greatest measure of veneration . and thus it will be with such confident smatterers , who have not a tolerable knowledge concerning the subjects of their discourse . of monsieur daille he saith nothing , but that little that i told him , which was , that he writ in defence of amyrald . and i will tell him this also , that he hath done the remonstrants a very high piece of service . monsieur moulin in this said very well of learned daille , that he had rather be numbred vvith the arminians , then opine in this matter vvith the contra-remonstrants . § . 11. mr. b's next pages ( 73 , 74. ) are filled up vvith a digression into a book of mr. baxter ; out of vvhich he transcribes as much as serves for his rancor , though not his purpose , and yet ( in one sense ) his purpose too . first , he imagines to himself , that it vvould be for his ease , if ( as mr. whitfield hath been his second , so ) mr. baxter might be his third . and because he finds no ground of quarrell , he makes use of his invention for the supplying of that defect . mr. baxter is invited , by a preface of good vvords , to clear himself from the suspicion of arminianism in these points , vvhich i am pretended to charge him with . but because he knows that this is false , and hath not any thing to alledge against the use vvhich i made , of his words in one place , and of his name in another , he flyes for sanctuary to his old trade of impertinence , and uncharitable suggestions , and proclaimes me to be one of the cassandrian papists , vvho have a strong design laid for introduction of popery , a design so strong , that it is likely to prevail , if god do not * blast it . dr. vane , dr. bayly and dr. goff , are already gone beyond the seas , but i and others have more vvit then these , and think vve may do our party more service by staying in england , under the names of episcopal divines , a great deal more then vve can do by declaring our selves papists . and against such as i am ( saith mr. barlee ) mr. baxter published his vvarning to the inhabitants of the nation . observe , good reader , the christian temper of the man. what mr. baxter spake in generall against episcopal divines , mr. barlee takes care that no episcopal divine may be excluded from in the application : for he vvill have it to extend even to such as i am , vvho am knovvn ( by all of my acquaintance ) to be as far from being a papist , as mr. barlee is from being a pope , and i suppose my desires are very much farther . if he does but say this , and not believe his ovvn story , vvhy vvould he sin against god , by sinning against his ovvn conscience ? but if he really believes that i am one of those papists against vvhom mr. baxter doth warn the nation , to vvhat extremityes vvould he proceed for the prevention of such a design , had he the povver of the sword in such an arbitrary and unlimited manner , as novv he hath of his other sharp weapon ? yet this is the man vvho vvould not have me sequestred , notvvithstanding my close endeavours for the bringing in of cassandrian popery . — credat iudaeus apella . to the words of mr. baxter , as produced and used by mr. barlee , i think it may be usefull to say a few things . † 1. that if grotius had a design for the making us all cassandrian papists , i am very sorry i have not hitherto understood him . by what i have read of his learned and pious labours , i am induced to believe , that his piety and his learning were very equally match't . i do admire the charity and publick-mindednesse of the man , who espous'd the miseries of all mankind , and was not sollicitous how much he suffer'd , for his indeavours to promote the peace of christendome , so that his enemyes , in time , might enjoy the fruits of his affliction . if mr. baxter might say of his own method and design , that , were the principles which he hath discerned betwixt the lutheran and the calvinist received according to their evidence , they would quiet the now-contending christian world ; how much more may i say the same thing of grotius ( as to the case in hand ) with whom mr. baxter will confesse himself not worthy to be named ? as for grotius , how sensible he was of the severall corruptions in the church of rome , and how he laid himself out upon a design of reformation , as well as peace , it is not uneasy to collect from the 10 * first pages of his votum pro pace . how illegally he was dealt with , for having been faithfull to his trust , in his native country , he hath a sufficiently made appear . with how much meeknesse and aequanimity he did support his injuryes , hath been observed with admiration both from his writings and his converse . and had he accomplished his wishes ( which were not empty wishes neither ) there had not been in all the world , either a papist , or a puritan ; either superstition , or profanenesse . theologie then had been a practicall science . they who now are but talkers , had then been followers of christ . as schismatick , and heretick , so tyrant , and rebell , had been but names . to sum up all in a word : melanchthons and grotiuses had fill'd the church ; and men had found out a way of loving god , without believing it needfull to hate their neighbour . i know that grotius , as a peace-maker betwixt the papists and the protestants , hath labour'd to shew his moderation , as well to them , as to these ; and to excuse many things , at least à tanto , to which he must not be thought to have afforded his approbation . melanchthon did the very same , and was hated for his pains , as himself complained to camerarius and luther . nay his moderation provoked some , to give him out a slye friend to popery . but grotius went farther in his charitable design . and he who attempted a reconcilement of two great enemyes , vvas not in prudence to declare a personall enmity to either , but to mitigate the exceptions and animosityes of both ; and to insist on those things , whether faulty , or indifferent , which he desir'd might meet with ( in either party ) an interchangeable pardon , and an interchangeable complyance . 2. how m. baxter was betrayed to speak so severely of so excellent a person , ( unlesse it were by taking things upon trust , from some unfavourable censors of his intention ) i am not able to divine , nor willing to venture on large conjectures . but i my self was prepared for the reading of grotius , and for the judging of his design , by having read thuanus before i read him. i had observed out of thuanus , ( who , however a papist , was yet a vehement desirer of reformation ) that many endeavours had been used to make a generall reformation , and that some little dawnings gave hopes to christendom of such a fair day . in a famous meeting at a fountain blau ( before the world was so rich as to injoy that treasure , which since was offer'd it in a grotius ) there was a bill of petition put up to francis the second then king of france , in conjunction with two orations made by the bishop of valentia , and the arch-bishop of vienna , exhorting all the bishops to endeavours of reformation , and of a generall councell in order to it . b to which if the pope should refuse his consent , the king should do it of himself . c there i met with the foundation , laid by ferdinand the first ; upon which his son , maximilian the second , did very heartily endeavour to build a generall reformation . d he , together with his brother , the arch-duke charles , and albert his son in law , did urge the pope to 〈◊〉 retrenching of severall corruptions within the church , wherein he had also the assistances of two great cardinals , and seven arch-bishops . when the pope was reluctant , he pressed on with a argumentations , which he also commanded should be made known unto the cardinals . nay the truly-pious emperour was farther b instant with the pope , for the making good what he had promis'd ; which the pope at that instance did again re-promise , however the colledge of cardinals prevailed with him to break his word . the learned and vvise chancellor vvas hugely pleased , in his history , vvith this so charitable design , expressing his kindnesse to the protestants on all occasions , and condemning those incroachments vvhich had polluted that very church , of vvhich he lived and dyed a member . grotius , among the protestants , vvas of the same kind of temper vvith thuanus and cassander among the papists . but neither did their moderation give them the name of protestants , nor is there any the least reason , that his should procure him the name of papist . but they vvere men of moderation in different churches , vvho vvere zealous of advancing the common interest of religion , as 't is exhibited in the gospell , and in the purest ages of the church . nor vvas their zeal for reformation any vvhit the lesse religious , because they desir'd it might be regular , and bloodlesse , after the tenor of the gospell , and according to the temper of jesus christ , vvithout the miseries of rebellion against the deputyes of god , vvhich is worse then the disease , of vvhich it is intended a means of cure . 3. it had been vvell , if mr. baxter had nam'd those papists , vvho stay in england under the notion of episcopal divines ; and having nam'd them , it had been vvell , if he had publickly declared he meant no more ; for fear his suggestion might reach so far , as to asperse the vvhole body of the episcopall clergy , in vvhom the protestant interest doth chiefly stand . if i except bishop goodman , i have not heard of any papist vvho hath vvorn the protestant for a disguise : which should no more be imputed to the rest of that order , then it vvas to st. peter , or st. iohn , that one of their order vvas a * devill . one in 12. is as much as two in 24. the other tvvo , vvhom he mentions , i knovv nothing of , and am obliged by my charity to think † none evill . nay , i have heard of bishop wren , that he is equally a learned and pious prelate , as far from being a papist , as mr. barlee from being an episcopal divine . and untill i have reason for the contrary , i will believe him to be as excellent , as excellent persons do represent him . what is added of dr. vane , and two † besides , who are indeed turn'd papists , may be objected to that rigor of the presbyterians , and the havock which they made whilst yet it lay in their power , whereby they did not discover , but make men papists . some may possibly wonder they frighted so many out of our church , but i am still wondring the frighted wretches were no more . for when they saw their mother a persecuted , they esteemed her forsaken ; when they saw her ( a ) cast down , they sillily thought her to be destroy'd . which defection of a few , is no more to the disparagement of those that are faithfull in the land , then it was to st. paul , that b demas had forsaken him , and had embraced this present world . there are a multitude ( god be thanked ) who being ( c ) troubled on every side , are notwithstanding not distressed ; and however ( c ) perplexed , are far enough from despair . 4. it may be proposed to consideration , what may possibly be the reasons , why episcopal divines , professing an enmity to the pope , and to all that can truly be called popish , and writing whole volumes in opposition to all his interests , should yet so easily be charged with being papists , and ( which is yet of sadder moment ) with a strong design to bring in popery into the land , as the publick and generall profession of it . 1. it is not popish to approve the government of bishops : for so did orthodox d melanchthon , and moderate e bucer ; so did all the great f protestants in the conference at augusta , and g george prince of anhalt , earle of ascaina , whom no man living will call a papist ; nay so did mr. calvin , as himself declared to h cardinal sadolet in excuse of what was done to the bishop of geneva . talem nobis hierarchiam si exhibeant , &c. if they will give us such an hierarchie , wherein the bishops may be so eminent , as that , withall they may not think themselves above obedience unto christ , then i confesse they deserve to be deliver'd up to satan who do not reverently observe them with all obedience . so did the same mr. calvin at wormes , and ratisbone , and when he subscribed the augustan confession . nay so did a beza himself ; which we should never have believed , if he himself had not put it into the number of his confessions . it is not therefore a popish thing to approve of the episcopal or hierarchical order . nor 2. is it popery to adhere unto a liturgie , and rites established in the church by law , and canon . for that was done by b mr. calvin , who did humbly advise the supreme magistrate here in england , even edward the sixth , that we might have in our churches a set form of prayer , from which it should not be lawfull for any minister to swerve in his ecclesiastical function : ( and that for these two reasons ) 1. for the help of the more ignorant unskilfull people , and 2. that a harmony or agreement of all our churches between themselves might appear the more plainly to all the world . he farther declared his opinion , that as the rites and ceremonies were to be set , as well as the prayers of the church c so they were also to be adapted to the use and capacity of common people . he added , that it was d lawfull to make mention of the dead in publick prayer , after the ancient custome of the church , that the communion of all the faithfull joyned together in one body might be declared by that means . from all which it is evident , that mr. barlee's jear doth reach as far as mr. calvin , who had some kind of hand in liturgicall knacks , and did many times approve of the hierarchick flaunt too . and so did e zanchy in such a measure , that he was censur'd severely for it . the protestant churches in france have a publick liturgy , and yet are no papists . the primitive fathers had liturgyes , before poperie was borne . nay mr. cartwright , and others of the geneva cut , did make a f new common prayer in queen elizabeths dayes , and agreed to put it in publick practice without consent of queen or parlament . they were not grieved at set formes , but that they were not of their forging . the common prayer had no fault , but that it was established by the law of the land. nor 3. is it popery , to reject the presbyterian discipline . for besides that 't is a thing , about which its chief architects could hardly a ever agree among themselves , ( the learned discourser saying one thing , mr. travers a second , mr. cartwright a third against both , and a fourth against himself , and a fifth against his fourth , ) the first disturber of the episcopal was the male-content aerius , who was a heretick for his pains in the esteem of epiphanius , and of st. austin , and so affirmed to have been censur'd , for the very fact of opposing bishops , by the unanimous consent of the * vniversity of oxford . 4. it is not popery , to yield a just authority to universall tradition , the consentient judgement and practice of the universall church . for ( besides that the socinians are enemyes to that , ) it is declared by the protestant b vniversity of oxford , to be the best interpreter of scripture in things not clearly express't , and that without it we should be at a losse in sundry points both of faith and manners , at this day firmly believed , and securely practised by us , when by the socinians , anabaptists , and other sectaryes , we should be called upon for our proofs : as namely , sundry orthodoxall explications concerning the trinity , and coequality of the persons in the godhead , against the arrians and other hereticks ; the number and use and efficacy of sacraments ; the baptizing of infants ; national churches ; the observation of the lords day ; and even the canon of scripture it self . and in the penning of these reasons , the most excellent dr. sanderson is known to have had the chief hand , whom no man sure will call a papist , but an episcopal divine . 5. nay farther yet : the episcopal protestants here in england , ( if we reckon as far backwards as from the dayes of edward the sixth , unto the age we live in ) are very well known to have been the heroes , who by their martyrdoms , confessions , and conquering pens , have both defended , and inlarged the reformed borders of the church . nay , by their decency and order in the way of their publick worship , they have shewed to all the world so much discretion and knowledge , as well as zeal , and such unpassionate resolutions of reformation , that the conclave at rome hath even trembled at the thought of an utter ruin , if such unblamable reformers should live and prosper . most remarkable are the speeches , which the french ambassadour ( monsieur rogne ) gave out concerning our church of england , both at the court , and at canterbury , upon the view which he had of our solemn ceremonyes and service in the dayes of king iames. it was one of his sayings , a that if the reformed churches in france had kept the same orders amongst them which we observed , he was assured , that there would have been many thousands of protestants more there , then now there are ▪ and yet our men ( said an eminent person on that occasion ) do stumble and strain at some petty quillets , thereby to disturb , and to disgrace the whole church . but for the preventing of so much happinesse as was in likelyhood to ensue , the popes themselves took care to sow the seeds of dissension , even fears and jealousyes among the people , that a plot was laid by the prelates for the introduction of popery into the protestant churches . the carmelites , and iesuits , and other emissaryes of rome , were sent over into england , transforming themselves into precisians and zelots , and declaiming ( in that shape ) against episcopal divines , a masse of ceremonyes , liturgicall knacks , a ceremonious litter , hierarchical flaunts , in the expressions and sense of mr. barlee . by such means as these , the people were led into presbytery , and by the crueltyes of that , many were driven back to rome . and so we see who they are , who ( quite be side their intentions ) have been used as instruments & tooles for the carrying on of the popish interest . 6. for men of fiery , revengefull , and implacable dispositions , did proceed to such rigors , and extremityes of dissension , from whatsoever they saw in the church of rome , that they imbittered and * hardned the papists hearts , which they should rather have sought to mollifie , by christian temper , and moderation . if the papists do excced us in point of number , and of strength , ( as without controversy they do ) we should endeavour to reforme them by the convincingnesse of our reasonings , and the exactnesse of our lives , by our evident charity , and visible marks of our sobriety . we must not hope to convert them either by bitternesse of railing , or dint of sword . should all dissenters in christendom proceed to that , it would be soon overwhelmed with blood and rapin. the empty word christendom might still remain , but the mahumetans , and the iewes , would make a better * appearance of being the imitators and followers of iesus christ . the books of iesuites and presbyterians against the civill magistrate , above which they would set up their ecclesiasticall jurisdictions , have had such a likenesse to one another , that sometimes the authors of the one side have been mistaken for the other . and hence it was observed in the royall synod , a what advantage was given by that sort of men unto the papists ; who , mutatis personis , could apply their own arguments against the princes of the religion , which they had framed against the princes of the church of rome . so that the bellowes of sedition , as well in that church as in this , have help't to furnish each others treasures with naughty maximes , and stores of mischief . when king james had observed b at hampton-court , that by the factious behaviour of the puritans , many were driven to be papists , and that the way to judge them was by their fruits , humility and obedience being certainly the marks of honest and good men ; the presbyterian chieftains , then present , forbore to make any more exceptions against the ceremonyes and orders so well established in the church , and c promised to perform all duty to the bishops , as their reverend fathers , joyning heartily with them against the common adversaryes , and for the quiet of the church . hereupon it will be pertinent to make this profitable dilemma . either they thought those things , to which they first refused , and after yielded a conformity , to have been lawfull , or unlawfull . if lawfull , why submitted they no sooner ? if unlawfull , why submitted they at last ? what made seditions , and insurrections , and disobedience to authority , in opposition to those things which are confessedly lawfull ? or if confessedly lawfull , but inwardly conceived to be unlawfull , why should the fear of that power which can destory the body only , make them fearlesse of him who can cast both body and soul into hell ? as to persecute , and to suffer , cannot both be for christ's and conscience sake ; so we can never find one , in whom they both meet . some mens principles do render them lyable to punishment no lesse then capitall , but put them out of all danger of being martyrs , unlesse it can be a martyrdome to miscarry in a conspiracy , and to be overmatch't by the sword of iustice . happy and blessed is that nation , where such men's loyalty consisteth in their want of power or opportunity to make resistance . but ( to conclude this tedious section ) from all that hath hitherto been spoken , some will be apt to proclaim a counterwarning to the nation , that speciall heed may be taken of that sort of men , who for the wreaking of their malice against episcopal divines , whom they would have to be exposed to all manner of hardships ( even to famin , and sword , as far as in them lyes ) would poyson the people with a belief , that they are underhand-dealers for the bringing in of a popish yoak . all which i say of mr. barlee , and of such as he is ; not at all of mr. baxter , whose words are wickedly wrested beyond his meaning , and made intirely mr. barlee's own , by being expounded and applyed in so vile a manner . it is not hard to make appear , in how many respects mr. baxter ( though not in his person , yet at least in his doctrins , which are perhaps as dear to him ) hath been affronted by mr. barlee ; who , if he hath any truth in him , doth overthrow the very passage which here he citeth with great applause . but where my advantages are so many , i must ( even for brevity ) dispense with some . § . 12. in his two next pages ( 75 , 76. ) he obtrudes upon his reader this constant falsehood , that i pretended bishop davenant to have been also an arminian , although he knows that i did rank him amongst arminius his antagonists . i only pleaded his opinion of universall redemption ; which as mr. barlee could not disprove , so he durst not ( it seems ) so much as try . i referred my reader to his pacificatory epistle , into which mr. barlee either would not peep , or thought not safe for his interest to take any notice of what he saw . he cites other words , which were not referred to by me , and which , as they are not to the purpose in any kind , so if they were , they would serve exactly for my advantage , by shewing that that bishop had changed his judgement from what it once was . i did not speak of every part of his life , but meerly of that wherein he writ to duraeus : which , with his adhortation to ecclesiasticall peace , was printed at cambridge 1640. no more then two years before his death . yet mr. b. ( to serve his turn ) affirmeth this to be the second edition , and that a chaplain of the bishops did set out a third 1638. two years before the second in mr. b's account . would not he make an omnipotent lawyer , who to salve a crack't title in his clients tenure , can prove that harry the eighth was before harry the seventh ? this is his first contradiction about the works of bishop davenant . his second contradiction is more ridiculous , because attended with a pompous parenthesis of commendation . for whereas he saith [ it is much more considerable , that the bishops animadversions against mr. hoard , was , under the bishops own hand , published three years after the last printed edition of his pacificatory to duraeus , ] and whereas he saith also but few lines before , [ that the bishop dyed in the year 1642. ] and whereas it is a evident to all the world , who will but look , that the cambridge edition of that epistle was in the year 1640. all the reasoning of mr. b. amounts to this , that the bishop lived at least a year after his death ; vvhich is somevvhat longer then st. dlonysius is said to do in the golden legend . or at least he must say , to avoid that absurdity , that there vvere then three years betvvixt 40. and 42. nay betvvixt 40. and 41. for he saith in his margin , that the animadversions against mr. hoard vvere printed a. d. 1641. if he shall novv pretend ignorance in the bishops works , and their editions , vvhy vvould he speak at a venture of vvhat he knew not ? but if he shall say , he vvell knew vvhat he said , vvhy vvould he wilfully defile his conscience ? the reason of it is very plain . for having resolved to accuse me of a notorious mistake , if not somewhat worse , ( they are his vvords ) he knevv not hovv to make it out , but by saying such things , as unavoidably implyed those contradictions ; vvhich either he did not perceive himself , or hoped that i should not be able to perceive , or that at least i vvould keep his counsell , vvithout his having told me it vvas a secret . 2. now we are taught what to think of his other storyes , that he was more then ordinarily acquainted with that bishop , almost to the very last moment of his life , and that the bishop did once in private sadly bewail to mr. barlee the great growth of popery and arminianism . p. 75. and that the bishop did write a letter to him in folio about the ceremony of the crosse in baptism . p. 76. all this is possible , though unlikely , and not at all to the purpose . and had another man said it , or mr. b. himself before he made us all to know the strength and plenty of his invention , i should have readily believed , that so charitable a prelate might write a letter of instruction to one who stood in need of it , and might shew him his bounden duty to use the signe of the crosse in baptizing infants . but he hath brought his conceptions to so fair a market , that he must now affirm nothing , if he intends to be believed , unlesse he is as ready to bring his proof . numa pretended to hold intelligence with egeria , and minos with iupiter , and scipio with the same , and sertorius with his inspired doe , and eumenes with the ghost of alexander the great , and mahomet with gabriel one of the seven arch-angels , and mr. barlee with learned davenant one of the angels of the church of england . 3. though mr. b. pretendeth some kind of reverence to the bishop , yet he declaredly dissents from his doctrin of christ's death , as he professed to do from that of amyrald p. 72. he a confessed that bishop davenant and dr. ward did extend the phrase of christs dying for all , not only [ generibus singulorum ] to all sorts of men , but also [ singulis generum ] to * every man of all sorts . but he will sue out a writ of melius inquirendum , before he passeth any damnatory sentence upon them , because they have so many handsome orthodox put-off● . this is rare ! that bishop must be reprieved though he speakes as i doe , and i must be condemn'd ( as the enemy of god ) although i spake as the bishop did . what is the reason ? the bishop hath his put-offs , and i have none . what is this but to say in effect and substance , that the venerable bishop did tack about ; he stood out in such a manner from mr. barlee , as that in a manner he came in ; he had handsome subterfuges , and orthodox shifts ; whilst mr. pierce doth assert the same doctrin with the bishop , and all that follows thereupon by unavoidable consequence , without the least fear of displeasing the implacable , and so without making use of any orthodox tricks , or syncretizing terg●versations , for the keeping of their favours , and acts of grace ? thus he abuseth that excellent prelate , to whose favour he oweth his admission into the priesthood ; though he doth not abuse the orthodox●a of his party ( to which that prelate was so averse ) whilst he ingeniously placeth it in handsome evasions and put-offs . 4. but sure the bishop will incur a great deal more of his displeasure , by that time i have shewed him one famous a passage . the bishop thought that st. paul in his words to titus ( ch . 1. v. 3. ) had a particular respect to the apostles creed ; in which are comprehended the fundamentalls of christianity , to be believed by all christians : to wit , the creation of all creatures out of nothing , the mystery of the trinity , the benefit of christ incarnate , crucified , rising from the dead , and glorified , bestowed upon miserable and wretched sinners ; and ( as fundamentals derived thence , ) the redemption of mankind , the sanctification of a peculiar people , the communion of saints , the forgivenesse of sins , the resurrection of bodyes , and the glorification of the faithfull . — all these things ( saith the bishop ) are comprehended in this short creed . — he that detracteth or defameth any one of these , although he may take unto himself the name of christian , he is yet to be banished from the communion of the orthodox . from which words of that pious and learned prelate , mr. b. may be pleased to observe 4 things . 1. that he makes such a distinction between the redemption of mankind , and the sanctification of a peculiar people , as to include every man to be within the pale of that redemption . all mankind was bought , and paid for . ( which is just the thing for which i contend , and more then which i need not care to have granted , upon condition it be not murder'd with any fancifull put-offs . ) 2. that he reckons this among the articles of our christian faith , placing the death and resurrection of christ before it , and placing after it the resurrection of our bodyes . 3. that the truth of this is derived from the truth of the articles going before . 4. that he who denyes the truth of it , or doth but pare away from it in any kind , is to be sent to the anticyrae , banished ( i mean ) from all orthodox society . and so farewell to mr. barlee . 5. bishop davenant , ( in a work bound up with the former ) hath laid down 8 such propositions , as he supposeth to be agreed by a all protestant churches . and yet our correptorie corrector , in both his prints , hath revealed his disagreement from diverse of them . from whence it is inferred by the judgement of bishop davenant , that mr. barlee is not a member of any protestant church , unlesse we mean an unruly and peevish member . what i say i can justify , if he shall adventure to make it needfull . what mr. b. b should have done , upon his severall dissatisfactions in the prescriptions and practices of the church of england ; and what the church might have done in castigation of such a member , bishop davenant hath truly and justly shew'd him . for the first , he should have gone into some other church to which he might have been pleased to yield obedience , or have patiently suffer'd under the censures of that very church in which he lived . for the second , c the church might have proscribed him from her externall communion , untill he had ceased from infecting others with his errors , and from disturbing the churches with his attempts . nay rather then have troubled the peace and quiet of the church , under which he lived in subjection , and of which he professed himself a member , he should have pack't away ( saith the bishop ) into some other church , or have remained in this without disturbance , though he had thought that his opinion , which he maintained against the church , had been of such moment , and the knowledge of it so necessary , as that a salvation it self depended on it . how little then can he excuse himself ( or others of his spirit and combination ) for having caused those troubles which have made us a hissing to our enemyes , upon the pett they took at those things which in themselves were indifferent ( by their confession ) and which the stamp of authority had made obliging ? what they thought to be unlawfull , they should not have complyed with ( as they did ) for a time ; and what they thought very lawfull , they should still have submitted to in all obedience . § . 13. what mr. b. thinks fit to add as a conclusion to his second chapter , ( p. 76 , 77. ) concerning the primate of armagh , i shall consider in my post-script , to which my reader is now referred . i shall only here observe his perseverance in that evill of laying things to my charge , from which he knows i am as innocent as any man living . the primate's popery and arminianisme are mr. b's insinuations ; invented purposely , that he may have something to confute . nothing is like it in all my writings . but there is something in mr. b's much more then like it , as i shall discover in my-post-script . what he saith of the history of gotteschalc , shews a very great want of heed , or conscience . for that it was penn'd by the primate , he doth not deny : that the primate was an ancient author , he dares not affirme . that the subjects óf the history are 800. years old , is true , but impertinent , and not of use to mr. b. any more then to arminius . for the primate there tells us , what was held by hincmarus , and rabanus maurus , two great arch-bishops , as well as by gotteschalc the private monk : and how gotteschalc was condemn'd by the learned moguntine councell , as well as favour'd by them at lions . and if the primate's judgement was then for gotteschalc ( who was pronounced an a heretick in the famous synod at moguntia convened by the authority of the emperour lotharius ) i shall easily prove that he did afterwards change it . the synod of valentia which mr. b. citeth from the fourth chapter , is not there , but in the twelfth . and the history of that is the rather to be reckon'd as uncertain , because b baronius and the primate do give us opposite narrations , though i shall more readily believe the later . but whilst mr. b. takes upon him to shew his lordships opinion , from what was deliver'd by the valentian synod , not in his lordships own expressions ( as mr. b. in his deep ignorance doth take the boldnesse to affirm ) but in the expressions of the synod ; he doth a very ill office to dr. bernard , a courtesie to them who affirm his change , and a double mischief unto himself , as shall be shew'd in its proper place . chap. iv. a tast of some notable qualifications in mr. b. which give him an eminent unfitnesse to be either a disputant , or an historian . § . 1. the most obvious accomplishment in this gifted brother , and that wherein his greatest excellence doth lye , ( especially since he promis'd to mend his manners , and to do a penance for his passions , upon his knees , ) is to win me over to his opinions , ( or else to fright me out of mine own ) by all the caresses and indearments , which can possibly be expected from a man of his b orthodox and godly temper . i hope i shall not be proud of his large expressions , because i am able to distinguish betwixt his judgement , and his civilityes . the age we live in is very courtly , and men will give fair language , because it is fashonable , and handsome , and humane too ; if not to signify their opinion of the person to whom they speak , at least to testify the breeding and civil deportment of the speakers . it must not therefore be imagin'd , that mr. barlee's meaning is as obliging as his words , but that his words are the marks of his education . § . 2. for as this liberall encomiast is pleas'd to complement , i am an english heretick , a back friend to true religion , an underminer of necessary reformation , a second predestinated thief , sedulously impudent , and a bespatterer , a very erra pater in divinity , an insulting thraso , an insolent boaster , a verse from the true faith , yea adverse to it , a sophisticall wrangler , a dangerous enemy to the church , to be compared with the hypocriticall pharisees , a maintainer of the same opinions with low-spirited , plebeian , mechanick sectaryes , an angel of darknesse , an apostate , and a wolf , mischievous to god and his church , superciliously scornfull , a great delinquent , and as an herring-man , the composer of a play-book for my iovial proselytes against the merry time , an able jester , playing upon him before lords and ladyes , inhuman , barbarous , like him in whom the evill spirit was , and like the spanish bulls falling upon their drivers , a facetious and most dexterous roscius , one of the three great wasps of the nation , one by whose abilityes the devil is adorned , guilty of socinianism , true to the cruell grotian design of extirpating the protestants calvinisticall , of the grotian caball , a filcher of his parishoners , of schismaticall practises against his parish , as infecting it with arminianism , soci●…anism , pontificianism in part , a carryer on of vile designes , a fawning tertullus , an insolent provoker , a tom tell-troth , of a malevolent design , a breaker of st. paul's hand , disingenuous , & unconscionable , of a frontlesse front , and scornfull spirit , a notorious lyar , virulent , proud , slanderous , and of furious indignation , one whose very light is darknesse , and who takes the presbyterians to be more * knaves then fools , a great wanton , full of malice and poysenous mischief , a circumstantial rituallson of the church , a demure junior , justly called a sorcerer , one to whom the anabaptists and quakers are great friends , one who bewitcheth the people , and deserves to be ranked among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or witches , a clamorous brazen-fac't person , of insufferable insolence , one that hath lost his conscience with his eyes , prodigiously satyrical to a miracle beyond imitation , one who intended to gull the world , and delude the church , * a monster of ingratitude , of a stony and brazen fore●ead , a iuvenal divine , a wilfull impostor , setting up an idol fancy of grace , a pope above all councells except the papall , guilty of minor atheism at least , devoid of all christian ingenuity as well as grotius , a gracelesse person , grotius his imitator , a monstrous uncharitable censurer as well as grotius , a prevaricator , without regard of conscience , a master railer , one who recedes from arminius to the worse , towards rank pelagianism and socinianism , whose correct copie begins and ends in pelagianism and semi-pelagianism , guilty of much hereticall pravity , irrational , a submortuarian , an apostolarian , a neophyte , antiscripturall , a downright pelagian in the very chief point , deeply drencht with massilianism , of ridiculous shifts , crafty insinuations , supercilious arrogance , putting gulls and cheats upon his mother the church , wretchedly and unconscionably abusive , a great practiser of hypocrisy , one whose proselytes are but too great approvers of hobbs his leviathan , a maker of saplesse , senselesse , subitane comments of scripture , a wofull calumniator , a thrasonicall boaster , stubborn , wormish fancy , intolerable , extravagant , an helvidian , antiscripturist , like the old hereticks making their brains their bible , wanting honesty , loud lying , horribly wicked , absurd , foolish , childish , malicious , frantick , slanderous , insolent , scornfull , ridiculous , against whom the dreadfull judicial hand of god is highly lift up ; and again , one who hath the just hand of god upon him , and likely to be dementated by god for perdition , a manichee , holding that which the boldest jesuite would tremble to admit into his creed , one who flurts and flounceth at his neighbour for want of logick , a gracelesse traducer , odious , hatefull , * without shame or modesty , or any the least love of the truth , one who hath drawn a brawn upon his forehead and his conscience , one who proclaimes his sin as sodome , and worse then sodome , with a stubborn mind , which sodom never did , having a design highly jesuitical , rendring the soundest protestants odious , to make room for the pontificians taken into his bosome , basely abusive contrary to conscience , blowing hot and cold like a satyr , of a lavish tongue , a broad conscience , a crafty pate , one whose religion grows upon the stock of policy , far in the way to rome , like malicious persons guilty of the plague ; and ( to shew that he goes out at the same door which he came in at ) i am finally an heretick to be rejected . that these are all his own complements , is so well known to as many as have had the patience to read his second book , and so almost-impossible to be denyed by himself , that i think it not needfull to mark the pages where they are written ; which would prove a greater trouble to the printer , and to the corrector of the presse , then matter of satisfaction to any readers . but as i have them all in readinesse , and given a view of them to many who have desir'd to be spectators of so strange a sight ; so if mr. b shall murmur at my omission of the pages , he shall not fail of them , as soon as i know what he would have . so far are these from being more then what his book hath afforded , that they are only a sprinkling of his behaviour . for a gentleman in the country having a great curiosity , to know how much of the volume might have been spent in meer railing , ( if it were thrust up together ) took the courage , for once , to make a tryall ; and the totall of his collection did amount to no lesse , then eleven whole pages in a spacious quarto all as full as they could hold , and overflowing the very margins . now had i the leisure to take account of all the like courtesies bestow'd on others ( for the 11. pages-full i spake of were all on me ) i leave the reader to imagin how fine and slender his book would be , if such large collops were par'd away . in the little account which i have given , there is a greater affluence then he could meet with in his textor's epithets , or in his sylva synonymorum . it may be wonder'd at by some , how a man of his diligence in the way he goes , should forget ( this bout ) to call me devil , but ( in stead of that ) should chuse to call me an angel of darknesse , ( p. 7. ) the reason of it is very evident . for he confesseth , that before , he was somewhat a playsome , and had b ex●berances of passions ; but now he is reformed , upon the admonitions of his friends , who did give him a c hint that he was somewhat over-heated , & therefore he gives them d most solemn thanks . he now mislikes e the hare-brain'd fury of some men , falsely called zeal ; he is for f prudence and necessary moderation . and therefore having , before , called my copie of notes a noon-day devil , he is now contented to call my person an angel of darknesse , which amounts to no more then a mid-night devil , which is not so bad , as being a modester devil , then that which walketh about at noon . in his first book indeed i was a satanicall and diabolical blasphemer , nay an exceeder of the devil himself in blasphemy , and worse then diabolically wittily wicked . but that was one of his a extravagances , for which he will not defend himself . and therefore now the world is mended ( to my unspeakable comfort ) and i am only a mid-night devil , not one whit worse , or more wicked , ( as then i was . ) so that now he is assur'd , b that none of christ's cordial friends have any great reason to blame him , because he is against both extremes . before , i was for major atheism , now i am only for minor atheism , because now he hath hit the golden mean. p. 4. 't is true indeed , that in this his opus emendatum , he doth also seem to be over-heated , as before ; some c excesses of passion , stile , and temper , do remain ( like canaanites ) in the holy land : though god , d accounting him faithfull , hath put him into the ministery ; yet he is hetherto in via , on this side heaven , not fully arrived unto his state of perfection : sorcerer , and witch , apostatarian , and wolf , and eleven pages-full of zeal have not been candidly expressed ; and there is something of mortality still cleaving to him , whilst he admires at my impudence for not believing i was a ranter . † but let us be so just as to hear him speaking for himself . e what have i done ? ( saith mr. b. ) is there not a cause ? was not our saviour sufficiently zealous ? and did not * all the apostles , especially st. paul , imitate our saviour in this ? he that shall meet with the like , and behave himself more modestly , let him throw the first stone at me . calvin was lyable to errors and passions as my self . p. 62. — f have i not offered to do open penance for my passions , if they prove against me either scurrility or calumny ? is this laodicean luke-warm age so full of heats and zeal against seducers , as that he who thinks it his duty earnestly to oppose opinions , practices and designs , must be unreasonably blamed for so doing ? take heed ( good reader ) that you fall not into the danger of thinking hardly of this g orthodox and cordiall zelot . he tells us plainly ( c. 3. p. 70. ) that whosoever they are who will not yield to what he saith , is worse then distracted . but that he tells us on another occasion . keep we close to the purpose , and we shall find good reason for the worst of his words . he did wisely consider , that a other mens soft milky faint-hearted coldnesse , disguised under the pleasing term of prudence , fairnesse , peace , moderation , &c. hath been one of the two things which have brought us to that wofull passe that we are at in all ecclesiasticall matters . ( there he mumps the reverend dr. reynolds , who timely advis'd him to soft words , to omit my person , and fall wholly to the argument . again ) what a milky faint-hearted person doth the reverend dr. bernard appear to be in his sight , who told him b that the fruits of the spirit are meeknesse , gentlenesse , &c. and advis'd him to lay aside all verball animosityes , and personall reflexions , and calmly to fall upon the matter ? what ? would they have mr. barlee not to be valiant , and call men sorcerers , witches , wolfes , devils ? c the age is not so full of orthodox cordiall zelots , as that they need to be d discourag'd . mr. b. e blesseth god for his grace , who for well-●igh these 14. years hath not suffer'd him to behave himself unchristianly , ignorantly , or rudely . for what though he let fall so many slanders , perjuryes , contradictions , and railings , as have been written with a sun-beam ? yet having had grace irresistible , he was not suffer'd to do amisse , was not able to sin , he was so mightily withheld . f si quid intumuit pietas , if his godlinesse did swell , and boyl up ( as hath been shew'd ) igno●cat lector , we must pardon him in conscience ; and so dr. twisse had said before him . if i , or other morall men shall wipe off his calumnyes , we are presently master raylers , for we are angels of darknesse ; and reason good , for we resist mr. barlee in his inventions . but when he shall rail , and invent slanders , who hath that priviledge indulged to him , the case is then alter'd , for he makes it known to the world , that god hath g called him to be faithfull ; and all is no more then a godly tumour , as he is pleas'd to expresse it to us . in his introduction to this his second volume , he solemnly h prayes to the god of all grace , that he may be mightily assisted and wisely directed in the management of so great a work , that if through his exceeding great weaknesse , as is the * judgement of diverse good men , he did give too much way to his passions at first , by not hitting the golden mean , he may be more successfull in his second attempt , lest the church and the world complain of him . iudge now , reader , whether his prayer hath been heard , or whether when he pray'd , he spake as he thought . before , he gave too much way to his passions , and did not quite hit the golden mean ; but now he thinks he hath nick't it . salva res est , saltat senex . a he even skips for joy ( pretty lamb ! ) and doth not repent him of his crueltyes , because he designs to kill a heretick ; and b english hereticks ( he thinks ) are not to be kill'd with kindnesse , as some have vainly imagin'd . but 't is time that i come to another section . § . 3. it is no small part of my vindication , that names and epithets are given to me by that incomparable syringe , ( for such i may call our author's quill , ) which hath squirted ink into the faces of the most excellent persons in severall kinds . for if mr. b. may be believ'd , c grotius was an unparallel'd prevaricator in religion , and cruelly spitefull against protestants . to admire his writings is a dreadfull sign of dementations of many great wits , and of their inclinations to popery , socinianism , wicked carnall policy . there is no christian clergy-man under the cope of heaven , be he pontifician , episcopal , presbyterian , or congregational , but they have reason to be an enemy to him and his writings , for betraying all ecclesiastical power into the hands of meer laicks . d he was a prodigious enemy to calvin , a betrayer of his own native country , from which he was justly and perpetually exiled . he made it his businesse to be a judas against the protestants , e & shew'd himself devoid of all christian ingenuity . f castalio's books are viperous & socinian . g s. episcopius was a lying-socinian-antitrinitarian-cretian ; spake against the dictate of his conscience ; most wantonly and sawcily trifled with the synod . h dr. taylor may at last swallow the later sequel of jansenius , that christ dyed not , ergo he is not incarnated . the lord be mercifull unto him . i a man desperately unadvised , & for his affection to the protestants , such another as my self ( a cassandrian papist c. 2. p. 73. ) k drunken dick thomson was bewitcht with the conceipt of his own parts , as much as any babylonian , intoxicated by the cup of the whore . in a word , all the great and good men , who for above 1200. years , in all countryes , have opposed a those opinions which mr. b. is now of , were so many [ dragons and leviathans , sharpning their tongues and pens and wits against the omnipotent soveraignty and grace of god. ] reader , you must not be offended : for mr. b. tells you , that mr. calvin was lyable to errors and passions as himself . and if he means , as lyable as himself , he useth mr. calvin a great deal worse then his arminians . what would you have a man do , when he is tortur'd with so many twitches of the aking tooth ? even men of mild tempers will be apt to cry out , after the measure that they have smarted : how much more may an * orthodox and cordial zelot ? pangs and torments make some men rave . it being naturall to the creature , to ease it self by any means ; and to lessen its agonyes , by giving them the quickest and largest vent that he is able . many men have blasphem'd in fits of hast and vexation ; not for want of right principles , but of strength and patience to make use of them . it hath been matter of satisfaction to some stomack full souldiers , whilst they have grovelled upon the earth in blood and slaughter , at least to brow beat their enemyes , and ( for want of other weapons ) to look blows at them , and call them doggs . i will not vindicate those persons , whom mr. b. hath thus reviled ; because i think it their vindication , that none but a correptorie corrector would have dared in publick to have revil'd them . i will only put him in mind , that this is now the second time wherein he hath printed his own disgraces , by giving the name of drunken dick to that renowned scholar mr. thomson : a person admired for his abilityes by the most pious and the most learned of the belgick protestants ; and highly commended by bishop abbot , who writ against him . pascitur in vivis livor . had that great man been alive , m. b's superiours might have malign'd him . or had i cited any one passage out of his learned book , mr. b. then might have pretended some small occasion for this asperity . but that upon no occasion offer'd he should have drunken dick thomson in both his prints , bewrayes a marvellous cacoethes in the inward old man. if mr. thomson were ever drunk , it is more then i know ; i am sure his writings are very sober : nor came i soon enough into the world to know him by any thing but his writings . in the judgement of mr. baxter , i do not speak mine own judgement ) * he that hath oftentimes been drunk may yet have true grace , and be in the number of the godly . nay there are worse things then that , which a man may commit , and yet be godly , saith mr. baxter . a how many professors will rashly raile , and lye in their passions ? how few will take well a reproof , but rather defend their sin ? how many in these times that we doubt not to ●e godly , have been guilty of disobedience to their guides , and of schism , and doing much to the hurt of the church ? a very great sin . peter , lot , and its like david , did oft commit greater sins . and yet a b man must be guilty of more sin then peter was in denying and forswearing christ , that is notoriously ungodly ; yea then lot was , who was drunk two nights together , and committed incest twice with his own daughters , and that after the miraculous destruction of sodom , of his own wife , and his own miraculous deliverance . † nay a man that is notoriously ungodly ( in the sense in hand ) or unsanctified , must be a greater sinner then solomon was with his 700. wives , and his 300. concubines , & grosse idolatryes , when his heart was turned away from the lord god of israel , which appeared unto him twice , and commanded him not to go after other gods ; but he kept not that which the lord commanded . thus far mr. baxter : from whom , in conscience , i am bound to declare my dissent , and to warn my weaker readers not to believe a word of it . i will only say for mr. thomson , that he was not dry drunk , nor added drunkennesse to thirst , as many precisians vvere knovvn to do . what vvas said by the prophet , ( isa . 51 , 21. ) i may also say in another sense , that many have been drunken , though not with wine , but vvith somevvhat worse . i vvill not imitate mr. b. by raking inhumanely in dead men's graves . but i have heard of a great one of mr. b's party , vvho , as often as he vvas vvilling to exhilarate himself vvith the devv of bacchus , vvould make a short exhortation to his bons compagnions , holding forth to this purpose , if not in these very words : [ come , beloved in the lord , let us be refreshed vvith the othr bottle of sack : vve have an interest in the creature through jesus christ : let not the vvicked drink all . ] i name not the man , and so have revealed no secrets . but i am willing that mr. barlee should see the uglinesse of his arguings against a doctrin , from the personal corruption of some one man who did assert it . how easily might any man requite suchusage ( as god forbid that any man should ) by saying impatient * iack calvin , or calvin was a proud iack ? is not that the same with drunken dick thomson ? for was not richard the name of the later , as well as iohn of the former ? nay did not mr. calvin confesse he was impatient ? and that the beast was grown masterfull , he could not tame it ? was not bucer a moderate man ? and did not he call calvin fratricide ? and is not that much worse then drunken ? and is not all this printed by their very best † friends ? but never did mr. thomson accuse himself of being drunken , much lesse from the print-house . and therefore mr. b. was ill advis'd . § . 4. he was also ill advised in being no kinder to himself , then to pull down commonly with his right hand , what he had raised with his left . had his memory lain in his fingers ends , he would either not have written the former parcells of his book , or at least he would not have contradicted them in the later . to shew this at large , were to compile a whole volume of self-contradictions . but yet my reader shall have a tast of what hath been the greatest part of my entertainment . one while he tells he hath abstersed a all calumnyes ; and yet another while he pretendeth to have b omitted many ; nay briefly to touch upon a few , and not to mention a world more . had he followed the advise of his father pliny , saepius respiciendo titulum , he would not have swallow'd so great a camell without having felt it in going down . he said in his title [ a full abstersion of all calumnyes ; ] and yet he rap't out an c oath , that of all those forgeries and fictions which i had charged him withall , there were but 3 in all his book to which he seem'd to give credit . nor had he sooner said so , but he nam'd a fourth , to which he avowed his giving credit . as if he thought that abstersion had signified recantation , and that he meant only to say , a confession of all calumnyes except those three , * two of which he also d confessed to have been calumnyes indeed . first he made himself smutty , and now with a char-coal he strives to make himself clean . but never was any man fowler in the full abstersion of a chimney . at first he a promis'd his reader , that he would write in a certain method ; but solemnly brake it a little after , by b declaring his purpose to quit that method , and for brevityes sake to be immethodicall . for above 30 years space , he durst to lay down his life , he c never swore a rash oath ; yet he d swore most rashly not above 3 leafs before , and no lesse rashly in his correptorie correction p. 174. besides that he swore the scotish covenant , and another oath besides that , which if he did not swear rashly , was rashly broken . he e never cursed ( if you believe him ) in 30 years ; but yet believe me , he cursed himself ( correp . corr. p. 25. ) and here curseth others ( c. 2. p. 38. ) and together with himself , the * chief men of his party , upon whom he f wisheth that myriads of anathematisms may light , if they hold that god is the fountain or cause of sin . yet he holds it himself in the very next page ; where he saith that god is the naturall cause of the mere act of sin , and the accidental cause of the very obliquity of the act of sin , ( p. 55. c. 3. ) he g denyes that he accused me of assertive socinianism , and yet h accuseth me often in the great , and addes i rank to the socinian . he frequently called me arminian , and arminius my * father ; yet he reckons up k many things , wherein he confesseth i do recede from arminius , and that irreconcilably ; and yet he feares not to say , that i have l all my principles from arminius . i am but m inclin'd to popery ; n yet am half a pontifician or papist ; nay a o whole one . he saith he p never call'd me heretick ; yet q often doth it . he pleads for the r lawfulnesse of his railing ; and yet s denyes his pleading for it . he saith his manuscript copy of my notes doth not differ from mine , in t any material thing ; and yet ( in the very next page ) he saith they are u two distinct things , and that 't is false to say , that they are one and the same for substance . he would not presse me to things which i was most likely to w refuse to have my doctrins tryed by ; and yet would be x tryed by no other then his senior sympresbyters . grotius is often a y socinian ; and yet a z papist , which no socinian can be . the same a grotius is an enemy to all popish and episcopal clergy ; which no papist can be , and be a papist . he saith his senior sympresbyters have b receded from their subscriptions ; and yet for all that , that they have been a least upon their tropicks in these tropical times . god ( saith he ) is the naturall b cause of the act of sin ; and yet that sin hath no efficient cause . ( corr. corr. p. 55. ) throughout his first book he was much and often for the way of the sublapsarians ; yet ( being beaten out of that ) he c declares himself now to be a supralapsarian . he sometimes d commends me for extreamly gallant parts , and diverse rare excellencyes , and e fine abilityes , and of a f superlative wit ; yet at other times i am a g wordy and windy man , of a blunt judgement , and fitter then any of my neighbours to supply the place of an h idiot . it is frequent with him to slight my arguments , as if they had nothing of force in them ; and yet he confesseth that he is brought to an extremity , to his very last reserve of forces , which if they fail , the cause is lost . this i say he confesseth , if he understands the meaning of his proverb , i deventum est triarios . if he doth not , i cannot help it . he confesseth that his k passions against me . are exuberant here and there , and talks of giving me satisfaction ; but yet he boasts of his l moderation , and will not so much m as accept of my pardon . his fictions and railings he calls his frailtyes , and doth n confesse they are great and many , and that he began his first book with a confession of them ; and yet his whole first chapter is not only to excuse , but ( in some places ) to commend them . he snatcheth severall occasions to tell the o world , [ that he learned hebrew many years since , and hath attained to some little something ; and from the 18th year of his age to this very hour , men of the greatest note for learning and piety have given large attestations to his scholarship ( which he ever writes with ll ) when they have not been sollicited to it by any thing but their own forwardnesse . ] and again , that the most illustrious luminaryes of the church did grace his labours with their unexpected encomiums . p. 2. and p that some of the greatest eminency for learning and piety , did in letters expresse their good resentment of his labours , & thankfulnesse for his pains . but yet in a grosse contradiction to the first of these passages , he hath published two books ; * whereby he hath shew'd it to be impossible , that the most learned and the most pious should commend his learning . for if they were learned , how could they be so much mistaken ? and if they were pious , how could they speak what they knew not to be true ? since mr. b. hath so partial an opinion of himself , and had such need to let it fly , as that he could not forbear to say in print , that he is a not hardly opinionated against himself , and also shews what it is that hath done him hurt ; it will be a charitable attempt , to lay that spirit thus conjur'd up , and to mind him of something for his humiliation . he tells his patron ( he saith , not as a spaniel ) that he knows not any mere b individual alive , to whom , under god , he would more desire to approve all his travails . as if he thought that individual had signified a man , which every child could have told him is a generical word , & as aptly spoken of a beast , a tree , a stone , or a devil , as of any man whatsoever . i had said that sin was quid positivum : he saith i put an c apotheosis upon sin ; as if he thought it derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pono ; unlesse he means that i made a god of it , and then it is infinitly worse , as i shall shew in my second part . he calls me d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in such a way , as if he thought it had signified a young man only . for he could not intend to say , that i am newly converted to the christian religion ( as the word importeth ) because he calleth me apostate , and apostatarian , and twenty things to that purpose . so he useth the word e apostacy ( and writes it with a [ c ] ) as if he thought it had signified who-know's-what . nor can he excuse it any way possible , unlesse by confessing he bore false-witnesse . i did but dip by accident into his correp . corr. when i chanced to light upon this rare f passage . heartily i can wish , that you would not steer the ship you are one of the guiders of per archipelagum , through the main ocean unto rome it self . it seems he thought that archipelago ( which i mention'd in my notes ) had been the oblique case of a latin word , because he knew pelagus was latin for a sea. and such was his knowledge in geographie , that he thought the archipelago had been the ocean , through which we saile from hence to rome : or if he knew it to have been the aegean sea , his mistake was more ridiculous , in thinking that that sea was on this side italie . as great a jest as that preacher's , who told his hearers , they must passe through the dangers of the red sea , before they could arrive at the cape of good hope . i need not speak of his citing aristotle and chrysostom in g latin , because i know not what it may signify ; whether that he thought they were latin authors , or met with a translation at second hand . it were well if he were able to write true english on all occasions , as well as upon some . examples of the contrary are extremely * rife in his publick works . whosoever shall consider , how he a prayes perfect non-sense in his dedicatory epistle , and how in the end of his postscript , he is skipping for joy out of sense and syntax ; and shall compare what i have shew'd ch . 2. § . 17. he will say that mr. b. was somewhat too lavish of his praises , upon such an obnoxious and faulty self : his faults being greater then b those of rivet , of which the grave and wise grotius took publick notice . and in this i have follow'd that great example . § . 5. what he alledgeth to shew his learning ( for no other reason can i imagin ) concerning the books in his study , of which he proclaimeth unto the world , that † he should be loath to part with them for 150l . ( ch . 3. p. 126. lin . 7 , 8. ) is as far from being argumentative , as any thing which he hath spoken for his doctrin of decrees , or of god's being the * cause of sin . and though it merits not an answer or confutation , yet because i cannot imagin vvhy he should put it into his book , unlesse he thought it to be of force to serve for a part of his vindication ; i vvill respect him so far , as to make him a return by these degrees . 1. i never did accuse him of having a cheap study of books , nor did i ever conceive it could be any mans crime . † grotius vvas the owner of very few books : he liv'd most upon borrowing the books of others , and that from the chiefest parts of christendom ; vvhich having contracted into his paper , and thence digested into himself , he became an * animated library , or an * ambulatory pandect , of all the best learning in all the vvorld . 2. what he saith of his books is gratis dictum ; neither proved by witnesse , nor by an inventary of the particulars . and vve vvho are english-men , do not like your dutch reckonings , nor is it the likelyer to be so , because he sayes it , vvho hath been found so often to give us the issues of his invention . the boy in horace vvas so known to speak falsely , that vvhen at last he spake an important truth , none of the neighbourhood vvould believe him . 3. he doth not tell us hovv much his study of books is worth , but for hovv much he vvill not leave them ; vvhich is only to tell us his great affection to those authors , vvhom he hath indeared unto himself by many late obligations . but another man perhaps may be as glad of their room , as he can be of their company . 4. admit 150l . would buy a great study of books , ( which yet i cannot apprehend ) if he meant to infer himself a man of great learning , i deny his sequel . for then the richest man living would have it in his power to be the learnedst . many stationers are masters of much more learning , then the best scholars can pretend to : but there is commonly this difference , that the stationers learning is without him , the scholars within him . yet the stationer hath a mighty command of his learning , ( as well as mr. w. b. ) for as he bought it at his pleasure , so he may sell it at his need ; and till then , may hang it upon a tack . we see 't is very ill arguing from the quantity of the study to the quality of the student ; whose greater commendation were , to have no more books then he can put into his brain . whosoever shall impose a treasure of mony upon a mule , will not certainly enrich , but load the creature . but if he prized his books to save his executors a labour , he should not here have put it in his book of abstersions ; he should rather have reserved it for a codicill of instructions , to be annexed ( when time serves ) unto his last will and testament . § . 6. i must not thus insist upon the other like parts of his vindication , and yet i may usefully represent them ( for many reasons ) by drawing up a short catalogue of his escapes from the question of gods decrees ; wherein will be seen his dexterityes in finding work for the printer , and providing materials for a book , without indangering his cause upon all occasions , the very mention of which he had found by experience to be unsafe . hereupon he takes occasion ( because no good body would be so courteous as to offer it ) to acquaint his readers with many particulars of his life , which the publick-minded man would not have to dye with him . ex. gr. 1. he hath been in this very country well-nigh these fourteen years ; never behaving himself unchristianly , ignorantly , or rudely , amongst many discerning gracious christians , amongst divers most venerable and eminent scholars . 2. he is averse from the very act of writing fairly and slowly . 3. he would not for 500l . that other men should be put to it with printers , correctors and transcribers , as he hath been . 4. of divers late years he hath preached by the hour-glasse . 5. he catechizeth in his parish , as well as preacheth . 6. his carrier ( he tells us ) comes to him on saturdayes in the afternoon , and goes by ten a clock on munday morning next after . 7. a bishop of my name ( to whom i never had any relation ) was wont to make clinches as well as he. 8. we must know , at what glad t●dings his sympresbyters would have jumped . 9. he layes up an article against me , against the time that ever we may be so blessed , as to enjoy presbyterian censures . 10. he tells us a tale which he was told by an oxford stationer , to commend his book for orthodox , because it was so little bought . 11. a certain man whose name was forbes , a scotish divine , was for above 30 years preacher at delph . 12. and he did speak to mr. barlee in the presence of dr. ames . 13. he was more then ordinarily acquainted with bishop davenant ( if you believe him . ) 14. bishop davenant did once in private sadly bewail to mr. barlee ( as mr. barlee tells us ) the great growth of popery and arminianism . 15. we must not dye in ignorance , that the bishop writ a large letter to him about the crosse in baptism . 16. and ( which is most worthy to be communicated to late posterity by the indelible characters of the presse ) the bishops letter was in folio . to conclude in a word , ( that i may not violate my promise of giving in a short catalogue ) one while he strokes mr. whitfields gray haires ; another while he cajoles a worcestershire minister : now he tells us ( but unsincerely ) some table-talk at daintry concerning socrates and iob ; anon he gives us to understand the severall parts of his age. somewhere he tells us what the brethren intended , in case presbytery had prosper'd ; and that he writes but a scrawling hand at the best . into such kind of subjects hath he been pleased to step aside , from his pretended confirmation of irrespective decrees . § . 7. there are but two things more in the making up of my accounts , with which i shall at present detain my reader ; viz. the odnesse of his excuses , and the prettinesse of his wit. a tast or two of each will be an opiparous entertainment . as for the former , his facility is such , that though his tetters are never so spreading , the least drop of his soveraign ink will cure them all in an instant : if angry blisters have been discover'd upon the two-edged member , he gives us to know he is of a very small stature , and little men are still fretfull ( p. 5. ) if any thing ailes him in point of literature , or manners , it is no more but that his memory was terrible false to him ( p. 18. ) or the printer did him a shrewd turn ( p. 19. ) or he had motives to it which shall be namelesse ( ibid. ) or he was told it by a reverend minister ( p. 18. ) or by a person of true honour ( p. 18. ) or by a conscionable divine ( p. 19. ) or by w. c. ( p. 18. ) or by a gentleman-entertainer ( p. 44. ) or else it crept at the , presse out of his margin into his text ( p. 19. ) and so all 's well . if he is told of his clinches , he shewes scripture for it where there are none ( p. 29. ) if he is caught in the act of doing violence to my words , he saith , he did but allude to them , not quote them directly ( p. 53. ) when he is brought to such a pinch , he knows not which way to answer , or any other wayes to evade , then he saith of his opponent , that he hath words and wit at will ( p. 53. ) or else he tells us a story of dr. twisse ( p. 54. ) and that he hath heard the doctor spake it a * hundred times over ( ibid. ) the whole vertue of which story doth consist in the tinkling of thorns and scorns ▪ ( ibid. ) thus let the difficultyes and streights of our great artificer be never so many for number , or never so monstrous for shape , with a dash or two of his pen he winds himself out of all , he makes all fair and unreprovable . there is not a fault in his manners , nor ( i warrant you ) a flaw in any one part of his undertakings . so much for his artifice in drawing good over evill . § . 8. and because in the course of his studyes he hath attain'd to a pair of jests , which in a volume of that bulk may run the hazard of being lost , i will adde my mite to their conservation . it seems he had learn't ( by one means or other ) that his sympresbyter with the long breath ( which admonish't mr. baxter to keep his distance ) had in a latin epistle , ( upon such an occasion as he could get , ) shew'd the dimensions of his wit in the mistaking of my name . no lesse then four whole times , without the fourtieth part of a reason , he was resolv'd to call me persius : and a little after took care to say ( what he thought would be pretty , ) difficile est satyram non scribere . thus lay the hint , upon which mr. barlee held forth as shrewdly in his abstersion , that i am * a iuvenal divine . he thought it was pleasant for iuvenal and persius to be both predicated of me ; and so hath left unto posterity this memorandum , that when two sympresbyters joyn wit to wit , they are able ( betwixt them ) to break a jest . as his first jest is on my name , so is his second upon his own : in allusion to which , he is again ( saith he ) call'd out to * thrashing . for mr. barlee to be a thrasher , it seems he thought to be as lepid , as for the high-wayes of egypt to become all travellers , when the dust of the land was wholly turn'd into lice . but he should have known whilst it was time ( what is now too late ) that he who is not skill'd in thrashing , must take great heed how he fights with a flaile ; lest in fetching back his weapon to lay it on so much the harder , he prove so unfortunate as to break his own head . had i been in his case , and he in mine , this book , without question , had been intitl'd , mr. barlee thrashed with his * own flaile , and found in the winnowing to be but chaff . an appendage touching the judgement of the late most learned and pious primate of armagh , as to the matters in controversie betwixt the two parties . that it concerns me very neerly to perform my promises to my reader , and so to communicate the grounds of what i have publickly a●firmed , concerning the judgement of the right honourable and learned primate of armagh , as to the doctrines which i controvert with the unjust usurpers of his authority , and bold invaders of his name , my reverend friend doctor bernard hath made apparent ; for if i have wronged so great a person , it is by so much the greater wrong , and exacteth from my conscience by so much the greater reparation . nor can i but take it very kindly from so reverend a person as dr. bernard , that by opposing what i reported in that particular , he hath given me an occasion to shew the truth in its lustre , ( which till now was exhibited in somewhat a thick vail ) by laying upon me a necessity to clear my self . to clear my self ( i say ) not from any aspersions which dr. bernard hath cast upon me , ( for there are none in his letters , if rightly taken , and applyed , he hath rather open'd a way to my vindication ) but from the sinister and irrational uses , which mr. barlee and his peers ( if yet he is not a peerless person ) have had the skill or the unskilfulness to make of those letters , against the intention of him that writ them . it is not therefore my purpose to clear my self , or my informers , or the precious memorie of the l. primate , by a p●ofessed work of hostility against those letters of dr. bernard ; but rather by shewing that those letters were so warily written , as to have nothing in them of hostile against me , or mine : not pretending to prove my affirmation to have been false , but alledging some circumstances by which it might seem to be unlikely , and obliging me thereby to prove it eminently true . first , he ingenuously professeth , that as it is hard to prove a negative , ( p. 47. ) so , according to my caveat , he doth not take upon him to do it , ( p. 56. ) but immediately adds , he understands not the ground of my definitive sentence , &c. ( ibid. ) and therefore the utmost i have to do , is to make my ground visible , that an obscure truth may not suffer for want of a right understanding . secondly , as dr. bernard hath candidly professed , that he took not upon him to prove the negative of what i said , ( p. 56. ) so he professeth to be content that i enjoy my opinion , if i censure not him for not forsaking his own . ( p. 57. ) and sure he cannot but be inclinable to agree with me in the end , who differs from me in the way upon such amicable termes of reconcilement . thirdly , though dr. bernard was willing ( as well he might ) to put the belief of my affirmative to some kind of stand , ( at that time of the day , whilst yet he knew not the ground upon which i marched ) yet he pretended not to do it by any other then probabilities ( p. 58. ) and we know that probabilities do●ly in the middle twixt truth and falshood ; it is not in their nature , and so belongs not to their office , to make a proof , but to ingender a perswasion ; they are proper to rhetoricians speaking in genere deliberativo , not to those who intend a scientifical demonstration . and such was the modesty of that reverend person , that he professed only to stick to his perswasion ( not to his knowledge or assurance , which in that case was impossible ) confirmed ( as he goes on ) by probable testimonies , that there was no such change in the primate near his death , ( p. 61. ) where he confesseth that his testimonies were no more then probable , and such as only begot a perswasion in him ; nor doth he seem to be perswaded , that the primates judgement was never changed , but that it was not near his death . and if it was longer before his death , then i supposed it to have been , i am extremely glad of it , because abundantly happy in that mistake . fourthly , as dr. bernard affirmeth ( the third time also ) a naked improbability of what i said , ( p. 69. ) so he seemed to believe , that i had no other witnesses of what i said , then such as were present at his sermon , wherein he taught , that by the death of christ all receive this benefit , that they are saveable , or put into a capacity of salvation , that termes of peace are procured for all mankind , that all mens sins are become pardonable , mercy attainable , and the like . from whence i easily gather , that had he been timely enough acquainted with the other evidences which i received , he had not opposed his probabilities against such pregnant and cogent proofes . fifthly , whereas it is said by dr. bernard , he was perpetually with the primate when last in london , ( p. 48. ) he must not be thought to mean , that he was never absent , but that he was present very often : for it appears that he was absent , when his grace and dr. walton discoursed together of these affairs . nor am i moved in the least measure at what he seemeth at least to intimate , p. 52. because he seemeth only to do it , but doth it not . a person of his prudence could not be so extravagant , as to put speeches into my mouth , which never proceeded out of my thoughts . i did not only never say , ( no not so much as in a dream ) that the l. primates opinion was wholly for arminius , but expresly said he was an anti-arminian ( as dr. bernard doth acknowledge by his recital of my words p. 50. ) i only said that he asserted universal grace and redemption , as well as arminius ; meaning a salvability , procured for all without exception : more then which i look not after , nor do i care to have granted : and i am sure my l. primate affirmes no less , even in that which dr. bernard hath publisht of him . all which doth not hinder , but that in several other things his grace did differ from arminius , as i and my brethren have alwaies done . it is sufficient for the honour of that exceedingly learned and pious man , ( i mean arminius ) that though he wanted not his errors , ( as what man living can be without them ? ) yet he was orthodox in the main ; and more exact in his iudgement , as well as life , then your other presbyterians are wont to be . sixthly , what is spoken by dr. bernard ( indiscriminately ) of universal grace and universal redemption p. 64 , 65. ( betwixt which two there is a very wide difference , although the one does evince the other ) i am not at all concerned in : it having never been my opinion , ( nor compatible with it ) that the same measure of grace was equally and alike conferred and applyed to iudas , which was to peter : but on the contrary , that though all have a sufficient , yet some have a more abundant measure ; one hath five talents , another hath two , a third but one ; everyone according to his several exigence or ability ( mat. 25. 15. ) and according as the master is pleased to deliver out his goods ( v. 14. ) but he that hath least hath sufficient , if he hide it not in the earth ( v. 18. ) but rather trade with it ( v. 16. ) according to the purpose of him that lent it , ( v. 15. 19. 21. 27. ) as he who had five talents did gain five more , ( v. 15. ) and as he who had but two did also gain his other two ( v. 17. ) so he who had one , and onely one , might have gained one more , if he had not been a wicked and slothful servant , ( v. 26. 30. ) as he who improved his two talents into four , received the very same euge ( v. 23. ) with him who improved his five to ten , ( v. 21. ) so had the third servant improved his one talent into two , he had also received that blessed saying of his lord well done thou good and faithful servant , thou hast been faithful over a little , i will make thee ruler over much enter thou also into the ioy of thy lord. a little mony is sufficient to d●ive a little trade , & is capable of yielding a porportionable increase . but although one talent is less then two , yet considered in its self , 't is not a little , and compared with other summs , it is a very great deale ; for a single talent is no less then a hundred eighty seven pounds and ten shillings , which is a vast summe of mony in some mens purses and esteems . a talent of grace is infinitely more precious then one of mony : and whilst i thankfully acknowledge , that my talent of grace is sufficient for me , ( though a farr less measure then god hath given to some of my brethren ) mine eye is not evil because i see that my masters is very good . i do not envy my brother for having five to my one ; but am heartily thankful for his abundance . so farr am i from believing , that gods grace is dispensed to all alike , that i fear those professors have less then others , who have proudly adventured on its inclosure . i say therefore again , that i am not concern'd in those words of dr. bernard , concerning the same measure of grace common to iudas with s. peter : and by so much the less , because he candidly professeth , ( p. 65. ) that he would not be understood to interpose himself in the controversie , or to affix thus much upon mr. pierces judgement ; of which , if his readers will but take a due notice , as well as mine , i shall be freed from the danger of being injur'd by their mistakes . seventhly , dr. bernard concludeth his second letter to mr. barlee with a great civility to my self , and with a very course complement to my delator , professing to have appeared in this affair , neither in patronage of mr. barlee , nor out of any opposition to mr. pierce , ( p. 71. ) which as it was more then i expected from a perfect stranger ( whose favour too had been courted by the renowned raiser of false reports ) so from a person of that temper which since i find him to be of , i could in reason expect no less . and how many advantages soever other men may have over me in other kinds , yet in offices of humanity and mutual forbearance , i am very unwilling to come behind them ; but will say of dr. bernard , a reverend person , ( as abraham to lot in another case ) why should strife be between us , when it appears that we are brethren ? these are sincerely the very reasons why i take no other course to clear my self , and my informers , and the honour also of the l. primate , then by publishing what i have spoken in several letters to dr. bernard , which lying by me already written , and comprehending the main ( though not the all ) i have to say of that particular , have fitly saved me the labour of writing all over again in another forme . i should otherwise have chosen to extract the substance of my letters , and ( out of that ) to have made a close narrative of all my meaning , if both my time and my patience would have sufficed for such a work , i have forborn to publish dr. bernards letters with mine own , not that i thought i might not lawfully do it , ( as mr. barlee had done before ) but because i was not sure that he would take it in good part , and because i knew it was not needful ; there being nothing of concernment in any one of his letters , but what may easily be gathered from one of mine . for the reverend dr. bernard at his lodging in grayes inn. sir , there are three things especially by which i am urged to give you the trouble of this address . first , a report which came to me from several hands , that you have said something to me by way of letter ; which , although it came not to my hands , i am to thank you for as heartily as if it had . but a second report hath made me guess at the contents ; for i have heard that you were angry with mr. barlee , and with me , for doing wrong to the memorie of the late most learned and reverend primate of armagh . and again i am to thank you for being angry in such a case , wherein my anger concurrs with yours , and that against mine own self , on supposition that i have injured that excellent person , whom i laboured only to vindicate from him who did . but as i heartily intended the primates honour in what i publickly spake of him , so i cannot yet think that my intentions were misguided , or have missed of the mark at which they aim'd . for mr. barlee had printed such things of the primate , as did imply him a patron of those sad doctrines which he asserted . and because i was inform'd by several persons ( for learning and piety beyond exception ) that though his grace in former times was universally thought to be the prop of those doctrines which mr. barlee asserted , and i oppos'd , yet in the latter part of his life he declared his aversion to those opinions , and his perfect concurrence with bishop overal ; i thought it my duty to make this known , that so mr. barlee might be defeated , his grace righted , the common people disabused , and many learned men profited by that example . and supposing ( as i did ) that my lord primate his grace had once in times past been extremely different in his judgement from bishop overal , as having embraced the way of the anti-remonstrants , how could i possibly do less then conclude from thence his change of judgment ? but i have thirdly been inform'd , that the cause of the displeasure conceived against me , is not my saying that the primate was at last of the opinions which i am of ( in these points ) but my implying his having been otherwise , by my affirming his change of judgment . and again , for this cause i am to give you great thanks ; it being most suitable to my wishes , that his grace may be proved to have been alwaies of the judgement which i am of , and that by consequence he never chang'd it , and that i ( by consequence ) was much mistaken on the right hand , as mr. barlee and his abetters were more mistaken on the left . in the mean time it is evident , that what i spake of him in my books , was safely spoken in all respects . for what i said that i was told , i was told indeed , and that by excellent persons , whom i shall name when time serves ; how truly or falsely , viderint illi . and this must be granted me by all the world , that my lord primates opinions in the declining part of his life were either changed , or not changed , from what they formerly had been . if they were , it is happy for me that i did not err in what i publisht ; and if they were not , it is much more happy i was mistaken , and misinform'd : for as 't is much for my purpose , that so eminent a prelate was perfectly orthodox at the last , so it is more for my purpose , that so eminent a prelate was alwayes orthodox . on which side soever the truth doth lye , it will reflect very severely upon the pretentions of mr barlee . for if my l. primate forsook those doctrines which he and his party are wont to plead for , it is some discredit to their cause , that so great a person thought fit to leave it : but if he was never of those opinions which they report him to have been of i know not how they can excuse so bold a fiction . and now sir , that you see how truly zealous i am , and ever have been , in vindicating the honour of that great person from such aspersions as the adversary hath cast upon him , i shall make no doubt of having a fair opinion from you , concerning the ground on which i go , and the end at which i drive . and to give you a right understanding of me , as well as to assure you that i had answered your letter , had i received it , was the principal inducement to this present importunity from your humble servant tho. pierce . brington , octob. 5. 1657. for my reverend friend dr. bernard at grayes inn. sir , it had ( it seems ) been happy , if your first letter to me had not finally miscarried ; for then i should have given you such a satisfactory account , as would ( i think ) have prevented , ( at least have altered ) your resolutions of sending letters to mr. barlee concerning me and my writings . to the next part of your letter i have these things to say . first that i did the very thing which you are sorry i did not . for before i durst publish what i had heard of the primate , i did consult with such persons , who ( i did verily believe ) could best inform me , ( as having been conversant with him to that very purpose ) and were most worthy to be believed , ( as being persons of great fame for life and learning . ) next , i desire you to consider , how unjustly diffident i must have been , if i had not believed what i was told by several grave persons , at several times , as from the primates own mouth , in private partly , & partly also in publick , and all attested to me under hand and seal , which upon fit occasion they will be ready to make good too . how impossible will it be thought , that three or four distinct persons , all of the priesthood , and of unquestionable integrity , should either by chance or by conspiracy , write the very same fiction ( if it were such ) to the very same party , who is not intimate with either , and to one of the number a perfect stranger ? nay , what if my witnesses are ( some of them ) strangers to one another , and of so exemplary veracity , that each is instar multorum ? will any man blame me for my belief , and not rather believe them as i have done ? when the thing by me asserted is matter of fact , it cannot possibly be proved with more advantage to me , or satisfaction to such as judge , then by ear-witnesses upon oath : whereas the negative to that is so impossible to be proved by any mortal , that i suppose no oath can be admitted . what the primate hath said to you , you may very well remember , but you cannot remember what he hath not said . nor can you know many things which he said to others , much less can you know he never said them . all which i recommend unto your timely consideration , because i am kinder to your credit then to be willing that you deny what can dilucidly be proved ; which i therefore suppose you will not do . and if in stead of a denial of what shall be proved by my informers , you affirm something else in derogation to it , it will be expected that your proofs be as good as mine . if they are not , it will redound to your prejudice ; and if they are , it will not at all redound to mine : but all the dishonour will be the primates ( which god forbid ) if he shall be found to have breathed both hot and cold , by declaring himself at once for two opinions , whereof the one is not consistent with the other . i have said ( and shall prove ) that he declared for that opinion which i am of ; and if afterwards you shall say ( what you will also prove ) that he declared for another inconsistent with mine , you alone in that case will cast a cloud over his name . and if we differ about the time of his declaration , ( you placing it in his former years , as i in his last , ) that indeed will salve his honour , but withal it will make as much for mine as i can wish , because it will help me to prove his change . in the mean time i am glad that you affirme the primate not to have been of mr. barlees judgement ; which is as much to the ruine of his correptory correction , ( where he useth that reverend and learned prelate as one of the heads of his party in these affairs ) as i need wish it in that particular . i am as sorry for that heat which you say you find betwixt me and mr. barlee , as i am glad that i do not find any in my self . 't is true indeed , i was forced to clear my self from his inventions , and to disown his ugly names , as well as to vindicate the truth from his adventures . but in the repelling of his fire , i do not remember that i was ever once heated . and if you have seen what stuff i had to deal with , i suppose you will think i could not have used him with greater mildness . but i find my self tedious ; and therefore my thanks to you for your promise to send me that which you have publisht , shall put an end to this large trouble from your assured friend and servant tho. pierce . brington , octob. 31. 1657. for my reverend friend dr. bernard at his lodging in grayes inn. sir , your last , which was dated novem. 19. together with your book ( which it seems you sent with it , if not before it ) did not come to my hands untill the fifth of this instant , and then through the hands of mr. barlee , i was unwilling to send you my thanks for your book , until i also might send you some small account of my perusal ; which by the first opportunity shall now be done . but first let me acknowledge ( by way of answer to your letter ) that you have indeed afforded me so much respect , ( above what you have given to mr. barlee , ( in your second letter directed to him ) as i cannot be offended with any want in that kind . nay you farther load me , in one passage , with such a weight of commendation , that i know not how i can support it , but by his credit who laid it on . you have obliged me besides with a righteous construction of my intentions , which have aimed at the promotion of peace and truth . in which respect i am desirous , that even whilst we differ in some few things , we may be as they who agree in all . i shall not snatch at occasions of having controversies with you , though there is nothing more pleasant then to dispute with persons of so much temper . and had my neighbour of brockhole either embraced your advice , or taken his copy from your example , by how much more strongly he had opposed me , i should have loved and valued him so much the more . but so ill is the use which he hath made of your letters and of your name , and some expressions in your book do reflect so sternly upon my credit , and ( which is more ) upon my cause , that i think it concerns me either to clear what i have done from being any way injurious to the memory of the primate , or ( if i cannot do that , ) to make some ample satisfaction for having wronged it . that i intended no more then his greatest honour , all the world is my witness , for as much as i asserted him to be of that judgement , which all men are of who have the highest of my esteem : and to grow out of that which i think is error , to the possession of that which i think is truth , is not inconstancy , but improvement , as i interpret . when i left those doctrines into which my teachers at first betrayed me , i cannot say i revolted , but i was rather set free . to be fickle , is one thing ; but to grow and increase , is quite another . whatsoever i could intend as an honour to my cause , i could not choose but intend to their honour also , by whom i could think my cause was honoured . when i say that king iames , bishop andrews , philip melanchthon , tilenus , dr. potter , dr. godwin , and many others whom i could name of eminent learning and integrity , did turn away from those tenents which are called calvinistical , in exchange for those other which unconsidering persons do call arminian , i make accompt i commend them for bowing to the sceptre of soveraign truth : and this doth justifie my intentions in all i said of our reverend primate . but the question still remains concerning matter of fact , whether his grace did change his judgement from what it formerly had been . i began in the affirmative , but you say no : and both perhaps with good reason , because we are diversely informed , unless we can shew by some inquiry where lyes the error . i grounded my affirmative upon the difference which i found betwixt the judgement of the primate when he writ the history of gotteschalc , and that account of his judgement which i had from those persons who are of vast importance in my esteem . to transcribe their certificates , which they have severally given me under hand and seal , of what they severally heard from his grace his mouth , is too large a task in the present hast that i am in ; nor am i sure that you desire it . and therefore deferring for a time the special part of my advantage , i will offer to your equity and christian candor , what i have just now observed from several passages in your book . first , you thank mr. barlee for the large expressions of his affection to the late archbishop of armagh , and the readiness to clear him from some injury done him by mr. thomas pierce : whereas it seems very evident , by that account which you give of the primates judgement about the true intent and extent of christs death , that mr. barlee is less qualified for the bishops vindication in that affair , then any man in the world in all respects . i beseech you bear with me whilst i give you my reasons . 1. mr. barlee , in his last book , declares himself a supralapsarian . yet 2. in correptory correction , he had again and again usurpt the name of the primate for the patronizing of his opinions . he doth in one place oppose him to bishop overal , as a more moderate bishop , affirming bishop overal to have played upon calvin , and to have traduced the puritans , whom the reverend primate ( he saith ) did clear . he citeth the history of gotteschalc against that notion of christs death and satisfaction , which you have now printed from the primates own hand . he directs me to him as to a choice orthodox writer ( in the barlean conceipt of the word orthodox , ) besides what he doth in other places , which i have not leisure to search after . 3. but now you tell him in your letter , that the primates judgement was in a middle way , different as well from mr. barlees , as from mine . whether from mine , we shall see anon . but if at all , i am sure much less then from my neighbours . in the mean time it is demonstrable , that if mr. barlee was in the right , when he vouched the primate for his opinions , i was also in the right , when i said that the primate had changed his judgement . and for this your book shall be my warrant , as well as the primates own words , that he concurred with bishop overal . next i pray sir consider ; whether any one paragraph in all my books ( touching the true intent and extent of christs death ) is any way dissonant from what now you publish , and that ( say you , very truly , without all question ) from the primates letter of resolution to the request of a friend . first , i have nothing in behalf of the two extremes ( p. 2 , 3. ) in any part of my writings . next , i have jumped with the primate in what i publisht , ( before i had the possibility of seeing that which you have sent me ) not onely much to my comfort , but truly almost to my admiration . for his grace writes thus : that the satisfaction of christ was once done for all , the application is still in doing . the satisfaction of christ onely makes the sins of mankind fit for pardon . all the sins of mankind are become venial , in respect of the price paid by christ to his father , — but all do not obtain actual remission , because most offendors do not take out or plead their pardon as they ought to do . — by this way being made ( that is , by assuming our nature ) god holds out unto us the golden sceptre of his word , and thereby not only signifieth his pleasure of admitting us unto his presence , &c. but also sends an embassage unto us , and entreats us that we would be reconciled unto him . 2 cor. 5. 20. — by the vertue of this blessed oblation , god is made placable unto our nature , but not actually appeased with any , untill he hath put on the lord iesus . all men may be said to have interest in the merits of christ , as in a common , though all do not enjoy the benefit of it , because they have no will to take it . the well-spring of life is set open to all , rev. 22. 17. faith is the vessel whereby we draw all vertue from christ . the means of getting this faith is the hearing the word , &c. ( ephes . 1. 13. ) which ministreth this general ground for every one to build his faith upon . — this gospel of salvation many do not hear at all , being destitute of the ministry , &c. many hearing do not believe or lightly regard it ; and many that believe the truth thereof are so wedded to their sins , &c. that they refuse to accept the gracious offer that is made unto them . — yet we may truly say , that good things were provided for them on christs part , and a rich price was put into the hand of a fool , however he had no heart to use it , ( prov. 17. 16. ) our saviour — hath procured a iubile for the sons of adam , his gospel is a trumpet to proclaim liberty , &c. luk. 4. 18. but that some desire no deliverance , derogates nothing from the generality of freedom annext to that year , ( luk. 4. 18. ) the slavish disposition of him who will not be free , ( exod. 2. 5. ) maketh the extent of the priviledge of that year not a whit the straiter , because he was included in the general grant as well as others , however he was not disposed to take the benefit of it . the neglect of the men invited ( v. 5. ) doth not falsifie the word of the king ( v. 4. ) — see rom. 3. 4. — ezek. 18. 29. 30. — the proclamation was general ( 2 chro. 36. 23. and 1 ezra . 2. ) they alone did follow , &c. whose spirit god had raised to go up , ( ezra . 1. 5. ) but they that remained still in babylon could not justly plead that the kings grant was not large enough , or that they were excluded from going up by any clause contained therein . the matter of our redemption purchased by christ lyeth open to all , all are invited to it , none that hath a mind to accept of it is excluded from it . the beautiful feet of those that preach the gospel of peace do bring glad tidings of good things to every house where they tread . all are not apt to entertain this message of peace , though gods ambassadours make a true tender of it to all unto whom they are sent ; but if it meet with such as will not listen to the motion of it , their peace returneth , &c. ( luk. 10. 6. ) the proclamation runs ( rev. 22. 17. ) with a quicunque vult , lest we should think the largeness of the offer abridged . — yet none can come except the father draw him , ( joh. 6. 46. ) the universality of satisfaction , and especially of grace , do not derogate from one another . — it doth not follow from ioh. 17. 6. he prayed not , therefore he payed not for the world . his satisfaction doth properly give contentment to gods justice . — contains the preparation of the remedy necessary for mans salvation . — we may safely conclude , that the lamb of god offering himself a sacrifice for the sins of the whole world , intended by giving sufficient satisfaction to gods justice , to make the nature of man which he assumed , a fit object for mercy , and to prepare a medicine for the sins of the whole world , which should be denied to none that intended to take the benefit of it . — in respect of his mercy , he may be counted a kind of universal cause of the restoring of our nature , as adam was of the depraving of it . now sir , if your leisure will serve you to compare with this what i have printed , correct copy p. 55 , 56. then p. 18 , 19. then philanthr . c. 1. p. 22. especially ch . 3. sec. 23. particularly p. 96. and then ch . 4. sec. 26. especiall p. 31. where i distinguish of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for ) which needs must note either the end , or the effect ; and then say expresly , that in respect of the later , christ died effectually for none but the elect , but in respect of the former , he dyed intentionally for all and for every one , and give examples of each notion out of several scriptures towards the end of that page ; i believe you will say ( when you have done ) that you concluded me in the first extremity you mention p. 2. as mr. barlee in the second , p. 3. with as great a mistake of my opinion , as with a just account of mr. barlees . if you mean any thing else , by saying the primate was in the middle betwixt us two , i shall be glad to know the meaning of it . but if you find upon search that i have publick wrong done me , and that mr. barlee grows insolent upon occasion of your letters ( though quite besides your fair intentions ) i make no doubt but you will right me after the measure that i am wronged . but i am weary of being wearisome , and therefore shall hasten to subscribe , sir , your assured friend and servant tho. pierce . brington , dec. 11. 1657. for my reverend friend dr. bernard at his lodging in grayes inn. sir , iam heartily glad to find in your last ( what i expected ) so much candor and equity as there you shew ; both in comparing the primates judgement with the several passages of my books to which i pointed , and in granting the near approches of the one to the other . and although your words are , that you have found me much inclining to the judgement of the primate ; yet i suppose your meaning is , that you have not found wherein we differ . differ we may in explications , or inferences , or endeavors of reconcilement ( where it is more to be wished , then possible to be had . ) and so the primate and you may differ ; nay so great authors may o●ten differ from themselves , by their charitable essayes to make agreement between their brethren . but as to the true intent and extent of christs death , compared with the end and the effect , there is a very pleasant harmony betwixt us both . i will first demonstrate wherein we agree , and then i pray ( sir , ) tell me wherein we differ . 1. i agree with his lordship in an utter dislike of the two extremes ( p. 4. ) both mr culverwells on the right hand , and mr. barlees on the left . 2. i do perfectly agree to the middle doctrine ( p. 6. ) not so much as desiring that it should be expressed in other words , then those his lordship there useth , to wit , that by vertue of this oblation god is made placable unto our nature , but not actually appeased with any , untill he hath received his son . and that all men may be truly said to have an interest in christ , as in a common , though all do not enjoy the benefit thereof , because they have no will to take it . 3. i do fully agree to what he saith of gods intention , to make the nature of man a fit subject for mercy , and to prepare a medicine for the sins of the whole world , which should be denied to none that intended to take the benefit of it , p. 16. lin . 2. and 8. where gods intention is sincere , as well as universal , but it is conditional of mans intention . 4. i agree to what he saith p. 35 , 36. that the general satisfaction of christ prepares the way for gods mercy , by making the sins of all mankind pardonable , the interposition of any bar from gods justice notwithstanding , and so puts the sons of men onely in a possibility of being justified . now , sir , that by the death of christ all men have the benefit to become salvabiles , or are put into a capacity of salvation , or that termes of peace are procured for all mankind , or that for all mens sins mercy is attainable , ( as your self have expressed it in your second letter to mr. barlee , p. 64. ) is as much as i have ever contended for in my writings . salvability for all without exception , as it is the main thing in the primates tenet , so it is also the main in mine . for 5. actual pardon is quite another thing ; and readily granted by me to be an effect of christs resurrection ( rom. 4. 25. ) and of the consequents thereof , as his intercession ( ro. 8. 34. ) so that this is a fifth thing wherein i agree with that reverend primate . 6. i agree to what he saith , p. 21. that christ obtained remission of sins , not for the reprobate , but elect only ; and not for them neither , before they be truly regenerated and implanted into him . for election being nothing else but the purpose of god resting in his own mind , makes no kind of alteration in the party elected . and you have read in my writings , that though in respect of the end , christ dyed intentionally for all , yet in respect of the event , he dyed effectually for the elect only . 7. i agree to the reason which the primate gives , why so many are damned forwhom christ dyed with such a merciful and pure intention ; even because they refused what was sincerely prepared for them , sincerely offered to them , sincerely intended to do them good , and not harm : but they had no will to take it ; they would not come , when invited ; they intended not to take the benefit offered ; arich price was put into the hands of a fool , howsoever he had no heart to use it , prov. 17. 16. he was not disposed to take the benefit of it . 8. i agree also in this ( p. 12. and 13. ) that they who miss of the redemption which was purchased by christ , which lay open to them , and to which they were invited , had not been excluded from it , had they had a mind to accept of it , and would they have listened to the motion of it , when a true tender of it was made by gods embassadours . and for the reason of this i give the old maxime , nemo tenetur ad impossibile , or ( to express it with bishop davenant ) impossibilium nulla est obligatio . the tender is not true , nor the intention sincere in him that offers , if he who must be damned for not accepting is not allowed so much as a possibility to accept . and therefore ( 9. ) i agree with the primate in what he saith p. 16. that in respect of christs mercy , he may be counted a kind of universal cause of the restoring of our nature , as adam was of the depraving of it . now that the cause doth not take its particular effects in the impenitent , is not because it is no cause , nor because it is not universal , but because of the impenitency in them that perish . it s universality is very perfect ; it being in the second adam , as in the first : the virgin mary is not excluded from her share in the first ; no more then iudas ( the son of perdition ) from his share in the second . 10. i agree to that part of the primates doctrine , p. 22. that forgiveness of sins is not by our saviour impetrated for any unto whom the merit of his death is not applyed in particular . 11. i agree with the primate , that mr. amesinclined too much unto the other extremity , p. 23. that the arminians drove the calvinists or anti-arminians unto this extreme absurdity , to say that the greatest part of mankind were bound in duty to believe a lye , p. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. and that , as mr. culverwell , so any man else , would flye rather into any error , then yield that christ in no manner of wayes dyed for any reprobate , and that none but the elect had any kind of title to him . p. 26. nor do i mean only a bare sufficiency for the reprobate in the death of christ ; for ( 12. ) i agree with the primate , that to preach a bare sufficiency cannot yield sufficient comfort to a distressed soul , without giving a further way to it , p. 31. and let the distressed soul be what he will , he is not bound to believe a lye , any more then barnabas is bound to preach one . and to demonstrate that the primate doth mean exactly in his writing , as i did in mine , he doth illustrate his meaning by the very same case ; and that in a way as extraordinary , as if he , or i , or both together , had been purposely overruled by the providence of god to stop the mouth of our correptory corrector . i pray , sir , compare the 32. page of the primates judgement , with ch . 3. p. 96. of my div. philan , defended , and you will find the king of spain ( in both those places ) shewing the folly of those men , who say that christ did dye sufficiently for all , but not intentionally unless for the elect . you cannot easily imagine , how much contentment i have taken in this concurrence of our minds , either by miracle , or by chance , or i know not how else . nay ( 13. ) i agree with the primate in the point of application p. 11. if it is so understood , as that it may be reconcileable with p. 6. and 8. and 10. and so it will be very happily , by being understood of gods giving grace to believe and perform the condition , ( which is gods proper way of applying the remedy unto us ) and our making good use of that talent of grace , ( which is our way , through grace , of applying the remedy unto our selves ) that as in the offer it is general , so it may be particular in the acceptation . and that this is his lordships meaning as well as mine , i find demonstrated by himself , p. 39 , 40. no mans state is so desperate , but by this means it is recoverable ▪ ( and this is the first comfortable news that the gospel brings to the distressed soul : ) but here it resteth not , nor feedeth a man with a [ bare ] possibility , but it brings the word of comfort nigh unto him , even to his mouth and heart , and presents him with the medicine at hand , and desireth him to take it ; which being done accordingly , the cure is actually performed ; but otherwise not , if he will not take it at gods intreaty . the medicine then remains in its bare aptitudinality , and doth not actually cure him . what is the reason ? because there is not a concurrence of the mans desire unto his makers ; because he submitteth not his will to the merciful will of his redeemer , according to that of our blessed lord , [ how often would i , and ye would not ? ] thus have i given you a parallel of our concurrences in opinion as to the matter in hand . and i have done it so much the rather , because you say very piously , that if you were mistaken in me , you will be ready to acknowledge it to my advantage . you did not probably judge of me by what you found in my writings , but by what you heard from byast men . be pleased therefore to reflect upon some passages in your letters to m. barlee : as p. 52. l. 2. where you seemingly imply me to have said , that the bishop was wholly for arminius ; whereas i did not onely not say it , but i said he was not so : and lin . 8. where you place his judgement in this point in a middle way different both from mine and mr. bs. without shewing what it is in which the primate and i do differ ; but leaving the reader to imagine , that i do differ from him as much as mr. barlee : next p. 58. where you imply me to have intimated the primates penitency of his sins ; which as i never meant in the place you allude to , so my words have quite another sound with them , and import the contrary . again p. 65. you clearly imply me to make no difference betwixt the grace given to iudas and that to peter , although you say a little after , you do not affix thus much upon my judgement . the primate might be changed , yet not to that pitch . again , p. 61 , 69 , 70. you reflect upon me very severely ; and i am sure you will say so , when i shall prove by your testimony , and by his lordships own , ( as well as by others ) that he did indeed admit of a change in judgement . i would do it now presently , but that my letter is grown so long ; and i must hasten to the next part of yours . mr. barlee tells you in a letter , that in the main he doth also perfectly agree with the most venerable primate . which i can prove to be impossible , unless he will sing a recantation of both his books . but ●or the doing of that , it is not enough that he sees his errors , unless he hath also a single heart to take off the scandals which he hath given : which he cannot do in a private letter , because the scandals were given in print . it would be a good jest , to hear him name the main things , wherein his perfect agreement with the primate doth consist . if he speaks knowingly , and in earnest , he doth also , for the main , agree perfectly with me : and if so , for what reasons hath he rayled against me so voluminously , as against an arminian , massilian ▪ pelagian , papist , carpocratian , socinian , atheistical lucianizer , & sexcenta hujusmodi ? it appears by my notes ( the first thing i printed ) how inoffensively i provided both for my credit and my cause ; i mean my credit in the righteousness of my cause , and in the candid management thereof ; no other credit do i pretend to . and how mr. barlee fell foulely from my opinions to my person , thousands have seen , and stood amazed . it it were not a needless ( perhaps an unexcusable ) expence of time , i believe i could shew you , that mr. barlee differs from the primate in the 13 particulars , wherein i shewed my agreement with his lordships doctrine . how mr. barlee did differ from your account of the primate , in his correptory correction , i gave you some touches in my last . and as my time or memory will permit me , i will present you with some examples of mr. barlees hostility against our renowned and reverend primate . 1. in the second chap. of his second volume , p. 72. ( lin . 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. from the bottom ) he saith , that i and the arminians do maintain the end of christs death to have been the procuring for men a salvable condition onely or a possibility of being saved , rather then any actual salvation . now though i said no such thing in the place by him cited ( philan. c. 3. p. 63. ) or any where else , as i remember , yet i have said in effect what the primate saith in plain termes , ( p. 4 , 21 , 34 , 35 , 36. ) that by vertue of christs death god is made placable to our nature , but not actually appeased with any , no not with the elect , before they be truly regenerated ( which st. paul was not , untill it was late ; nor the thief on the cross , untill it was later ) but by christs satisfaction , he made the nature of man a fit subject for mercy , p. 34. the sins of all mankind pardonable , p. 35. and so put the sons of men only in a possibility of being justified , p. 36. or , as his grace doth elsewhere speak , christ provided good things for all ( even for the worst ) p. 8. so as the reprobates in refusing what was truly tendered to them , can blame none but themselves , p. 34. so that you see mr. barlee hath concluded the primate an arminian , as well as me , nay more then me ; because it was he that said what i consent to , but never said . i only said ( in the place before cited ) that christ is the means , the meritorious cause , and the head of our election ; and that upon the condition of believing in his son , god gave the promise of eternal life , john 3. 26. which being after the tenor of the primates whole judgement , doth again conclude him an arminian with . mr. barlee . nor will it avail him to say , that he spake of the end of christs death , not of the effect peculiar to it ; for ( besides that even so he is opposite to the primate , p. 35. lin . 10. ) he interprets himself by actual salvation , as that is opposed unto a salvable condition . and if he meant any otherwise , he doth not only speak ignorantly , but in the depth of that ignorance he wrongs the arminians in a most horrible degree . and though i dissent from arminius in many things ( as mr. barlee confesseth , and maketh to appear ) yet i agree with him in some , as doth also our rev. primate . nor do i strive to differ from him , as if i thought him an ill man , for i find him a most grave and learned writer , and i read he lived a very strict life ; and as he forsook the presbyterians in point of doctrine , so at last he saw the mischiefes of their discipline also , and did endeavour a reformation . but however i honour his great learning , and good life , as without all doubt the primate did ; yet neither he , nor i , can therefore be said to be arminians . 2. mr. barlee tells us ( c. 2. p. 76. lin . 4 , 5. from the bottom ) that he hath set down the primates opinion in his historia gottes●halci in his own very full expressions out of the valentine councel . and he referrs us for that his fact unto his corrept . cor. p. 133. in marg . but 1. it is evident , that the opinion asserted by that synod ( can. 4. ) was quite at enmity with the primates ( as you have lately set it out ) in several respects . nay they brand it with the title of comm●ntum diaboli . so that either mr. barlee hath much injured the primate , or else your self must acknowledge his change of judgement . nay 2. mr. barlee doth unworthily abuse the primate , in calling those his own full expressions , which were no more his , then they were mine , but the numerical words of that synod , which the primare relateth as an historian only , not at all expressing his own opinion , nor adding so much as his approbation ; and i verily believe , that even then he disapproved that 4. canon of that synod , which doth not only deny that christ dyed for all , but doth imply ( what is worse ) that he was not the lamb slain from the foundation of the world . you may quickly consult the place hist . gottesch . c. 12. p. 181. mr. barlee might have said ( by a parity of reason ) that the primate was a pelagian , because ( as an historian ) he setteth down some of the pelagian doctrines , and because by denying original sin , they did also evacuate the universality of christs death , as st. austin maketh appear , lib. 6. contra iulian. c. 4. t. 7. p. 432. 3. mr. barlee declareth his dissent from monsieur amyrald ( c. 2. p. 72. ) as before he did from bishop davenant and dr. ward ( correp . cor. p. 169. ) and then how far must he be from coming up to the primate , who goes as high , and ( i think ) higher then either of those three , even as high as bishop overal , of whom hereafter ? 4. mr. barlee follows dr. ames , ( whose disciple ( i think ) he somewhere professeth himself to be ) from whom the primate hath declared his great dissent p. 23. nay ( 5. ) mr barlee is clearly for actual salvation , where the primate is only for salvability ( as hath been shewed ; ) and so his opinion is slit asunder , part of it lying in the first extremity , part of it in the second , betwixt which two my lord and i are in the midst . 6. mr. barlee will have st. pauls words , 1 tim. 4. 10. where he called christ the saviour of all , to be only meant of a temporal salvation common both to men and beasts ; which is as opposite to the primate , as light is to darkness . 7. he saith with dr. twiss , that every sinner to whom the gospel is preached is not bound to believe that christ dyed for him in particular , but that there is salvation in no other ; and this is contrary to the primate , p. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. 8. he saith that the word all 2 cor. 5. 14. must be understood of all a certain kind , & that the word dead is meant of their dying to sin , not in it ; point-blank against the c primate , as well as against d austin , who confuteth the pelagians by understanding that text as i have e done , and ( which is more ) by making the same use of it . 9. f he saith that none but the elect and believers were concluded in unbelief , with that intention as to obtain mercy ; in contradiction to the primate , p. 16. and to st paul , rom. 11. 32. 10. he g saith , that those false prophets , 2 pet. 2. 1. were only said to be bought by the lord , sacramento tenus ; in opposition to the primate , p. 35 , 39. 11. he h saith , we should wonder that christ would dye so much as for any , rather then grumble that he did not dye for all ; in abuse and derision of the primate , p. 24 , 26. nay ( 12. ) he saith more k plainly then in the place before cited , that this is an uncomfortable arminian proposition , that christ by his death hath not purchased actual salvation for any , but a possibility of salvation for all . and yet it is the primates own doctrine , p. 6. and p. 35. and p. 36. and p. 38. where he also addeth , that that disease is curable , for which a soveraign remedy may be found ; but cured it is not , untill the medicine be applyed to the patient : & if it so fall out , that the medicine being not applyed the patient miscarries , we say , he was lost ; not because his sickness was incurable , but because there wanted a care to apply that to him that might have helped him . 13. mr. barlee saith that of bishop andrews , and st. bernard , which strikes home at the primate through each of their sides . ( and i pray sir observe this thing especially ) i had l cited from bishop andrews no worse words then these , that saving grace is not conferred , but yet offered unto all , and god is ready to confer it also : and the like words from st. bernard , m that gods mercy is offered unto all men , and none are without it , but such as reject it , or accept not of it . to which citations mr. barlee returns this answer ; n as for what you quote out of your saint like dr. andrews , when you shall have proved him to have been as very a saint , as every body knows he was a learned doctor , i shall then be more troubled that i find him so much an arminian . i am not scared at what he dictates rather then proves ; for that he saith nothing but what faustus the father of the semipelagians did , and what hath been answered a thousand times , or been warily expounded . and if any such expression did unwarily fall from bernard , in a sermon ; knowing what a declining age he lived in , we may well say , bernardus non omnia vidit , but wonder he spake so well elsewhere , by which he hath made amends , &c. here it is plain mr. barlee esteemeth that to be false doctrine , which our reverend primate and the scriptures have taught for true , as well as prosper , and st. austin . next , he pronounceth bishop andrews an arminian , and by consequence the primate , who doth ( in that ) agree with him . after , he implyes that bishop andrews was a semipelagian , by having said nothing but what was said by faustus , which yet in the instance there brought appears to be admirably false : or else he knew not the difference betwixt ingeri , or impendi , and offerri ; the 2. former were the words of faustus , the third only of bishop andrews . nay such is the spirit of the man , that he implyes his disbelief of that bishops sanctity , or bliss , whilst he gives it for his reason why he is no more troubled at his finding that bishop so much arminian . yet you know that bishop andrews was never yet excelled by any meer mortal , ( i do not mean the apostles or virgin mary ) either in orthodoxy , or learning , or holy life . 14. i had said in my notes ( p. 56. ) that no good thought ariseth in us , unless suggested by gods preventing grace ; nor increaseth , unless strengthened by his subsequent grace ; nor is consummate , unless perfected by his grace of perseverance ; and that by this , it was god who made men to differ , when one is better then another ; and so again p. 70. yet because i afterwards denyed the irrestibility of grace , and affirmed that the regenerate might fall away ( who yet could not be regenerate without special grace ) mr. barlee calls this in a jeer , a goodly special grace , which hath mischievous qualifications . and how this toucheth the primates doctrine , i need not say in words at length , 15. mr. barlee saith in his 2. volume ( c. 3. p. 5. ) that my correct copy begins and ends in pelagianism and semipelagianism : which yet begins and ends with the primates doctrine , as i conceive , and as i think you will say , if you look on the beginning and ending of it . but this is more then i intended , concerning the manifold disagreement betwixt the venerable primate , and the irreverent mr. barlee . to the rest of your letter i shall speak as a laconick . your willingness to bear an equal share of a blame is very honourable and lovely ; so is the end which you propose in our reconciliation . in order to which , there is no honest thing which i will not be ready to do , or suffer . my charity to his soul is so sincere , that as he is frequently in my prayers , that god will reforme and forgive him , and for ever keep him from the danger of the roaring lion , so my prayers , for him are no less cheerful , then those others which i pour out for my greatest friends and benefactors : yet being wonderfully slander'd , and that in print , and the cause of god ( as i esteem it ) being also slander'd with my self , ( i being slander'd as a ranter , a sorcerer , a popish complotter , and a witch , nay my god being slandered as the author of sin , ) i shall not dare for all the world to omit a publick vindication . most sure i am , that there is no breach of charity in doing justice ; nor is it an injury to my neighbour , that i clear my self from his aspersions . but i am too long for a laconick . i take it not amiss , that you sent me your book by mr barlee . i have not time to transcribe the certificates , nor am i sure that the certifiers will be willing to be named in private letters : yet if you much desire them , they shall be sent ; and sooner or later , i shall tell you their names too . their forwardness in the business is just like mine , neither more , nor less . our ends are equally noble , the manifestation of truth and innocence . i shall not vindicate my self by publishing answers to your two letters to mr. barlee , because written by you , with whom i desire nothing but amity . had they been written by another , i should have done it before this time . but you have more then an ordinary civility and respect from your assured friend and servant tho. pierce . brington , jan. 4. 1657. for my reverend friend dr. bernard at his lodgings in grayes inn. sir , though your leisure did not serve you ( in your very short return to my last long letter ) to send me such an answer as i did flatter my self you would , ( upon the notification of those degrees , not of distance onely , but enmity , which shew a great gulf fixt between the judgement of the l. primate , and the casual opinings of mr. barlee ; ) yet will i not run into the error of misinterpreting your mind , to which you make it your request that i give a right interpretation . what i did hope for by the last carrier , i make no question but i shall have by the next ; to wit , your full approbation of what i declared touching the primate , and your acknowledgement of a mistake in publickly saying i was mistaken . to make this honourable , and eligible , and ( to a person of your candour ) altogether unavoidable , i am resolved to seize on the present time , whatever shift i make for it ; whether i borrow it from my sleep , or from any thing else which is as needful , ( for through some special emergencies both in my parish , and in my family , i do not know that ( at once ) i was ever oppressed with more impediments . ) and first i will give you the certificates of three most pious , most learned , and ( i had almost said ) most irrefragable persons , whom ( as you say very well ) you may possibly honour as much as i. and that as for many other reasons , so in particular for this also , that they were ever , and are still , most serious honourers of the primate of happy memory , whose judgement could not but direct him to have them also in special honour . the first and chief of these certificates is from the reverend dr. walton , even before i had the happiness to have seen his face . of which i transcribe you this following copy . this i can testify , that having often discourse with the late most reverend father in god , james l. primate of armagh , concerning divers controversies in divinity , and in particular , the last time that he was in london , which was not long before his death , concerning the controversies of grace , and free-will , election , and reprobation , and the dependents thereupon ; he did declare his utter dislike of the doctrine of absolute reprobation , and that he held the universality of christs death ; and that not onely in respect of sufficiency , but also in regard of efficacy , so that all men were thereby savable ; and that the reason why all were not thereby saved , was because they did not accept of salvation offered . and that the grace of conversion was not irresistible , but that men might and often did resist and reject the same . and that in these points he did not approve the doctrine of geneva , but was wholly of bishop overalls opinion . all which i took the more notice of , because he was generally conceived to be of another judgement . and all this will be attested by brian walton . the second which i received ( for i do observe the order of time ) was this which followeth . because you desire me to speak my knowledge of my lord primates judgement concerning your question , as in justice to the truth , and to the honour of his grace , and for that you are threatned ( as i hear ) by some , that they will in print testify , that the contrary to your thesis was my lord primates judgement , in the last years also of his life ; i shall truly therefore give you his discourse with me ( as much as tends to this purpose ) and my memory of his sermon . at a sermon which my l. primate preacht at st. peters pauls-wharfe , the last that he intended to preach there ( as it was said ) i was an auditor ; having heard that he had preached that sermon in more places then one , before , and did himself profess to think it a sermon ( as indeed it was ) containing such necessary truths , as without which all preachings and sermons would be unfruitful . it was on rom. 8. 30. ( part of the verse ) in which sermon he very earnestly pressed the sincerity of gods universal call to every one of all sinners to whom the gospel was preached ; alledging & pressing almost throughout his sermon , the universal free invitations of all , by god , throughout the scriptures : as that of ap. 22. 17. whosoever will , let him take the water of life freely : and so that of esa . 55. 1 , 7. and added with much godly zeal , that without this being made good , all preaching to convert sinners ( as yet in their sins ) from the evill of their waies , would want a firm foundation . this was his main scope in that sermon . i went to him in one of the week dayes following that lords day , and gave him my thanks . and in the process of our discourse , which was wholly spent upon the subject ( much too long to be told at large ) his grace expressed his judgement in these following results . that god together with his word preached , doth give internal grace to all that are called by it , that they may repent and be converted , if they will. yea they all can will. and that so many will not , it is because they resist gods grace , according to that of acts 7. 51. yee stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears , ye do alwayes resist the holy ghost . he fa●ther said , that god gives to all who are called , posse non resistere . and distinctly concluded in these words ; bishop overal was in the right , and i am of his mind . this will be attested by peter gunning . the third certificate i receievd was at first by word of mouth , and afterwards by writing , in these following words . calling to mind that you questioned me , whether my lord primate said to me , that christ dyed for all intentionally , i have thought fit to say further , that i did answer you affirmatively ; not because i do remember that he used that word , but because i am satisfied he could mean no otherwise . the sufficience of his death not signifying that which either of us understood to be in question . and that sufficience of grace which dr. ward maintained ( with my lord primates approbation ) that the gospel bringeth to all that hear it preached , argueth the intent of his death , ( and not only the value of it ) being given in consideration of it . thus much as by a witness will be deposed by h. thorndike . there were two persons more who did contribute to my belief of what i published of the primate . but the one will not be named ( nor can i honestly do it without his leave ) and the other spake what ; he had heard only , but not immediately from the bishops own mouth . nor indeed do i care for their attestations , ( though if i did , i could produce them , ) because the three which i have given you are from persons very eminent for exactness of judgement , and of integrity , acute discerners , and careful searchers , and faithful relaters of the truth . now sir , if you shall possibly deny that his grace was ever of calvins judgement , as to the matters above mentioned , i shall not be concerned to prove the contrary , but rather taking you at your word , i shall require all those who have endeavoured to gain credit to their calvinist-opinions by their unjust usurpation of that venerable name , that they make him satisfaction for having done him so great a wrong . amongst whom , i am sure , mr. barlee is one : who either injured the primate in a very high measure by urging him as a patron of what he held against me , or else i righted him very highly by making known his change of judgement . and certainly you will say , that you were very much mistaken , when you acknowledged your self much mr. barlees debtor , for his ( i-know-not-what ) readiness to clear the primate from some injury done him by mr. pierce ; because , you know , he neither did clear the primate , nor was capable of clearing him ; nay ( farther yet ) that he had injured the primate , and that he had injured you also , by having injured that account which you have publickly given of the primates judgement , ( it being irreconcileable with that , for which he vouched him in his book extremely often . ) nay farther yet , you know my own great readiness to clear the primate , and that i am qualified for the work , and that in all my letters put together i have actually cleared him . and though it seemeth very sufficient to serve my turne , that if ever the primate had been exactly of the opinions which mr. barlee affirmed him to have been of , he went off and departed from those opinions ; and if he was never of those opinions , he was grievously injured by mr. barlee : yet i have more to alledge in mine own behalf , then what is abundantly sufficient for the defeating of mr. barlee . for let the terminus a quo be what it will , from which the primate departed , unto the terminus ad quem of which i speak , it is clear that he admitted a change in judgement , on supposition if he removed from one opinion unto another ; and even that change in judgement of which i spake , on supposition that he departed from that which is called mr. calvins , in adherence unto that which i declaredly am of . that so he did in good earnest , appears to me by a certificate which i received from your self : for in your second printed letter to mr. barlee , p. 67. you say the primate was appointed by the synod at dublin a. d. 1615. as a principal person to draw up the articles of religion agreed upon , which fully determine the points we speak of . but the 32. article agreed upon by that synod is in effect the very same with the 7. article of lambeth ; and saith in plain termes , that there is not such a sufficient measure of grace vouchsafed unto every man whereby he is enabled to come unto everlasting life . it is not said in that article , that every man is not actually saved , or not effectually brought unto life everlasting ; but that every man is not enabled to come : which is as much as to say ( if i am able to understand it ) that every man is not put into a savable condition , or doth not receive a possibility of coming to life everlasting . for if the former had been the sense , it had amounted only to this , that every man in the world is not one of the elect , but some are reprobates ; all are not saved , but some are damned : which is so jejune a saying , and so unnecessary a truth to have a place in that succinct body of credenda , that i cannot imagin it to have been the thing meant . and we know , to be enabled , is just the same as to be render'd able ; and to be render'd able , is to receive a capability ; which is clearly also imported by a sufficient measure of grace , as the word sufficient is distinguished from effectual . and if this is the meaning ( as i conceive it needs must ) then the contrary to this is often asserted by the primate in your account of his judgement of the true intent and extent of christs death . again you say in your first printed letter , ( p. 45. ) that there is one doctrine of calvins , which must be exempted from my universality , and which will not be found to have been rejected by the primate , viz. that massa corrupta was the object of predestination . which how it can consist with the primates words to my three informers ( mentioned before in their certificates ) as i cannot possibly discerne my self , so i conceive that no man living will ever be able to demonstrate . nor indeed can it consist with that account which you have given in the * above-cited pages . for if christ did dye for all mankind , to procure for all a salvability , to make the sins of all venial , to put them all without exception into a possibility of being justified , and so by consequence of being saved , of which they that fail to reap the benefit do only fail for this reason , because they have no will to take it ; ( which are the primates expressions ) if , i say , christ dyed for all the sins of the whole world both actual and original ( as saith the article of our church , to which the primate hath subscribed ) how can the greatest part of mankind be absolutely reprobated , or but passed by in massa , without respect unto their actual sins ? for if that can be true , christ dyed not for them ; the passing by being contrary to the giving of christ for their redemption . in stead of which , the calvinistical writers do solemnly use gods offering of christ , not for them , but to them , who were passed by in that mass . and this they labour to reconcile with the full intention of god almighty , that they to whom he is offered shall not possibly enjoy him . of which what reason can they imagin but only this , that they think he was not offered for them , so as to make their sins pardonable , and their persons capable of mercy ? i will not here take a view of what infusions have been received by such mistakers as mr. barlee , from his lordships history of gotteschalc , and from his celebrated catechism , whether printed with , or without his leave , ( nor was it , you know , till very lately , that you proclaimed the difference between his reputed and real works . ) and as i will not do that , so will i not make any comparisons betwixt the doctrines of bishop overal , and those of gotteschalc : i having already made it apparent , that as my certificates were helpful to me for the making good what i had publisht of that great name , so you and i ( thus put together ) have also been helpful to those certificates , for the making good of those things , whereof they have certified a threefold knowledge ; which as a threefold cord being not easily to be broken , i shall hope will be so happy , as to draw your suffrage to make it stronger . i know not what should scare you from a concurrence , except a shew of dishonour which a change of judgement may seem to carry along with it . but that i am sure hath no place here ; for to change ones judgement upon just grounds ( as well from good to better , as from evil to good ) is the most honourable mark of a mans mortality , and i think peculiar to the true lovers of truth . before i am able to let you alone , sir , ( how much business soever is at my elbow to pluck my pen from my paper ) i will tell you what i read lately in the life and death of dr. iackson , composed by the strict and impartial hand of mr. vaughan , then whom i do not believe there lives a more consciencious and punctual speaker , as being one who might have written dr. iacksons life from his own , had it been possible for a man of his singular modesty to have understood his own merits : which i say to this end , that you may certainly believe what he relateth , concerning the care which the primate took ( being a mourner at the funeral of that rare man ) to have the writings of dr. iackson very religiously preserved ; that such inestimable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might not be wanting to posterity , but might performe their proper work of bringing religion into its wits : whereas had his lordship been calvinistical ( as mr. barlee would fain have made him by his notorious creative faculty ) he would rather have taken care that such books might have been buried with their authors body , and in a grave ten thousand times deeper . for mr. barlee doth somewhere tell us , that doctor iackson was the father of english arminians , ( my lord his grace of armagh it seems was one of his children ) and miserable is england , if such mens writings as dr. iacksons and castalio's are become as pleasing to the dainty wits amongst us , as ever titus vespasian was , who was styled deliciae humani generis . so zealous was the good primate ( if mr. barlee hath any truth in him ) to contribute his care to our undoing . and now as soon as i have told you , that i meant dr. godwin , the author of the roman and iewish antiquities , ( whose christian name i think was ioseph ) who was converted by reading the remonstrant writings , as dr. christopher potter of pious memory had been a little before him ; that i am not the author of tilenus examined before the triers ; that if ever i go to london ( which i have hardly ever done willingly ) i shall gladly make an acquaintance with you ; and that if i punish mr. barlee , it shall be meerly in my defence , and very much less then he deserveth ; i think there is nothing in your letter , to which any more can be expected from your most assured friend and servant tho. pierce . brington , jan. 28. 1657. a postscript . a postscript to this last letter sent to dr. bernard together with it . one thing comes into my mind since the subscription of my letter . you say in your first printed letter to mr. barlee , that * the doctrine of s. austin was it which was confirmed by the primate , and so elsewhere ( i think ) to that purpose . but mr. baxter † hath publickly avowed , that s. austin's opinion was for the final falling away of some effectually called , regenerated , justified , and sanctified . and because some are so immodest as to deny it , he saith , he asked the reverend bp. usher , in the hearing of dr. kendal , whether this were not plainly the judgement of austin : who answered , that without doubt it was . then he addes many places out of austin by which this appears . and whereas he judgeth this opinion of austin to be * unsound , nay contrary to many texts of scripture , he doth obliquely in so doing defame the judgement of my lord primate , in case he concurred therein with austin ; as i cannot but think he did , both by what was spoken by his grace to dr. walton , and by what you have affirmed in the place above-cited . thus , good reader , i have accounted for what i spake in my former writings , touching the judgement of that venerable and learned prelate . not out of any the least design ▪ of breaking peace or friendship with dr. bernard , ( whose publick letters notwithstanding had made it necessary for me to do some justice unto my self , in a way as publick : ) but partly to perform what i had publickly promised to make appear ; partly to gratifie the importunities of some , who would needs have me publish what i could say of this business , that they who had met with my report onely , might be acquainted with my grounds too ; and partly to demonstrate to the most contrary-minded , that i durst not be thought a raiser of false reports . if now our readers will be pleased , to put the reasons of my affirmative into one scale of the ballance , and dr. bernards probabilities for his negative into the other , ( allowing either none , or equal grains ) i hope that he , and i too , shall be well content with the decision . the end. the errata . page 4. in marg . line 3. read travers . p. 15. l. 20. for giving , r. given . p. 34. l. 5. from bottom , r. that . p. 35. l. 12. after at●ain dele to . p. 35. l. 31. for shalir . shalt . p. 56. l. 2. from the bottom r. word . p. 82. in marg . l. 3. after dedar 9. r. april . p. 67. in marg . l. 2. for praed . r. praet . p. 98. l. 19. for carmelites , r. carme● . p. 99. l. 5. from the bottom , for made r. need . p. 103. l. 20. r. ( ch . 1. v. 4. ) p. 103. in marg . l. 14. 5. r. tit. 1. 4. books written by mr. tho. pierce rector of brington . the sinner impleaded in his own court , wherein are represented the great discouragements from sinning , which the sinner receiveth from sin it self . 2. correct copy of some notes concerning gods decrees , especially of reprobation . the 3 edition with some additionals , in 4. 3. the divine philanthropie defended , in answer to mr. barlee , in 4. 2 edition . 4. the self revenger , to which is added an appendage touching the judgement of the late l. primate of armagh . in 4. new . 5. the divine purity , defended in answer to dr. reynolds , in 4. new . books written by d. hammond . a paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the new-testament by h. hammond , d. d. in fol. the second edition now in the press . 2. the practical catechism , with all other english treatises i● two volumes ' in 4. 3. dissertationes quatuor , quibus episcopa●us jura ex s. scripturis & primaeva antiquitate adstruuntur , contra sententiam d. blondelli & aliorum , in 4. 4. a letter of resolution of six qu●●ies , in 12. 5. of schisme . a defence of the church of england against the exceptions of the romanists , in 12. 6. of fundamentals in a notion referring to practice , in 12. 7. paraen●sis , or a seasonable exhortatory to all true sons of the church of england , in 12. 8. a collection of several replies and vindications published of late , most of them in defence of the church of england , now put together in three volumes . newly published , in 4. 9. a review of the paraphrase and annotations on all the books of the new-testament , with some additions and alterations , in 8. a catalogue . books and sermons written by ier. taylor , d. d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a course of sermons for all the sundayes of the year ; together with a discourse of the divine institution , necessity , sacredness and separation of the office ministerial , in fol. 2. the history of the life and death of the ever-blessed jesus christ , third edition , in fol. 3. the rule and exercises of holy living , in 12. 4. the rule and exercises of holy dying , in 12. 5. the golden grove , or , a manual of daily prayers fitted to the dayes of the week , together with a shott method of peace and holiness , in 12. 6. the doctrine and practice of repentance rescued from popular errours , in a large 8. newly published . a collection of polemical and moral discourses , in fol. 8. a discourse of the nature , offices and measure of friendship , in 12. new. a collection of offices or forms of prayer fitted to the needs of all christians , together with the psalter or psalms , of david after the kings translations in a large octavo newly published . the mystery of jesuitisme , discovered in certain letters , written upon occasion of the present differences at sorbo●ne , between the jansenists and the molinists . displaying the corrupt maximes and politicks of that society . 2 edition the law of laws , or , the excellen●… of the civil law , above all other human●… laws whatsoever : shewing of how great use and necessity the civil law is to this nation . by robert wiseman , dr. of the civil law. sold by r. royston at the angel i● ivy-lane . the grand conspiracy by mr. john challington , in 12. the history of the church of scotland by dr. spotishwood archbishop of s. andrews , in fol. etymologicum parvum , in 8. by mr. gregory schoolmaster of westminster . the contemplation of heaven with a descant on the prayer in the garden , in 12. the magistrates authority , a sermon by mr. lyford , in 4. the quakers wild questions objected against the ministers of the gospel by mr. richard sherlock , in 4. the communicants guide by mr. gove , in 8. the plain mans sense exercised , by mr. william lyford , in 4. anglicisms sattinized , by mr. willis , 8. the persecuted minister written by mr. langly , in 4. lyfords legacy , in 12. the cateschism of the church of england paraphrased , by richard sherlock . 2 edition . an apology for the ministry by william lyford . the examination of tilen●…s before the triers in utopia in 12. newly published . the end of the catalogue . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a90688-e540 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et pueri nasum rhinocerotis habent . habet & musca splenem . † qui à me nunquam nominatus de illis se defendit , & in me velut de plaustro convitia exspuit , &c. grot. vot . pro pace p. 63. * they rail against all they dislike with more then heathenish scurrility . survey of ho. discip . p. 123. * rom. 12. 19. heb. 10. 30. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * luk. 21. 19. † 1 pet. 2. 23. hom. iliad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * in proverbium abiit , malis viris ne draconem quidem audere dentes admoliri , bonos vel à m●re morderi solitos . * psal . 19. 13. * epist . ded. p. 1. † ibid. * p. 5. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † deut. 33. 8. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * mat. 18. 22. † epist . ded. p. 2. * iude 9. ☜ * see ch . 4. §. 1. note that this is but a specimen of a world the like stuff , which mr. b. calls the boyling up of his piety , ( c. 1. p. 6. in marg . ) the doing like christ and his apostles , ( ibid. ) doing the part of an orthodox cordiall zelot , ( p. 8. ) his godly jealousy , ( p. 12. ) the playfulnesse of his stile to tole-on gallants to read his book , who if they be not toled on with somewhat of mirth and cheerfulnesse , are ready to swear they be weary of over much reading , ( ch . 2. p. 45. ) * see the first chapt. of this book , §. 9. p. 15 , 16 , &c. ☞ * mar. 2. 5 , 7. † see divine philanth . defended , ch . 3. p. 81 , 82 , 83. * mr. baxter's christian concord , p. 45 , 46 , &c. cited and applyed by mr. barlee in his necess . vindic. c. 2. p. 73 , 74 , 75. † in the page above cited . * p. 46 , 47. † mat. 15. 19. * 2 tim. 2. 25. * wisd . 2. 15. * introduct . p. 4. † levit. 19. 17. faelix & prosperum scelus virtu● vocatur , * bancr . dang . pos . practised under pretense of reformation , and for the presbyterial diseipline . ch . 15. p. 176. pateat quod noxium est , ut possit conteri cum patuerit . hieron . advers . iovin . l. 2. * ezek. 5. 7. 8. † deut. 17. 13. which compare with ezek. 39. 7 , 21 , 23 , 25 , 26 , 27. * quae per insuavitatem medentur , emolumento curationis offensam sui excusant . tertull . de poenit . cap. 10. * note , that after he had proposed a method , p. 5. he profesfeth to quit it , and to speak immethodically , p. 11. * isa . 30. 7. notes for div a90688-e9680 the great dishonesty of the tongue . * gen. 11. 7. * joh. 8. 44. it s several species and degrees . a exod. 2● . 16. mr. b. arrived at the utmost round of the climax ; as will be shewed ch. 1. §. 9. and 10. & 11. & 12. how a man may be brought to believe his own lye . 1. 2. 2 thess . 2. 1o , 11. eccles . 8. 11. 4. a pretended holy discipline chap. 4. p. 61. made apparent by four examples . 1. b maimonides apud buxtorf . in thesaur . ●ing . sanct . p. 683. usque ad 689. c spotswood hist . scot. l. 6. p. 330. 331. d bp. bancroft of dangerous positions practised in pretence of reformation , and for the presbyterial discipline . l 4. c. 10. p. 161. 162. 2. * mr. cartwright , vdall , traver , and the like , who were then imprison'd . 3. a cicero de natura deorum l. 3. 4. * iames nayler . mr. b.'s concernment in the praemisses . he betrayeth himself by his indeavoured vindication . * ch. 2. page 17. line 18. and so downwards . * note , that what he did not give credit to , he did no : believe , for if he had , he must needs have given some credit to it . for not to believe is to give no credit ; to which the giving of some credit is a direct contradiction . 1. his wise & caetera . a see the beginnings of the 40. sections of the third chipt . of the div. philanth . d●f . b 2. his confession sealed with an oath . 3. that he gave no credit to the far greatest part of his aspersions . 4. yet will not make a reparation . b dedic . ep●st . p. 3. line 1. 2. ** epist . ded. lib. pr. p. 9. 5. but seeks to secure an old falsity with a new one . * proved such by an induction . a correp . corr. p. 15. b p. 15. c p. 20. d p. 36. e p. 69. f p. 102. g correp . corr. p. 174. a e ▪ i st . ded. the first p. 9. b epist . ded. the second p. 3. * his two oaths opposite to each other . his impossibility of escaping at any crevic● , either from perjury , or contradictions . ** see div. p●il●nt : def. ch . 3. p. 143 , 144 , &c. † ibid. p. 147 , 148 , &c. * p. 149. * note , that in his p. 19. lin , 35. 36. he confesseth those to be bare hear-says , which here he swear's were not . 6. the best that can be said for him is vehemently bad . a epist . ded. p. 1. l. 3. ☜ 7. what he gets by his deniall of vain credulity . 8 9. 10. his pretended necessity for swearing . 11. * mr. b.'s argumentative oath . not unl ke to mr. ha●ket , who inste●d of miracles , or reasons , whereby to prove that his doctrin●nd ●nd t aiterous design did immediately proceed from the spirit of god , fell into swearing , and groaning , and calling curses upon himself , if it were not so . bp. bancr . dang . posit . ch . 15. p. 170. 12. his necessityes and streights betwixt his first and second book . * ch . 2. p. 17. line 29. & deinceps . he gives the slip to a passage which would convince him of a double perjurie . a corr. corr. p. 73. * ch. 2. p. 17. lin . 35. and thence to the bottom of the page . the first of his three excepted slanders . the slander , as it lies in its original . ☞ 1 proved no more now then it was at first , when it was crudely affirmed . 1 tim. 5. 19. 2. no more then a hear-say , contrary to his oath . * see doctor hammond's annot. on the place . a heb. 6. 16. 3. mr. barlee provoked to name his informer , if he hath any . 4. mo●ives used to that purpose . ●rom parallel slanders which might be raised upon him . a these are mr. barlees words ch . 2. p. 19. li. 9 , 10 , 11. and that with more probability , 5. and greater hopes of escape the reasons of these motives ●or the finding of the informer . ** ch . 4. p. 149. li. 3 , 4 , 5. how mr. barlee spoiles himself by his pretensions to a probable argument . 2. * correp . corr. p. 39. lin . 22 , 23. a concerning adams sin , and ours and originall sin , and actual , both in him , and in us . ☞ b how mr. b's notion of it tendeth to pel●gian●sme and to other absurdityes . a my own accompt of original sin in my self . ☜ b why i say that adams actuall sin is not numerically mine own . * ioh. 8 57. a concerning a mans being born in sin . what is not meant . b what is meant by it . c rom. 7. 23. 5. d concerning that text , by one man sin entered into the world , and death by sin . e the absurdityes which follow from mr. b's exposition . a a second absurdity . b the utmost force of mr. b's argument . ☜ c it s absurdity shewn in a parallel case . * chap. 2. p. 18. lin . 1 , 2 , &c. † † observe reader , that both those tales had one author : and that in the first he conceales the worst part ; which was , that i said there was no sin in me , and that by mine owa power i could abstain from all sin . he betrayeth his crime with his excuse , and blasteth his first informer . a see div. philan. def. ch . 3. p. 81 , 82 , 83. 2. * p. 19. lin . 9. 3. his second informer is evinced by himself to have been a forg●r . 4. how his tempter betray'd him in the choice of his invention . ☞ ** observe him speaking in the plurall . how the trick of his confidence is an argument of distrust . a gen. 31. 19 , 35. b saepe minus est constantiae in rubore , quam in culpa . qu. curt. l. 9. p. 294. c prov. 30. 20. how he runs on the symplegades of being guilty either of perjury , or causelesse railing . ☜ 2. the shamefull modesty of the informer . he is challenged to appear . 3. mr. b. makes more way to the discovery of his slandor . * they looked one on another , doubting of whom he spake . ioh. 13. 22. 4. † pretended holy discip . ch . 4. p. 61. 5. his signal tergive sation . * ch. 2. p. 18. lin . 13 , &c. the occasion of this new calumny , in defense of the old . a wisd . 4. 17. b vers . 11. c ibid. * vi● probus , & pius , non tantum in●ocens . cl. salm. in def. r●g . c. 11. the earle of bristoll's apologie was ( in his constant phrase ) to clear his innocency , not freedom from 〈◊〉 . d ps . 26. 6. 2. e ps . 73. 13. 3. f dan. 6. 22. g gen. 20. 5. h ier. 19. 4. his revenge upon an infant of 3 years old . 4. * ch. 2. p. 45. 5. the admirable force of mr. b's arguing . ☜ a div. philanth . c● . 4. p. 26. li● . 2● . * ch. 2. p. 18. lin . 21. &c. a s. castalio de obedientia deo praestanda . p. 295. edit . in 12. a. d. 1578. his wofull drollerie can not help him . b div. philan. ch . 3. p. 81. c ibid. a tit. 1. 12. 2. mr. b's malice aga●nst castalio most imp●rtinently vented . christian perfection exhibited in scripture . b rom. 2 24. 1 tim. 6. 〈◊〉 . tit. 2. 5. c gen. 17. 1. d g●n . 6. 9. e iob. 1. 1 , 8. * ch . 8. 20. f ps . 18. 32. g mat. 5. 48. h m●t. 19. 21. i deut. 18. 13. k 1 cor. 2. 6. l eph. 4. 11 , 12. m vers . 13. n heb. 13. 20 , 21. o l●m . 1. 4. p 2 cor. 7. 1. a phil. 4. 13. b luk. 1. 6. 3. a catalogue of mr. barl●es g●…gs ●y his m●lig●ing castalio . * ch. 2. p. 73. † note that mr. barlee doth eithe● slander arminius , or charge mr. baxters doctrin with arminianism . cor. cor. p. 109. a aphor. of iustif . thes . 24. p. 129. b ib. p. 133. c ib. thes . 22. p. 122 , 123. d ib. thes . 27. p. 141. e ib. thes . 24. p. 133. f saints everl . rest . part 4. p. 296. 4. mr. p. personating a bishop . * ad quartum actum & ultra in dramate hoc desultando frigulti●…tes presbyteriani spectati sunt . salmasius in defen . reg. cap. 10. † ne quispiam bis ordinetur ▪ & ne qui piam bis baptiz●●ur . nam ordinatio est perpetuae functionis consecratio , ut bapti●mus perpetui ●oe de●is testificatio bannosi●s d● po●i● . ●ivit . dei , &c. 7 〈◊〉 . a ier. 5. 30 , 31. † the reason of brevity in all that follows . of the 600 copies of my correct copy which mr. b. said were sold in this county within 2. months . of which see div. philan. def. ch . 3. p. 54. of my being the author of artificial handsomnesse . of which see div. philan. def. ch . 3. p. 150. * he saith he did but almost believe , what he thought fit to publish , as if he believed it altogether : and which he lately excepted from the number of those things , to which he swore he gave no credit . * the foul nature of his repentance . notes for div a90688-e38160 of cruell and causelesse provocations in private letters . of his competent iudges of his scurrility and calumny . * note , that he excuseth only the later , confessing the former in an implicit way . * before his correp . corr. p. 9. † c. 2. p. 55. and p. 52. a c. 2. p. 19. a ib. p. 17. mr. b's godly ●bul●itions . b he had it first in one of his letters to me ; then in the epistle before his corr. corr. now again in his reply . c p. 6. d ibid. in marg . si quid intumuit pietas , ignoscat . e ibid. f p. 8. h p. 6. i p. 55. k ep : ded. p. 2. and 3. l ch. 1. p. 8. g g p. 9. a postscript . p. 6. of assaults made upon all the protestant name and glory , upon mr. b's bare word . b div. philan . advertis . to the reader . c ibid. d ibid. e ch. 3 p. 61. f ch. 1 p. 17 , 18. g ch. 4. p. 23 , 24. a ch. 4. p. 14. b ibid. p. 15 , 16. c ch. 3. p. 37. d ch. 4. p. 7. e ib. p. 11. f ch. 3. p. 73. mr. b. passeth sentence before dooms-day . g corrept . corr. p. 221 , 222. * note , that he prayeth in these words , the lord he grant mr. t. p. repentance , that he may avoid all divine censures . c. 2. p. 42. and saith , i want his prayers . p. 23. as being averse from the true faith by way of masculine opposition . p. 4. a postscr . p. 5. mr. b. feares danger , without being of opinion that there is any . b formido est de intrinseca ratione opinionis . c m●t. 13. 30. let bo●h grow toge●her untill the harvest . a mat. 3. 12. * correp . corr. p. 178. * ibid. p. 114. of socinianisme falsely charged . * note , that [ consequential ] is here added as a fig-leaf . and in this his second book , c. 2. p. 38. he layes socinianisme to my charge without the least reservation . b correp . corr. p. 69. c ib. p. 157. e ib. p. 15. dd ib. p. 178. f see with how much more reason he might have called calvin a socinian , who called the three persons , the three proprietyes of god , and disapproved of christs being god of god. grot. in voto pro pace , p. 15. hunnius apud grot. discuss . rivet . apol 185 , 186. of his tendernesse to me , and to servetus . compare this with §. 19. a serveti libri , non genevae tantum , sed & aliis in locis , per calvini diligentiam exusti sunt ; fat●or tamen unum me exemplum vidisse libri servetiani , in quo certe ●anon reperi quae ●i objicit calvinus , &c. vot . pro pace , p. 16. b calvini epist . 164 , 165 , &c. c c. p. 15. a ep. ded. p. 2. b words , which he plainly applyes to me , if he is not guilty of somewhat worse . c. 2. p. 45. lin . 6. 7. &c. c p. 16. lin . 1. 2. &c. * i mean , the correptorie correctors only , that is , the men of mr. b's spirit . † by him m. b. was ordained , c. 2. p. 40 , 61. & however mr. b. may wrong that bp. i can prove his practice in ordinations to have been strict and wary against the least appearance of presbyterianism , or noncon-formity . a de praecavendis novitatibus in doctrina & regimine secundum canonem nupertime editum , &c. note that the bp. rejected those who refused the taking of that oath , and would not give them holy orders . this i can prove . see the book of ordination of bishops , pri●sts , and deacons , p. 18. ibid. p. 17. * note that he confesseth he subscribed the 39. articles , when ordained , c. 2. p. 61. a artic 20. b artic. 2 , 3. c artic. 34. d artic. 35. e artic. 36. f artic. 37. a when this is done , they shall go to the communion , which all they that receive orders shall take together , and remain in the same place where the ●ands were said upon them , &c. see the book for consec . and ord . p. 19. b ibid. p. 19. c ibid. p. 17. d ph. 2. p. 67 , 68. * note , he confesseth it was no rash oath ( c. 2. p. 22. ) and therefore ought to have been kept . e see that manifested in d●v . philan. c. 1. p. 17 , 18. f c. 2. p. 40 , 41. * note , the iudgement of the late primate , set ou● by dr. bernard , ( p. 126 ) was this , that the ordination made by such presbyters , as have severed themselves from those bishops unto whom they had sworn canonical obedience , cannot possibly be excused from being schismaticall . † that is , tempora mutantur , & nos mutamur ab illis . of his denying his own hand . mr. b's accusation of my dispatch . of which he might have accused st austin , and origen , and the greatest luminaries of the church , with much more reason . a ep. ded. p. 1. his recriminations the saddest part of his adventure . b c. 2. p. 19. lin . 36 , 37 , &c. c p. 20. lin . 2 , 3. † c. 2. p. 9. * div. phila●th . c. 3. p. 99. lin . 19. of the ground of his malignity . a philanth . c. 2. p. 46. in marg . and c. 3. p. 122. b his words were in latin , susceptor gregis alieni , non certe abacti , sed sponte fugientis . c his word was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d see philanth . c. 3. p. 56. e of which there is a section philan. c. 3. p. 72. a correp . corr. p. 22. * note , reader , that this is as contrary to truth , as any thing that is false . see what i said philan. c. 2. p. 46. lin . 4 , 5. b it is his thrase of himself , p. 5. lin . 7. c my words were these ▪ perhaps my neighbour doth consider , that it lyes in his power , &c. and thinks that i am of his opinion , &c. philan. p. 3. * luk. 6. 26. of hiring his book to be printed . * i find it since in his ch . 2. p. 28. of his swearing and cursing , and railing , and pulpit-scuffles . a p. 22. lin . ult . p. 23. lin . 1 , 2 , 3. b correp . corr . p. 174. c ibid. p. 25. lin . 1 , 2. d c. 2. p. 38. lin . 19 , 20. of his correctors , apologie , and being in the diurnall . a philanth . conclus●●um . 7. p. 66. mr. b's dream of the printers boy . his sin against conscience and common sense . of his false greek and latin. * see philanthr . c. 3. p. 99. his ad phalerandum populum . his multa rara . † calvin . instit . l. 3. c. 23. §. 4. his cujus derelictos . a philanth . in a●vertis . to the reader . * this was worse then his manifold mistake of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which it seems he thought could not agree with helena , because its termination did happen to be in [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] therefore he murder'd it into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like ; and after all , marr'd all in the mending . b in his c. 3. p. 52. lin . 27 , 28. where he referrs to my philanth . c. 3. p. 106. a val. max. l. 9. an occasional digression for the clearing of what is past , and for the abridging of what is future . b mat. 18. 22. of praying for the dead and unto saints , pleaded for by no-bodyknows-whom . * evocatos tanquam ad epulas nuptiales protestantium primores , carolus nonus opprimi jussit . thuanus l. 55. 56 , 57. cluver . ad a. d. 1572. p. 734. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . herodot l. 〈◊〉 . c. 119. p. 51. a short catal●gue of 37. more falseho●ds . a ch. 2. p. 31. b ibid. c ibid. and p. 32. d ib. p. 33. e p. 34. f p. 34. g p. 36. h p. 37. i p. 38. k p. 42. a p. 42. b p. 42. c p. 43. d p 45. e p. 47. f ibid. g ibid. h p. 48. i ibid. k p. 50. l p. 52. m ibid. n p. 53. o ibid. p p. 56. q p. 56. r p. 57. s p. 59. t p. 60. u p. 61. w p. 64. x ibid. y p. 65. z p. 66. a p. 71. b p. 71 , 72 , 73 , &c. c p. 76. a sententias vest●as prodidisse , superasse est . hieron . ad c●esiph . adv . pelag. c 4. notes for div a90688-e55460 of my being a monster of ingratitude to mr. b. because he abused his best friends without my consent , and was reproved by me for it . * still he saith it is a way he is not satisfi●d with , however practis'd by the long parlament , which he did most idolize . p. 52. i hope that others may be unsatisfied as well as he , and as safely . a ch. 3. p. 7. b ibid. of king iames and the presbyterians . c king iames his speech of the presbyt . confer . at hampt . court , p. 82 , 83 , 84 , 85. * claud. salm. d●fen . reg. c. 10 , & 11. a basi● . d●… . l 2. p. 42. of the imprisonment of mr. cartwright , and mr. travers , &c. b dang . posit . c. 13. and 14. p. 171. to 176. king iames his antipat●y to presbyterianisme . a conference second day , p. 85. b spotswood hist. scot. l. 7. p. 530. c id. ibid. p. 533. a. d. 1617. d id. ib. p. 535. e id. ib. p. 536. a ibid. * id. ib. p. 537 , 538. id. ib. p. 542. * an. d. 1621. b confer . at hamp . court second day . p. 67 , 68. c ib. p. 74. * note , that when king iames liked presbyterianisme , it was before he was able to judge , but not one minute after . and the very same do i professe of my self . a ib. third day p. 93 , 94. † the lenity of the bishops compared with the rigor of the presbyt . b rev. 8. 7. & 9. 4. c expedit ut extet summa quaedam doctrinae ab omnibus recepta , quam inter praedicandum sequantur omnes ; ad quam etiam observandam omnes episcopi & parochi jurejurando a ●stringantur ; ut nemo ad munus ecclesiasticum admittatur , nisi spondeat illum doctrinae consens●m sibi inviolatum futu●um . calvin . in epist . 87. ad protect . angliae , p. 165. & paulo infe●ius . — a certa precum formula , & ritibus ecclesiasticis , nequaquam pastoribus in functione sua discedere liceat . d ab ea discedere non magis liceat , quam ab ipsis religionis placitis . beza in epist . 83. of excommunicating kings , and killing them , the doctrines of presbyt . a knox to england and scotland , fol. 78. b buch. de jur● regni , p. 40. c id. ibid. p. 70. d ibid. e knox appel . fol. 35. a id. ib. p. 26. b buchanan . de iu. r g. p. 57. c id. ibid. d id. ib. p. 50. e id. ib. p. 55. f knox in his hist . of the church of scotland p. 217. g id. ib. p. 218. h ibid. p. 234. a. d. 1558. i ibid. p. 256. k ibid. 258. l hollinshed p. 366. m knox ib. p. 265. n ib. p. 272. a ib. p. 269. b ib. p. 276. c ib. p. 283. d ib. p. 306. e ib. p. 308. f ib. p. 308. g ib. p. 317. h ib. p. 330. i ib. p. 333. k ib. p. 362. l ib. p. 364. m ibid. p. 364. n ib. p. 372. o ib. p. 378. whence mr. knox received his doctrin . p bancr . dang●r . po. ch . 3. p. 10. * bodinus de repub. p. 353. etiam bonivardus in descrip . gen. * id. ho. disc . c. 8. p. 113. q calv. epist . ad card. sadol . p. 172. a. d. 1539. a tyranni esse voluistis in liberam ecclesiam , voluistis nov●m pontificatum revocare . calv. ad farell . ep. 6. p. 11. b knox hist . of the ch. of scott . p. 143 , 144 , 145. a testim . to the truth of i. chr. subscribed by the minist . within the province of london , p. 26. lin . 16 , 17. b solemn league & covenant , ar●ic . 1 , & 2 , &c. c testim . to the tr. of i. chr. p. 28. in . 17 , 18 , &c. d ibid. p. 26. lin . 11 , 12 , &c. also p. 27. lin . 24. e ibid. p. 30. lin . pe●ult . & ult . which is to be compared with f page 29. lin . 14 , 15. which again compare with g page 30. lin . 12 , 13. &c. h ibid. lin . 26 , 27 , 28. & seq . i page 31. lin . 3 , 4 , &c. k page 34. lin . 16 , 17. &c. l ian. 22. a. d. 1654. p. 17 , 18. m stat. 13. eliz. 12. * note that mr. b. now saith ( c. 3. p. 49. ) those ritualls of our mother church were justly thrown over-board , when a storm was up ; notwithstanding his oath of approbation . a exact . collect . p. 19. b declar. 9. a. d. 1642. exact . collect. p. 135. * theoremata iii. imp. eden . 1647. decr●to synodi theor. 4. & 62. & 88 , 82 , 98 , 96 , 97. also assem . edinb . 1570. and 2 book ▪ discip . c. 1 , 7 , 12. c exact . collect . in rem . decem. 1641. p. 19. d confer . at hampt . court second day , p. 47 , 48. e ibid. p. 49 , 50. of paraeus his book burnt by the whole vniversity of oxford . * propositiones erroneae , periculosae , insidiosae , impiae , seditiosae , sanae politiae subversivae ; non solum canoni divino , decretis conciliorum , scriptis patrum , primitivae ecclesiae fidei & professioni , sed monarchico culmini subdole ruinam minitantes . decret . vniv. oxon. quinto iunii 1622. 1. episcopi & pastores magistratus suos imp●os aut injustos , si contumaces sint , possunt & debent , de consensu ecclesiae , satanae tradere , donec resipiscant . 2 subditi in magistratu inferiori constituti adversus superiorem magistratum se , &c. etiam armis defendere jure possunt . 3. subditis mere privatis — arma capescere licet , ab ordinaria potestate defendi non possint . ( this is regularly inferred by the rule of contraryes . ) 4. subditis mere privatis — se & suos contra tyrannum , sicut contra privatum grassatorem , defendere lice● . has & ●imiles propositiones condemnat vniversitas oxoniensis , &c. a c. 2. p. 69. lin . 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. * note here the saying of most judicious arch-bishop bancrost , that if coppinger , hacket and ar●hing on , had murdered 2 or 3 of the lords in star-cha●ber the last day in trinity term , the consistorian doctrin would easily have defended it ; especially if the further intents of the discipline had thereby succeeded . dang . posi . ch . 15. p. 176. a act. synod . dord . sess . 99. p. 239. b celebris ille coetus decrevit , quod singuli ad gradus in qu●cunque facultate promovendi , ante admissionem , primo subscribant , & deinde eodem tempore suscipiant juramentum c●rporale , se ex animo praedictas propositiones condemnaturos , & detestaturos in perpetuum . c si istae pareanae exceptiones , id est , regulae paulinae eversiones , admittantur , dico , nullum imperium diutius in ●uto fore , quam donec talia sentien●…bus vi●es defuerint . grot. vot . pro pa. p. 53. d speciatim addo , calvinistas in hac re deteriores esse quam lutheranos . nam nullam fidem servant . iura , perjura , &c. becan . 5. manual . controv. 14. n. 4. * the words of padre paul are very agreeable , to shew the absurdityes of both . of lambeth artic. king iames and bp. mountag . universal grace and redemption . a confer . hamp . court second day , p. 24 , 29 , 30 , 41 , 42 , 43. * see div. philan. def. ch . 3. p. 19. mr. b's question never enough to be admir'd . a bishop vsher of the true intent and extent of christs death , p. 6. b ibid. p. 8. c ibid. p. 7. ☜ d ib. p. 24 , 25. especially p. 27. e ibid. p. 7. † correct copie of notes , p. 19. lin . 1. m. b's remarkable ealumny , and excellent impertinence . * div. philan. def. c. 1. p. 15. a so i call them in that page which mr. b. himself citeth . viz. philan. c. 1. p. 15. of testard , & camero for universall redemption . b spanhem . exercit . p. 59. c in precibus publicis . in confess . fidei art. 1 , 2. in majore ca●●che●i , dom. 1 , 4 , 47 , 49. in catech. minori , §. 4. in praesat . ad s. s. de quibus fuse dallaeus in apologia pro 2 synodis , à p. 949. ad usque 968. d bona pars hominum non servabitur , quia salutem su●m repudiat . id. ibid. part . 4. p. 960. of amyrald , and daille , for universal redemption . so was●lo●dell ●lo●dell in his approbation of daillo's book . a philan. c. 1. p. 22. b in apolog. pro duabus synodis , part . 1. & 2. c the judgement of the late primate touching the intent and extent of chr. death , p. 35 , 36 , 37 , 39. compare also p. 31. with p. 38. and both with p. 6. and 21. of mr. baxter's warning to the nation against cassandrian papists under the names of episcopal divines . * mr. baxter's words are , if god do not wonderfully blast it . these expressions are mr. baxter's in his christian concord , p. 45 , 46. but cited , and applyed by mr. barlee against me . † of grotius his temper and design . * in particular the seventh and the eighth . a grot. vot . pro pace p. 55. to p. 63. the peace of christendom attempted by others , as well as by grotius , and before him . a ad fontem blaudi celebratus solennis conventus est , in quo gaspar colinius pro libertate religionis supplicem libellum obtulit , &c. thuan. lib. 25. p. 760. b quod ●i pontifex reeuset , ut rex fine eo pronuntiet , utque foedae nundinationes ex ecclesia tollantur . id. ibid. usque ad extrem . l. 25. c de controversis augustanae confessionis articulis componendis seri● animum adjecit . id. l. 36. p. 286. d papam urget , ut calicis gratia laicis , & conjugii libertas sacerdotibus fieret , &c. ibid. p. 304. a caesar una cum literis suis argumenta papae exhibuit , cum mandato ut cardinalibus communicaren●ur . ibid. p. 305 , 306. b maximil . iterum pontific●m urgebat ut promissa sua impleret . nec abnu●bat tune pontifex : sed postea cardinalium inst igatu pesitionem caesaris elusit . id. l. 37. p. 328. accusations must not be too generall . * ioh. 〈◊〉 . 7. † 1 cor. 13. 5. † dr. goff , and dr. baily . a 2 cor. 4. 9. b 2 tim. 4. 10. c c 2 cor. 4. 8. episcopal divines no papists . d melan. ad camer . in hist . con. august . per chytr . p. 389. e bucer de vita & usu minist . p. 565. f hist . conf. aug. per chytr . p. 109. & per pap. p. 137. g concion . georg. princ. anh. fol. 61. h calvin . ad sadolet . p. 172. nullo non anathemate dignos fatear , si qui erunt qui non eam hierarchiam reverenter summaque obedientia observent . a theod. beza in confess . cap. 5. b quod ad formulam precum & ri●uum ecclesiasticorum , v●ld● probo , ut certa illa exte● , à qua pastoribus discedere in functione sua non liceat ; tam ut consulatur quorundam simplicitati & imperitiae , quam ut certius ita constet omnium inter se ecclesiarum consensus . calvin . epist. ad prot. angl. 87. p. 165. c fateor quidem , moderationi locum esse oportere — adeoque ceremonias ipsas ad usum & captum populi esse accommodandas . id. ib. p. 166 , 167. d neque enim me latet , proferri posse antiquum ritum mentionis defunctorum faciendae , ut eo modo communio fidelium omnium in unum corpus conjunctorum declaretur . ib. p. 167. e zanch. de relig. p. 217 , 218. f dang . po●it . l. 3. ch . 10. a survey of p aed. holy discip . c. 5. p. 72 , 73 , 74. to p. 87. * in the reasons of their judgement , &c. p. 9. b ibid. episcopal divines the greatest enemyes to popery . a confer . at han●pt . court second day p. 38. po●●ry beholding to presbyterians . * note , that among the many reasons of the vniversity of oxsord , why they could not join with the covenant against episcopal government , this was one of remark , that they should by so doing give advantage to the papists , who usually object against us , and our religion , the contempt of antiquity , and the love of novelty . p. 9. * ioh. 13. 35. a co●●er . at hamp . court second day p. 50. b ibid. third day p. 101. c ibid. and p. 105. a counterwarning to the nation . his false suggestion of bp davenant , and his fumbling about that bishops works , implying 2 contradictions within a few lines . a cantabrig . ex o●ficina rogeri danielis alm●… academiae typographi m dc xl. his pretended correspo●dence with bishop dav●nant . his exceptions and saw●inesse to the same bp. a correp . corr. p. 169. * p. p carleton , bishop hall , dr. vvard , dr. goad , mr. balcanquall , ( all divines of the synod of do● ) and besides , dr. preston , dr. s●oughton , mr. vvhately , mr. fenner , mr. iohn ball , mr. cu●verw●l● , mr. vin●s , mr vvoo●bridge , mr. baxter , are all avowed by mr. baxter himself to have been , & to be , of bishop dav●nant's and the late primates judgement in this point . but what the primates judgement was , hath appeared partly already , and shall more fully appear hereafter . vvith all these therefore m●… . b. confessedly is at odds . so is he also with the duke of ●●andenbu●ghs divines , & with those of breme , with lud. crocius , martinius , iselbu●g● ; nay with dr. twisse , and the synod of dort , if mr. baxter may be believed . in ●raefa● . ●d disput . the bishop reckons universall redemption among fundamentals , and declares against all who shall deny it . a ad hos fundamentales articulos puto respexisse apostolum tit. 1. 3. communis haec fides , symbolo apostolico comprehensa , omnibus christianis credend● proponit , admirandum creaturarum ex nihilo opificium , trinitatis myst●rium , christi incarn●ti , passi , resurgentis , glorificati , miseris peccatoribus impensum beneficium ; quaeque ind● dimanant , redemptionem humani generis , sanctificationem pec●…aris populi , — resurrectionem corporum , glorificationem fidelium , &c. qui ullum ex his articulis furcillat aut sugillat , licet nomen christiani si●i vendicet , ab orthodoxorum communione arcendus est , & procul amandandus . sentent . d. daven . praedict . p. 10. & 11. how severely the bishops judgement reflects on mr. b. a corcedunt o●nes & consentiu● , h●…s propositiones ●ss● verissimas , &c. adhort . ad pac . ecclesiast . ●ap . 11. p. 148 , 149. b si eccl●siae rectoribus idem non persuaserit , aut in aliam ecclesiam divertere opor●et , aut , pro bono animarum , ecclesiae cui subest censuram patienter tolerate . sent. dav. p. 39. c possunt ab externa communione tantisper removere , dum suis erreribus alios infic●re , & ipsas ecclesias perturbare desinant . id. in adho●…t . ad pac. eccl. c. 4. p. 72. a quod si quis eam qu●m cont●a ecclesiae senten●iam tu●tur opinionem tant●m omen●i ●sse sibi persuadeat , ut ex ejus cognit●one salus hominum d●…pendeat , aut in aliam ecclesiam divertere , &c. ut supra . sent. dav. ad dur. p. 39. how he misbehaves himself about the primate . a trithemius apud hist . gottesc● . c. 4. p. 41. a. d. 848. b hist. gott . c. 12. p. 186. notes for div a90688-e75260 mr. b's breeding and way of complement . a ep. de● . p. 3. l. 1. b it is the character which he gives his own temper , ch . 1. p. 7. & 8. in his first book he call'd it his pleasantnesse and playfulnesse ( ep. ded. p. 9. ) now he calls it his mirth and cheerfulnesse to tole-on gallants to the reading of him ( ch . 2. p. 45. ) so mountebancks have a zanie commonly called iack pudding to tole-on customers for the buying of their wares . and when dom●…n invented a new game , he called i● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the language of the b. note , reader , that be profested ( in his ded. e●st . p. 2. ) that no man valued me more then he , no man should be more solli●it●…us of my soul , fame , and outward s●se●y , then himself . if therefore th●se are the over flowings of his love , ho● terrible is his hatred to those who are not in his favour , as i ( it seems ) am ? * it is his own expression ( reader ) as all the rest : 't was never m●ne . * this he ●●hers in with this u●troden preface , [ as i am an ecclesiastick , a christian , and a gentleman , &c. ] * note that the 4 complements next following are cited from crackenthorp against the bishop of spalato upon his return to rome , and applyed only to me by mr. b. the vast quantity besides of mr. b's courtship . a copie of mr. b's re●ormation . a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. 45. b epist . ded. p. 2. c c. 1. p. 6. d ibid. e p. 8. f ibid. a ibid. p. 6. b ib. p. 8. c ibid. d p. 4. † mr. b's iustification of himself . e p. 6. * all correptorie correctors with mr. b. f p. 7. g ib. p. 〈◊〉 . a ibid. dr. bern. and dr. reyn. implicitly accus'd by mr. barlee of foul matters . b at the end of his first letter to mr. b. c ib. p. 8. d ib. p. 7. lin . ant●penu●● . e ib. p. 2. f p. 6. in marg . g so he saith in his post-script , &c. h p. 4. * note , his severall promises to do penance , i● good men shou'd judge him guilty . here he confesseth , that diverse good men did so judge : yet p. 9. he cannot say he hath done evill ; and p. 8. hath no reason to accept of my pardon . for again ( p. 8. ) they must not only say , but clear it to him , that he is guilty . vvhich he doth not intend shall be in hast . a postscript . b ep. ded. p. 2. his like eruptions against others . c c. 2. p. 46. against grotius . d p. 63. e p. 62. f p. 13. g p. 64. against castalio and episcopius . h c. 3. p. 29. against dr. taylor . i c. 2. p. 60. against mr. thomson . k c. 2. p. 26. against all the orthodox together . a int●oduct . p. 2. lin . 3 , 4 , 8 , 9. against mr. calvin . * p. 8. of mr. thomson in particular . * mr. baxt. disput . 3. p. 329 , &c. a id. ib. p. 33● . note the probable reason , why mr. barlee doth so highly ex●oll mr. baxter , c. 2. p. 73. b ib. p. 326 , 327. † the sad effect of that o●inion , that the regenerate man cannot cease to be regenerate , let his sins be never so great . and this is said by mr. baxt. to be the opinion of most of our divines , meaning ( i suppose ) the calvinistical : for i know none else of this opinion . * note , that this is only the putting of a case , whereby m. b. may learn to hate his own practise , by having seen it in other colours . † note , that bezaunsealed that consession of calvin : whom mr. b. unawares doth affrm devoid of all christian inge●uity , c. 2. p. 62. his s●lf-contradictions . a ti le-page . b c. 2 p. 20. c c. 2. p. 17. * he pretended a stationer for the one , and a conscionable divine for the other . d p. 18 , 19. a c. 1. p. 5. b p. 11. c c. 2. p. 22 , 23. d ib. p. 17. e p. 22. * i have proved from their printed works , that they hold god to be the cause of sin , in those very words . f c. 3. p. 54 , 55. g c. 2. p. 12. h p. 38. i c. 3. p. 4. * c. 3. p. 25. k c. 3. p. 4 , 5 , 14 , 15. l ib. p. 25. m c. 2. p. 46. n ib. p. 38. o p. 73 , 74 , 75. p c. 3. p. 11. q ib. & p. 149. r c. 2. p. 6. &c. s c. 3. p. 3. t c. 2. p. 47 , 48. u ib. p. 48. w p. 52. x p. 55. and 52. y p. 46. z p. 73 , 74. a p. 46. b p. 40 , 41. a p. 52. b c 3. p. 55. c ib. p. 15. d epist . ded. p. 2. e postscript . f c. 3. p. 108. g c. 3. p. 148. h c. 2. p. 33. i c. 2. p. 11. k epist . ded. p. 2. l c. 1. p. 8. m ibid. n c. 2. p. 55. o c. 2. p. 27. mr. b. a trumpet to his own praises . p p. 35. * note , he professeth to have review'd his sheets with his own eyes , and to have drawn up the errata , &c. in epist . ante catal. err. a p. 27. b epist . ded. p. 1. c c. 2. p. 56. d c. 3. p. 18. e c. 2. p. 71. f corr. corr. p. 27. g epist . ded. p. 3 , & 4. * introduct . p. 4. a epist . ded. p. 4. lin . 2. ad lin . 0. b moneo ne semet ipse t●aducat , ●e qui latine ●on didicit , latine scrib●t ; talis sc . ut : b amico monitus primam syllabam in voce legendum esse brevem , id ita mutaverit , ut gerundium nobis substituerit foemininum : qui vocem elixerit nescio unde nobis elicuit . grot. vot . pro pace , p. 63. † mr. b' s rhetoricall digression to the sum of 150l . at which he prizeth his study of books . * ch. 3. p. 55. † nil refert , si legeris quantum habeas ; sat est , si habueris quantum legas . seneca . ** 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . his dexterityes in speaking beside the purpose . 1. introd . p. 2. 2. p. 5. 3. postscript . 4. ch. 2. p. 21. 5. p. 24. 6. p. 23 , & 24. 7. p. 29. 8. p. 38. 9. p. 41 , 42. 10. p. 47. 11. p. 66. 12. ibid. 13. p. 75. 14. ibid. 15. p. 76. 16. ibid. how great an artificer of escapes . * the repeated jest was but this , that as the iewes did set a crown of tho●ns upon christs head , so the arminians put a crown of scorns upon his grace . * ch. 2. p. 53. * introduct . p. 5. gen. 8. 17. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes for div a90688-e84450 in his two letters to mr. barlee . especially p. 61. lin . 14 , 15 , &c. p. 64. compared with p. 70 , 71. vers . 21. 23. vers . 27. 30. mat 20. 15. eph. 4. 2. col. 3. 13 gen. 13. 〈◊〉 . notes for div a90688-e87190 the first letter . notes for div a90688-e87790 the first letter . notes for div a90688-e88110 the third letter . p. 43. ch . 3. p. 15. lin . 19. cor. cor. p. 130. 131 , 133. and particularly 194. p. 130. p. 133. p. 194. p. 52. p. 4. p. 4. and 5. p. 6. p. 7. p. 8. p. 9. p. 10. p. 12. p. 13. p. 14. p. 15. p. 15 , 16. notes for div a90688-e90170 the fourth letter . p. 8. p. 16. p. 6. p. 10. p. 16. p. 8. p. 9. sentent . dav. p. 3. p. 4. p. 21. this mr. barlee doth confess to be a truth undeniable . corrept . cor. p. 170. corrept . cor. p. 105. p. 6. 8 , &c. correp . corr. p. 106. ibid. p. 107. c p. 4. d de civ . dei. l. 20. c. 6. p. 1340. tom. 5. e correct corr. p. 19. f correp . cor. p. 108. g ib. p. 108. h ib. p. 108. k ib. p. 109. lin . 1. 2 , &c. p. 108. l. ult . penult . note that man hath his part in the application . l correct copie p. 20. in marg . m ibid. n correp . cor. p 109 , 110. corrept . cor. p. 42. notes for div a90688-e94590 the fifth letter . part of a letter from dr. walton to mr. pierce . part of a letter from mr. gunning to mr , pierce . * p. 4 , 6 , 8 , 10 , 16 , 31 , 35 , 36 , 38 , 39. and p. 64. * ibid. c. 2 , p. 46 , 47. notes for div a90688-e97040 * p. 45. † account of the controv. about perseverance , &c. in setting down the fourth opinion p. 4 , 5. * p. 15. the history of the english and scotch presbytery wherein is discovered their designs and practices for the subversion of government in church and state / written in french, by an eminent divine of the reformed church, and now englished. historie des nouveaux presbytériens anglois et escossois. english basier, isaac, 1607-1676. 1660 approx. 547 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 144 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36871 wing d2586 estc r17146 13645983 ocm 13645983 100918 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36871) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100918) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 786:6) the history of the english and scotch presbytery wherein is discovered their designs and practices for the subversion of government in church and state / written in french, by an eminent divine of the reformed church, and now englished. historie des nouveaux presbytériens anglois et escossois. english basier, isaac, 1607-1676. du moulin, peter, 1601-1684. bramhall, john, 1594-1663. playford, matthew. the second edition, corrected and enlarged. [46], 240 p. [s.n.], villa franca : 1660. attributed to isaac basier. cf. dnb and bibliothèque nat. cat. also attributed to pierre du moulin and john bramhall. cf. halkett & laing; wing also attributes to du moulin. translated by matthew playford. cf. halkett & laing. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first 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work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng presbyterianism -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. church and state -early works to 1800. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the english & scotch presbytery . wherein is discovered their designs and practises for the subversion of government in church and state . written in french , by an eminent divine of the reformed church , and now englished . the second edition corrected and enlarged . epiphanius , lib. 1. haeres . ●7 . quod hominum genus ad ecclesiae dei probrum & scandalum adornasse & submisisse satanas videtur , quippe qui christianorum sibi nomen indiderint , ut prop●er eos offensae gentes à sanctae ecclesiae utilitate abhorreant , nuntiatamque veritatem , ob immania illorum facinora & incredibilem nequitiam , repudient ; ut inquam frequentibus illorum sceleribus animadversis , eos quoque , quia sancta dei ecclesia sunt , tales esse sibi persuadeant , atque ita a verissima dei doctrina aures avertant , ut certe paucorum improbita●e , conspecta in universos eadem maledicta conjiciunt . printed in villa franca , anno dom. 1660. the preface . we will take our first rise from that royal declaration or manifesto which his majesty of great britain , cha. the i. commanded to be exposed to the world , for the satisfaction , not only of his own people , but of the reformed churches abroad , at that time when the differences were at the highest , 'twixt him and his parliament-subjects , who practised all the artifices that could be , ( by making use of press and pulpit for that purpose ) to make him not onely odious at home , but sent clandestine agenis , and intelligence abroad , to traduce him among the reformed princes and states , that he was branling in his belief , and had a design to re-introduce the roman religion into his dominions , which was the motive of publishing this manifesto hereunto annext . carolus , singulari omnipotentis dei providentia angliae , scotiae , franciae & hiberniae rex , fidei defensor , &c. universis & singulis qui praesens hoc scriptum ceu protestationem inspexerint , potissimam reformatae religionis , cultoribus cujuscunque sint gentis , gradus , aut conditionis salutem , &c. cum ad aures nostras non ita pridem fama pervenerit , sinistros quosdam rumores , literasque politica vel perniciosa potiùs quorundam industriâ sparsas esse , & nonnullis protestantium ecclesiis in exteris partibus emissas , nobis esse animum & consilium ab illa orthodoxa religione quam ab incunabilis imbibimus , & ad hoc usque momentum per integrum vitae nostrae curriculum amplexi sumus recedendi ; & papismum in haec regna iterum introducendi , quae conjectura , ceu nefanda potius calumnia nullo prorsus nixa vel imaginabili fundamento horrendos hosce tumultus , & rabiem plusquàm belluinam in anglia suscitavit sub praetextu cujusdam ( chimericae ) reformationis regimini legibusque hujus dominii non solum incong●uae , sed incompatibilis : volumus , ut toti christiano orbi innotescat , ne minimam quidem animum nost●um incidisse cogitatiunculam hoc aggrediendi , aut transversum unguem ab illa religione discedendi quam cum corona , sceptroque hujus regni solemni , & sacramentali juramento tenemur prositeri , protegere & propugnare . nec tantum constantissima nostra praxis , & quotidiana in exercitiis praefatae religionis praesentia cum crebris in facie nostrorum agminum asseverationibus , publicisque procerum hujus regni testimoniis , & sedula in regiam nostram sobolem educando circumspectione ( omissis plurimis aliis argumentis ) luculentissimè hoc demonstrat , sed etiam faelicissimum illud matrimonium quod inter nostram primogenitam , & illustrissimū principem auriacum sponte contraximus , idem fortissimè attestatur : quo nuptiali faedere insuper constat , nobis non esse propositū illā p●ofiteri solummodo , sed expandere , & corroborare quantum in nobis situm est . hanc sacrosanctam anglicanae christi ecclesiae religionem , tot theologorum convocationibus sancitam , tot comitiorum edictis confirmatam tot regiis diplomatibus stabilitam , una cum regimine ecclesiastico , & liturgia ei annexa , quam liturgiam , regimenque celebriores protestantium authores tam germani , quam galli , tam dani quam helvetici , tam batavi , quam bohemi multis elogiis nec sine quadam invidia in suis publicis scriptis comprobant & applaudunt , ut in transactionibus dordrechtanae synodus , cui nonnulli nostrorum praesulum , quorum dignitati debita prestita fuit reverentia ( interfuerunt , apparet istam , inquimus , religionem quam regius noster pater ( beatissimae memoriae ) in illa celeber●ima fidei suae confessione omnibus christianis principibus ( ut & haec praesens nostra protestatio exhibita , publicè asserit : istam , istam religionem solenniter protestamur , nos integram , sartam tectam , & inviolabilem conservaturos , & pro virili nostro ( divino adjuvante numine ) usque ad extremā virae nostrae periodū protecturos , & omnibus nostris ecclesiasticis pro muneris nostri , & supradicti sacro-sancti juramenti ratione doceri , & praedicari curaturos . quapropter injungimus & in mandatis damus omnibus ministris nostris in exteris partibus tam legatis , quam residentibus , agentibusque & nunciis , reliquisque nostris subditis ubicunque orbis christiani terrarum aut curiositatis aut comercii gratia degentibus hanc solennem & sinceram nostram protestationem quandocunque sese obtulerit loci & temporis opportunitas , communicare , asserere , asseverare . dat. in academia & civitate nostra oxoniensi pridei idus maii , 1644. charles by the providence of almighty god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all who profess the true reformed protestant religion , of what nation , degree , and condition soever they be to whom this present declaration shall come , greeting . whereas we are given to understand , that many false rumors , and scandalous letters , are spread up and down amongst the reformed churches in forreign parts , by the pollitick , or rather the pernitious industry of some ill affected persons , that we have an inclination to recede from that orthodox religion , which we were born , baptized , and bred in , and which we have firmly professed and practised throughout the whole course of our life to this moment , and that we intend to give way to the introduction and publick exercise of popery again in our dominions : which conjecture or rather most detestable calumny , being grounded upon no imaginable foundation , hath raised these horrid tumults , and more then barbarous wars throughout this flourishing island , under pretext of a kind of reformation , which would not only prove incongruous , but incompatible with the fundamental laws and government of this kingdom . we desire that the whole christian world should take notice , and rest assured , that we never entertained in our imagination the least thought to attempt such a thing , or to depart a jot from that holy religion , which when we received the crown and scepter of this kingdom , we took a most solemn sacramental oath to profess and protect . nor doth our most constant practice and quotidian visible presence in the exercise of this sole religion , with so many asseverations in the head of our armies , and the publick attestation of our barons , with the circumspection used in the education of our royal off spring , besides divers other undeniable arguments , onely demonstrate this ; but also that happy alliance of marriage , we contracted twixt our eldest daughter , and the illustrious prince of orenge , most clearly confirms the reallity of our intentions herein ; by which nuptial ingagement it appears further , that our endeavours are not only to make a bare profession thereof in our own dominions , but to inlarge and corroborate it abroad as much as lieth in our power : this most holy religion of the anglican church , ordained by so many convocations of learned divines , confirmed by so many acts of national parliaments , and strengthened by so many royal proclamations , together with the ecclesiastick discipline and liturgy thereunto appertaining , which liturgy and discipline , the most eminent of protestant authors , as well germans as french ; as well danes as swedes and switze●s ; as well belgians ; as bohemians , do with many elogies ( and not without a kind of envy ) approve and applaud in their publick writings , particularly in the transactions of the synod of dort , wherein besides other of our divines ( who afterwards were prelates ) one of our bishops assisted , to whose dignity all due respects and precedency was given : this religion we say , which our royal father of blessed memory doth publickly assert in that his famous confession address'd , as we also do this our protestation , to all christian princes ; this , this most holy religion , with the hierarchy and liturgy therof , we solemnly protest , that by the help of almighty god , we will endeavour to our utmost power , and last period of our life , to keep intire and inviolable , and will be careful , according to our duty to heaven , and the tenor of the foresaid most sacred oath at our coronation , that all our ecclesiasticks in their several degrees and incumbences shall preach and practise the same . wherefore we enjoyn and command all our ministers of state beyond the seas , as well ambassadors , as residents , agents and messengers ; and we desire all the rest of our loving subjects , that sojourn either for curiosity or commerce in any forraign parts , to communicate , uphold , and assert this our solemn and sincere protestation , when opportunity of time and place shall be offered . this royal declaration or manifesto was committed to the management and care of james howel esq clerk of his majesties privie council ( who though then prisoner in the fleet ) performed the business very worthily and like himself . charles , par la providence de dieu roy de la grand ' bretagne , de france , & d' irlande , defenseur de la foy , &c. a tous ceux qui ceste presente declaration verront , particulierement a ceux de la religion reform●e de quelque nation , degreou condition qu'ils soient , salut . ayant receu advis de bonne main que plusieurs faux rapports & lettres sont esparses parmi les eglisses , reformees de làla mer , par la politique , ou plustost la pernicieuse industrie de personnes mal affectionnes a nostre governement , que nous auons dessein a receder de celle religion que nous auons professè & pratiquè tout le temps de nostre vie iusques a present ; & de vouloir intro duire la papautè derechef en nos dominions , laquelle conjecture , ou calumnie plustost , appuyee sur nul fundement imaginable , a suscitè ces horribles tumultes & allumè le feu d'une tres s●nglante guerre en tous les quatre coins de ceste fleurissante monarchie , soubs pretexte d'une ( chymerique ) reformation , la quelle seroit incompatible avec le governement & les loix fondementales de ce royaume . nous desirons , quil soit notoire a tout le monde , que la moindre pensee de ce faire n'a pas entree en nostre imagination , de departir ancunement de cell'orthodoxe religion , qu'auec la couronne & le sceptre de ce royaume nous sommes tenus par un serment solennel & sacramentaire a proteger & defendre . ce qu'appert non seulement par nostre quotidienne presence es exercies de la dite religion , avec , tant d'asseverations a la teste de nos armees & la publicque attestation de nos barons , avec le soin que nous tenons en la nourrituredes princes & princesses nos enfans , mais le tres-heureux mariage que nous avons conclu entre la nostre plus aisnee , & le tres illustrie prince d' orenge en est encore un tres-evident tesmoignage , par la quell'alliance il appert aussy que nostre desir est de n'en faire pas vne nue profession seulement dicelle , mais de la vouloir estendre & corroberer autant qu'il nous est possible : cest'orthodoxe religion de leglise anglicane ordonnee par tant de conventione de teologues , confirmee par tant de arrests d'parlement , & fortifie par tant d'edicts royaux auec la discipline & la lyturgie a elle appartenant , laquelle discipline & lyturgie les plus celebres autheurs protestants , tant francois , qu' allemands , tant seudois que suisses , tant belgiens , que bohemiens approuent entierement & non sans quelqu envie en leur escrits particulierement en la synode de dort , ou un de nos euesques assistoit , & la reverence & precedence deue a sa dignite ecclesiastique luy fut exactement rendue : ceste tres sainte religion que nostre feu pere de tres-heureuse memoire aduoue en sa celebre confession de la foy addressee come nous faisons ceste declaration atous princes chrestiens ; nous protestons que moyennant la grace de dieu , nous tascherone de conseruer ceste religion inviolable , & en son entier selon la mesure de puissance que dieu amis entre nos mains ; et nous requerons & commandons a tous nos ministres d'estat tant ambassadeurs , que residens , agens ou messagers , & a tous autres nos subjects qui font leur seiour es pays estrangers de communiquer , maintenir & aduouer ceste nostre solennelle protestation toutes fois & quantes que l'occasion se presentera . to the ministers of the reformed church at paris . gentlemen , having to contend with them who invite you to uphold their disloyalty by your example , nothing can be more to our purpose , then to prefix your example in the front of this work to teach them loyalty . during the agitations of the state , your church , as the needle in the marriners compass , kept steady upon the point of rest , which is god and the king : and your obedience served as an ensign on a hill to france , to guide the people to their duty . whereby you have justified the holiness of your profession , making the world know , the religion you teach binds you to be good subjects , and that you honour the king , because ye fear god. therefore the english covenanters did very ill to address themselves to you , since they hold a method quite contrary , for they dishonour and massacre their king , under a colour of devotion to god , and undertake to set up the kingdome of jesus christ , by the ruine of the kingdome of their soveraign ; which is as if they would build the temple of god with cannon shot , and defend religion in violating it . the truth of the gospel was never advanced by these wayes , but the patience , and even the sufferings of the christians , was it which propagated the christian religion , and rendered the church mighty and glorious . those who suffered under the pagan and arian emperours , conquered both the empire and emperours , and the champions of truth purchased a kingdome to jesus christ , not in shedding the blood of their soveraigns , but in pouring forth their own for righteousness , by a voluntary submission to their judgement . he who cannot frame himself to this doctrine , doth not so much as god requires of him , if he makes profession of christianity ; for christ tells us in calling us , that whosoever taketh not up his cross , and cometh not after me , cannot be my disciple ; and commands him who would imbrace the gospel , to set down before and calculate the expence , as if he were about to build . certainly he that cannot resolve to subject himself to his soveraign for the love of god , and never draw his sword against him to whom god hath committed it , made an ill calculation before he dedicated himself to jesus christ , for he ought not to take upon him christianity , if he were not able to go through with it , and was not resolved rather to suffer then resist , and to spend his goods and life to preserve himself in that subjection , commanded by the word of god. for maintaining this holy doctrine , we have been banished and pursued with armes , and after we had defended our soveraign with more fidelity then success , we have been constrained to forsake our dear country , driven from our houses , and spoiled of our revenues , but yet we praise god for giving them , since he hath done us the honour that we should lose them for his service ; and we ought this to our king , of whom our lands held , to abandon them for love of him : for to enter into a covenant against him peaceably to enjoy his , and the kings his predecessors bounty , and to betray the truth , and our consciences , to save our moneys , we could never resolve . now since those who have done the evil , began first to cry out , and have spread their unjust clamours through all the reformed churches , we 'll make the same journey with our just complaints , and after the example of the abased levite , by the sonnes of jemini , we send this recital of our grievances through all the quarters of israel ; judg. 19.30 . consider of it , take advice , and speak your minds . the injury which doth touch us nearest , is not our exile , nor the loss of our goods , nor theirs of our nearest relations , but the extreme wrong done to the gospel , and the reformed churches , to whom these new reformers falsly impute their maximes of rebellion , and hereby render our most holy profession suspected and hateful to princes of a contrary religion . this ( gentlemen ) toucheth you very near , considering your condition , and the summons the assembly at westminster , made to you to covenant with them , or to make a covenant like theirs . the epistle was addressed to the church of paris , in the name of all the reformed churches of france , and with the epistle they sent the oath of their covenant , which concludes with an exhortation in form of a prayer to god , that it would please him to stir up by their example , other churches who live under the tyranny of antichrist , to swear this covenant , or one like it . this same epistle , together with the oath , being sent to the ministers of the church of genevah , stirred up in them a holy jealousie , and drew from that excellent person , monsieur diodati , who is now in glory , an answer worthy of him in the name of all the church : repell this horrible scandal , which so extremely wrongs christianity in general ; wash and cleanse this filthy attempt of the blackest oppression , which above all is imputed to the most pure profession of the gospel , as if the gospel opposed , and affronted by a kind of antipathy and secret hatred , all royal power of soveraign authority . pacifie the exasperated spirit , and too much provoked of your king , and drive him not upon pinacles and precipices . blessed be god who touched the heart of this great person , whose memory shall be for ever precious for rendring so open a testimony to the truth ; and because he have not suffered himself to be fl●ered and perswaded by the complements of these enemies to his a mjesty , to applaud them in their evil actions , such are these refiners of reformation , as not content by their factious zeal to set their own country on fire , but they labour also to cast the fire into their neighbours , and to blow rebellion through all europe . and of late the most enormous actions of the english drew from master salmasius , prince of letters , and the honour of france , a defence of the right of kings ; god was so pleased to raise up the learnedst pen of these times to defend the best cause of the world , in which this great person hath highly honoured his country ; but to speak right , he more honoured himself , and the church wherein he was educated . for if hereafter these malefactors dare be so bold , as to say the reformed churches approved their actions , they shall produce this book which condemns them , and defends the royal cause with such wisdome , and efficacy of spirit , suitable to the dignity of the subject , and shall require them to produce , if they can , any one of the reformed churches who have in the least manner written in favour of their proceedings : it should have been a strange and shameful thing , if there were none found amongst the reformed churches who should not disown their wicked doctrines , and cause all princes and people of the world to know that the reformed churches are very far from following their counsels , and abhor their seductions to disloyalty , from what part soever they come . heretofore indeed it was accounted the duty of charity and prudence , to cover the faults of this faction , and if corruption enter into israel , not to publish it in gath ; but when the doctrine of rebellion disputed in corners , ascends the pulpit , hold assizes in open court , sends forth ambassadors , invites the reformed churches to their party , and imploy the gospel , piety , zeal of gods glory , to raise subjects against their soveraigns ; now 't is time or never to pluck off their mask of hypocrisie , and shew where the evil lies , and discover the wickedness of a party 〈◊〉 preserve from shame and disgrace the general ; and the rather since the aphorismes of rebellion , and seducing people to sedition , are reproached to the protestants , and imployed by the enemies of our holy religion to stir up princes against the church , and the pure profession of the gospel . t is the duty of the reformed churches to speak aloud , that 't is not we that teach the people are above their king , and that endeavour by letters and intelligences a general rising , but that it 's the covenanters of england , who attempting to cut off their king and monarchy by the sword , labour in vain to seduce their neighbours , to encrease their party , thereby to hide themselves in the multitude of their complices , they came forth of us long since , but were not of us , and for their doctrines and actions ( which are the only things evil in their reformation ) they never received any countenance or incouragement from us . we assure our selves gentlemen , in that divine assistance which hath to this present upheld you , that ye will never be seduced to defend evil , neither by complacency nor contradiction , but will follow the precept of the apostle saint james , jam. 2.1 . my brethren have not the faith of our lord jesus christ , the lord of glory with respect of persons . ye will consider that those who chase us , seek not your alliance , but to strengthen their separation from us , and not to imbrace good doctrine , or follow your councel , which if they had asked and followed , the one had never sold their king , nor the other over massacred him . believe it ( sirs ) they are your best friends at distance rather then neer , and if ye never converse with them , ye will never be weary of their company . your free , meek and solid piety , which feeds it self simply upon the substance of religion , without picking quarrels at the shell , is very far from sordid superstition , and the hypocondriak and bloody zeal of these covenanters , who pretend to advance the kingdome of jesus christ , by cutting the throats of his disciples , and cementing his temple with blood instead of the cement of charity ; and in the mean while , make some petty circumstances , the principals of religion , and cut out their holy doctrine according to the discipline which they are forging , as he that cuts his flesh to make his doublet fit for his body . by how much more these are wicked , by so much the more are they worthy of compassion , whom we must behold as people drunken with the wine of astonishment , which they themselves confess in their epistle they sent unto you , they shall find the rest of their description in that place , where they borrowed those words , and shall there behold themselves set forth , as a wild bull in a net , they are full of the fury of the lord , isa . 51.20 . for as the wild bull rageth when he feels himself intangled , and intangleth , and insnares himself more by raging ; so these miserable people , who by an impetuosity without reason rid themselves out of all laws , ecclesiastical and civil , are insnared in stronger bonds then before , and by their bruitish fury are more and more intangled . these , these are the sad effects of the just wr●th of god , who hath smote those with blindness , who have abused the light of the gospel , and have given them the hear● of a beast , dan. 4.16 . as he did to nebuchadnezzar , wh● have cast off all humanity . god by his mercy reduce to their senses , and guide them and us in his paths , and grant his peace to them that are far off , and to them that are near , isa . 57.19 . for in civil wars , that party that is neerest to god , and right , is yet very far from his duty . your wisdome will instruct you to profit by the folly of your neighbours , and their evil actions teach you to do well , they will let you see that to destroy the ecclesiastical and political order , by a bloody war to reform religion , is to commit the fault in the vulgar latine translation , evertit domum , instead of eve●rit , luke 15.8 . that is to overthrow the house in stead of sweeping it ; the folly is the greater , when its only to find a trifle , and that they overthrow both church and state , for some particularity , which were it good , cannot recompence the general destruction . you will also learn by the proceedings of these covenanters , that its impossible to alter the foundation of church and state , without pulling down the house , which is the work of the blind , as sampson , to over-turn the pillars of the publick building , that those that thrust them down might be crushed to pieces under the fall ; that those that take the church and state apieces to cleanse it , have not the power to put it together and in order again when they please , and that all violent changes in a state , as in an old body , are alwayes for the worst . we hope also that our good god , beholding us with pity , in this our weak condition , will give you somewhat to observe and learn from us , as that a rebellion which pulls down monarchy , without thinking so , lifts it up , and fortifie't , as a violent crysis , which if it takes not away the patient , contributes to his recovery . for the insolence of the new masters , doth mind the people of their duty to their lawful prince , and the unlocked for success of a new obligarchy , sowes dissention amongst the usurpers . the conduct of the providence of god in the movings of states teacheth us , that in chastising kings by the rebellion of their subjects , hereby he punisheth the people more then their kings , and those very kings that god gives people in his wrath , hosea 13.11 . are not taken away without his fury , and the publick ruine , which is then greatest , when he takes from an ungrateful people , a king whom he have given in his mercy ; the wise , and fearing god , should consider their sufferings under their soveraigns , as sinister influences of celestial bodies , against which no man in his wits will draw his sword , for both the one and the other comes from heaven , and cannot be remedied but by humility , prayers , and veneration , all other remedies are worse then the evil . also amidst your grief to behold the ruine of our not long since flourishing churches , you may comfort your selves in the weakness of our condition , which now renders us less subject to the like dangers ; for as full and sanguine bodies , are most subject to violent feavers and sharp diseases , which those of weaker complexions are ordinarily free from , so those persons who have power in their hands , and are puffed up with a long prosperity , ordinarily fall into most violent evils , which seiseth not upon them , but with too much strength : then when the church hath the least lustre , she oft times is neerest to god , as the moon is never neerer the sun then when she is in the lowest degree of her declension , and without light to our regard . the power of god is made perfect in our weakness , and we hope to behold you subsist , yea encrease and grow in bowing down under the storm , whilst those that have so striven and contended against their soveraigns shall be rooted out by their arrogancy . by humility and submission under the mighty hand of god , which leads his church through waies he knows safest for them , and stopping the ear to all factious councils cloathed with the zeal of religion , ye will at last obtain that testimony of god which he gives to the church of ephesus ; i know thy works , and thy labour , and thy patience , and how thou canst not bear them which are evil , and thou hast tried them which say they are apostles , and are not , and hast found them liars , and hast borne , and hast patience , and hast not fainted , rev. 2.2 . and thus ye shall surely obtain the promised reward following , to him that overcometh , will i give to eate of the tree of life , which is in the midst of the paradise of god , v. 7. this hope is our support in the depth of our afflictions , for under that terrible weight of publick and particular miseries , capable to bear down the strongest and firmest spirits , we are raised and kept up by this consolation , that we serve a good master , who will never forsake them who forsake all which is most dear to them to follow him . what though our sufferings be the effects of our sinnes , yet are they also honourable markes of our loyalty , both to god and our king , and though we have left our estates a little before death would have taken them away , yet god hath by his grace preserved in us a good conscience , riches which is not subject to sequestration , but dying we shall carry away with us . in these great tryalls of our faith and patience , whilst we seek ease in pouring forth our griefs into the bosome of our brethren , behold yet another encrease of affliction , upon affliction ; for we find to our great regret , that the subtilty of our enemies have begotten an evil understanding between you and some of ours , to which some have much contributed , if the complaints we hear be true , that they have manifested and declared themselves contrary to the doctrine of the reformed churches , and that they have despised your assemblies , as not being churches , and maintained that there could be no church where there was no bishop . as for their doctrine , if it be divers from our publick confession , they are no more of our church then of yours ; and to satisfie you upon this point , we have joyned the confession of the church of england , which all th●se who have been received into holy orders , sware to defend at their reception , and all who were to be admitted into churches were injoyned at their entrance , publickly to read , and to professe thereupon , their consent to them , under pain of losing their benefices . if any have departed from that profession , which they did so solemnly make , the body of the church which maintains that holy doctrine , is no way responsible for their erring . if the rebels had not prevented the king from assembling a nationall synod , to which his majesty purposed to invite other reformed churches , your judgments would have been heard for the purging our churches of all new doctrines , which without all comparison are worse , and in a farre greater number amongst our enemies , then amongst the royall party . as for this position , that there cannot be a church without a bishop , we account it full of rashnesse and void of charity ; it 's indeed a cruel sentence to deprive of the benefit of the gospel , and of their union with christ , all those churches which live under the crosse , and cannot enjoy the episcopal order . that famous dr. andrews bishop of winchester , was not of this opinion , for in one of his epistles touching episcopacy , he ( saith he ) should be harder than iron , who would not acknowledge that there are holy chur●●es that subsist and flourish without bishops ; and with what respect our bishops speak of your church , you shall read in this ensuing treatise . it 's easie to see that the episcopal order is wholly incompatible with the present condition of the reformed churches of france , for if there were twenty or thirty bishops amongst you , that should govern all the other churches , it would be easie for those of the contrary religion under whom you live , to fil up those places with some persons who should be at their devotion ; whence would follow , either a seduction , or an oppression of the other pastors : but whilst the gentlemen of the clergy in the court behold all pastors equal , they will lose their cunning in this multitude , and although they be excellent in playing on the organs , yet they have not fingers enough to touch every key . if your order of equality might or ought to be conserved , if it should please god the french monarchy should embra●e the reformation , it s a thing we will not touch , but if that only were the obstruction , we account you too wise and good christians , and such as would not hinder the setling of the holy doctrine , for maintaining a point of discipline , you then ( gentlemen ) joyning to your christian charity , the french courtesie , pardon our english schollers , who peradventure have brought with them from the vniversity , an humour a little affirmative , and from the fresh remembrance of their glorious church , retain yet an admiration of home things , which is an humour neighbour nations observe in the english , and which those that heretofore have known england , will easily pardon . consider on the other side , whether some of yours have not given them just occasion to be so sharp and bitter , and to passe their limits in their affirmations ; it cannot be denied but we have met with spirits possessed with the reports of our adversaries , who have been more ready to court you than we , as alwaies those that have 〈◊〉 ●vil cause , are ever more diligent to gain by faction that which they want , and cannot obtain by right . it may be also that your people have manifested themselves too rigid in their opinions , as well as some of ours , upon points which touch not the principles of religion ; and as it is ordinary for humane infirmity to turn custom into necessity , you may not wonder that if some of yours maintain as necessary and perpetual , which your wise reformers established as arbitrary , and for the present necessity , as it is formally declared by the last article of your discipline , we have placed in the front of this work , the manifesto of the late king charles the first , of blessed and glorious memory , in which he takes a religious care to satisfie you , touching his constancy in the reformed religion , and of his resolution to enlarge and strengthen it in all forraign countries to the utmost of his power , he could no more to manifest how much he valued your affection and good opinion , and we following the example of our holy and glorious martyr , labour here to knit with you a holy union , which our enemies have so vigorously laboured to break and in these our great afflictions do take care to prevent your , and to give you saving councell . know then , gentlemen , that your most holy religion is much defamed by the actions of these paraci●● zealots , who have particularly courted and invite● 〈◊〉 to covenant with them , and that your churches are ●lemished in reputation , onely because these men have dared to addresse their infamous complements to you , a thing neverthelesse which ye could not prevent how great soever your aversion were from their wicked actions ; wherefore we beseech you , as you love your subsistance and the honour of the gospel , which ought to be dearer to you then your lives , that you exhort the general of your churches to declare readily and vigorously by a publick act against these false brethren and their pernicious maximes , for fear least the crime of men , be imputed to religion , and that the innocent suffer not for the guilty . let it appear to the state under which ye live , that the reformed religion for conscience sake upheld kingly authority , and that it is the true doctrine that maintains subjects in their duty , and a kingdome in peace . you may also boldly advise the gentlemen at court to beware of them , and that they give order to prevent that inundation , that is threatned from our ilands , and let them be most assured that the independent armies , have not lesse ambition to cause all people to rise , and overthrow all the monarchs of christendom , & that to this effect cr — have often declared his intentions : all the popular tumults in france are the productions of this artist , ever in motion , infatigable , swoln with successe , who h●●h his eyes and hands every where , and gains in all places either by the sword or gold ; now in all changes of the state whosoever gains , the church loseth , and the filth in all inundations resteth upon the vallies . we are so near neighbours that the contagion of our evils cannot but passe to you , therefore ye shall do prudently and christianly to keep your selves from the contagion of our evils , and since those of the reformed religion are better instructed , then the other , it is therefore for them first to begin to do their duty . and 〈◊〉 ●his the considerations in this ensuing treatise will enc●●rage you , and our adversities will furnish you with better councels then the prosperity of our persecutors , agr●e fortunae sana concilia , we hope that this true and lively pourtraiture of their rebellious covenant that we present unto you , will so strike the spectators with horror that they will become good christians , and good subjects by antiperistisis . the articles of religion of the church of england . i. there is but one living and true god , everlasting , without body , parts , or passions ; of infinite power , wisdom and goodnesse , the maker and preserver of all things both visible and invisible . and in unity of this godhead there be three persons , of one substance , power , and eternity ; the father , the son , and holy ghost . ii. the sonne , which is the word of the father , begotten from everlasting of the father , the very and eternall god of one substance with the father , took mans nature in the womb of the blessed virgine , of her substance : so that two whole and perfect natures , that is to say , the godhead and manhood , were joyned together in one person , never to be divided , whereof is one christ , very god and very man who truly suffered , was crucified , dead , and buried , to reconcile his father to us , and to be a sacrifice , not onely for originall guilt , but also for actuall sinnes of men . iii. as christ died for us , and was buried : so also is it to be beléeved , that he went down into hell . iv. christ did truly rise again from death , and took again his body , with flesh , bones , and all things appertaining to the perfection of mans nature , wherewith he ascended into heaven , and th●re sitteth untill he return to judge all men at the last day . v. the holy ghost proceeding from the father and the sonne , is of one substance , majesty and glory , with the father and the son , very and eternall god. vi. holy scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation : so that whatsoever is not read therein , nor may be prooved thereby , is not to be required of any man , that it should be beléeved as an article of the faith , or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation . in the name of the holy scripture , we do understand those canonicall books of the old & new testament , of whose authority was never any doubt in the church . of the names and number of the canonical books . genesis . exodus . leviticus . numeri . deuteronomium . josue . judges . ruth . the 1. book of samuel . the 2. book of samuel . the 1. book of kings . the 2. book of kings . the 1. book of chronicles . the 2. book of chronicles . the 1. book of esdras . the 2. book of esdras . the book of hester . the book of job . the psalmes . the proverbs . ecclesiastes or preacher . cantica , or songs of solomon . 4. prophets the greater . 12. prophets the lesse . and the other books ( as hierome saith ) the church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners : but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine ; such are these following . the 3. book of esdras . the 4. book of esdras . the book of tobias . the book of judeth . the rest of the book of hester . the book of wisdom . jesus the son of sirach . baruch the prophet . the song of the three children . the story of susanna . of bell and the dragon . the praye● of manasses . the 1. book of maccabees . the 2. book of maccabees . all the bookes of the new testament , as they are commonly received , we do receive and account them canonicall . vii . the old testament is not contrary to the new , for both in the old and new testament , everlasting life is offered to mankind by christ , who is the onely mediator betwéen god and man , being both god and man. wherefore they are not to be heard which feign that the old fathers did look only for transitory promises . although the law given from god by moses , as touching ceremonies and rites , do not bind christian men , nor the civil precepts thereof ought of necessity to bée received in any common-wealth ; yet notwihstanding , no christian man whatsoever is frée from the obedience of the commandments , which are called morall . viii . the thrée creeds , nice creed , athanasius creed , and that which is commonly called the apostles créed , ought throughly to be received and beléeved ▪ for they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy scripture . ix . originall sin standeth not in the following of adam ( as the pelagians do vainly talk ) but it is the fault and corruption of the nature of every man , that naturally is ingendred of the off-spring of adam , whe● by man is very far gone from originall righteousnesse , and is of his own nature inclined to euil ▪ so that the flesh lusteth alwaies contrary to the spirit , and therefore in every person born into this world , it deserveth gods wrath and damnation . and this infection of nature doth remain yea , in them that are regenerated , whereby the lust of the flesh , called in gréek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some do expound the wisdome , some sensuallity , some the affection , some the desire of the flesh , is not subject to the law of god. and although there is no condemnation for them that beléeve and are baptized , yet the apostle doth confesse , that concup●scence and lust ▪ hath of it self the nature of sinne . x. the condition of man after the fall of adam ▪ is such that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works to faith and calling upon god : wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to god , without the grace of god by christ preventing us , that we ma● have a good will ▪ and working with us , when we have that good will. xi . we are accounted righteous before god , only for the merit of our lord and saviour iesus christ by faith ▪ and not for our own works , or deservings . wherefore , that we are notified by faith onely , is a most wholesome ▪ doctrine , and very full of comfort , as more largely is expressed in the homily of iustification . xii . albeit that good works ▪ which are the fruits of faith ▪ and follow after iustification , cannot put away our sinnes ▪ and endure the severity of gods ●udgement , yet are they pleasing and acceptable to god in christ , and do ●pring out necessarily of a tru● and ● holy faith ▪ in so much that by them a lively ●aith may be as evidently knowen , as a ●ree discerned by the ●●utt . xiii . works done before the grace of christ , and the inspiration of his spirit are not pleasant to god , forasmuch as they spring not of faith in iesu christ , neither do they make men meet to receive grace , or ( as the school-authors say ) deserve grace of congruity : yea , rather for that they are not done as god hath willed and commanded them to be done , we doubt not but they have the nature of sinne . xiv . voluntary works , besides , over and above gods commandments ▪ which they call works of sup●rer●gation , cannot be taught without arrogancy and impiety . for by them men do declare that they do not onely render unto god as much as they are bound to do , but that they do more for his sake then of bounden duty is required : wheras christ saith plainly , when ye have done all that are commanded to you , say , we are unprofitable servants . xv. christ in the truth of our nature , was made like unto us in all things ( sinne onely except ) from which he was clearly void , both in his flesh , and in his spirit . he came to be a lamb without spot , who by sacrifice of himself once made , should take away the sinnes of the world : and sinne ( as saint iohn saith ) was not in him . but all we the rest , ( although baptized and born again in christ ) yet offend in many things , and if we say we have no sinne , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us . xvi . not every deadly sinne willingly committed after baptisme , is sinne against the holy ghost , and impardonable . wherefore , the grant of repentance is not to be denied to such as fall into sinne after baptisme ▪ after we have received the holy ghost , we may depart from grace given , and fall into sinne , and by the grace of god ( we may ) arise again , and amend our lives . and therefore , they are to be condemned , which say they can no more sinne as long as they live here , to deny the place of forgivenesse to such as truly repent . xvii . predestination to life , is the everlasting purpose of god , whereby ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constan●ly ●ec●éed by his counsel , secret to us , to deliver from curse and damnation , those whom he hath chosen in christ out of mankind , & to bring them by christ to everlasting salvation , as vessels made to honour . wherefore they which be indued with so excellent a benefit of god , be called according to gods purpose by his spirit working in due season : they through grace obey the calling , they be iustified freely : they be made sons of god by adoption : they be made like the image of his onely begotten sonne iesus christ : they walk rel●giously in good works , and at leng●h by gods mercy they attain to everlasting felicity . as the godly consideration of predestination and our election in christ , is full of sweet , pleasant , and unspeakable comfort to godly persons , and such as feel in themselves the working of the spirit of christ , mortifying the works of the flesh , and their earthly members , and drawing up their mind to high and heavenly things , as well because it doth greatly establish and confirm their faith of eternall salvation , to be enjoyed through christ , as because it doth fervently kindle their love towards god : so , for curious and carnall persons , lacking the spirit of christ , to have continually before their eyes the sentence of gods predestination , is a most dangerous down fall , whereby the devil doth thrust them either into desparation or into retchlessenesse of most unclean living , no lesse perilous then desparation . furthermore , we must receive gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy scripture : and in our doings , that will of god is to be followed , which we have expresly declared unto us in the word of god. xviii . they also are to be had accursed , that presume to say that every man shall be saved by the law or sect which he professeth , so that he be diligent to frame his life according to that law , and the light of nature . for holy scripture doth set out unto us only the name of iesus christ , whereby men must be saved . xix . the visible church of christ , is a congregation of faithfull men , in the which the pure word of god is preached , and the sacraments be duely minister , according to christs ordinance , in all those things that of necessity are requisite to the same . as the church of hierusalem , alexandria , and antioch have erred : so also the church of rome hath erred , not onely in their living and manner of ceremonies , but also in matters of faith . xx. the church hath power to decr●e rites or ceremonies , and authority in controversies of faith : and yet it is not lawfull for the church to ordain any thing that is contrary to gods word written ▪ neither may it so expound one place of scripture , that it be repugnant to another . wherefore although the church be a witnesse and a keeper of holy writ : yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same , so besides the same ought it not to inforce any thing to be beléeved for necessity of salvation . xxi . generall councels may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of princes . and when they be gathered together ( forasmuch as they be an assembly of men , whereof all be not governed with the spirit and word of god ) they may erre , and sometime have erred , even in things pertaining unto god. wherefore things ordained by them as necessary to salvation , have neither strength nor authority , unlesse it may be declared that they be taken out of holy scripture . xxii . the romish doctrine concerning purgatory , pardons , worshiping and adoration as well of images as of relicks , and also invocation of saints , is a ●ond thing , vainly invented , and grounded upon no warranty of scripture , but rather repugnant to the word of god. xxiii . it is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publick preaching , or ministring the sacraments in the congregation , before he be lawfully called , and sent to execute the same . and those we ought to judge lawfully called & sent , which be chosen & called to this work by men , who have publick authority given unto them in the congregation , to call and send ministers into the lords vineyard . xxiv . it is a thing plainly repugnant to the word of god ▪ and the custome of the primitive church , to have publick prayer in the church ▪ or to minister the sacraments in a tongue not understanded of the people . xxv . sacraments ordained of christ be not onely badges or tokens of christian mens profession : but rather they be certain sure witnesses , and effectuall signes of grace and gods good will towards us , by the which he doth work invisibly in us , and doth not onely quicken , but also strengthen and confirm our faith in him . there are two sacraments ordained of christ our lord in the gospel , that is to say , baptisme and the supper of the lord. those five commonly called sacraments that is to say , confirmation , penance , orders , matrimony , and extream vnction , are not to be counted for sacraments of the gospel , being such as have grown , partly of the corrupt following of the apostles , partly are states of life allowed in the scriptures : but yet have not like nature of sacraments with baptisme and the lords supper , for that they have not any visible sign or ceremony ordained of god. the sacraments were not ordained of christ to be gazed upon , or to be carried about , but that we should duely use them . and in such onely , as worthily receive the same , they have a wholsome effect or operation : but they that receive them unworthily , purchase to themselves damnation , as s. paul saith . xxvi . although in the visible church the evil be ever mingled with the good , and sometime the evil have chief authority in the ministration of the word and sacraments : yet forasmuch as they do not the same in their own name , but in christs , and doe minister by his commission and authority , we may use their ministry , both in hearing the word of god , and in the receiving of the sacraments . neither is the effect of chri●● ordinance taken away by their wickednesse , no● the grace of gods gifts diminished from such , as by faith , and rightly do receive the sacraments ministred unto them , which be effectuall , because of christ● institution and promise , although they be ministred by evil men . neverthelesse , it appertaineth to the discipline of the church , that inquiry be made of evil ministers , and that they be accused by those that have knowledge of their offences : and finally being found guilty , by just judgement be deposed . xxvii . baptisme is not onely a sign of profession , and mark of difference , whereby christian men are discerned from others that be not christned : but it is also a sign of regeneration or new birth , whereby , as by an instrument , they that receive baptisme rightly , are grafted into the church : the promises of the forgivenesse of sinne , and of our adoption to be the sonnes of god , by the holy ghost ▪ are visibly signed and sealed ▪ faith is confirmed : and grace increased by virtue of prayer unto god. the baptisme of young children is in any wise to be retained in the church , as most agreeable with the institution of christ . xxviii . the supper of the lord is not onely a sign of the love that christians ought to have among themselves one to another : but rather it is a sacrament of our redemption by christs death . insomuch that to such as rightly , worthily , and with faith receive the same , the bread which we break , is a partaking of the body of christ : and likewise the cup of blessing is a partaking of the blood of christ . transubstantiation ( or the change of the substance of bread and wine ) in the supper of the lord , cannot be prooved by holy writ : but it is repugnant to the plain words of scripture , overthroweth the nature of a sacrament , and hath given occasion to many superstitions . the body of christ is given , taken , and eaten in the supper onely after an heavenly and spirituall manner . and the mean whereby the body of christ is received and eaten in the supper , is faith. the sacrament of the lords supper was not by christs ordinance reserved , caried about , lif●ed up or worshipped . xxix . the wicked , and such as be void of a lively faith , although they do carnally and visibly presse with their téeth ( as s. augustine saith ) the sacrament of the body and blood of christ : yet in no wise are they partakers of christ , but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the signe or sacrament of so great a thing . xxx . the cup of the lord is not to be denied to the lay people . for both the parts of the lords sacrament , by christs ordinance and commandement ought to be ministred to all christian men alike . xxxi . the offering of christ once made ▪ is that perfect redemption , propitiation , and satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world , both originall and actuall and there is none other satisfaction for sin , but that alone . wherefore the sacrifices of masses , in the which it was commonly said , that the priests did offer christ for the quick and the dead , to have remission of pain or guilt , were blasphemous fables , and dangerous deceits . xxxii . bishops , priests , and deacons , are not commanded by gods law , either to vow the estate of single life , or to abstain from marriage : therefore it is lawfull also for them , as for all other christian men to marry at their own discretion , as they shall judge the same to serve better to godlinesse . xxxiii . that person which by open denunciation of the church , is rightly cut off from the unity of the church , and excommunicated , ought to be taken of the whole multitude of the faithfull as an heathen & publican , untill he be openly reconciled by penance , and received into the church by a iudge that hath authority thereunto . xxxiv . it is not necessary that traditions and ceremonies be in all places one , or utterly like , for at all times they have been divers , and may be changed , according to the diversitie of countries , times , and mens manners , so that nothing be ordained against gods word . whosoever through his private judgement , willingly and purposely doth openly break the traditions and ceremonies of the church , which be not repugnant to the word of god , and be ordained and approved by common authority , ought to be rebuked openly , ( that other may fear to do the like ) as he that offendeth against the common order of the church , and hurteth the authority of the magistrate , and woundeth the consciences of the weak brethren . every particular or nationall church , hath authoritie to ordaine , change , and abolish ceremonies or rites of the church , ordained onely by mans authoritie , so that all things be done to edifying . xxxv . the second book of homilies , the severall titles whereof we have ioyned under this article , doth contain a godly and wholsome doctrine and necessary for these times , as doth the former book of homilies , which were set forth in the time of edward the sixth : and therefore we judge them to be read in churches by the ministers diligently and distinctly , that they may be understanded of the people . of the names of the homilies . 1 of the right use of the church . 2 against peril of idolatry . 3 of repairing and keeping clean of churches . 4 of good works , first of fasting . 5 against gluttony and drunkennesse . 6 against excesse of apparel . 7 of prayer . 8 of the place and time of prayer . 9 that common prayers and sacraments ought to be ministred in a known tongue . 10 of the reverent estimation of gods word . 11 of alms doing . 12 of the nativity of christ . 13 of the passion of christ . 14 of the resurrection of christ . 15 of the worthy receiving of the sacrament of the body and bloud of christ . 16 of the gifts of the holy ghost . 17 for the rogation daies . 18 of the state of matrimony . 19 of repentance . 20 against idlenesse . 21 against rebellion . xxxvi . the book of consecration of archbishops , and bishops , and ordering of priests and deacons , lately set forth in the time of edward the sixth , and confirmed at the same time by authority of parliament , doth contain all things necessary to such consecration and ordering : neither hath it any thing , that of it selfe is superstitious and ungodly . and therefore ▪ whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the rites of that book , since the second year of the aforenamed king edward , unto this time , or hereafter shall be consecrated or ordered according to the same rites , we decree all such to be rightly , orderly , and lawfully consecrated and ordered . xxxvii . the queens majestie hath the chief power in this realm of england , and other her dominions , unto whom the chief government of all estates of this realm , whether they be ecclesiasticall or civil in all causes doth appertain , and is not , nor ought to be subject to any forreign iurisdiction . where wee attribute to the queenes majestie the chiefe government , by which titles we understand the mindes of some slanderous folkes to be o●fended : we give not to our princes the ministring , either of gods word , or of the sacraments , the which thing the injunctions also lately set forth by elizabeth our queen do most plainly testifie : but that only prerogative which we see to have been given alwaies to all godly princes in holy scriptures by god himself , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiasticall or temporall , and restraine with the civil sword the stubborne and evil deers . the bishop of rome hath no iurisdiction in this realm of england . the lawes of the realm may punish christian men with death , for heinous and grievous offences . it is lawful for christian men , at the commandment of the magistrate , to weare weapons , and serve in the warres . xxxviii . the riches and goods of christians are not common , as touching the right title and possession of the same , as certain anabaptists do falsly boast . notwithstanding , every man ought of such things as he possesseth liberally to give almes to the poore , according to his ability . xxxix . as we confesse that vaine and rash swearing is forbidden christian men by our lord iesus christ , and iames his apostle : so we judge that christian religion doth not prohibite , but that a man may sweare when the magistrate requireth , in a cause of faith and charitie , so it be done according to the prophets teaching , in justice , judgment , and truth . the contents . chap. 1. of the seditious liberty of the new doctrines which hath been the principal means of the covenant , p. 1. chap. 2. that the covenanters are destitute of all proofs for their war made against the king , p. 12. chap. 3. express texts of scripture which commands obedience , and forbids resistance to soverigns , p. 23. chap. 4. the evasions of the covenanters upon the texts of saint paul , rom. 13. and how in time they refuse the judgment of scripture , p. 28. chap. 5. what constitution of state the covenanters forge , and how they refuse the judgment of the laws of the kingdom , p. 40. chap. 6. what examples in the histories of england , the covenanters make use of to authorize their actions , p. 46. chap. 7. declaring wherein the legislative power of parliament consists , p. 50. chap. 8. how the covenanters will be judges in their own cause , p. 63. chap. 9. that the most noble and best part of the parliament retired to the king , being driven away by the worser , p. 65. chap. 10. a parallel of the covenant with the holy league of france , under henry the third , pag. 71. chap. 11. the doctrine of the english covenanters parallel'd with the doctrine of the jesuits , p. 72. chap. 12. how the covenanters wrong the reformed churches , in inviting them to joyn with them : with an answer for the churches of france , p. 81. chap. 13. the preceding answer confirmed by divines of the reformed religion , with an answer to some objections of the covenanters upon this subject , p. 101. chap. 14. how the covenanters have no reason to invite the reformed churches to their alliance , since they differ from them in many things of great importance , p. 115. chap. 15. of abolishing the lyturgy , in doing of which the covenanters oppose the reformed churches , p. 122. chap. 16. of the great prudence and wisdom of the first english reformers , and of the fool hardinesse of these at present , p. 132. chap. 17. how the covenanters labour in vain to sow sedition between the churches of england and france , upon the point of discipline : of the christian prudence of the french reformers , and of the nature of discipline in general , p. 145. chap. 18. how the discipline of the covenanters is far from the practise of other churches , p. 156. chap. 19. that the covenanters ruine the ministers of the gospel under colour of reformation , p. 163. chap. 20. of the corruption of religion objected to the english clergy , and the waies that the covenanters took to remedy them , pag. 167. chap. 21. an answer to the objection , that the king made war against the parliament , p. 176. chap. 22. of the depraved and evil faith of the covenanters . p. 184. chap. 23. of the instruments both parties made use of , and of the irish affairs . p. 207 chap. 24. how the different factions of the covenant agreed to ruine the king , and contributed to put him to death , p. 226. chap. 25. of the cruelty of the covenanters towards the good subjects of the king , p. 232. chap. i. of the seditious liberty of new doctrines , which hath been the principal means of the covenant . a compleat history of our affairs since the beginning of these commotions , would be the best apology for the justice of our cause ; but this let some brave spirits labour that are furnished with records and intelligences , and who are indued with a judicious candor , which may leave to after age ▪ an accomplished portraicture of the wickednesse of this last age ; but that we shall not undertake here : yet neverthelesse , since the question of right depends upon that of fact , and that to judge of a different , we must know who began the quarrel , it is necessary that something be said of the occasions and beginning of this here ; for in regard of the progresse , it is so notoriously and prodigiously wicked on our enemies side , that their neighbours that formerly had too good an opinion of their cause , acknowledge now that they have rendred it very evil . it shall be our task then to let the world see that it hath been evil from the very beginning , and that their first proceedings were contrary to the word of god , to the constitution of the kingdom , and to natural equity ; yea , that all those fearfull prodigies of iniquity which the world beholds with a just execration , are the necessary consequences of their first avowed and published principles . ye must therefore know , that the parliament assembled in novemb. 1640 , was composed for the most part of persons of honour , affectious to their religion , king and country , and of some others also , whose designes aimed at a general overthrow of all things : these finding themselves to be few in number , labour to joyn to their faction the numerous and meaner sort of people of london , who being kept under a just and gracious soveraign in their duty , and in happy subjection , could not be induced to mutiny by no other motive then that of religion , which is the handle by which the politicians in all times have wound and turned about the spirits of the people . we will not neverthelesse deprive them of this glory , that it was they that first brought the reformation of religion upon the stage , but the honour is due to them who since have suffered for their loyalty towards god and the king ; that in this holy enterprise they only carried themselves vigorously and sincerely , but their good zeal by the cunning of the party was driven so far , that labouring to reform the clergie , they served , without thinking , the design of them that would destroy them , and to cause afterward monarchy to stumble upon the ruines of the church . this profession of the parliament to reform the church , fils the hearts of all good men with joy and hope ; for although that the excellent order in the english church deserves highly to be respected and admired ; the purity of the gospel there being clothed with honour , and defended by an episcopal gravity , yet is it of our government , and of all other in the world , be they ecclesiastical or civil , as with watches , that how good and excellent soever they be , length of time disorders them , that ever and anon they have need of mending and making clean . it is almost an age since the doctrine and discipline of our church hath been renewed , and it is a wonder both the one and the other have been so well conserved in so long a space : nevertheless , the faults of some particulars ought not to be imputed to the general . the church hath flourished under our discipline , and the truth hath been preserved , and the good being put in the ballance against the evil , the people had far more cause to glorifie god , than to complain ; but we have to do with spirits whose nature is like lapwings , which in a garden full of fruits , feed only on the caterpillars . there is nothing so well done , that doth not displease some , even the works of god displease the devil , because they are well done ; and in all those works wherein the spirit of man hath a part , there is nothing so perfect which may not be amended . our lyturgie , so holy , and so highly esteemed in all the reformed churches , hath nevertheless given offence to many persons amongst us . and although it was for a very small matter , yet those who were affectionate to peace , were content to change somthing , and so to purchase concord with their dissenting brethren at that price . whence this overture of reformation opened a gate to the liberty of them that desired a change , and the parliament being composed of persons of different inclinations , in matters of religion , every one had liberty to say and write what he pleased , and had a party in the assembly of estates , that protected and encouraged them : the germans never wrote so much upon logick in a hundred years , as the english wrote of the designs of their ecclesiastical discipline in three moneths ; every week brought forth a thousand seditious pamphlets , which supplied the scarcity of coals ; every writer made a platform of reformation according to his humour , and in this new building none would content himself to be a mason , but every one would be architect ; and there was none of them who called not his reformation the only kingdom of jesus christ , out of which there was no salvation : but these kingdoms of jesus christ agreed one with another , and with the nature of the thing , as the titles and chapters of montagues essays : the people are called a beast with many heads , and when all these heads shall cry out at one time , and every one with a different cry , i leave you to g●esse what an odious discord they make in the ears both of god and man. in the midst of this universal distraction , it was appointed that a certain number of divines , differing in the point of discipline , should meet together to confer about religion , as well for the interiour as the exteriour part , where many bishops and other of the chief of the clergy men ; the bishop of lincolne ( who afterward was arch-bishop of york ) made this proposition to them , that the divines should in no wise touch upon the point of discipline , until such time as they were agreed about the points of doctrine , hoping thereby that their spirits being united by the bond of one common , but holy faith , they would easily accord about the exteriour government or discipline . this counsel was embraced by all , and so wisely managed by that great person , that in three meetings , the divines accorded upon all the substance of religion , and formed hereupon divers articles , and with one consent condemned divers opinions : this general consent in doctrine filled them with hope , that the points of discipline would pass with the like sweetness ; and indeed there wanted not much to have made us happy . but before the report of this good agreement could be published abroad , the factious party of the state , fearing above all things this accord in religion , suddenly raised a strong quarrel against the degree of bishops , as an appurtenance of antichrist ; and another , about their sitting in parliament ; and did so exasperate the people against the prelates , that in stead of pursuing their design of reformation , they were constrained to provide for the safety of their own lives . after this , there was no more speech of the agreement in religion , for that would utterly have spoiled their work , for it had never been possible to have raised the people against the king , if the conclusion of this conference had been made known to the world , that the king , the court , and the bishops , made profession of the sincere reformed religion . now , because all the lies and subtilties of the devil were not capable to impute unto them another confession of faith , but that which they maintain , which was holy and orthodox , known every where , and confirmed by the confessions of all the reformed churches of europe ; the factious perswaded the people , both by their sermons and seditious libels , that the degree of bishops was an essential branch and mark of antichrist , and that to pull them down , was to do the work of the lord , and to ruine antichrist ; and that if the king would maintain them , he would be destroyed with them , as being one of those kings who gave his power to the beast . and besides the destruction of bishops , they openly demanded the abolition of the divine service received in the church of england , condemning the use of all other prayers , yea even of the lords prayer ; quarrelling with the apostles creed , denied the necessity of the sacraments , boasted of a new light that had appeared to them from heaven to draw them out of popish darkness ; and all that was not compatible with their extravagant illuminations , they called popery ; and the ministers that disobeyed them , baal's priests , and the supporters of antichrist . by such kind of people were the great multitudes stirred , who came crying at the gates of the king and parliament for reformation , threatning with fire and sword all those that should oppose it : of these assemblies , we may speak what is spoken of the uproar at ephesus , acts 19.32 . the assembly was confused , and the more part knew not wherefore they were come together , for those that called for reformation , understood not one another , and their opinions were different in religion , as appears at this day ; agreeing only in this , to pull down the ecclesiastical government ; and what new government they will build upon the ruines of the old , we shall know , when the sword hath decided the controversie ; but whilst the mariners strive , the ship sinks . the lord behold his poor church in compassion . we have great hope now , beholding the diversity of opinions and inclinations , that these evil ingredients will together make a good temperature , and that the disorder , yea , even the licentiousness it self will inforce order , as commonly evil manners beget good laws ▪ but to attain this , it 's required in this general confusion , that those of clear and sound judgments , who see the bottom of the evil , and know the remedy of it : but having considered them that walk before in the design of reformation , we find that they are such that neither know the remedy nor the evil. as for the evil , in stead of having their eyes upon the errors of particulars , against the principal points of faith , and confession of the english church ; they grew obstinate against certain small and indifferent ceremonies which the king had many times offered to change by a synod lawfully assembled ; and cast all the fire of their passion upon the episcopall preheminence , a surpliss , a festival , forms of prayer , painted windows ; and condemning many good things amongst ●he evil . and as for the remedy , we have here whereat to admire , that striking at so small and light evils , they would employ such extream remedies , nothing being able to serve but general destruction , as if to heal the pain of the teeth , they would cut off the head , in stead of proceeding by an amiable conference , appointing a deputation of the clergy of the kingdom to assemble in a synod to calm the fiery spirits , and to keep the people in obedience to their soveraign , and to fasten the building that shaked , by the ciment of charity ; they made open profession that the reformation could not be effected but by blood , that they would have no peace with the bishops and their clergy , that they must destroy before they build , raze babylon ( as they called our discipline ) even to the very foundations , overthrow the altars of baal , and sacrifice all his priests ; that now the time was come , that the israel of god ought to pillage the egyptians . and that now the just should wash their footsteps in the blood of the ungodly , for such they accounted us ; and thus they did us the honour to plunder and kill us in scripture language . and with this divinity the pulpits sounded aloud , and the people publickly exhorted to take up arms against the king , and to destroy all ministers both of church and state , that should joyn with him ; and for this effect , these following texts of scripture were pressed by their zealous preachers , luke 19.27 . those mine enemies which would not that i should reign over them , bring hither , and slay them before me . judg. 5.23 . curse ye meroz , curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof , because they came not to the help of the lord , to help the lord against the mighty . jer. 48.10 . cursed be he that doth the work of the lord deceitfully , and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from bloud ; and these they appropriated to their war against their king and clergy of england , and all that adhered unto them ; there being no way of reformation in these mens accounts but to kill us for the love of god , and the advancement of his kingdom . now being exceedingly astonished , how men of learning could possibly be so bewitched with a furious and foolish zeal ; we found at length , having sounded the depth of their opinions , that their brains were troubled with prophesies and revelations , that their principal reading was in commentaries upon the revelation , which they interpreted according to their fancies ; and that they had studied more , what god would do hereafter , than what their duty was to do for the present ; that they made no conscience to transgress the declared will of god in his commands , to accomplish the secret will of his decree . that they were millenari●s , expecting a temporal kingdom of jesus christ , believing that the time of that kingdom was now come ; and to establish that kingdom , they were to pluck down that of antichrist ( as they understood ) the ancient ecclesiastical order , and to dispossess kings , drive away the wicked , dash the children of babel against the stones , tread the winepress of the wrath of god , till the blood rose to their bridle reins , that thereby christ alone may reign in the world , and the meek inherit the earth : we have since enough tasted of the fruits of their meekness : all this is drawn from the model of the common-wealth of john a leyden , and the prophets of munster . but if any of the covenanters shall disavow these opinions , they cannot deny but they were preached publickly and ordinarily ; neither can they deny but the defenders of this pernicious doctrine were the chief of their new reformation , and the authors of the war ; people whose counsels were applauded as oracles , and who drew after them their party by the repetition of their sanctified strength of zeal ; those who dared to contradict them , did it very fearfully , and kissing their hands before they spake , but they themselves carried all before them , acting with a prophetick liberty and boldness ; also , after all , they only were the men to be trusted , and who were put upon all great designs and employments ; for they feared that they who are less governed by enthusiasms , might at last so far forget themselves , as to be faithful to their sovereign , and yield to a peaceable accomodation . behold here then , wherefore we would not joyn our selves with these reformers , because we see that even they themselves have the greatest need of reformation , being far gone from the doctrine of the reformed churches , erring in the faith , but yet more in charity ; it 's they would sweep the church , as god swept babylon , with the beesom of destruction : they speak not of reforming neither doctrines nor manners , but to ruine the persons : they account the most part of the clergy of the kingdom unworthy to be corrected , but altogether to be rooted out ; that one part of the reformation was to ruine the king , and to take the sword from his side to cut off his head ; the favourers of tumults were the only persons that were caressed , they lent their ears to the popul●r tumults , whilst they shut the mouths and bound the hands of the magistrates : it was they taught that the people were above the king , and that the command of saint paul , that every one should be subject to the higher powers , obligeth the king for to obey the people ; it was they that upheld , yea , favoured and courted all sorts of pernicious sects , provided that they would bandy with them against their king : it was they that suffered to go unpunished the blasphemies in the pulpits , the insolencies , sacriledges and horrible profanations of the service of god , and permitted all things to those who were of the zealous party . we beheld on the other side , that the king took knowledge of the grievances of his people , as well for the spiritual as temporal , and laboured sincerely to remedy them ; that he consented to the alteration of offensive things in religion , and to the punishment of those who were accused as troublers of the church , provided that the things and persons were examined by regular and lawful waies of a general synod , which he offered to assemble ; he also was pleased to yield of his own right to augment the rights of his subjects , and daily multiplied acts of favour , capable to convert the most alienated spirits , passed by the many and great affronts that were done to his authority , and endeavoured by all waies possible to overcome evil with good . but the more the king yielded , the more insolent were the factious against him ; he offered to reform both the state and church , but they would not permit him , they themselves would do that work without him . the king sent divers messages to know of them what things they would reform , but to this they answered only with complaints . neither could he obtain any declaration of that which they desired , until that his forts , magazines , ships and revenues were taken from him ; the reason of which hath since been given by one of their principal champions . having to sow the lords field , they had need to make a fence about it before they begin , that the work-men might labour without interruption ; and that to lance the apostume of a sick state , they must first bind the patient . our conscience could not accomodate it self to this prudence , neither ever expect any good from such a way of reformation , which would bind the royal hands and feet of majesty , before they would declare what they desired of his favour ; and cut asunder the nerves of his authority and subsistance , under colour to establish the kingdom of jesus christ . a strange proceeding to us that have learned of st paul , that a prince beareth not the sword in vain , rom. 13.4 . but in that is the minister of god to execute wrath ; and that to resist him , yea , when he should make use of the sword to commit injustice , is to resist the ordinance of god : but if he use it well or ill , that ought to be left to him who gave it him , and to whom only he ought to render account ; his subjects ought to counsel him , if he did ill , and refuse to assist him in evil doing , and not repress him by arms : that if this command of st paul obliged the romans to obey a cruel vicious prince , and enemy to god , we should account our selves much more bound to obey a just , merciful , religious prince , whose life was a rare example of piety and sanctity , and his government so just and peaceable , that he might well be called the father of his subjects ; who wanted nothing to make them happy , but to know their happiness . chap. ii. that the covenanters are destitute of all proofs from holy scripture for their war made against the king. these violent beginnings of the covenanters , and their progress also , which overthrows all humane authority , had great need to strengthen it self by divine authority , to satisfie the conscience ; whence is it that they made a great noise of it in their pulpits , but not in their disputes ; for those that exhorted the people in scripture-term to war against the king , hang down the head , when in conference their proofs are demanded , saying ; that , it is not for divines but lawyers to decide the present quarrel ; whence it appears that there is a great difference betwixt the terms and proofs of scripture , and that many that have the voice of the lamb , speak as the dragon . but fearing lest they should accuse us , that we suppress their proofs , behold here all that they make use of , both in their books and sermons , part borrowed from the writings of the jesuites , and part from * two books which are printed with machiavels prince , and not without great reason , for there are three wicked books together , and its a wonder how that in threescore years their books have not been burnt for company by the hands of the common executioner . they alledge the example of david , who had six hundred men for his guard when he was pursued by saul , 1 sam. 22.2 . the example of the army of israel , which saved jonathan , when saul ▪ would have put him to death , 1 sam. 14.45 . of ehud , who slew eglon king of moab , an oppressor of the israelites , judg. 3.21 . the example of the town of libnah , which revolted from the obedience of jehoram , because he had forsaken the lord god of his fathers , 2 chr. 21.10 . of jehu , that cut off the house of ahab ▪ 2 kings 9. the example of jehojadah the high priest , who commanded athaliah the queen to be put to death , 2 kings 11.15 . of the priests of jerusalem , who resisted uzziah the king , when he would have exercised the priests office , 2 chron. 26.18 . the example of elisha who caused the door to be shut , when joram the king of israel sent a messenger to cut off his head , 2 kings 6.13 . and also the malediction that deborah gave to the inhabitants of meroz , because they came not to the help of the lord , when barak fought against siserae , iudges 5.23 . likewise the malediction pronounced by jeremy against him that should do the work of the lord deceitfully , and that should keep his sword from shedding the blood of the moabites , jer. 48.10 . the idols of laban , and the genealogies of the patriarchs might also have been brought to this purpose ; it must needs be , that the spirit of error and of lies , have a great power upon the understanding of these people , for to perswade them by such reasons to hazard their goods , and lives , and consciences in an open war against their soveraign . all these passages of scripture are examples and particular cases , and all except one far from the point in controversie ; but in a matter of such importance as the resisting of the king , which is so expresly forbidden , and under pain of damnation , there is need of a formal command , or of a permission expressed , that exempts christians ; at least in some certain cases , for the crime of resisting the higher powers , which is to resist god , and from the punishment of eternal damnation ; without this all the examples of subjects rising up against their princes from the very creation of the world cannot , nor is able to put conscience into a quiet condition : he hath but small knowledge that knows not that examples prove nothing , but that such a thing hath been done , and is possible ; not that it ought to be done , or that it is lawful to be done ; if there be not a law built upon the example , and a soveraign authority given to it , that it may be a pattern for the future ; and then it s not the example , but the law that we are bound to follow , which cannot be said of the examples before alledged , which beside the general insufficiency of examples in matter of proof touch not the point of resistance in question , except the first , which is wholly contrary to it . which is the example of david , who being persecuted by saul , took six hundred men for his guard ; this might suffice for answer , that this action is not recommended by the word of god , nor proposed as an example for us to follow ; christian piety and prudence , may imitate many actions of holy persons , which are not formally recommended in the word of god ; but the question being to exempt us from a prohibition , and a formal threatning , rom. 13.2 . one of the most considerable and penal in all the scripture , we may receive no example to the contrary , if it be not expresly recommended and turned into a command ; and besides the last command ought to have the advantage , and to be obeyed before the first . moreover , extraordinary cases in scripture , wherein there is a miraculous and prophetick conduct , cannot serve for a pattern in ordinary cases : david was anointed king over israel , by a special command of god , and in all the list of the kings of judah , there were none but saul and david called to the kingdom in this manner . and this holy unction gave them priviledges in israel which were onely proper to them , and which the gentlemen of the covenant have not in england , for ordinary cases there are perpetual and inviolable precepts , and these precepts are wholly contrary to the resisting of soveraigns by arms. our enemies nevertheless challenge a particular interest in this example of david , because they account themselves the anointed of the lord , but deny this title to their king , if he be not one of the elect of god ; but let them learn , that that which renders kings the anointed of the lord , is not true faith , nor the gifts of the spirit , but that soveraign power which they have from on high . and therefore cyrus a pagan king is called by god himself , his anointed , and his shepherd , isai . 45.1 . if then kings are the anointed of the lord , without consideration of their religion or vertue , it follows then that they lose not their unction , neither by their errors nor their vices ; and that falling from the grace of god , yet they fall not from that power which they held of him . this is spoken of by the way against the heresie of most part of the covenanters , who deny the divine unction of kings , and fasten it to their f●ntasies in religion . and we have cause to give thanks to these men who alledge to us the example of david , there being nothing in all the scripture more contrary to them ; for in stead of that they pursued the king with weapons in their hands , and gave him battel ; david fled continually from place to place , and never struck one stroke nor drew his sword against his king. twice he let him escape when he had him in his power , and having taken away his spear , restored it to him again ; and having but cut off the lap of his garment , his heart smote him for it ; and when one counselled him to dispatch him , then when he was in his hands , he said , the lord forbid that i should do this thing unto my master , the lords anointed , to stretch forth my hand against him , seeing he is the anointed of the lord , 1 sam. 24.6 . and when his servants would have slain him , he saith , destroy him not : for who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed , and be guiltless , 1 sam. 26.9 . this divine title bound his hands ; and possessed his spirit with fear and astonishment . and since our enemies make him to say that he would not stretch forth his hand against the king , if he descended not in battel against him ; let them well read the text , but especially in the original , and they shall find no such thing ; david doth rather put saul wholly into the hands of god , vers . 10. the lord shall smite him , or his day shall come to die , or he shall descend into the battel and perish ; the lord forbid that i should stretch forth my hand against the lords anointed : he doth not say that he will not stretch forth his hand against him , unless that the lord smite him ; for if god smite him , what need had david to smite him ? he doth not say he would descend into battel against him , for then his actions would have contradicted his words , for he always fled from him ; the event proved that his words were prophetical , and that h● waited whilest saul should be slain in a strange war , and that the hand of the lord should be upon him . and if david never gave him battel , we cannot impute it to his weakness ; for he might as well have defeated the army of saul , as that of the philistines before keilah , with his small number ; if god who guided him in all his ways had found it good , since it had been easie for him to have raised mighty armies , being designed the successor of saul in the kingdom ; for people naturally adore the rising sun. david retired into keilah , and having heard that saul had an intention to come thither to take him , enquired of the lord , if those in the city would deliver him up to saul , and god having answered him , that they would deliver him , fled from thence ; the ministers therefore of the covenant infer , that david had a desire to fortifie keilah , and to endure a siege . but all which they can gather from that passage is , that david was not safe in that retreat , and that god advised him to seek another , for the inhabitants of keilah might have delivered him to saul without attending a siege ; but when they shall have proved that david would have fortified keilah , it makes nothing for them , since god declares by his answer , that it was not pleasing to him . we would beseech the gentlemen of the covenant to hold themselves to this example which they have chosen , that they would cashier their great armies , for david had but a few people , with them , 1 sam. 25.16 . that they would not rob the subjects of their king , of their goods ; but imitate the souldiers of david , who were a wall both by night and day to the flocks and herds of nabal ; that having seized upon the arms of the king , let them peaceably restore them again as david , and not with the points forward . let their conscience strike them , and make them cry out , the lord forbid that i should do this thing against my master the lords anointed , for who can stretch forth his hand against him and be guiltless ? words which beside the example carry with them a perpetual and express command , and shall one day be produced in judgment against those that defend the late commotions by the example of david ; and if their continuance in the kingdoms of his majesty , is either displeasing or dangerous to them , in stead of opposing him , let them retire into some strange country , as david did to king achis ; let them also imitate his sincerity in making use of strangers onely for his protection , and not to invade his country , and raise his subjects against their king , which is that use the covenanters imployed the scots ; in one point onely they imitate and surpass david , in that he fained himself a fool , for they indeed act the fools in good earnest . in brief , the example of david which they alledge , is so contrary to the actions of the covenanters , that they have great reason to fear least god alledge this at the dreadful day of judgement against them , saying , out of thy own mouth will i judge thee , then wicked servant , luke 19.22 . the other passages of scripture are most ridiculously alledged , and serve only to shew their great weakness . they bring the action of the army of saul , that saved jonathan against the oath of his father , 1 sam. 14.45 . but to what purpose is this ? doth this army draw their sword against the king ? use they any violence either against his person or estate ? if a ki●g would put to death his innocent son , those faithful subjects whom the king employs in this execution do well not to do it , and to refuse giving obedience to so unjust a command . they make use also of the example of ehud , who slew eglon king of moab , who kept the israelites in slavery , judg. 3.21 . we have often heard this example pressed with much vehemency in pulpits . the preachers compared eglon to the king , affirming that eglon was the lawful king of israel , and that it is lawful to kill a legitimate king , if he oppress the people of god ; all this is false , and proper to be refuted only by the hangman , to whom we leave them . the example follows of the city of libnah , which appertained to the levites , which revolted from the obedience of jehoram , because ( saith the text ) he had forsaken the lord god of his fathers ; the covenanters apply the word because to the intention of the inhabitants of libnah , and not to the judgement of god ; whence these gentlemen conclude , that it is lawful for the people to shake off the yoke of their prince , when the prince forsakes god , of which they will be judges . although libnah should revolt for this reason , yet it follows not that the reason is of strength , or that it ought to be turned into example , a thing which requires a new proof of scripture ; but the drift of the text is , to assign the cause of this revolt to the justice of god , and not to that of men : take the whole text , 2 chron. 21. ●0 . so the edomites revolted from under the hand of judah unto this day . the same time also did libnah revolt from under his hand , because he had forsaken the lord god of his fathers . having consulted with the original , we find that the revolt of edom and of libnah were both together , without the least distinction ; but between the discourse of these two revolts , and the reason adjoyned , there is * there the usual mark for the distinction of half periods : which shews that this reason serves equally for both the revolts , and the sense of the text carries it evidently , that the idumeans , and those of libnah revolted for the same cause , and that these idumeans which were idolaters , had no ground to revolt from the king of judah , because at that time he was also fallen into idolatry ; it s therefore the divine justice that the text regards , and not the motives of second causes . also the same author saith , that pekah the son of remaliah slew in judah 120000 in one day , which were all valiant men , because they had forsaken the lord god of their fathers . in these two passages the sense is alike , and the reason of the punishment couched in the same terms ; now it s most evident that the syrians had no quarrel against the jews for forsaking god , because they did not believe in him , wherefore we are to look to justice of the king of kings , who for the sins of princes suffers them to lose the obedience of their subjects ; for god serve● himself of the wickedness of men , whereof he is not the cause , for to execute his just judgments ; but that excuseth not the rebellion of subjects , for it is their part to consider what they owe to their king , and not what their king deserves of the justice of god. they add the example of jehu , who exterminated the king of israel , and all the posterity of ahab , 2 kings 9. in which wi●hout doubt he did very well , because god commanded him , but the covenanters did very ill in persecuting their king , because god had forbidden them ▪ after this they bring the execution of the queen athaliah , by the command of jeho●adah the high priest , 2 chron. 26.18 . which no more then the former toucheth the question ; for not only jeho●adah , but all other people might have done as much , because there was a lawful king , whom they ought to defend and maintain against a stranger usurping , and that had murthered the royal family ; and here the maxime is valid , that against a publike enemy , every one hath right to take up arms : but what conclude they from these two last examples , they would have been ashamed to have named them before the death of their king , but since they have explained themselves , god defend the holiness of his word ▪ and confound this divelish divinity . those that follow are not much better ; they alledge the example of the priests , who resisted king uzziah , when he would have exercised the priests office , so ought the ministers of the gospel to resist the king , if he would administer the sacraments ; but this resistance ought to be done by humble admonitions , and as refusing to serve him in his design , not by way of arms : in the matter of 〈…〉 the priests used not any violence , it is said 〈…〉 caused him to go out of the temple , because go● 〈…〉 him with the leprosie ; but that 〈…〉 force , for the text saith , vers . 20. he 〈…〉 ●ed to go out , because the lord had 〈…〉 his serves nothing for their subject , they have no other reason to alledge this , but because having quarrelled against all kings , they take delight to blast their dignity . the like is the example of elisha , who commanded the door to be shut against the messenger that was sent from ioram to cut off his head , 2 kings 2.32 . if elisha had sent a messenger to cut off the kings ▪ head , the example had been to the purpose , for this is our case at this day ; but to shut the door against an officer of the kings to save his life , being condemned to die wrongfully , and without force of justice , is very far from attempting either against the person or authority of the king : the english law in many case● gives to every one his house for a place of safety , neither is there any law either divine or humane , that forbids us to defend a blow from what part soever it comes ; if the covenanters had done no other thing , there never had been a war , but they proceeded further then defence ; was there ever a more important action upon so small a foundation , to persecute their king by sea and land , destroy his estate , plant their cannon against his person , imprison him , and at last cut off his head , because elisha caused the door to be shut against the messenger of joram . but in recompence , behold here two proofs , wherein there is as much piety as reason , judg. 5.23 . deborah cursed the inhabitants of meroz , because they came not forth to help the lord against jabin and sisera ; and jer. 48.10 . jeremy cursed them that kept their sword from shedding the blood of the moabites , ergo , cursed are all they that came not to help the covenanters against the king : for these rare consequences they deserve a bundle of thistles , such as asses feed on , and to be driven from the society of men , as being deprived both of reason and humanity : who hath given them power to stretch to the king either by words or actions , the judgements pronounced against the enemies of god , and which are restrained to certain nations and persons : the king , was he a moabite ? was he a pagan ? or an usurper of a kingdom , as jabin ? are you prophets as deborah and jeremy , to curse with authority ? if ye be not prophets , ye are sacrilegious , for cursing is a fire that appertains only to god to cast forth , they who are so bold to take it into their hands without authority burn them , and hurt none but themselves , but oftentimes doth good to them whom they would hurt ; for this rashness moves god to jealousie , and provokes him to do the contrary , according to the psalmist , psal . 109. let them curse , but do thou bless ; we have great hopes that our enemies shall be the occasion of the blessing of god upon us , since they take such pains to curse us ; it is the constant argument of their sermons and publike prayers ; to it they employ the vehemency of their eloquence and fervour of their devotion ; let us then say with david , 2 sam. 16.12 . it may be the lord will look upon our affliction , and that the lord will requite good for their cursing ; but let us bless them that persecute us , and despitefully use us : o our god! turn their hearts , and bless their persons , and as our lord jesus by his prayer on the cross saved them which crucified him , save we beseech thee all those that crucifie him in his members , and those who killing us think they do god service . chap. iii. express texts of scripture which commands obedience , and forbids resistance to soveraigns . for to draw them from examples and particular cases , which is their retreat , to general precepts , we beseech them as they love god and their own salvation , to review their proofs , and consider that in all the scripture there is neither precepts nor permission that authorizeth the taking up of arms against their soveraign , but there are very many formal commands to the contrary . the first commandment , honour thy father and thy mother , binds us to honour the king ; for in the beginning soveraignty appertained to fathers , and is derived of the paternal power , deut. 13.6 , &c. now it is impossible to honour the king , and draw your sword against him ; upon which we observe that in case of idolatry , the father was commanded by the king to accuse his son and daughter , and the husband his wife , and to stretch forth first his hand against them to slay them ; but neither the son nor the daughter ought to accuse the father , nor the wife the husband , much less to put forth their hand against them : whence we learn , that neither children nor subjects ought to rise up against their fathers or their kings , which have in them the paternal character , no , not for the service of god ; and that their persons ought to be inviolable ; those who confess this truth , and yet in the mean while separate the authority of the king from his person , deny that which they have confessed , and expose the person of the king to violence , for it is the authority that renders the persons of kings unviolable . therefore among so many reprehensions and judgments against idolatrous kings , whereof the holy history is full , ye shall in no place nor part find that the people are reproved for not depressing or deposing their king ; ordinarily the punishment that god sent upon them , came immediatly from himself , or out of the kingdome , not by their own subjects : before god would employ jehu , who was a subject , to destroy the kings of israel and judah , he anointed him king , and besides , gave him a special and extraordinary command . we say the like of jeroboam , whose example is very ill alledged to defend rebellion , for jeroboam was sent of god to take the kingdom from rehoboam , and was authorized by a formal donation . the sentence of david before mentioned , 1 sam. ●6 . 9 . is of very great weight : who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed , and be guiltless ? and this other of him , touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harm , psal . 109.19 . but the covenanters have violently and cruelly proceeded against both . god speaking under the name of soveraign wisdom , saith , by me kings reign , and princes decree justice : by me princes rule , and nobles , even all the judges of the earth , prov. 8.15 , 16. if it be by him that kings reign , they should be respected for love of him , and he that resists them makes against god. to this purpose also tends that excellent scripture , prov. 24.21 , 22. my son , fear thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change : for their calamity shall rise suddenly , and who knoweth the ruine of them both ? a scripture which shews , that the fear of the king , is a part of the fear of god , and that those that rise up against him , are reserved of god for a sudden calamity . and this is also of him , eccles . 8.2 . i counsel you to keep the kings commandment , and that in regard of the oath of god. a passage that binds us to keep the commandment of the king , for the love of god , and the oath of allegiance , under which all subjects are born , and many have actually taken ; for every oath is a contract made with god. and a little after , eccles . 8.14 . where the word of the king is , there is power ; and who may say unto him , what dost thou ? but we have to do with those , who make this question to their king , and care neither for his word nor power . the law speaks expresly , exod. 22.28 . thou shalt not revile the judges , nor curse the ruler of thy people . yea , it restrains the thoughts as well as actions , eccles . 10.20 . curse not the king , no , not in thy thoughts . if we are not to speak nor think ill of the king , much less should do ill to him ; the violation of these commands by the covenanters , are too enormous , and cry aloud to heaven for vengeance . our lord jesus christ himself commands us , to render to cesar the things which are cesars , and to god the things that are gods , mat. 22. ●1 . he himself would pay tribute to cesar , although of right he should have made cesar tributary to him ? and not having money , he caused it to be brought to him by a miracle , rather than he would be wanting in this duty ; this is far from taking the kings revenues from him , and employing the tribute due to him , to raise a war against him . when the officers of justice came to take him , he rebuked his disciple who had drawn his sword against them , and healed the wound that he had made ▪ mat. 26. he suffered himself peaceably to be led before herod and pilate , whom he might have as easily destroyed , as make them fall down backward who came to apprehend him ▪ but he submitted to the divine authority that shined in the person of the governour , yea even to death ; openly professing that the power which he had , was from above , john 19.11 . if the power of kings depended upon the gift of their subjects , as the covenanters held , jesus christ should have said that the power that he had was from below ; but this divinity proceeds from another doctor than the son of god. saint paul is marvellous express and full upon this point , rom. 13.1 , &c. let every soul be subject unto the higher powers , for there is no power but of god : the powers that be , are ordained of god. whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . for rulers are not a terrour to good works , but to the evil . wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same . for he is the minister of god to thee for good ; but if thou do that which is evil , be afraid : for he beareth not the sword in vain ; for he is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil : wherefore ye must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake . for , for this cause p●y you tribute also , for they are gods ministers , attending continually upon this very thing . render therefore to all their dues , tribute to whom tribute is due , custome to whom custome , fear to whom fear , honour to whom honour . oh! behold with what vigour of spirit and power the apostle presseth obedience , and condemns resistance of soveraign powers ; is there any thing in the world so strong and pressing as this divine lesson ? the authority alone had been sufficient , but over and above he adds threatnings , promises reason upon reason ; they who shall well consider the text , will learn ; that it is impossible to be a good christian , without being a good subject , and that they cannot resist the king without resisting god ; also that terrible threatning of damnation should retain men in their duty : let every one ( in the fear of god ) that have born arms against their king , think well of this , and repent : oh! it is a dangerous thing to resist god , he must be very imprudent that will hazard the damnation of his soul , so formally denounced against rebels , upon distinctions and good intentions , at the great day of account they will find these very light things . the divines of the covenant labour with might and main to elude the force of this scripture , which plucks them by the throat , they change themselves into many contrary forms to escape it , as we shall see hereafter . saint paul recommends this doctrine to titus , tit. 3.1 , 2. put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good work ; to speak evil of no man , to be in brawlers , shewing all meekness to all men . a dangerous scripture ; to teach subjection and meekness , is to strike the covenanter at the heart . saint peter speaks in the same stile , 1 pet. 2.13 , &c. submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to the king as supream ; or unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers , and the praise of them that do well , for so is the will of god , that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men : as free , and not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousnesse , but as the servants of god. honour all men , love the brotherhood , fear god , honour the king. the rest of the chapter is employed in teaching christians to submit to their superiours , and to suffer for righteousness : behold truly the doctrine of christ , it 's thus that the apostles pla●ted the church , it 's thus that they fought the good fight , not in killing kings , but in bearing the cross for the gospel . one of ours , having requested a learned divine that followed the party of the covenanters , that he would give him a precept of scripture , where it 's commanded for subjects to take up arms for religion against their soveraign : he returned this scripture , stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free , gal. 5.1 . but we maintain against him , that both saint peter and saint paul preserved themselves more stedfast in their christian liberty in suffering death , than all the armies of the covenanters in fighting ; and that they take the waies not to establish , but to shake and overthrow their liberty in christ ▪ we need not prove that saint paul in this scripture , never meant to speak of fighting , but to preserve the spirit free from superstition . christian liberty consists not in shaking off the yoke of superiour powers , but of that of error and vice ; and that liberty which our enemies have assumed , to present their petitions to their king , upon their pikes point , and in the end to kill him , was not the liberty from which christ had made them free : let them learn the lesson of saint peter , to carry themselves as free , and not using their liberty for a cloak of maliciousness . chap. iv. the evasions of the covenanters upon the texts of saint paul , rom. 13. and how in fine they refuse the judgment of scripture . the apostle commands , rom. 13.1 . that every soul be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god. the powers that be , are ordained of god. to this scripture , some of them answer , that evil kings are not ordained of god , having learned this doctrine of goodman ; but therein they directly contradict saint paul , who spake of the powers then in being ; they that were then when saint paul wrote this epistle , were one of the three nero's successors of tyberius , the best of them were nothing worth ; a child is capable to distinguish betwixt the wickedness of a prince , and his authority ; the first whereof is of himself , the second is of god , and it 's of the power that saint paul speaks of , without distinction of persons . as for the following verse , where saint paul infers thus , whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . buchanan and his followers ▪ answer , that this command was but for a time , whilst the church was in it's infancy weak , and under the cross , incapable to resist their prince ; but if saint paul had lived now , and were to write a body of common-wealth , he would speak far otherwise , and would leave kings to be punished of their subjects , and this is that buchanan assures us upon his word . likewise one of the best writers of the covenanters affirms , that saint paul spake to some particulars dispersed in the condition of the primitive church , who had not means to provide for their safety ; if this license were lawful , men might reject all the doctrines of saint paul's epistles , as written to particulars , and the masters of the covenant would make a way to exempt ▪ themselves from many duties commanded by saint paul , which would very ill accord with their intentions : so when the apostle saith , rom. 12.9 , 10. let love be without dissimulation , abhor that which is evil cleave to that which is good , be kindly affectionate one to another , with brotherly love preferring one another , there is some appearance that they take this command addressed to some particulars , and not to them , since they give themselves the liberty to do the quite contrary : there is in these epistles some commands provisional , moveable according to the times and persons , as those which concern the outward order ; others which are purely personal , as the command made to timothy , to come to him before winter ; but the moral doctrines are immoveable , and vary not according to the times , since that reason of saint paul given , that the powers that be , are ordained of god , is a truth perpetual and universal , and the command not to resist the powers , ought also to be general for all ages and all people ; so likewise this reason is perpetual , that the magistrate beareth not the sword in vain , but to do justice ; and this other , ye must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake : wherefore the command grounded hereon to be subject to the higher powers , & not resist them , is of perpetual necessity and obligation . and since to resist the powers , is to resist the ordinance of god , may we not ask of our new divines , why the strong and not the weak are permitted to resist the ordinance of god ? it 's enough to have a good sword to exempt a man from the commands of the gospel . the covenanters might defend this interpretation of the text of saint paul , by the authority of cardinal bellarmine , who saith , that if the christians long since did not depose dioclesian , julian , the apostate valens the arrian , and others , it was because they wanted temporal forces , otherwise of right they might , which is the language of our covenanters ; but this opinion draws along with it three inconveniencies . first , that it blasts the primitive church , and deprives the martyrs of their honour ; for it 's little worth praise to suffer for the gospel , when a man hath a will without means to rebel ; their obedience to their soveraigns was then nothing worth , since it was forced , and all their protestations of subjection in the writings of the fathers , of which they are full , ought to be imputed to weakness and hypocrisie . this likewise is to accuse saint paul of want of sincerity , as if he taught patience and obedience to kings , only to accomodate himself to the times , and not to obey god ; but he clears himself sufficiently of this accusation , saying , that we must not only be subject for wrath , that is to say , for fear of punishment , but also for conscience . moreover this doctrine is pernicious to the church , for if it were embraced , it would render christians suspected , and hateful to their soveraigns ; as persons who would subject the conscience of their prince to theirs , and submits to them only out of weakness , and wait only an occasion to cast off their yoke ; which would oblige kings ever to keep them weak , and to impose heavy burdens upon them , and so prevent their rising . also this doctrine is pernicious to the profession of the gospel , for it would much hinder the conversion of pagan kings , since that turning christians , according to the mode , they should lose their authority , there being no pagan religion , which teacheth subjects to resist their prince by arms ; which would also indure christian kings of a diverse religion , to hinder with all their might the conversion of their subjects : blessed be god that there are none but the jesuits and covenanters that maintain so destructive an opinion : the reformed churches , and the most part of the roman church give no jealousie to their princes hereupon . the holy prudence of the apostles saw well , that even besides conscience , the counsell , the most profitable for the conservation of the church , and the propagati●● of the gospel , was to subject themselves wholly to their soveraigns , and without any reservation , but to suffer for righteousnesse sake , rather than disobey ▪ god ; for hereby the principal hinderance was removed , namely , that shadow which the enemies of the gospel made the emperors to apprehend that this doctrine which spread so fast , would bring along with it an alteration in their estates , and that the christians wa●ted but the coming of a king , that would break in pieces all other kings , and have for his possession the ends of the earth ; it 's that which saint peter had regard unto , where he exhorteth believers , 1 pet. 2 ▪ 13 , 15. to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , that in all well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men . by this manner of subjection whole states were converted , and in the end patience overcame ▪ for the christians of the first ages have made appear by their piety and moderation , that the kingdom whither they aspired was not of this world , neither did in any thing diminish the rights of monarchs , but rather strengthened their authority , binding their subjects anew by conscience , yea so far as to make whole armies of valiant m●n that had power in their hands , to lay down their necks rather than to draw their swords against their emperor ; so did the christian souldiers under maximinian , who would have constrained them to sacrifice to his idols ▪ the armies of the english and scottish covenanters are not capable of this doctrine ; these northern people are impatient libertines and haughty ▪ they will form a gospel according to the ayr of their ●●●mate . their other crafty evasion is not much better , that saint paul forbids to disobey the power of the king , but not to his person ; but the text is formally against this , for the apostle by power doth not understand a quality without a subject , but fastens it to the person , saying in vers . 6. that the prince is the minister of god , and that he bears not the sword in vain , and that they are ordained of god to do justice . and he speaks , vers . 6. of princes in the plural number , they are gods ministers , attending continually upon this very thing . 't is the style of saint paul to call the angels , who excel in power , principalities and powers : when he speaks , eph. 3.10 . that the manifold wisdom of god might be known to principalities and powers in heavenly places : it appears that he speaks not of accidents , but of persons , for they are the persons , and not the titles , that are capable of knowledge . now i would fain know of these men , what this person is that it is lawful to resist ? if it be the person of the king or supream magistrate , whilst it is joyned to his power , they resist the power in the person ; and if it be the person separated from the power , they must needs before resist either the one or the other for to m●ke this violent separation . and seeing that the covenanters maintain that the authority of the king resides in their chief , those that draw the sword against them , may return the same answer , and say , that they resist not their authority , but their persons ; but the oath of allegiance , and that of supremacy , which are imposed by act of parliament , cause all these subtilties to vanish , for men take these oaths to the person of the king , and not to his power , or to his supremacy separated from him . moreover this distinction is contradicted by another , which hath been frequent a long time in their mouths , that they resisted not the king , but his armies , which signifies in effect , that they resisted not the person or king , but his power ; for his power laid in his armies , and as it is the nature of a lie to enter far , these people who say they are licensed by saint paul to oppose the person of the king , and not his power , were marvellously impatient when they were told they fought against the king , and affirmed that they fought for him and defended his person , which doubtless seems to be spoken to move laughter and indignation ; but god cannot be mocked , nor conscience wholly blinded , by their impatience ; hereupon they testifie that their conscience makes their process , and dictates to them within , that to bear arms against the king , is to sin against god and nature . it 's a notable symptome of a desperate sick state , where the reason of a people is smitten with astonishment , whereof we have a most lamentable example , for was there ever such a capricious madness , to accuse the royal majesty of treason , to make edicts by the king against the king , to swear a covenant for defence of the king , which nevertheless obligeth them to make war against him , and the king being alive , to forge a platonick idea of the same king , residing fifty miles from himself , that so they might fight against the person of the king. there is no cymera , nor fantastical humour like this ! behold the work of the spirit that now works efficaciously in the children of disobedience ! behold another evasion ! the apostle ( say they ) doth not teach us who is the superiour power , but that it is the superiour power that we must obey , and therefore they strive to form in the kingdom a superiour power above the king , a thing contrary to the constitution of this monarchy , as i hope to make appear . it 's easie to gather which is the superiour power , which saint paul understands , for he expresses it himself , it s the power which bears the sword , ver . 3. and he to whom tribute is paid , psal . 7. rights that appertain to the king alone , and which were actually possessed by the emperor , where saint paul wrote this epistle : that which they alledge against this , that the emperor then was more absolute than the kings at present , is false , but he was much more limited : suetonius that lived under trajan , puts amongst the enormities of caligula , to have been very near changing the form of government ( which was a principality ) into a kingdom , and to place the diadem upon his head . and the learned called not the power of these emperors regnum but principatus ; and were this allegation true , yet it would be far from the purpose ; for be it that the emperor should be more or less absolute than our kings , the command of saint paul is alwaies the same , that we must not resist him that bears the sword , and to whom custome is due , because his authority is of god. this other starting hole is of the same stuffe , they say that the defence not to resist supream powers , obligeth only particulars , and not the states of a kingdom ; this is to make another gospel for the general than for the particulars ; as if they should say , the commandments of god are directed to every one , but not to all , which is to overthrow common sense , since the oaths of allegiance and supremacy are imposed upon all the states of england , whereby they are bound also in general ; none sit in parliament that takes not their oaths at his entrance , neither is it in their power to overthrow without and against the king that which is established by the king sitting in parliament . also this is a thing that never entred into the spirits of the english before the times of this epidemical phrensie , that the kings writs which makes the estates to assemble , and the deputation of the people that sends them , should exempt their deputies or parliament men from the duty of subjects , and absolve them of their oath of allegiance and st. pauls command . the text of st. paul according to the greek requires that every soul should be subjects ; if so be then that their deputies or parliament men have no souls , they are not bound to give obedience to the king. when we reason thus , our adversaries are extraordinarily moved , and would take this matter out of the hands of the clergy , saying , that the lawyers , & not the divines are to decide where the supream power of the state rests , whether it be in the person of the king or the people , and with what limitations the king ought to be obeyed , and that the apostle requiring an obedience to supream powers , intends an obedience according to the laws , and the laws are every where different , and that one and the same rule of scripture cannot serve for all kingdoms ; that the kingdom of england not being formed as the kingdom of israel , or the roman empire , the commands of the old and new testament alledged , toucheth not the present quarrel . now are they not ashamed to forbid our clergy to discourse of political affairs ( whilst the gentlemen of the bar take upon them to teach divinity to the clergy , and by infinite boo●s , as processes , stir up the people to rebellion by reasons of religion ) and to uphold staggering consciences in the duty of obedience and christian concord , and to defend the truth of god by our sufferances , as we have endeavoured to do ; it 's not to meddle in the affairs of state , but to discharge our consciences , and to keep that good thing which god hath committed unto us . we cannot be accused to intrude our selves into the civil government , as their ministers , who serve as agents and factors in publick affairs . it s henceforth the duty of divines to handle this point of state , for the lawyers and states-men of the covenant , who having lately built their new policy upon a new divinity of their fashion , have forced the divines to become polititians , at lea●●o far as to defend true divinity from the crime of disobedience ; since they press us for conscience to joyn with them to resist the king , they must satisfie our consciences that the fundamental laws of the kingdom require us so to do . but if they would that divines rest themselves upon the faith of the lawyers in the point of resistance , upon which there is no less penalty than damnation , it is to press an implicit faith , and blind obedience upon those that preach the contrary . without exceeding then the limits of our vocation , we do acknowledg that the apostle requires an obedience , according to the laws of the state , not only of the state of rome , but of every other form of government ; and we deny , that there may not be found in scripture a rule of obedience , which serves for all sorts of estates , for such is that of the present text , that every soul should be subject to the higher powers , and that he that resisteth the powers , resisteth the ordinance of god , and thereby shall receive to himself damnation ; the reason inserted between these two sentences do manifestly regard all forms of states , that there are no powers but they be of god , and the powers that are , are ordained of god ; therefore the command that goes before and after , appertains to all sorts of government : let every one be subject to the power , and let none resist the power and threatnings ; also which is the terriblest of all threatnings , that those that resist the powers , shall receive to themselves damnation . saint peter wills us to be subject to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , that is , we are to subject our selves to every form of government lawfully established , and to perswade our selves that that ordinance is of god : generally the scriptures before alledged , oblige all persons of all estates to yield obedience to him , and those in whom the supream power resides ; and there cannot 〈◊〉 brought any valuable reason why it is more lawful to resist the supream power in england , than in israel or in rome . indeed if they could produce a fundamental law of the kingdom , that did permit the people of england in certain cases to take up arms against the king , they had some reason then to say that saint paul did not forbid the english to resist their prince , beyond the nature of their laws , as the princes of germany , when they took up arms against the emperor , produced the golden bull of charles the fourth , and the emperial capitulation , for by it they were expresly permitted to make war against him , if he attempted any thing against their ancient composition ; although i account that this capitulation could not be made without contradicting the command of the apostle , for histories mention that the emperour was reduced to it by the threatnings and menaces of the pope ; but now by long prescription , the empire is not that it was , and it 's a point disputable what is the supream power in divers states of germany . 't is that which but of late hath been put to the question in england , and was never disputed before the year 1642. where the supream power of the kingdom resides , unless when the crown was in dispute between two princes : the kings enemies employed all their forces to prove that the soveraign authority appertained to the people , to evade the text of saint paul and other texts of scripture , which did marvellously incommode their affairs , imitating those that alter the lock of their doors , when the key is in possession of their adversary ; for beholding to their great regret , that the scripture is wholly ours , commanding obedience , and strictly forbidding resistance to soveraigns , yea under pain of damnation , they labour with all their might to change the nature of the state , that thereby the rules of subjection contained in the scripture might be of no use . one of their authors , of whom they make great account , affirms boldly , that the passages in scripture against resisting the supream power are of no force , but in simple and absolute monarchies , as that of the jews and romans , and do no waies touch ours : this is a clean shaver , who cuts the knot that he cannot untie ; wherein he imitates the ingenuity of buchanan , who having taught subjects to punish their king , and feeling himself pressed by conscience , which suggested to him , that the scripture was wholly contrary to it , prevents the objection that might be made , by maintaining , that it 's ill inferred to say that the thing is unlawful , because there is no such thing or the like found in scripture . these their confessions are very remarkable , and indeed most strange , coming from christians , who should rather frame their policy to scripture , than reject the scripture , because it contradicts the policy they would establish : they have found out an invention to cast off the yoke of their king , which is to cast off that of the word of god. after this so open a profession , it 's against all equity they should make use of scripture for their cause , either in their writings or sermons : they alledg nothing but examples , but there is no reason that the examples should be made use of by them who reject the commands , but after they have turned themselves into as many postures as a fencer , to defend themselves against the invincible text of the apostle ; in the end , hither they are driven , to refuse wholly to debate the difference touching their duty to their king by the commands of scripture . the last figure of proteus is the natural , and after all their tricks of lying and hypocrisie , at last their nature shews it self . in fine , when all is said , this is the only answer on which they rest , that the commands of scripture cannot determine the point of their resistance , and that we must have recourse to the lawyers . this speech is commonly in the mouths of all the wisest of their party , and let all christian churches take notice of this their most shameful evasion . the covenanters of england , who pretend to establish the kingdom of christ according to the word of god , refuse to be judged by the commands of scripture , touching the war made against their soveraign . chap. v. what constitution of state the covenanters forge , and how they refuse the judgment of the laws of the kingdom . to elude the strength of humane laws as well as divine , they forge a primitive and fundamental constitution of this estate , destitute of all authority both of god or man. and here we must distinguish between their doctrine they taught in the beginning of their covenant , and that which they taught afterwards ; for then when they were to fight with the king in the field , and were not yet capable o● so high hopes as afterwards they effected ; they forged a form of state suitable to their possibility then , which was to constrain the king by the terror of their arms to accord to all that should please them , and wholly to put the government into their hands ; notwithstanding their principles then led them to those conclusions which since followed , for they supposed that the soveraign power was inherent in the people , that the people elected the king , and had committed to him the authority that he exercised , reserving to themselves the power to assume it again when the state should judge it most convenient ; and to take away the sword of justice and the militia , to make use of it against him if there were need . that the king had not the supream power but by paction , which being once broke by him , the subjects were exempted from their obedience , that he was onely depository of the supremacy , but when the estates were assembled , the supremacy was joyntly possessed by him and the two houses ; so that the king had but the thirds , and that but very hardly , for they held that the states had a negative voice , and the king could do nothing without their consent ; and whether the king had the negative voice of right they were not ag●eed , but all accorded to take it away from him in effect ; that is to say , after their account , that the people might refuse the king what displeased them ; but if the king denyed what the people propounded to him , they esteemed that the two houses might and ought to do it without him , and force him to it by arms ; and this doctrine hath been confirmed by their practise , or to speak the truth , this their practise hath occasioned this doctrine . now since god through his secret and incomprehensible judgments , hath suffered the wickedness of this age to have success above their desires , they built upon these principles this conclusion , that the people may judge and execute their king , dissolve the monarchie for ever , and turn it into an aristocracy or popular government : for yet they cannot agree to which they should hold themselves ; since then they would perswade us that the constitution of the english government , exempts us from these two great dangers ; disobedience to god , and damning our souls in resisting the king ; and since they would oblige us for conscience sake to oppose the king in obedience to god and the higher powers ; and that our clergie are commanded to exhort the people , that god hath commanded them to draw their swords against their soveraign ; there is a necessity to satisfie our reason , and resolve our consciences hereupon , to enquire whether the nature of the state be such as they have painted it out to us . and for this we have not referred our selves to those of the royal party , but have consulted with the most judicious writers of the covenanters , who pass amongst them as oracles of the state , expecting that for proof of this form of government , they would have produced the old records of the kingdom , which are now in their custodie , the ancient statutes of parliaments , and the testimony of their old historians ; but they alledge no such things , though much pressed thereunto by their adversaries , onely they make a discourse in the air upon the law of nature , that hath given to every person , and by consequent to every estate , a power for his preservation ; troubling the ignorant readers brains with barbarous terms , and thorny distinctions , and extracting the quintessence of the state into an invisible substance : they tell us that the parliament was coordinate , and not subordinate to the king ; that the three estates of parliament , whereof the king made one , being fundamental , admitted not of the difference of higher or lower : that the power of the king in parliament was not royal but political : that this fundamental law of the kingdom was not written , for if it were it should be superstructive , and therefore mutable , and not fundamental : that the mixture of the three estates in government was not personal but incorporate . those that understand not these mystical sentences , ought to be nevertheless content ; it being not reasonable that they should understand them better then the authors themselves . an affected obscurity amongst ideots passeth for knowledge ; and ye shall find that the discourses that have least reason in them are most difficult , like olive stones which are very hard , because there is nothing in them . now is it not requisite to subtilize upon the virtuality and actuality of the peoples power , for to inform the conscience of the subject , touching the justice of his arms against his king ; but for that there is indeed need both of divine and humane authority , and such as is easie , and to be understood of all . but the observation of mr. du moulin is very true , that ordinarily lying arms its weaknesse with thorns , like lizards , who save themselves by running into bushes . above all in a point where the question of right is founded upon that of fact ; as this question now , whether it be lawful for the english to take up arms against their prince , here to go about to satisfie reason and conscience with political and metaphisical contemplations is not to purpose , they should ( besides divine authority which should ever march before ) enquire whether the laws and constitutions of the country authorize this war. the question being not to dispute which is the best form of government , but to preserve the form to which god hath subjected us , and to observe the laws of the kingdom , and after many moral and political discourses ( for our adversaries pay us with no other ) those that have any honesty or understanding come always to this , that they would shew us by what law of england it is permitted the subjects to take up arms without the kings permission , and against him : when did the people ever make this election ? where is it that they have reserved the liberty to resume the supreme authority when they shall please ? is there any statute made during the ages that this monarchy hath continued , that prefers or equals the two houses to the king , or doth authorize them to ratifie any thing without him ? where is the articles of that capitulation which in some certain cases dissolves the subjects oath of allegiance ? is there any case in the law in which it should be lawful for subjects to take from their king or supreme magistrate , his forts , navies , and magazines , and to take into their hands the sole administration of justice , and the militia , to confer the great offices of the crown , to receive ambassadors , to treat with forreign nations , and to dispose of the goods and lives of the kings subjects . to these so important questions , for the duty and happiness of all the members of an estate , and the eternal salvation of their souls and bodies , to answer with platonick considerations , and in stead of producing the laws of the kingdom , to philosophy upon the law of nature , and form an appeal from authentical and known laws to a word not written , made at pleasure ; this is to mock god and men , this is to insult upon the brutality of the people , and to take a wicked advantage from the wine of astonishment or senselessness , which god in his just wrath hath poured forth upon this miserable nation ; for if they did beleeve there remained any common sense in this blind and mad people , durst they so boldly return so ridiculous an answer to those that demand where are those fundamental laws written , that now make all other laws bow to them , namely , that the fundamental laws are not written , and that if they were , they should be superstructive , and not fundamental ; after this account the command to love god with all our heart , and our neighbour as our self , is not fundamental , because it is written ; it were to profane reason to imploy it to refute a reasoning so unreasonable ; it must needs be that these people know they have to do with persons of great credulity , since they dare give them for a fundamental law , a fantasie which they never heard before spoken of , and whereof no writings nor histories make mention , and this is to fight against their king , overthrow the state , lose their goods , hazard their lives and consciences : but what should i say ? there is no reason but is perswasive when the conclusions are taken , and there is strength to maintain them . christendome which have now their eyes upon our broils , will take notice of the open confession of the troubles of this state ▪ that for the war against the king , and for the form of government which they establish in the kingdome a superiour power that abolisheth the royal , they have no fundamental law written : is not this then marvellously to abuse the justice of god , and the patience of reasonable creatures made after his image , and indued with knowledge ; to constrain them to prostitute their consciences and lives in a quarrel for which they openly confess there is not any law written , and for which there is not the least footing of approbation , in all that hath been established , or left authentically written since england hath been a nation ? we have let you see before how they decline the defences of scripture against the resistance of soveraigns ; behold now they confess there is no fundamental law written for to justifie their arms , and the superiority of the people above the king , which they would introduce with the sword ; and thus they acknowledge they have no authority neither divine nor humane for what they do ; as cardinal perron having maintained the power of the pope over the temporal of kings , before the estates of france , in conclusion affirmed , that it was an article which was not decided , neither by the scriptures nor the ancient church , so that the pope and our mutineers agree together to usurp an authority upon kings , without any ground or warrant in the word of god , and contradicted by all humane constitutions , that is to say , that hoth god and man are contrary unto them . chap. vi. what examples in the histories of england the covenanters make use of to authorize their actions . but do we not much wrong them to say that there is nothing makes for them in all the ancient writings and histories of this kingdom ? do they not alledg the two parliaments that deposed edward the second , and richard the second , yea truly , and to their great shame , as the wisest of their party do acknowledg , affirming that those acts of parliament against richard the second , were not properly the acts of the two houses , but of henry the fourth , and his victorious army , in which they say true , for the duke of lancaster , who after caused himself to be called henry the fourth , having prevailed with the people to rise against their lawful king , assembled a parliament , which he made to do whatsoever he would , and having deposed and imprisoned this poor king , soon after caused him to be put to death ; though this action were as just , as it is execrable , yet it would make nothing to the purpose , where the question is , of that which the two houses may do , separate from the king ; for the deposing of king richard was by another king sitting in parliament ; for until these last states , the two houses never thought that they were able to conclude any thing without the royal consent ; and since , the parliaments held under the house of york , declared henry the fourth usurper of the crown , and therefore condemned the parliament which had confirmed his usurpation . the other example is no better than this , the deposing of edward the second , by the conspiracy of his wife , and the favourites of this queen , who served themselves of a parliament to execute this wickedness , and having deposed the king , and crowned his son , who was under age , caused the father to be most cruelly put to death in prison , & yet the authority of the young k. must be made use of to make the resolution of the parliament pass into an act ; for without the king the parliament can no more act , than a body without a head : but when the young king came to age , he caused the authors and complices of his fathers death to be executed , and caused all the acts of this parliament to be broken by another . and less than these to the purpose is , which they alledg , concerning the accord the barons extorted from king john , by which this unhappy and imprudent king being reduced to a straight , promised to put himself into the power of twenty five of his barons , and submitted himself to divers other dishonorable conditions ; and this accord was not made in parliament , but in the field by force of arms , there being no parliament then sitting , and therefore was of no force , nor was ever kept . these articles of the barons were much like those the two houses sent the king to beverly , oxford and new-castle ; the covenanters imitate these barons in their affectation of piety , for they called their general the marshal of the lords army , and of his holy church , and these perswaded their chiefs that they led the battels of the lord of hoasts , but these transferred not the crown to another prince , as the barons did , but have taken away both his crown and life , having long before declared by writing to their king , that they dealt very favourably with him if they did not depose him , and that if they did , they should not exceed the limits of modesty , nor of their duty . this judgment was pronounced in the house of commons without contradiction that , the king might fall from his office , that the happiness of the kingdom did not depend upon him , nor the royal branches of his house , and that he did not deserve to be king of england : the authors of these opinions are declared in a declaration of his majesties . in one point the barons and covenanters are very different ; for the lords that remained with the covenanters were without power , all places of honour and trust being taken out of their hands by their inferiours , and at last their house abolished by the commons , so that in stead of producing this war of the barons , the covenanters should rather have alledged the seditions and commotions of watt tyler and jack straw , poor artisans , and followed with people of the same rank ; for these persons and the cause of the covenanters are far more alike . behold here with what authorities the margins of their books are stuffed ! behold the examples which the polititians of the times present to the gentlemen of the parliament for to teach them what they ought to do ; those infamous actions which were abhorred by the ages following them , are become the supporters of ours ; and despair , which makes men snatch up any sorts of weapons , forceth our enemies to justifie their actions by the examples of rebels and paricides ; 't is not for nothing then that these histories are so often alledged , though nothing to the purpose , and it 's not without cause that they print them apart ; for not being able to justifie their actions , they have declared their intentions , and made the king to see what he sholud trust to , if he fell into their hands : certainly , if there had not been a design laid to come to that , both to prepare the people and intimidate the king , those incendiaries who by these horrible examples , and their maximes of state grounded thereupon , teaching the deposing of kings , should have been hanged long since with their books about their necks : for so many men which are studied in the laws of the kingdom , and are at the helm of affairs , cannot be ignorant of that which king james of happy and glorious memory , marks in his book of the right of kings , that in the time of edward the third , there was an act of parliament made , which declared all them traytors , who imagined ( it's the word of the law ) or conspired the death of the king ; ●on which act the judges grounding themselves , have alwaies judged them for traytors who dared but to speak of deposing the king , because they believed that they could not take away the crown from off the kings head without taking away his life . it was heretofore a crime worthy of death to speak , yea to think evil against the king , and moreover the word of god which is to be obeyed , forbids us to speak evil of the king , no not in our thought ; but now it 's the exercise of devout souls to write meditations upon the deposing of their king. chap. vii . declaring wherein the legislative powers of parliament consists . having no better authorities in all the examples of the ages past , they establish a new one , which by the unlimited largeness , supplies what it wants of length of time ; for when we require to be governed by the laws , they answer us , that the parliament is the oracle of the laws ; that it is for that great court to declare what is law and what is not , to interpret the laws , to dispense with them , or to make new ones . that themselves are the parliament , excluding all others ; and that since they have declared that this war is according to law , and that such maximes as they give us , are fundamental laws of the kingdom , we must remit our selves to them , and receive for law what they ordain . but because strangers may read , who have no knowledge of the government of england ; for to examine this imperious reason , we are obliged to declare here what we know touching the present affairs . we have learned to acknowledg the parliament 〈◊〉 england for the supream court of the kingdom , that can make and unmake laws , and from whose judgment there is no appeal : but of this court the king is the principal part , and it 's he that renders it soveraign ; the two houses in all their legislative acts acknowledg him their true and sole soveraign , the house of lords only can evert the judgment of the courts of justice , but not their own , without the consent of the king and the house of commons ; the house of commons is not a judicial court , having not power to administer an oath , inflict a fine , or imprison any , but those of the●r own house ; and these two neither apart nor together , cannot make a law ; but when they would enact any thing , they both together present a writing to the king in form of a request ; if the king approves of them ; the lord keeper of the great seal answers for the king in these french words , le roy le veult , and then it is made an act ; but if the king refuseth it , he returns answer , le roy s'avisera , and the business passeth no further : before the consent of the king , the proposition of the two houses contained in the writing , is like unto that which the romans called rogatio ; but when the king grants it , they may then give it the name of lex ; and in effect , it is but a request before the pleasure of the king makes it pass into a law , and was never other before this present parliament . therefore the english lawyers call the king the life of the law , for though the king in parliament cannot make any law without the concurrence of the two houses , yet nevertheless it 's his authority only that gives it the strength and name of a law ; and they are so far from having any legal authority in their commands , without the consent of the king , that the customary right gives them not so much as a name , neither takes any cognisance of them . to say then that the parliament hath declared this war lawful , and that the orders of parliament are laws , is by an ambiguous term to abuse the ignorance of the people ; for by the parliament they understand somtimes one house , somtimes both ; and somtimes the king and both houses together ; it 's thus that men understand them , when they speak of the supream court of parliament , and of acts of parliament ; for the king was ever accounted the first of the three estate , without whom the two other had not power to conclude any thing lawfully , for all their authority is derived from him , not only for a time , but by a continual influence , which being interrupted , the power of necessity cease●h . these three toge●her have power to interpret the laws , to revoke them , and to make others , therein properly lies the oracle of the laws . a judicious writer of the royal party , calls the union of the three estates , the sacred tripos , from whence the oracles of the law are pronounced . when any one of these three are separate from other , the other two stagger and are lame , nor cannot serve for a firm foundation for the safety of the state , and satisfaction of the subjects conscience . but let us assume the business higher , you cannot more vex our enemies than to tell them this truth , that the monarchy which is at this day , began by conquest , this is that which by no means they will endure to hear of , but would perswade men that it began by an election and covenant , which indeed had never any being but in their own fancies . if they would be believed for this , they should then produce some records . for the bold conjecturers are less credible than all the histories , which assures us of three conquests in this kingdom , since the romans and picts , namely , that of the saxons , danes and normans . moreover , those that would abolish this office and dignity , destroy that of their own laws , for all the lands of the kingdom are held of the king by right of the sword , as appears by the nature of homages and services that the lords of fiefes owe to the king , when william the conqueror took possession of the kingdome , strengthening the right of his conquest by the last will and testament of edward the confessor ; he declared himself master of all the land , and disposed of it according to his pleasure . his son henry the first eased the people somwhat of the severe and unlimited government of his father , and confirmed to the english their ancient priviledges , which since after long and bloudy wars , were anew confirmed , and the quarrel determined by that wise king edward the first , who having as much valour as wisdom , in condescending to the rights of his subjects , knew well how thereby to preserve his own , for after all , the soveraignty of kings remained inviolable , and those preroga●ives were preserved which were only proper to him who is not subject but to god alone . such also is the court of wards , by which a great many orphans of the kingdom are in wardship to the king , and almost all the lands appertaining to him until they be of age. in this thing the kings of england exceed all other christian princes . this being such an essential mark of absolute soveraignty that there cannot be a greater . certainly , if this monarchy had begun either by election or covenant , the subjects would never have given the king so vast a power over their estates and families . amongst the priviledges of the english , these three are the principal . that the king cannot make a law without the consent of his estates . that no law made in parliament , can be revoked but in parliament ; and that the king can levy no moneys of his subjects be●●des his ordinary revenues , without the concurrence of the two houses , in the intervals of parliaments ; the king according to his supream power may make edicts seem burdensom to the subjects , or to impair their laws and priviledges , they humbly present them in the next parliament , & the k. when the complaint appears just un●o him , easeth them ; for to make their requests pass for acts without the pleasure of the k. they cannot , neither can the k. make new acts in parl. without their consent . in the mean while , the king makes not them partakers of his authority , but assembling them in parliament , he renders them capable to limit his authority , in cases that appertain to their cognisance ; for there are many cases wherein they are not to meddle at all , in the point of the militia , and for fear they should forget that , even this power they have to limit the king , comes from the authority of the king , and he can take it away from them when he pleaseth ; for when he breaks up the parliament , he retires to himself the authority that he gave them to limit his ; and moreover if they stretch their priviledges beyond the pleasure of the king , he hath power to dissolve the parliament , and after the word of the king is passed which dischargeth them , and sends them away , they have not power to sit or consult a minute . whence bodinus ( well versed in the nature of the states of christendome ) concludes the king of england to have soveraign authority ; the estates of england , saith he , cannot be assembled nor dissolved , but by the edict of the prince , no more then in france and spain ; which proves sufficiently that the assemblies have no power of themselves to command or forbid a thing ; and he laughs at the ignorance of bellaga , who affirm the states of arragon to be above their king , and yet nevertheless confesseth the states cannot assemble nor separate without him ; illud novum & planè absurdum , that ( saith he ) is new , and altogether a most absurd doctrine : and therefore it was that which occasioned them , who had a design to overthrow church and state to labour to draw a promise from his majesty , that the late long parliament should not be dissolved without the consent of both houses , well knowing , that without that granted , the king when he pleased might have overturned their designs ; which they having obtained , shewed by their actions that they thought themselves then priviledged to do what they would without his authority , and thus it is with us at this day . yet so it is , that they themselves do confess that this grant did not alter the nature of the two houses , and the gentlemen of the parliament have often protested that they would not make use of this act of grace to the disadvantage of his majesty : so then if there were no soveraignty resident in the two houses before this grant , there is no more after , and the pretended fundamental laws not written , that parts soveraignty between the king and his subjects , yea that transport it wholly to the people , are much to be suspected of falsity , since they never appear ; but since the promise they obtained of the king ( both to his and their great damage ) to perpetuate this parliament as long as they pleased , and since they have begun to exercise the soveraignty by force of arms. thus the new nobility after they had obtained the firss by right or wrong , produce coats of arms and titles which were heretofore unknown . they maintain this their new soveraignty by a maxime of stephanus , junius , brutus , rex est singulis major & universis minor , that is to say ( as they expound it ) that the king is the soveraign of particulars , but the representative body of the state is greater then he , and have soveraignty over him ; and all their writers ( and amongst others the observator on the kings answers ) attribute majestie to the commonalty , and not to the king or supreme ; if this be true , it 's very strange how this representative body of the state , the parliament , have left it so long time to the kings , the court of wards , and many other rights of soveraignty , which they have enjoyed without contradiction , until that present parliament . this vile maxime then being destitute of all proofs from the laws and customes of the state , ought to be despised ; but moreover it is also void of all reason , for if the english be subject to their king in retail , are they not in gross ; if in pieces , not in the whole ? being born subjects , have they power to give the soveraignty to their deputies or parliament men , and make them chief ? that is to say , can they give them that which they have not ? and seeing also that they cannot assemble in parliament without the king or supreme magistrates writ ; this writ of the kings doth it render them forthwith soveraigns above the king ? the stile of the writ calls them , ad consul . andum de quibusdam arduis , to consult with him , about some difficult affairs , and not to master him , and to dispose of his authority . and since they call this great court , the body representative of subjects , they must needs then be subjects , otherwise they should not represent them who sent them , and that which the king accords to , should be granted to soveraigns , but his subjects should receive no benefit thereby : he who will well examine this proposition ; that the soveraignty over the soveraign rests in the representative body of subjects , shall find it full of contradictions , and to destroy it self . they cannot bring any probable reason ( saith bodin . ) that the subjects ought to command their prince , and that the assembly of estates ought to have any power , unless when the prince is under age , or distracted , or captive , then the estates may depute him a regent or lieutenant . otherwise , if princes were sub●ect to the laws of the states , and commands of the people , their power were nothing , and the title of a king would be a name without the thing ; moreover , under such a prince the common-wealth should not be governed by the people , but by some few persons equal in their suffrages , who who would make laws and edicts , not by the authority of the prince , but by their own ; who for all that come and present him humbly with requests , every one apart by himself , and all in a body making shew of faithfulness and obedience , these things are as ridiculous as can be imagined : thus saith bodin . behold here the form of state of our covenanters in their beginning , so drawn to the life by this learned person , that one would say , he took the very copie from them : in effect , when ( under a monarchy ) a faction in an assembly of states shall take upon them the soveraignty , the state change not into an aristocracy nor democracy , but into a pure obligarchy , which is the worst of all forms of state , and but the corruption of others . the royal power being once usurped , 't is not then the greatest , nor the best , nor the most , who govern the affairs ; but some few unquiet and ambitious persons , who love contention , and know how to fish in troubled waters ; and as these men deceive the king with a false idea of soveraignty , so they deceive their companions , perswading them that the have part in their authority , because they have voices in the house , for in such assemblies where the choice of persons , is more by hap then judgment , the suffrage is to all , but the power is in a few . the same author , numbring the soveraign and absolute monarchies of christendom , places england and scotland amongst them ; and saith , that without all question , their kings have all the rights of majesty , and that it is not lawful for their subjects neither apart nor in a body , to attempt any thing against the life , reputation , or goods of their soveraign , be it either by ways of force or justice ; although he were guilty of all the crimes a man could imagine in a tyrant . for the subjection that the parliament owe to their king , we can have no better witness then the parliament it self ; for that disloyal maxime , that the body of the state is above the king , is contradicted by the ordinary stile of their papers presented to the king by this body : the two houses most humbly beseech their soveraign lord the king , and they qualifie themselves , the most humble and loyal subjects of his majesty . 't is the presentative body of the kingdome who speaks , and nothing by way of complement , but duty . this preface hath an excellent grace in the beginning of a declaration of the two houses to their king , wherein they tell him , that they deal favourably with him , if they do not depose him , and that they may do it without exceeding the limits of their duty and modesty . this discourse is like the locusts of the bottomless pit , revelations 9. which had the faces of men , but the tails of scorpions ; and therefore to avoid this disproportion , in their articles presented to the king at new-castle , they left out the qualification of subjects . the ordinary preface of statutes do lively express the nature of the three estates : the king by the advice and consent of the prelates , earls and barons , and at the instance and request of the commonalty hath ordained , &c. for it 's the king alone properly that ordains ; the peers as councellors advise and consent , the commons as suppliants require and solicite . the parliament held in the twenty fourth year of henry the eight , speaks thus : by divers ancient and authentical histories , and chronicles , it is manifestly declared that this kingdome of england is an empire , and for such hath been known in the world , governed by one soveraign head , having the dignity and royal greatness of the emperial crown , to which there is a body politick joyned , composed of all sorts and degrees of people , as well spiritual as temporal , who are bound next to god , to render unto him natural obedience . if the body politick be naturally subjected to him as to its head , it 's contrary to nature , that it should be subjected to the body politick ; and his maxime , r●x est universis minor , is condemned as false by the parliament ; they knew not in those daies what it was to make the body of the state march with its head downward , and feet upward , but they were careful to maintain the head in that eminent place where god had set it ; and hither also tend the words following , that the chief soveraign is instituted and furnished by the goodness and permission of almighty god , with full and entire power , preheminence , authority , prerogative and jurisdiction , to execute justice , and put a final determination in all cases to all sorts of his subjects within this kingdome ; and that many laws and ordinances , had been made in preceding parliaments for the full and sure conserving of the prerogative and preheminence of this crown . these good subjects , could not find words enough , nor consult of means sufficient according to their mind , to defend the authority of their king , esteeming ( and well they might ) that the happiness and liberty of the subjects lay in the inviolable power of their soveraign , that the greatness of the state consisted in that of the prince , and that there is no other way to crown the body , but to place the crown upon the head. this stile is very far from that of the nineteen propositions presented to the king by the two houses in the beginning of the war ; which required that all matters of state should be treated of only in parliament , or if the king would treat of any affairs in his councel , this councel should be limited to a certain number , and the old councellors cashiered , unless such whom it pleased the two houses to retain , and that none hereafter should be admitted without their approbation ; that the king should have no power in the education and marriage of his children without their advice ; that all great officers of the crown , and the principal judges , should alwayes be chosen by the approbation of the two houses , or by a councel authorized by them ; the same also in governours of places , and in the creation of peers , which hath since been denied to the king in effect . and as for the militia , they would have the king wholly put it into their hands , that is to say , he should take his sword from his side and give it them , which he could not do without giving them the crown ; for the crown and the royal sword are both of one piece ; so also for the point of religion , these propositions take from him all authority and liberty of judgement , yea , even the liberty of conscience ; for they require that his majesty consent to such a reformation as the two houses should conclude upon , without telling him what this reformation is . let all the world here judge if these men speak like subjects ; they had reason to present these articles with their swords in their hands , but the king had more reason to draw his to return them an answer . all these propositions are founded upon one only proposition , which passeth amongst them for a fundamental law , that the king is bound to grant to the people all their demands : but this is a fundamental in the ayr , and made void by the practise of all ages since eng. was a monarchy , and by that authentical judgement of the states assembled under henry the fift ; that it belongs to the supremacy of the king to grant or refuse , according to his pleasure , the demands that are made to him in parliament : and in stead of the house of commons , being as it is now the soveraign court , a thing never heard of until this present age ; the house supplicated henry the fourth , not to employ himself in any judgement in parliament , but in such cases as in effect appertained to him , because it belonged to the king alone to judge , except in cases specified by the statutes . the same house under edward the third , acknowledged that it did not belong to them to take cognisance of such matters as the keeping of the seas , or the marshes of the kingdome ; yea , even during the sitting of parliaments , the kings have alwayes disposed of the militia , and admiralty , of the forts and garrisons , the two houses never interposing or pretending any right thereunto , they declared ingeniously to edw. the first , that to him belonged to make express command against all force of arms , and to that end they were bound to assist him , as their soveraign lord. they declared also to king henry the seventh , that every subject by the duty of his subjection , was bound to serve and assist his prince and soveraign lord upon all occasions : by which they signified , that it was not for them to meddle with the militia ; but that their duty as subjects bound them to be aiding and assisting to him . the learned in the laws tell us , that to raise troops of horse or foot without commission of the king , or to lend aid , is esteemed and called by the law of england , to levy war against the king our soveraign lord , his crown and dignity : in this point all that is done without him , is done against him , and this is conformable to the general right of all nations ; as for the royal estate ( saith bodin . ) i believe there is no person that doubts that all the power , both of making peace and war , belongs to the king , since none dare in the least manner do any thing in this matter without the command of the king , unless he will forfeit and endanger his head. if the two houses were priviledged to the contrary by any statute , we should have heard them speak it , but for what they have done , we see no other authority then their practice . therefore none ought to wonder if this their new practice hath less authority with persons of a sound judgement , then these practises of all ages past : and if we cannot perswade our selves that without the authority of the king they cannot abolish those of parliaments authorized by the king , let them not then make such a loud noise with the authority of parliament ; 't is in obedience to that supreme court of parliament that we so earnestly strive to preserve the princes rights : those acts of parliament are in full force which have provided with great care to defend the royal prerogatives , judging aright , that the soveraignty is the pillar of the publick safety , and that it cannot be divided without being weakned , and without shaking the state that rests upon it ; but we leave the reasons of the form of this estate to them who formed it , contenting our selves to obey the laws , until the same authority that made them alters and changes them . this authority being that of the prince sitting in parliament , we hold not our selves bound by that which passeth in any house or councel without him , and against him , accounting that where the princes authority shines not , their power is eclips'd ; above all since the houses at westminster were reduced to the fourth part of their number , and the lesser part ( the major part being frighted away ) and filled their vacant places with persons of their own judgement , without the kings authority ; if the houses had ever any power without him , it was like the light of the moon without the sun , exiguum & malignum lumen , as the astrologers call it , it was a little light which did nought but hurt . our great lawyer fortescue speaks well , that as a natural body when the head is cut off , is not called a body , but a trunck ; so in the body politick , the commonalty without a head , cannot any way incorporate or make a body . chap. viii . how the covenanters will be judges in their own cause . but was there ever any thing more unreasonable then this proceeding ? they would that the judgement of the lesser part of the two houses without the king , and against all former parliaments , should be received , yea , in their own quarrel ; and that in the controversie , whether the king hath authority above this assembly , or it above him , this assembly will be judge ; 't is for them ( they tell us ) to declare what is law , and to make the law : now that assembly declares , that their authority is above the king , that their arms are just , and the kings unjust ; and that the representative body of the state cannot erre in law , and that it 's your duty to stand to their judgement . these people would be ashamed to confess where they have learned thus to reason : is it not of him who said , dic ecclesiae , hoc est tibi ipsi ; tell it to the church , that is to say , to thy self ; and truly to confute them , we will do them the shame , to employ the same words we make use of against him , changing only the persons . in the present quarrel , one of the controversies is , whether the two houses at westminster , without the king , are the soveraign judges in point of law. in this controversie should the two houses be judges , they should then be judges in their own cause , and should be assured to gain their process . item , if it be disputed whether they can erre in this controversie also , they would judge they could not erre ? should they be infallible judges of their infallibility ? who beholds not in this an evident contradiction ? that it must be , that he that disputes whether the two houses can erre , must address himself to the two houses , as to judges that cannot erre , to judge this question ; so likewise in the question , whether the authority of the two houses be above the king , it 's certain that the two houses cannot be judges , since by this same question their authority to judge is called into doubt , the one pretends , that the difference hath been decided and judged by the authority of a soveraign and infallible judge ; it 's certain that hereby he renders the wound incurable , the quarrel eternal , and beyond all terms of reconciliation . it matters not to say , that between two parties that pretend to the soveraignty ; there can be no judge , but that the strongest must carry it ; for if the two parties desire peace , they may choose arbiters . the king or supreme being the natural soveraign of his enemies , and he who gives vigor to the laws , hath desired notwithstanding , that the difference should be determined by the laws , he pretends not to infallibility : he hath also often chosen his neighbours for arbiters , and hath fully satisfied them by reasonable offers , and such as are worthy of him ; witness the report that the extraordinary ambassadors of the states generals made to their lords , for which the parliament of london declared their great discontent in writings : the king being to render account of his actions to none but god alone , submitted himself notwithstanding to reason and piety , remitting himself wholly to the ancient laws and constitutions of his kingdome . he hath often protested , and oft-times published , and in this difference taken all christendome for arbiters ; but what ? in the question whether his subjects can make a law against him , and whether they have right to make war on him , and would also that he should remit himself to their ordinances ; yea , even those which they have made without him , against his will , and against himself ; and that he should acknowledge them for supreme judges in their own cause , without other arbiters then their will : now they have had their wills wholly , and have been judges and parties both together , a priviledge that belongs to god alone ▪ to whose supreme court we appeal . chap. ix . that the most noble and best part of the parliament retired to the king , being driven away by the worser . that which doth strongly perswade us to believe , that the priviledges of parliament , which they would extend even in infinitum , have an ill foundation , is because we have seen them opposed by the better part of the parliament , both in quality and dignity : for besides the king , an hundred seventy five of the house of commons , and the best qualified , withdrew themselves from amongst them , and of the lords eighty three , so that scarcely the third part remained at westm . almost all the gentry wholly followed the king ; and when we consider the persons , the condition and revenues of those that withdrew themselves , we cannot see that they had any need to fish in troubled waters , or to warm themselves at the great fire that began to slame , as those had that remained . without doubt that great body of lords and gentlemen of the kingdome loved their liberty , and would never have assisted the king to have obtained an unlimited power , break their priviledges , and impose a perpetual yoak of slavery upon them and their posterity . when need was , these members of parliament assembled themselves , and the king deferred to their councels as much as their priviledges required : whereupon those of the parliament of london were extraordinarily vexed , maintaining that the name and power of parliament , was from that time fastened to the place where they sate , which is a point that we will not dispute , how strange soever it be ; but we would have them remember , that they have had their sitting in other places , and have not for all that thought they had left their authority at westminster ; and we dare answer for them , that if the lords and commons which held with the king , had driven them away , and taken their place , they would soon have changed their opinion . besides this strong consideration of numbers and persons , all those who know that the king is the fountain of authority , and that without him there is no more lawful power , then day without the sun , would never make question which were the true parliament , that which acted with him , or that which rose up and fought against him . but alas since , force and necessity hath constrained many poor lords to return & bow to their unjust power . it would be too long to relate all the reasons that moved in the beginning , so many persons of honour to withdraw themselves from london , in the general they loved their religion , their king and country ; and could not consent to the general disorder of church and state , nor hinder it in gainsaying . for a sample of their proceedings , which they used to drive them away , we will only commend to the judicious reader the petition 〈◊〉 the baser sort of people of london , presented to the house of commons , and by that house , to the house of lords , to exhort the lords to sit no longer apart from the house of commons , but to make one whole and entire body together , and to joyn with them , and that they would agree to an equality in the state , to procure an equality in the church , and for a while to forsake their power of lords to subdue the pride of the king ; adding withal , that if they gave not a speedy remedy to the obstructions which retarded the happy progress of the great pains they took , they should be forced to have recourse to the remedy they had in their hands , and to destroy the disturbers of their peace , requiring the house that they would publickly declare to them who they were . judge ye in what common-wealth these people lived , who durst present such a petition , and if there appeared not a sworn hatred against all greatness and superiority , and a design formed to change this noble and ancient monarchy into a common-wealth , like that of munster . oh what impudence ! to dare to solicite the house of lords at one blow to lose both their rights and honours , to consent to an equality in the state , which was to debase them , and even to put them in their shirts , and oblige them to depose the king , and to render him like to the meanest of the people : for observe , they would have an equality in the state , like unto that of the church , where all ministers are companions . the royal dignity they call pride , and would seduce the nobility , which is the kings right hand , to mine the head from whence their honour takes life and motion ; and this urged with menaces to destroy them , and bravado's that the lives of the great ones were in their hands . behold here that of the prophet isaiah fulfilled , isa . 3.5 . the base shall behave himself proudly against the honourable . these petitioners in ●he title of their petition qualified themselves , the poorest of the people , and such indeed they were ; so little in their condition , that a great person offended would have scorned to have taken notice of them , and yet so strong in their number , that there was neither greatness nor power that could resist them ; in this double regard they were chosen , to speak aloud the intentions that their leaders would , but durst not otherwise make known , and that they might bear the blame without danger , as proceeding from the insolence and ignorance of a brutish and ill bred people . notwithstanding the charity of the house of commons discharged this poor people of the blame , and took it upon themselves . for these gentlemen , did they not in a body themselves present this so unworthy a petition to the house of lords , witnessing thereby that the petition , and the seditious souls of those people which clamoured at their doors , was a work of their own . oh how will they palliate over this vile action ? all the water in the sea cannot wash away their shame , to favour so villanous a petition , in stead of making the bearers feel the effects of their just indignation . this base multitude might have been frighted and dispersed by an angry look or word of this great and noble house of lords , but this rascality had friends in the parliament , who emboldened them to rise , thereby to make use of their assistance : for the same day ( the seditious rabble remaining there to serve them who sent for them ) the ordinance to take the militia from the king , which had twice been cast out of the lords house , was again presented to them the third time by the house of commons , with threatnings , giving them openly to understand , that if the house of lords did not joyn with the commons in point of the militia , those amongst them that were of the commons opinion , should do wisely to make them publickly known , that so they might distinguish their friends from their foes . this being seconded by the great cries of the mutinous people about the house of parliament , the most part of the lords arose and left their places , and amongst the lords who remained , those who were for the militia , for fear or otherwise , carried it by some voices . soon after many of both houses withdrew themselves without ever returning ; it was time to part company , when thy could not vote without hazzarding their lives or consciences : for the names of the lords and commons which pleased not the zealous party , were posted up to make them flee , or to be torn a pieces by the enraged multitude . and thus the small party of the two houses drave away the greater ; as a few hornets which dispeoples the whole hive ; being assisted herein by the insolent , hypocritical and meaner sort of people , which were at their beck , through the industry of some seditious preachers of the populous parishes of london , where the brownists and anabaptists abounded . by the same instruments the lords had been before constrained to pass the ordinance for taking away the bishops votes in parliament . by the same instruments also the king was driven from his house and chief city , when the factious affrighted a peaceable and disarmed king , arming the people , and manning out vessels of war on the thames , besieging the royal palace , under colour of being a guard to the six members , whom the king had accused of high treason , to conduct them to westminster , in spight of him ; but the king some hours before retired himself to save his life , and returned not after . in requital of the many good services of the people , their masters at westminster permitted them all kind of liberty , and indeed they taught the people that lewd licentiousness , who before were kept in obedience by an excellent government , and could hardly be brought to become so vile and insolent ; but there is nothing but in time one may learn , by exhortations and examples ; and it appeared by their actions , how well they had profited in this art , for when the house of lords would have reproved them , the house of commons were offended with the lords , and made this open profession to them , that they should not discourage their friends , and that they had need of their service . and thus these masters and the factious people , granted one another mutual liberty , and they forgave the people their passed insolencies , on condition they would commit new ones . but when the honest and most understanding of the city came in a good number to petition the two houses to hearken to peace , and satisfie the king , they were severely rebuked , as seditious ; and these gentlemen let them know that they loved no noise but of their own making . behold here the waies whereby the parliament of london obtained their absolute power ! behold the foundations they laid for a most holy reformation ! posterity will be ashamed of the actions of their fathers all forreign nations will abhor these proceedings ; remorse and sorrow may in the end enter into the hearts of the londoners , when they shall behold themselves the sole object of publick execrations and curses . those of gaunt and paris have only reason to pardon them , when they shall remember their baracado's , and the estate of the nobles during the holy league . chap. x. a parallel of the covenant with the holy league of france , under henry the 3d. who so shall compare the holy league of france with the english covenant , shall find that they are sisters , daughters of the same father , and that the younger is to the life after the image of the elder ; in both you shall find an oath of mutual assistance to extirpate heresie , without the authority of the king , and which at last is turned against the king himself : a jealousie without ground of the religion of their soveraign , and a war of religion against a king of the same religion , which they would make the world believe was a heretick . a league with strangers , and armies raised in the kingdom against their natural prince , who gave them no other occasion of the war but his too much gentleness . a king submitting himself to reason , offering himself to remedy all the grievances of his subjects , and a people refusing to admit him to bring a remedy , and resolved to give order without him , the king driven from his chief city , which he had honoured by his ordinary presence . the fire of civil war blown about by seditious preachers . the superstitious people tributary to the ambition of some particulars , weak conscience instructed to cut the throat of their king , for the love of god , and to gain paradise ; fastings frequent , devotions doubled , prophetical inspirations , examples of angelical holiness , and all this to perswade the superstitious people , that god favoured their seditions as his cause , and that their leaders took counsel of none but the holy ghost , and had no other aim but the setting up of the kingdom of jesus christ : writers under pay to write scandalous libels against their king ; the people fed with lies to drain money out of their purses , one while amazing them with fears where there was none , another while flattering them with false hopes and with forged news : a parliament in the principal city , but in it a smal number , who wanting the royal assistance , support themselves by granting liberty to an inveagled people , and by power of rich and foolish citizens . nobility scorned ; artificers and banquerouts bearing the sway , all order divine and humane overturned , the ancient laws and customes broken , and new fundamental laws never heard of before , in their places . in brief , it appears at this day , that the devil marches abroad , and walks in the same paths he did about fifty years since . chap. xi . the doctrine of the english covenanters parallel'd with the doctrine of the jesuits . since the league of france and the english covenant were both made upon pretence of religion , it 's not unworthy our paines to consider the conformity of the doctrines they employed to maintain both the one and the other , and how the jesuits maximes were the chief support of the covenant . both in the league and covenant , the people were encouraged to take up arms against their king , by this opinion of car. bellar. who teacheth , that in the kingdoms of men the power of the k ▪ comes from the people , because it 's the people that makes the king , and that the people do never so transfer their power over to the king , but they retain it in habitu , and so that in certain cases they may in effect re-assume it again , which was also the judgment of navarrus , whom the cardinal highly extois . and thus also the author of the observations upon the kings declarations , who is the master of the sentences with the covenanters , teacheth us , that originally the power is in the people , who are the fountain and efficient cause , and that the authority is not in the prince , but secondarily , and derivatively : all these state philosophers are full of school terms , but little reason ; and he adds , that this authority founded by the people , cannot be dissolved but by that power which gave it constitution . which is as much as to say , that the people may take away the kings power and authority when they please . another of the sect , but more antient tells us ; that princes and governours have their authority from the people , who when they find it convenient , may resume and take it from them again , as every man may revoke when he please his own procuration , or warrant , but this reason shall by and by be examined and refuted . the cardinal explains himself more clearly in that which before he had written in covert terms , saying , that a king , such as he there describes , may , yea ought , by the consent of all , to be deprived of his authority : and goodman is of his opinion , that evil princes ought to be deposed , and that this alone belongs to the inferiour magistrates to put in execution . we learn from doctor charron that the french leaguers eluded the strength of s. pauls texts , which forbids the opposing of soveraigns in saying , that the commands had regard and respect only to the state of the christians of those times , because they were not then strong enough to make resistance . i have before shewed how bellarmine , buchanan , and the champions of covenant , make use of the same reason and exposition . but to clear the way , and make it smooth to come to deposing of soveraign princes : these two parties are wont to absolve their subjects from their oaths of allegiance . emanuel sa the jesuite saith , that the people may depose their prince , even after they have sworn perpetual obedience to him . and mr. knox saith , that if princes prove tyrants against god and his truth , their subjects are free from their oaths of allegiance , &c. to the excommunication and deposing of the prince , ordinarily there follows execution according to the authentick bull : that it s not homicide to kill an excommunicated person . the french league produced two examples in the persons of their kings ; and this accords with the doctrine of buchanan , that ministers may excommunicate princes , and that a king after he is cast into hell by excommunication , is unworthy to live , or to enjoy life upon earth : but observe in passing , the reformed churches do not teach that the excommunicatio major do cast any person into hell , but onely excludes them from the outward communion of the visible church , and in this , as in other things , buchanan hath shewed himself to be less skilled in divinity , then in poetry . the best excuse which can be alledged in his defence is that which mr. du moulin lends him , which may also serve for mr. knox , that if he hath written any thing which passeth moderation , we must 〈◊〉 attribute it to his religion but nature ; for its most certain both these were hot headed men , and had a great antipathy against monarchy . as for the doctrine of king killing , which is a familiar doctrine amongst the jesuits , and is oft their shame and reproach ; they to render us as odious as themselves , and by way of exchange , alledge and quote in their writings the passages of buchanan , knox and goodman , who together with them teach the same doctrine . that cunning jesuite petra sancta is very curious in searching into their writings , whom that excellent person mr river answers , and tels him , that none amongst us approve or allow those wicked maximes , and imputes the cause to their supposed persecution , which had exasperated their spirits , and to the hot heads of the nations of this iland . after this so wise and charitable a reprehension , coming from a person of such eminency ; men of learning amongst them , ought at least to have learned modesty , since they refused to learn obedience of their parliaments , which condemned these doctrines of knox , and buchanan by their publike acts , or by the determinations of their principal divines , who have learnedly refuted them ; and also by considering what great pains mr. bloudil , mr. valade , and other judicious and learned men of forraign churches , have taken to wash off the filth of their doctrines and behaviours , which have exceedingly scandalized the evangelical profession ; after so many iterated saving advertisements , one would have thought they should have preserved themselves from falling into the same offences , and from giving new occasions of rejoycing to their enemies , and of shame to their brethren ; but behold of late worse then ever , their hot heads have produced such new effects of violence , as gives a challenge of defiance to the very jesuits themselves . the author of sions plea , animates the people to war and to pull down the bishops , speaking thus , smite neither small , nor great , but the troublers of israel , wound that hazael in the fifth rib : yea if your father and mother stand in your way to prevent you , dispatch them suddenly , pull down the ensign of the dragon , set up the standard of jesus christ . what ? if the father of the state stand in your way , now when ye are busie in this holy cause , must he be dispatched ? no doubt but they would tread upon him to make way , and would serve the son , as they had done the father ; 't is a point resolved on by the same author , they must strike the basilike vein , none but that can heal the pluresie of state , which is as much as to say in good english , that they must cut the throat of the king for the publike good . this author were a good scholler of the two jesuites , guignard and scribanius , had he not too grossly borrowed their terms , for ( say they ) france was sick , and they must cut the basilike vein to heal her ; and scribanius , that they committed a great error on s. bartholomews even that they cut not that vein . that is , that those of the guisian faction spared the lives of the king of navar , and the prince of condie . oh rare flowers of diabolical rhetorick ! oh the shame of christian religion ! is this the simplicity and meekness of the gospel ? is this the way to guide conscience into the way of peace , and to set up the kingdom of jesus christ , or christ on his throne ? if s. paul were alive , doubtless these men would even maintain to his face , that he understood not the nature of the spiritual kingdome , when he said , rom. 14.7 . that the kingdome of god is righteousness , peace and joy in the holy ghost : and when he read this lesson to the christians , let the peace of god rule in your hearts , to which peace ye are called in one body . they would have taught him that the kingdome of jesus christ ought to be set up by the murthering of kings , the destruction of the people , and the o●erthrow of states , and would have sent him to their catechise to be instructed , that the parliament souldiers at the present ought not to consider us as their fellow-citizens , or their parents , or their companions in religion , but as enemies of god , upholders of anti-christ , and therefore their eye should not pity us , nor their sword spare us . these are the words of that abominable catechism published by authority , for the use of the covenanters army : oh behold the principles of faith , wherewith these dull souls are instructed : behold the bread of life wherewith their divines feed the consciences of the poor people , jer. 23.4 . i have seen in the prophets of hierusalem an horrible thing , they commit adultery , and walk in lies , they strengthen also the hands of evil doers ; israel , the daies of thy visitation are come , thy prophets are fools , and thy men of revelations are mad . to these prodigious doctrines we will joyn that aphorism in the book entituled , altare damascenum , that all kings have a natural hatred against christ : if ye would believe this man , every one that loves christ , must bear an irreconcileable hatred to all kings ; was there ever a more seditious and execrable maxime : after such a doctrine pronounced by an author of such account , should we ask who hath put weapons into the hands of this superstitious people against their soveraign , for these poor miserable people , hate the king for the love of god , yea , many account him an enemy of jesus christ , even because he is a king. that we may the better discover by what spirit this man is led , observe how he deals with his natural prince , he calls king james of most happy and glorious memory , infestissimus ecclesia hostes , the most mortal enemy of the church ; without doubt these who read this , will question what religion this man is of , who so qualifies the incomparable defender of the faith , who hath so vigorously and sincerely maintained the truth , that if there were a christian in the world , who knew not thar great prince , neither by his admirable writings , nor by the renown of his piety and wisdome , and should hear him call'd the most spiteful and mortal enemy of the church , he might well imagine that king james had turned turk , and changed the churches of his kingdome into mosques , and sold his christian subjects for slaves to the moors . it were to do wrong to the testimony that himself hath given , by the immortal monuments of his religious wisdome , and by his truly christian and fatherly government , to undertake here to defend him against so unequal an adversary , wherein the injuries spoken of this excellent king , turns to the ruine and perdition of him that spake them , like unto the bitings of the weasel , who consumes his teeth by gnawing of steel . certainly when the divines of france , defend in their writings , the confession of faith of his majesty , against the doctors of the contrary religion , they account not that king , a most mortal enemy of the church . that most holy confession confirmed by the practice of that great prince , will serve as a bright shining light in the church in after ages , and cover the memory of them who injured and reproached him with perpetual shame . but for the present , th●se rare adages which curse the best of kings , and royalty in general , are gather'd as choice and golden sentences . witnesse this other , which comes from the authority of his companion , as great a liar as himself , who hath this passage : he erres not much who saith , that there is in all kings a mortal hatred against the gospel , they will not suffer willingly the king of kings to govern in their kingdomes , yet god hath some amongst the kings who pertain to him , but very few , it may be one in an hundred . but since he is upon the number , instead of counting a hundred kings one after another , let him account only a hundred years without going out of england , and we intreat this good man to consider what kings have raigned over this kingdome within this hundred years , and let him in good earnest tell us , which of them he would leave to god , and which he would give to the devil ; let them consider the piety of him , whom god hath made a saint , and they a martyr , let them find if they can in all his kingdome , a man more just and meek , more temperate and religious , and let envy and rebellion , who finding nothing to bite at , in the life of this monarch , burst asunder at his feet , and hide themselves in their own confusion . let us say the same to the observator upon his majesties declarations , who speaking of all kings now raigning , but with a particular application to his soveraign saith , that to be the delight of mankind ( as titus vespasian ) is now a sordid thing amongst princes , but to be tormentors and executioners of the publique , to plot and contrive the ruine of their subjects , which they ought naturally to protect , is now accounted a work worthy of caesar . if reviling and speaking reproachful words against the king were blasphemy , according to the stile of the civil laws of israel , 1 king. 21 ▪ 10. then this impious person is a blasphemer in the highest degree against the sacred majesty of kings , and moreover exceeding ridiculous as well as wicked , to appropriate this description to his king , whose known piety , justice and clemency deserved rather the title of the delights of mankind , then that emperour upon whom the love of the people conferred it : the like i may speak of the kings of france within these fifty years , all the lists of the french kings furnisheth not such excellent princes , wherefore aphorismes of rebellion , could never have been pronounced in an age more proper to give the authors the lye . the lord rebuke these black souls , who curse god in the person of his anointed , their sentence is written , and their qualities painted out to the life by st. peter , 2 pet. 2.10 , 11 , 12. who despise dominions , presumptuous self-willed , they are not afraid to speak evil of dignities , whereas angels which are greater in power ; bring not railing accusations against them before the lord ; but these are natural bruit beasts , made to be taken and destroy'd , speak evil of things which they understand not , and shall utterly perish in their own corruption . i might heap up many more passages of our enemies , which teach murther , rebellion , and hatred of kings , in which they seem to dispute with the very jesuites themselves , this description of their devotion , a seditious piety , a factious religion which would be judge of the consciences of princes , who abhor their religion , because they hate their government , who make good subjects , and good christians to be things incompatible . whosoever would weary his patience , and behold how ingenious the covenanters have been even to exercise the patience of god , and insult over the persons and authority of kings , let them read their sermons which were daily printed by authority , after they had preached them before the house of commons , wherein the filthy torrent of seditious eloquence ; and the fantasticalness of a bastard devotion were imploy'd to tear apieces the king , to disfigure him in odious colours , and stir up the people to all cruel and bloody courses against him , out of which books we might collect thousands of modern authorities in favour of the wickedness of these times , which passed from them as doctrines of religion ; but we esteem our selves worthy of a better imployment , then to be poring on carrion , and stirring in sinks and puddles : that which we have cited out of known authors shall suffice to let the world see with whom we have to do , and that we are call'd to the condition of s. paul , to fight with beasts . chap. xii . how the covenanters wrong the reformed churches , in inviting them to joyn with them ; with an answer for the churches of france . as 't is the vice of those who are strucken with the leprosie , to endeavour to infect others , so the covenanters ▪ like to them , labour by all means possible to spread abroad the poyson of their impiety : those who have preached and published their most infamous doctrines , which renders christianity hateful both to turks and pagans , were so bold as to address their publike declarations to the reformed churches of france , the low countryes , and switzerland , as if they made profession of the same doctrines ; they had the impudence to invite these so pure churches , to have society with them , and to pray them to esteem the cause of the covenant , that of all the churches . in this the assembly of divines at london were imployed by their masters . that which makes this temptation less dangerous , is , that the letter they wrote upon this subject to their neighbours , could very hardly be understood : this venerable company of divines of consummate knowledge , and the flower of eloquence of that party , writ a latine letter to the french , flemens , and switzers ; wherein there wants nothing in the outward but language and common sense , a most worthy cover for the inward ; for so evil a drogue there needed not a better box. this epistle , amongst a ridiculous affectation of criticismes , greek and poetical phrases , and many rhetorical figures , is here and there fill'd with solecismes , barbarismes , and the like grammar elegancies , like a foundred horse that goes up and down ; and it 's pity to behold h●w their eloquence stumbles in capriolinge . this piece of latine was much admired , and many praises heaped upon the authors , and publick thanks , by special command , given to them by the house of commons , so much is knowledge valued in this reformed party . it 's likely many hands contributed to the composing of it , for it 's a patched discourse , made up of divers pieces altogether unlike one another , and goes by leaps and skips , as an empty cart in a craggy and stony way , i will not burthen my discourse , with the faults of children . i will only give you a taste in the margin . for the margin . in the title litterae a conventus theologorum in anglia , a barbarous phrase . the same , prout ordinaverat honoratissima domus communium ; ordinare , doth not signifie to command , but to put in order . honoratissima is wholly barbarous . in the first page , diu est ex quo credidimus calicem hunc quem epotandum vindex dei manus exhibuit vestris auribus inso●uisse . rare tavern eloquence , to make the cups and goblets to sound . in the second page , reformationis impedimenta , they would have said , hinderances of reformation ; these masters knew not that the plural impedimenta signifies baggage . in the same , eo usque profecit sceleratissima factio , surely they should have said , progressa est , for proficere signifies to advance in that which is good . in the same period there is a solecisme , eousque profecit , ut oportet , they should have said oporteat . there is a solecisme of the same nature in the third page , hosce cum gens illa rejecerat , they should have said rejecisset ; i wish these grave divines would learn that the prepositions ut & cum govern the conjunctive in the signification they give it . in the second page , coenobia angliae tolerata , this is another solecisme , for according to their sense , they should have said , in anglia ; in these words there are yet more incongruities in the truth , than in the grammar , for both god and men know that it is false , that there hath been any convent or monastery tolerated in england for above these eighty years . in the third page , missi hinc trans alpes , mandatari & abi ipsa roma recepti nuntii , there can be nothing spoken more barbarous nor more false . in the same page , dicam dicere , they have heard speak of dicam scribere , which signifies to appeal in justice . in the same page , injurias in apricum proferre , excellent elegance , to put the injuries in the sunne . in the fourth page , natio altera triumphasset in alterius sanguine ; they should have said , de sanguine . in the same page , deus qui rodentem seusim tineam prius egerat rugientem leonem induit , that is to say , that god had plaied the person of a gnawing moth , which is a very strange conception . let these divines correct either their sense or their latine . in the same page , where they would say , the principals of ireland , they call'd them principulares , which is a word of campagne , and doth not signifie that they would say , and yet the true word is principulos . in the fifth page , delitendum , they would have said , deli●escendum : they should do well to read over their conjugations again . in the same page , undique in stead of ubique . in the same page , cluet in stead of cluit , and yet the word is nothing worth in prose . in page the sixth , sacratissimam , the word is barbarous . in the same page , gladius anglicam saginatus carne , that is to say , the sword fatted with the flesh of the english , the word saginare is not proper , but for a creature or beast that a man feeds ; it s a very extravagant fancy to fat a sword as a hog . in the same page , that which the irish had invaded by arms , they call quod nacti sunt , as if they had met with it by chance or h●zard . in the seventh page , modo evenire possit , ut ecclesia redimeretur : its a solecism , they should have said , redimatur : this people are wholly out of tense and mood . in the same , veritatis pedissequi sumus & amas●i puritatis ; amasius is a dishonest word , and pedissequi ridiculous , and both the one and the other very improper : behold the sense in english , we are lacqueys of the truth , and paramours of the court of purity ; these are lofty imaginations , fit to entertain the brave wits with . a little after they enrich the latine tongue with a new word , remonstrantias , peradventure in their next edition they will consider whether they should write remonstrantias or remonstrationes . there is also a solecism ; they make use of the adverb utroque , which is an adverb of motion , as if it were an adverb of rest . in the eighth page , potestati sum●nus , it s a barbarous word , and is found in no good author : but i think not my self bound to write out all their faults , the most part whereof hath this commodity , that the intricateness and obscurity of their stile hinders our sight . the next time they write to strangers in this stile , i counsel them to send an interpreter with their letter ; for this latine monsieur salmasius the prince of learning of this age , could not understand : and in the mean while , these gray beards should do well to employ some time , when their state-affairs will give them leave , to learn their grammar , that strangers may not laugh at their childish eloquence . and for the present they are obliged in charity ( for this their epistle being printed and sent to seventeen states and churches beyond sea ) to some stranger , who out of compassion sent it good latine , but it was a year and half after : 't is pity he spoil'd their work , for he should have left the form and the matter , the one being sutable to the other . now should we impute their latine to their want of knowledge , did they not in this their epistle tell us , that they were a most venerable company of excellent persons in wisdom , learning and piety . the same also sufficiently proved by the testimony of some of their company , which were members of the same assembly , in which the other are not behind them in requital , and in magnifying their persons and actions to the skies . it 's the old custom of this faction to commend one another , and when they print any book , they borrow of one or two of their friends epistles and prefaces in commendation of the work , wherein ordinarily they give the author excessive praises : never did the bishops assume half the titles that they give one another . as the dunghil cocks have the greatest combs , so the meanest spirits are most arrogant and proud , taking on them many high titles . a great man in france compared such kind of persons to the old writings , full of abbreviations , saying , that where there are many titles , there is little learning . but we will labour to decypher their latine so far as may serve our present purpose , for which the last interpreter will much help us . they pray the forraign churches , but almost in a commanding way , that they would recommend their cause to god in their publick prayers , and require it sine conditione , without any condition , and will not be refused , and they would have them make apologies for the innocency of the covenanters in their assemblies . must the churches then of france for to content them , without considering the salvation of their souls , the safety of their persons , make publick prayers in their assemblies for the covenanters ? preach to the people that their war is lawful and holy ? and that after being questioned by the magistrates of a contrary religion , constantly maintain that it is the cause of god , whatsoever may happen to their goods , lives and the profession of the gospel ? but behold here that which is worse , in the conclusion of the oath of the covenant , which they sent with their epistle to all the neighbour churches , they invite them earnestly to take this oath or the like : and above all , they invite those churches who live under the power of a contrary religion : the invitation is in form of a prayer , that it would please god to encline by their examples , the other churches that groan under the yoke of antichrist's tyranny , to associate themselves with this covenant or the like . for to take then their summons in their own sense , that is to say , that the churches of france to please them , would make a covenant against their soveraign ; expecting , as a thing which they need not doubt , that the english covenanters would overcome their enemies in an instant , and would be ready at the day appointed , to succour their confederates beyond the seas , with their victorious armies , before their king justly provoked , should ruine them . the covenanters declarations , especially in the year 1642. flatter these poor churches with this hope , and through all their discourse clearly resolv'd to go forth and pull down antichrist in all countries , and make a general conquest for jesus christ . these are very like the messages that john of leyden sent to munster , to make all the commons in germany to rise , and all the world if it were possible . not that the leaders of the covenant considering their strength and interest , thought themselves capable of so vast a design , but according to my opinion , they had two ends in making this so open a profession : the one , to draw to their party the weak and passionate , who in enterprises , have regard to the lustre and promise of the design , and not to the possibility of the execution . of such spirits the great herd of the world is composed , who in the great and publick motions , suffer their fancies to be bewitched with poetical hopes , incompatible with the nature of the affairs . such was the promise of another declaration , which lul'd the imaginations of the adherents , that this war would bring them deliverance from all their sufferings and fears , and be the beginning of a new world of joy and peace , which god would create for their consolation . for this new world of peace and joy which was but three skips and a stride off , as they thought , they found such besotted spirits who cast themselves headlong into a gulph of evils , without bottom or bounds . the other apparent end was to gain credit to their party by the applause of forreign churches , to fortifie themselves by the powerful association of the low-countries , and to try whether the french of the reformed religion were so ill affectionate as to take up arms against their king , without ever caring what should come after , when they were once engaged in a war wherein formerly they had ill success . and these people were so void of charity and humanity , that they were content to buy an unprofitable reputation to their party , by the certain ruine of those they invite to alliance with them : as he that cared not to cut down his neighbours oak , were it but to make himself a pick-tooth . for suppose that the french churches should have suffered themselves to be gained by their perswasions : in what condition were they in to succour them ? could they have furnished money , armes , men and shipping ? had they the means to put out the fire , when they had once kindled it ? all the succours that these gentlemen could give them , would be to declare the votes of the two houses , that the armes of the churches of france were defensive and just , and those of their king , offensive and unlawful : or have declared his majesty fallen from his dignity and crown of france , as they declared those two illustrious princes , prince rupert and prince maurice , sons of the late king of bohemia , excluded from succession in the palatinate ; which vote shall take place , when the masters of the covenant shall have conquered the palatinate by their armes , in spight of the forces of france , the emperour , and spains , and they become sole arbiters of the empire . before the covenanters come to the end of this design , a little too far off , these brave princes will have leasure to make their peace , and many things may intervene , which will induce their judges to abate of their so great severity . for to perswade these poor churches to cast themselves headlong into ruine , the assembly at london , in their epistle labour to exasperate them , by the remembrance of all that they had suffered , and perswaded them that all churches on this side , as well as on the other side of the seas , were concluded to be ruined by the same agents ; that after the churches of england and scotland should be devoured , they would then fall upon their neighbours ; and that it was not against the men , but against the profession of the true religion , and against godliness , that their enemies made war : whereby they would make the neighbour churches believe , that king charles confederated with the pope to ruine the reformed religion , and that after he had dispatched his own subjects , he would do the like to his neighbours of the same religion . there needs no great measure of the gift of discerning spirits , to judge by what spirit these grave divines were led , who take such pains to send their brethren to the slaughter , within and out of their kingdome , and to make the doctrine of the gospel a trumpet of sedition , to arm subjects against their princes , and put all christendome into a flame of bloody and unnatural wars . and therefore they had reason to confess themselves thus to forraign churches , they beseech them to excuse them that they had not writ sooner , alledging ( according to the second interpretation of their friend ) that since they were assembled , they found themselves so amazed with the wine of astonishment , that god had given them to drink , that they had wholly forgot their duty : but in the addition which they disperse amongst all the churches , they do not acknowledge themselves only attonitos , amazed , but ebrios , drunken ; and both in the one and the other they had great reason . oh the force of truth ! oh the wonderful providence and justice of god , to draw from these subtil and crafty souls , their own condemnation ! how is it possible that so many choice and picked divines , whereof this assembly was composed , should be so blinded , as to let pass from them so shameful a confession in the name of all their body , and of all their party , to be divulged through all the churches of europe ? and yet we are herein to praise god , that in this their astonishment , he hath given them a little interval , that they came to their senses to make this acknowledgement . they needed not to specifie to us in what they were forgetful of their duty ; their comportments justifie their words , that they had wholly forgotten it . it appears also that they had forgot their duty to god , their king , their countrey , and to the church from which they received their ministry , and to which they had sworn obedience , and towards them also to whom they write : for if they had born any brotherly affection , they would not have been so forgetful as to write to them , and in such a stile , and by a publick declaration . they would have taken heed to render them odious and suspected without cause , and to draw upon them persecution , from which there could proceed no other fruit , unlesse to make them companions in their miseries ; for to render us companions in their crimes , we hope they shall never obtain . but these divines , and their masters who employ them , shall find themselves deceived in their design , to induce the reformed churches of france to shake off the yoke of their king , under colour of shaking off the yoke of antichrist . the fidelity and peaceable conversation of these churches , doth take away even the shadow of such things from their superiours , whose justice is such , that they will not condemn the subjects of their king for the offences of strangers , but will be more careful to protect the innocent , then their ill neighbours are active to render them blame-worthy and unhappy . the king and his councel need not fear the french of the reformed religion will take the oath of the covenant , to which they are invited with so much earnestness and craft : for to speak of them in the terms of one of their beloved pastors , they take no oaths to others , but to their soveraign princes , they cast not their eyes on a stranger , they hold that it is not for a subject to find occasion of disobedience in the religion of his prince , making religion a match to give fire to rebellion , they are ready to expose their lives for the preservation of their king against whomsoever it be , were it one of their own religion ; whosoever should do otherwise , should not defend religion , but serve his ambition , and should draw a great scandal upon the truth of the gospel . this is the doctrine wherein they are instructed ; this is the profession in which all good frenchmen of the reformed religion will live and die . but if strangers , whose heads run round with the wine of astonishment , will force the churches of france to drink of their cup , they will use the french freedome , refuse to pledge them , and behold their zeal to press them to do as they do , with despite and compassion : let them not think it strange that they run not with them into the same excess of riot , they do not offend them , for whilst they have this strong wine in their heads , they keep their sobriety , and are filled ; beseeching god to shew mercy upon those who would seduce them . now as it is the custome of drunken persons , who would draw others into the same excess with themselves , and to drink according to their pleasure , to make them believe that they have seen them themselves in that condition ; so the english covenanters to defend their actions , and augment their party , alledge very often to the french churches their wars for religion , the remembrance whereof is very sad ; and to use this argument to seduce them , is no other thing then to counsel them to be miserable because they have been so , and to go with their eyes shut , and run the remains of their broken vessel against the rock where they were shipwrackt . moreover , it s very unjust in them to impute to the whole body the actions of a party ; for in the late wars all the churches on this side the river loyre , continued in their obedience , and very neer the half of the other churches . the people were carefully preserved in their duties by their faithful pastors . this holy doctrine which condemns the resisting of higher powers , and commands to wait patiently deliverance from god , and to suffer for righteousness sake , was most pressed and urged in their churches ; and whilst some of the religion were in arms during the minority of the king , they preached at paris , their strength was to sit still . isai . 30.7 . there fell lately into my hands an epistle well penn'd , which was sent to the state-assembly of rochel , in the beginning of their sitting , to encline them to peace , and the obedience of his majesty . behold here a passage of it . i think it very profitable for you to be informed the truth , what the opinions and dispositions of our churches are , by persons that have a particular knowledge of them : you are now debating ( gentlemen ) of the separation of your assembly for to obey his majesty , or of its subsistence , and to give order to your affairs ; i am bound to tell you , that the general desire of our churches is , that it would please god to continue peace unto us under the obedience of his majesty , and that seeing the king is resolved to employ his armies to make you obey , they promise themselves so much of you , that you will do what possibly you can to avoid this tempest , and yield rather to necessity , then enter into a war , wherein the ruine of a great part of our churches are certain , and into a trouble wherein we may behold the entrance , but cannot see the issue , and that ye will take away the pretext from them who drive on the king to fall upon us . those that fear god desire that if we must be persecuted , it should be in bearing the cross of christ , and for the profession of the gospel . in brief , i assure you that the greatest and best part of our people desire you to decline this unjust enterprise . here is not the authority of a single person , 't is the testimony of the greatest and best part of the churches of france , 't is a general declaration of the churches , and of those amongst them who feared god , that the duty of christians persecuted is , to bear the crosse , not arms. it 's then very falsly and injuriously done , that the example of the french churches should be so often and importunately alledged by the covenanters to justifie the subjects resisting their sovereign , since that ever in the time of war , the greatest and best part were against it . a french divine , who loved both his religion and king , found himself so prick'd by this reproach made to the generality of his party , that he prayed us to insert here this expression of his judgement , and of the soundest part of the churches of france . the war for religion in this kingdome is a wound yet fresh , and ye can hardly touch it , but ye will hurt it , and make it smart ; and it s very sore against my will that i must touch it : but i am constrained to it , by the frequent declarations of the covenanters , who have nothing so strong nor so frequent for to move the people to take up arms against their king , as to propose to them the example of the french churches , as a pattern which they ought and are bound to follow . would to god that in leaving us there , they would have given us liberty to hold our peace ; but since they will not give over publishing abroad , and making all places ring with our calamities , the remembrance whereof we rather desire should be for ever buried , since they impute the actions of some few to the generality of our churches , and even to religion it self ; and since that they alledge our errors , for to exhort us to return to them again , and since they change the subject of our repentance and sorrow , into rules for their imitation , and into precepts of the gospel . is it not now high time to speak , and prefer the interest of gods glory , and of the truth of his word , above the credit of men whatsoever they be , yea , and of our own too . let god be true and every man a liar , rom. 3.4 . confess thy fault , and give glory to the lord god of israel , jo. 7.19 . mr. rivet was not ashamed to call these our stirrings , culpam nostrorum , the fault of his country-men ; and this was spoken as a champion of the truth , to confess it so freely , that it was both to our sin and dammage , wherein ( as he himself declares ) he agrees with monsieur du moulin , who in his second epistle to monsieur balzak , makes the same confession in equivalent terms . such was the piety and ingenuity of these godly and learned persons , that all their care and pains was to defend the truth only , and not their persons . it would be a great honor for the churches of france with one consent publikely to declare that they judge all wars of subjects against their soveraign , unlawful , and to exhort their brethren of england to obedience and fidelity to their prince , then for to preserve the credit of some of their party , and suffer their actions to serve as snares to the weak consciences of their neighbours , and of pretext to those who labour to corrupt the doctrine of the gospel . my self being a member of the reformed church of france , doubt not but i shall be owned and approved to give an answer for them to the summons of a strange covenant . it s a very great affliction to us to behold the famous churches of great britain to destroy themselves , for controversies without necessity ; and which might have been easily composed . and that which toucheth us most , is , the danger of the truth , which is much weakned by these divisions ; for it s to be feared , that in your contending and striving one with another , you over-turn not the candlestick of the gospel , and that god being provoked , takes not away his saving light , which was not given to lighten you one to fight against another . we will not enter into the causes of your quarrels , and could wish that you had left out the remembrance of ours , and had not imployed the unfor●unate actions of your poor neighbours , which anguish and terrour produced , to serve as example to your people to take up arms against their king. they were but the lesser part of our churches , that were involved in that party . the signal testimonies of our fidelity to the crown , ever since the reducing of rochel , and other places which were moved in our hands , do efface the memory of the troubles moved in their behalf ; and the cause of these motions being equitably considered by sober and moderate spirits , would beget pity rather then hatred : for if just fear could justifie arms against their lawful soveraign , those of our religion who bare arms in this occasion , could represent to you , that when the king demanded back again the places that he had granted them for their security , they had great occasion to fear , that with these places , they should lose the security of their consciences and lives , in which they were happily deceived : for the late king who was as gentle in making use of a victory , as valiant in gaining one , ever laboured more to comfort , than to punish , and compassion stifling his anger , made them know that the strongest place for the security of subjects , is the clemency and justice of their soveraign . oh these royal vertues were eminently manifest in him , whom god had given you for your king ! who being the defender of the reformed christian faith , and publishing his most holy profession , with such protestations which gave us full satisfaction , we cannot see , how you can alledge the example of our taking up of arms , should they be the most just of the world , having not the same subjects of fear . the security of your consciences and lives were without question . but you are not the first whom ease and long prosperity hath carried to the same impatience , to which others have been driven by affliction . and since then ye address your selves to us to give you advice : we beseech you consider , that to take counsel of your friends , it must not be when their swords are in their hands , and their enemies before them ; but when they are quiet and at peace : 't is not from our souldiers , but our divines , that you should enquire whether you should draw your swords against your prince , if you refer your selves to them , they will all conclude for the negative . for whilst our wars continued , whereof you have too good a memory , not one of all our divines maintained those dangerous maximes which is now defended by your sermons and writings : they that say most for their party , excuse it , and lay it upon necessity . 't is not from any of our books that ye have drawn these vile maximes , that the authority of the sovereign magistrate is of humane right . that the people is above their king , that the people gave the power to the prince , and may take it away when they please , that kings are not the anointed of the lord , that if the king fail in performing the oath at his coronation , the subjects are absolved from their oaths of allegiance , that if the prince falls from the grace of god , the people are loosed from their subjection , that for to establish a discipline , which they account to be the only kingdom of jesus christ , subjects may take up arms against their prince , that kings are to be judged before their subjects , that the civil government ought to be formed according to the pattern of the ecclesiastical , which is not monarchical . this maxime tends to the abolition of royalty in all states . in all the writings of our divines , ye find no such matters , but such as teach subjects loyalty , humility , obedience and patience . all agree together with the ancient christians , and say that prayers and tears are the weapons of the church . we never spake of deposing our kings , and do not believe that any man living can dep●se the king , or dispense with their subjects oath of allegiance . if any of ours speak otherwise , we are ready to disavow it . very often those that teach well are seduced to do ill , being overcome by temptation , and yet very few ever go so far , as to teach ill to justifie their actions ; god hath kept us hitherto from that : and although it may happen unto us , as unto others , to break the commandments of god , mat. 5.19 . but we hope never so to be forsaken of him , to teach others to do so ; th●n is the evil desperate when vices become manners ; and yet more evil , when the evil manners become doctrines , that poor souls are instructed to sin for conscience sake . oh observe ! that there is not a more certain sign of a people forsaken of god , than this . therefore with the same liberty you invite us to maintain your opinions by a publike association , we earnestly beseech you to correct your own , and condemn all your maximes , contrary to sound doctrine , enemies to the peace of states , majesty , and the safety of kings , taking heed of drawing reproach and persecution upon the profession of the gospel , and to render your neighbours suspected for the faults of others . also that you re-establish the use of the lords supper , intermitted in divers places these many years , that ye give order for children to be baptized , and that there be no more aged persons rebaptized . that they print not any more that all churches which baptize infants , are a faction of antichristians , that none teach any more that the sacraments are not necessary , and that for a quarrel of state , they dispossess not faithful orthodox pastors of their benefices , to put hereticks in their places . as for the quarrel ye have against antichrist , we should be very glad to joyn with you , provided that ye observe these two conditions ; the one not to call antichrist that which is not , for we gather by your epistles and declarations , that you give the title of upholders of antichrist to many of our brethren , whose confession agrees with ours , and with whom you ought to bear , and with charity amend their faults on condition that they may deal the like with you . the other condition is , that ye fight against antichrist by lawful ways prescribed in the word of god ; namely , by the spirit of his mouth , that is , by the power of the gospel ; for as they were not the warlike engines of joshua , but the trumpets of the sanctuary that made the walls of jericho to fall down , so it is not the cannon , but the trumpet of the gospel which is required to pull down the walls of babylon . these are the weapons of our warfare , which are mighty through god to the pulling down of strong holds , 2 cor. 10.4 . they are not carnal : and besides divine authority , experience should have have taught you , that god blesseth not these designs of pulling down antichrist by the sword : it was the epidemical phrensie of germany now sixscore years since , which turn'd into smoak and confusion . indeed if our king should covenant in a just quarrel against antichrist , and lewis the 14th assume for the devisoe of his mony , that which lewis the 12th stamped upon his crowns at pisa , perdam nomen babiloni● , we would with a great deal of cheerfulness follow him in this war , but we cannot approve of a covenant or league against antichrist , made and agreed upon in spight of the supreme powers , who chuse chiefs other then their soveraigns . for such leagues or covenants are the open rebellion of subjects again●t their prince . upon which , the observation attributed to bullinger is very remarkable , and which should extreamly move you , that the anabaptists began with the destruction of bishops , accounting as you , the office and dignity of bishops was an appurtenance of antichrist , but they ended with the destruction of magistrates . our churches look upon the predictions of the fall of antichrist , and the establishment of the kingdom of jesus christ , as objects of their hope , and not as rules of their duty . they govern not themselves by prophesies , but by commands , and make conscience of transgressing the laws of god , out of zeal to advance his kingdom ; so leaving to god the execution of his counsels , we keep our selves in a peaceable obedience to our sovereign ; and in doing that we yield obedience to god , who commands , to submit to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , 1 pet. 2.13 . and to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty , for this is good and acceptable in the sight of god , and our saviour , 1 tim. 2.2 . if we embrace your covenant , or make one like it , we cannot obey these commands of the gospel ; for to covenant without permission of our sovereign , would be to covenant against him ; to take up arms in the kingdom , without him , or against him , comes all to the same thing . what ? cannot our sufferings which you remember so often to us , perswade you from following so dangerous a councel ? for we retain and persevere in the instruction given us , that we must not remedy an evil by sin , nor defend piety by disloyalty ; god hath no need of our sins to defend his cause ; the preservation of the true religion is the cause of god , and his work , which he will never forsake , and even then when all humane means seems to fail , he watcheth for the preservation of his church , which if he is pleased to afflict , it s our duty to humble our selves ; and when he is pleased also to raise her up , we need not carry to his help sedition and rebellion . in fine , we love the king that god hath given us by duty and inclination , trembling at the mention of your covenant ; and the younger his majesty is , the more we account our selves bound to endeavour to preserve peace in his state , hoping that when he comes of years he will acknowledge the services we have done him in his minority , and that he will consider with what fidelity and integrity his subjects of the reformed religion have cast off the instant solicitations of strangers , conceiving they can never be good christians , without being good subjects ; and that to obey their king , and to offer up their goods and lives to his service , is a great part of the service they owe to god. the english covenanters may receive this answer as the answer of the churches of france , until they have disavowed it by a publick declaration . chap. xiii . the preceding answer confirmed by divines of the reformed religion , with an answer to some objections of the covenanters upon this subject . to the end it may better appear , that the preceding answer for the reformed churches of france , is drawn from the model of their doctrine , behold here some few passages . calvin speaks thus , if we be persecuted for piety by a wicked and sacrilegious prince , before all things let us remember our sins , not doubting but god sends us these scourges for our sins ; by this , our impatience will be bridled by humility : moreover le ts remember that it is not for us to remedy these evils ; and that all that we have to do , is to beg help of god , in whose hands the hearts of kings , and motions in kingdoms are . he said a little before , that the word of god bound us not only to be subject to princes that are worthy of our duty , but to all princes whatsoever and howsoever they came to the soveraignty , and although they do nothing less then perform the duties of good soveraigns . in his commentary upon daniel , let us learn , saith he , by the example of the prophet , to beseech god for tirants , if it shall please him to subject us to their inordinate pleasure ; for what though they be unworthy of all offices of humanity , yet neverthelesse because it is by the will of god that he commands , it s our duty to bear the yoke patiently , not only because of wrath , as saint paul admonisheth , but also for conscience sake , otherwise we are not only rebels against them , but against god. this lesson is of the same authors , let this be ever in our memory , that the same divine authority that gives authority to kings , establisheth also the most wicked kings : oh let never these seditious thoughts enter into our spirits , that we should deal with the king as he deserves , and that it is not reasonable to yield the duty of subjects to him who will not perform the duty of king to us . which is notwithstanding the arguing of the covenanters . peter martyr an italian , but a minister in those churches our enemies invite to associate with them , is not less contrary to them . expounding that place of the proverbs , by me kings reign , saith , that under the name of kings , the text understands also tyrants : whence he collects this consequence , therefore learning hence that thy k. is established by god , beware thou never conspirest any seditious thing in the state , all that thou must do when thou art oppressed , is to appeal to the tribunal of god , there being no other superiour power to whom a tyrant ought to obey . he saith also very pertinently , & worthy our best observation , that then when god would chastise the kings of judah for their sins , he did not do it by the jews , but by the babylonians , assyrians , and egyptians , shewing by the conduct of his justice and providence , that it is not for subjects to take knowledge of the faults of their soveraigns , but that they ought to leave them wholly to god , who hath other means in his hand to punish them , and reduce them to their duty . surely if calvin and martyr had lived in these days , and were benificed in england , they would eject them out of their benefices for this troublesom doctrine , which hinders the progress of the holy covenant , and fils their consciences full of scruples , whom they instruct to rebel against their soveraign for the lords sake . and above all monsieur deodat● would be very ill dealt with by them , for being author of that excellent epistle sent from the church of genevah , to the ecclesiastical assembly at london ; in which your good king is highly prais'd for the justice and clemency of his proceedings in this present quarrel ; the popular tumults condemned , which forced him to retire from his parliament , and these gentlemen earnestly entreated to dispossess their spirits of all factious inclinations , and to wash off this foul spot by which they have and do defame the pure profession of the gospel , giving occasion for the world to believe , that the reformed religion hath a secret hatred and antipathy against the majesty of kings and soveraign authority ; against this epistle , our enemies vomited out many outragious words in their books , maintaining that it was supposititious and invented by some prophane atheist . behold here the thanks that this great and learned person , and the reverend ministers his brethren , received for their charitable and truly christian counsel . and this is further to be observed , that the assembly at london having sent their epistle and oath of their covenant to seventeen forraign churches , whereof the churches of france made but one , they make no noise of the answers they received , which doth evidently testifie they did not satisfie them , and that they durst not produce them , for fear of making it appear that the generality of the reformed churches were ashamed of their actions , and condemned the insurrections of subjects against their soveraign under pretence of reformation . this divinity of rebellion being founded upon one only maxime , that the power of kings is of humane and not divine right , and that their right to the kingdom is but a paction between them and the people . it s much to purpose to produce here what the churches of france hold hereupon , and how they refuse the reasons of the jesuits which are the same with the covenanters : behold the last chapter of the buckler of faith , which is a garment so fit for the size of both parties , that after the one hath made use of it , the other may put it on , they need change nothing but the persons . thomas the prince of the school divines , saith , that the power of princes and lords , is but of humane institution , and comes not from god ; to whom we may joyn cardinal bellarmine in his book against barkley and monsieur arnoux , who upon the second article of our confession , cals the power of the magistrate a humane law , conformable to the apothegme of reverend father binet the jesuit , who told mr. casaubon , that it were better all kings were killed , than a confession should be revealed , because the power of kings is but an humane right , but confession is of divine right . the reasons they bring for this opinion , are , 1. that the first king that was raised in the world , namely nimrod , was raised by violence , and not by the ordinance of god. 2. that the most part of the empires and kingdoms that ever have been , came by conquest , one nation overcoming the other ; or by some prince , whose ambition moved him to pick an unjust quarrel with his neighbour . 3. that emperors and kings are established by humane ways , whether they come to the crown by hereditary succession , or by election , since there is no extraordinary revelation , nor no rule in the word of god , that a nation are bound to follow rather succession which is hereditary , than that which is by election . 4. that there is no express command of god , to obey henry rather than lewis , or to acknowledge this man rather than that for king. 5. that for these considerations , the apostle st. peter calls our obedience to kings , an ordinance of man ; saying , submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to the king as supream , or unto governours , &c. 1 pet. 2.15 . these are the ordinary reasons of the covenanters , if they should disavow them , their books would witness against them , for they are full of them . but i would they could get them out of the schools of the jesuits , and come and learn the doctrine of the reformed churches , which speak thus : wee on the contrary maintain , that obedience to kings and magistrates is of divine right , and founded upon an ordinance of god , for which purpose those passages serve , which commands obedience to kings , and the higher powers , as to persons whom god hath set up , and whom we cannot resist , without resisting god. there is no power but of god , the powers that be , are ordained of god , whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , rom. 13.1 , 2. item , we must be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake , v. 5 , 7. and saint peter , in that place they object against us , wills that we yield our selves subjects to kings for the lords sake . so that although nebuchadnezzar was a wicked king , and a rod in the hand of god , to destroy the nations , notwithstanding god speaks thus to him by his prophet daniel , thou o king , art a king of kings , for the god of heaven hath given thee a kingdom , power , strength and glory , dan. 2.37 . moses the first prince & lawgiver of israel , was established by an ordinance of god , and joshua after him , num. 27.18 . saul , the first king of israel , and david his successor , were anointed by samuel , and consecrated to be kings , according to the ordinance of god , 2 kings 9. god sent to jehu , a prophet , for to anoint him king of israel . it s god that girdeth the loins of kings with a girdle , job 12.18 . god is he that governs , or as our translation read it , god is the judge , he pulleth down one , and setteth up another , psal . 75.7 . the lord raiseth the poor out of the dust , and lifteth the needy out of the dunghil , that he may set him with princes , psal . 113.7 , 8. certainly , if the providence of god extends it self even to the feeding of fowls , and giving food to the young ravens , when they cry unto him , psal . 147. yea , as to number the very hairs on your head , so that not one of them falls without his providence , who believes , that when god will establish or set up a man on the top of mankind , and make him head of millions of people , the counsel of god doth not intervene , and that he leaves not all things to go at adventure and by chance . " the reasons they alledge against so evident and " apparent a truth , are lame and interfere . 1. they say , that nimrod , the first king in the world was raised by violence : but that is false , that before nimrod there was no soveraign prince in the world. before nimrod , the fathers and heads of families , were kings and priests , and soveraign princes of their families ; for after the flood men lived five or six hundred years ; so that it was easie for one man to behold five hundred , yea , a thousand persons of his posterity , over whom he exercised a paternal power , and by consequence a soveraignty , for there was no other form of royalty in the earth ; whose children & servants being joyned together , one family could make a great commonweal : and even in the time of abraham , then when the life of man was shorter , we read how abraham was called by the children of heath , a prince of god , gen. 23.6 . that is to say , a mighty prince ; and of his own family he drew out three hundred and eighteen souldiers , to whom if we joyn the maid-servants , and those servants who were not fit to bear arms in war ; ye cannot but confess , that although he had no children , yet his own family were capable to fill a good town . 2. they object to us also , that the most part of the empires and kingdomes , have had their beginning by conquest and violence , and therefore not by the ordinance of god : and that if the conqueror had invaded the country of another , by the ordinance of god , the inhabitants of the country had offended god in opposing and resisting him . upon which , i say , that those inhabitants in a country whom a strange prince will invade , do well to oppose and resist him , and if in this defensive war , the usurper is slain , he is justly punished . but if he become master of them , and if all the ancient possessors of the kingdome are extinguished , and the states of the country assembled contrive a new form of state , and all the officers throughout the kingdome give to the new king an oath of fidelity , then we must believe , that god hath established such a prince in the kingdome ; then , i say , the people ought to submit to the will of god , who for the sins of kings and people , transfers kingdomes , and disposeth of the events of battels according to his good pleasure . 3. it matters not to say , that princes , who enter kingdomes by hereditary succession , or by election , come in by wayes introduced by custome , and not by the ordinance of god : for the question is not by what wayes or means a prince comes to the kingdome , but whether , if being once established by the ordinance of god , we are bound to obey him ? our adversaries indeed would have the power of parliament , of divine right , although the members of parliament enter by election , and oft-times by close and under-hand dealing , and by some crafty caballe . let them hold that the parliament is by divine right ; it appears by their authentique catechisme , that they teach us this doctrine : page 5. it 's a gross error to say , that the king is the supreme power , but that power appertains to the soveraign court of parliament , which not to obey , is to resist the ordinance of god : but let us hearken to a better author . 4. that if there be no command in the word of god to obey henry rather then lewis , &c. it 's sufficient that there is a command for to obey the king , and a command to keep our oath and fidelity we have sworn , and by consequence to be faithful to the king to whom we have taken the oath of allegiance . there is no more command of god found to injoyn us particularly to obey the parliament that began november the third , 1640 ▪ to which nevertheless , our adversaries , accounted themselves to be subject by divine right . so that if this consideration should take place , it would follow , that none of them that are now in the world , are obliged by divine right , to fear god , or to believe in jesus christ , because the scripture hath not particularly appointed thibalt , antony or william , that they should fear god , and believe in jesus christ ; it sufficeth that the word of god contains rules , which bind particulars without naming them . s. peter truly in the place before cited calls the obedience we owe to kings , a humane ordinance , and that either because kings command many things , which in their nature are not of divine right , as their commands which forbid wearing of gold or silver , or the like things on their apparrel , or because they attain this power by certain humane means introduced by custome , which notwithstanding hinders not but their power may be founded in the word of god , when they are once established ; for as we said before , the question is not of the means by which a prince comes to the kingdome , but what obedience is due to him , after he is once instaled . and therefore saint peter after he had called this ordinance an humane ordinance , commands us to subject our selves for the lords sake , and to obey his command . whosoever makes the authority of kings depend upon the institution of men , and not upon the ordinance of god , lessens their majesty more then three quarters , and takes from them that which secures their lives and crowns , more then their guards , or mighty armies , which plants in the subjects hearts , fear instead of love and reverence . then the fidelity and obedience of subjects will be firm and lasting , when it shall be incorporated with piety , and accounted a part of religion , and of the service we owe to god. this foundation being over-turned , that the authority of kings is but an humane ordinance , that which they build upon it , must necessarily fall ; for to reason thus , that the people may take away their authority from the king , because they gave it him , is to prove one absurdity by another ; as if one should prove the moon might be burnt , because it s made of wood . for to say the people gave the power to the king , is to imagine that which never was , no not in kingdomes which are elective . the people give not the king his authority , for they cannot give that they have not , but he defers his obedience to henry or charles . but this prince being elected , receives his authority from god , as the beginning and source from whence all power flowes . by me kings raign , pro. 8.15 . and there is no power but of god , rom. 13.1 . none ought therefore to take this power which god hath given him . thus the wife choseth her husband , and gives him a promise of obedience in marriage , but it is not she that gives him his authority , that comes from above : and there is as great an absurdity to say , that the people may depose the king , because they chuse him , as to affirm , that the woman may put away her husband , or subject him to her , when she shall judge expedient , because that she made choice of him : for the woman loseth the liberty of her choice by the bond of marriage , and the people likewise lose the liberty to revoke their choice when the prince elected is declared king. 't is a strange consequence to say that the people may take away the kings authority , because they have sworn obedience to him , the election is no other thing . and it 's a reason that overthrows it self , to say that the people may take from the king his authority , because they gave it him : for put the case that it were true that the people gave authority to the king whom they elect ; since then the people have given away their authority , 't is no more in them . this maxime being once admitted , that it is lawful for every one to take back again what he hath given , it would break the laws of society , and fill the world with injustice and confusion : but let our enemies know , that although the authority of the king had not begun , before the oath of allegiance , which this parliament took in a body at the beginning of their sitting , yet the body of the state made thereby an irrevocable gift of their obedience to the king , and from this oath we draw a better consequence then theirs ; namely , that they cannot dispose of their obedience since they have given it to the king : so that were their reasons good , they would be of no force , but in kingdomes which were elective , and make nothing against king charles ; for neither he , nor any of the kings his ancestors in all ages past , ever came to the crown by election . it 's not to purpose to alledge the oath the king took at his coronation , as an agreement and paction made with his people , equivalent to an election ; for the king receives not his kingdome at his coronation , he is king before his crown is put on , and therefore watson and clark , who conspired against king james of glorious memory , were justly condemned as guilty of high treason , although they alledged that the king was not then crowned , and it was judged by the court , that the crowning was but a ceremony , for to make the king known to his people . it 's the like also in france , i judge ( saith bodin ) that no man doubts but the king enjoyes before his anointing , the possession and propriety of his kingdome . before this ceremony , the king enjoyes as fully all his rights as after , and according to the laws of france and england , the king never dies , whilst there remains any of the royal blood , for in the same hour that the king expires , the lawful heir is totally invested of the kingdome . wherefore the eldest sonne of edward the fourth , who was murthered by his uncle richard , is by general consent numbered amongst the kings , and named edward the fifth , although he never wore the crown , nor took any oath , nor exercised any authority . henry the sixth was not crowned but in the ninth year of his reign , and yet before his coronation , many were attainted of high treason , which could not have been done , if he had not been acknowledged king. in the oaths of the kings of france and england , at their coronation , there is no image of stipulation , covenant or agreement betwixt them and their subjects . they receive not their crowns upon any condition , and their people owe their obedience , whether they perform or violate their promises . this oath is a laudible custome , profitable to bear up the authority of the prince , by the love of his subjects , and to give to the people this satisfaction , that the king whom god hath given them , hath an intention to govern them with justice and clemency , and to preserve their rights and liberties . if the king by his oath should bind himself to fall from the right to his kingdome , when he should violate his promises , he would then be lesser after his oath then before ; and surely if the kings did believe they should diminish their propriety by their oath , they would never take it ; and to shew that their authority depends not of their oath , but their oath of their authority , the kings of england form it at their pleasure . very hardly shall you find three that have taken the same oath without changing some things . that which was presented to henry the eighth , which is to be seen in the rolls , was corrected by his own hand , and interlined . and moreover , the oath is made to god , and not to the people , and binds the conscience of the prince , but doth not limit his soveraignty ; if the intention of this solemnity were to make a stipulation or agreement with the people , the people at the same time should also take a reciprocal oath , and in a paction of such importance , there should also pass some publick contract , things which are not practised ; so that hereby it evidently appears , that this imagination of the enemies of monarchy , have not any foundation neither in law nor custome . some persons think they speak very finely , in saying that the authority of the king is an usurpation of the sword , confirmed by custome , & that if they could gain their liberty by the sword , and confirm it by custome , their right would be as good as his ; and upon this they phylosophy upon the resolutions of states , which are in the hand of god , and teach us to follow the course of his providence . but by speaking thus they commit a double errour , against conscience , and against prudence . as for conscience , the antient constitution of the state confirmed by so many ages , statutes , oaths of allegiance , do suffice to learn all christians that live under this monarchy , that it was god that established it , and that by the command of god , they are bound to defend the state under which they are born , and whom the body of the kingdome hath sworn to maintain . these discourses of following the providence of god in matters of revolutions of states , are then only seasonable , when the royal blood is extinguished , or when usurpation hath gained prescription through length of years , but not when they are neer to overthrow the estate , and ruine the king ; these considerations are good when the evil is done , and out of remedy , but not when they are acting ill , and when the obedience and loyalty of the subjects may remedy all . the providence of god will never serve for excuse of the wickedness of men ; let us do that which we ought to do , and leave god to do what he pleaseth ; and above all , these moralities of revolution of states are worst in their mouths , who labour to make this revolution in the state , for it 's their duty to prevent this revolution with all their power ; posterity may excuse themselves by the providence of god in following a new form of state , whilst those that introduced it , shall be condemned by his justice . besides all this , there is a great want of prudence in this reasoning , for in quarrelling the rights of the king as usurpations of violence and custome , they teach the king to quarrel at their liberties and priviledges for the same reason ; yea , and by one much greater , for the priviledges of parliament are much newer then the royal authority , and the king may say they were obtained by force after many long and bloody wars : he might cast off all prescription gained upon the unlimited power of the first norman kings , and put himself into all the rights of their conquests by another . wise subjects who would keep their priviledges , ought by all means to preserve peace , for there is nothing renders kings more absolute then war. under a royal estate the principal means to preserve the peoples liberty , is to maintain the only authority of the king ; dividing it amongst many , they do but multiply their masters : for it s better to have one evil master , then many good ones . chap. xiv . how the covenanters have no reason to invite the reformed churches , to their allyance , since they differ from them in many things of great importance . we wonder exceedingly how our enemies dare solicite the reformed churches to covenant with them : from whence comes this great familiarity ? is it because of their great resemblance one with another ? it s that we cannot find . as for obedience due to the king , which is the principal point of the covenanters , we have made it already appear , that the divines of the reformed religion are as contrary to the covenanters , as they are to the jesui●es , their brethren and companions in blood and war. this point being denied them , they care not much for the society of any church in other points of doctrine . this is the first and great commandment of the covenant , to obey the people against their king , maintain but this their fundamental maxime , and they will give you leave to chuse your religion , but in many other things this faction differ from the reformed churches . concerning the doctrine of the lords day , they have a great quarrel against calvin , who is so far from constraining the church to a jewish observation of the sabbath , that he accounts that the church is not subjected to the keeping of the seventh day , a passage which learned rivet alledgeth and appro●●s ; and to both these , doth doctor prideaux , since bishop of worcester joyn ; who in a discourse of the sabbath , complains that the english sabbatarians lean towards judaisme , and go against the common received doctrine of divines ; never considering into what captivity they cast themselves , in establishing the observation of the seventh day under christianity , by the authority of a mosaical precept . master primrose , minister of rohan , hath writ a very learned book full of profound knowledge , upon this subject ; whe●e amongst other things , he proves at large how all the reformed churches are contrary to this opinion . although god hath no need of the errour of men to establish his service , we so much love the reverence due to that holy day , that we would not lightly quarrel at any thing thereupon . let every one enjoy his opinion , so that god may be served , and the day which is dedicated to him , be not violated , neither by prophaneness nor superstition . but since the covenante● in this point are so contrary to the reformed churches , and have so often condemned it by their writings , the assembly at london did very ill to plead conformity with these churches in this article , and complain to them of the liberty the king gave to poor servants to sport on sunday after divine service . so also for the festivals , although mr. rivet declares his desire , that those daies which carry the names of saints , should be abolished in england , because of the abuses of these festivals in the church of rome ; nevertheless he acknowledgeth and commends the protestation of the english church hereupon , that they observe them not for the service of saints , but for to glorifie god , in imitation of the primitive church , by the memory of those whom god was pleased to serve himself by , to build up his church , and exceedingly blames those who accuse them of idolatry for this observation . king james of happy and glorious memory , speaks thus in his confession of faith ; as for the saints departed , i reverence their memory , in honour of whom , our church hath established so many daies of solemnity as there are saints enrolled by the authority of the scripture . the festivals of saints scarce exceed the number of the apostles and evangelists ▪ monsieur du moulin his champion defends this confession of his majesty . indeed ( saith he ) we condemn not this celebration of the memory of martyrs and saints ; we find the custome good of the english church , who have daies set apart for the commemoration of the apostles : and a little after he gives the reason why the french churches do not follow their example , because living in a country where superstition abounds , the people would be easily drawn to abuse them , and be tainted with the common contagion . the prudent and religious acknowledge with him , that in this the churches have liberty to govern themselves , according to the exigencies of time and place ; and that if in the english calender there be some festivals which might well be passed by , and whereof there might be some fear of the consequence ; these things ought to have been fairly represented , with the humility of subjects , and the charity of christians , and not defame the reputation of the english church , as idolatrous , and a member of antichrist , nor reform the church and the king by the sword , since the reformed churches in this point acquits them , and the example of the primitive justifies them . but although they make a great shew of their agreement with other churches , they make but use of them in some points where they like and approve of , and spare not to accuse them of idolatry as well as others when they please . 't is that which they do without naming them , then when they reject , as gross idolatry , the observation of the memory of the daies dedicated to the nativity , passion , resurrection , and ascension of christ , and the sending of the holy ghost into the church . behold here the opinion and practise of the reformed churches , declared by that godly and learned festus hominius , it s a thing of very great profit to the edification of the church , to commemorate and press solemnly to the people at certain ordinary times the principal manifestations of god , and his most signal benefits to his church , since that the primitive church , even in the times of the apostles , dedicated certain daies to the anniversary celebration of the nativity , death , resurrection , and ascension of christ , and sending of the holy spirit . it s very well done to retain the practise of the ancient church in a thing which is not simply indifferent , but singularly profitable to edification , provided that none attribute superstitiously any sanctity to be in the daies ; and impose not upon the consciences of christians a yoke of absolute necessity , contrary to the liberty of the gospel . our new reformers cannot affirm in sincerity that the clergy of england attributed any inherent sanctity to be in the daies , or made use of them to impose a yoke of absolute necessity upon their consciences , there was no need then to abolish them with such rigour , not to scandalize so many pious souls , nor resist a vain fear of superstition by insolence and prophaneness , which is a remedy worse then the evil . the day of the nativity in the year 1644 ▪ was changed by an express publick order into a fast , which was the first time since the apostles that there was any fast kept that day in the christian church , and because many would not fast , they sent souldiers into their houses a little before dinner , to visit their kitchins and ovens , who carried away the meat , and eat it , though it was a fasting day , who were exempted from fasting , provided they made others fast ; such insolencies were ordinary , if we may call them insolent actions which were done by authority . and as for easter day , on which and the daies following the people are enjoyned by act of parliament to receive the blessed sacrament ; the devotion of the people in many places have been opposed by violence . we have heard of a parish , where by main force the bread and wine was taken away from the people , who were assembled at church for this holy action . behold their wayes to change the times , and to reform abuses , which is to resist a supposed superstition , with a true and manifest one , and to make sacriledge fight for religion . le ts pass to other differences : the reformed churches do not believe as they , that all significant ceremonies excepting in the sacraments , are unlawful ; for then , it would follow that to keep off the hat , and kneel at prayer , should be unlawful , for these are ceremonies which signifie reverence ; whence many of the covenanters for this reason refuse to put off their hats , or kneel at prayer , without being taken notice of , and reproved by authority . also the reformed churches do not believe as they , that to be tyed to written prayers , or forms of prayers in the administration of the sacraments , is to binde the spirit of god , many of the covenanters are come so far as to call the usage of forms of prayer idolatry ; yea , even the use of the lords prayer , which the most part of this faction refuse to say ; although by a special priviledge it s permitted the minister by their directory to make use of it if he please ; for it s not commanded him . according to this directory ( as they call it ) that is to say , an instruction how the minister should govern himself in the church . the minister must not say the apostles creed , nor repeat the ten commandments of god , whereby the people shall be without any form of what they are to believe , or what they are to do ; therefore in the families of most part of this faction , they reach no● their children neither the creed , the lords prayer , nor the ten commandments ; and as for the children which have learned these holy forms , they teach them to forget them : above all things , they take a special care that the minister tyes not himself to any form of words , as a thing of dangerous consequence , and which hath a taint of antichrist . henceforward then there will be no uniformity in the divine service , nor no more help for the infirmity of aged ministers , nor for the understanding and memory of simple and dull auditors , who cannot comprehend at the first aboard what the minister saith , but had need to be well accustomed to him . also there will be no more bounds to devour phantastical spirits , which is the principal vice of this nation : every church will have a particular order , or rather will have none at all ; for the pastor hath liberty to alter it every time he pleases , nothing being forbidden but to make use of the long established forms , by the authentical acts of many parliaments , sanctified by the publick devotion of so many years ; and composed by the first reformers , persons excellent in piety and wisdome , whose books these are not worthy to carry after them . if these directors had had any fear of scandalizing the churches , whom they invited to associate with them , they would never have abolished the custome received in all the reformed churches , and generally in all the christian churches of the world , who have certain forms for the publick service of god. if they had born any respect to antiquity , and to the universal consent of the christian church in all ages , and in all places , they would not have begun in this age a custome so prodigiously singular , as to banish out of the church all forms and orders of prayers , the apostles creed , and the ten commandments . there rests yet some liturgies of the ancient churches , and hymns used in the publick service , as the eighteenth canon of the councel of laodicea , that the form or liturgy of prayers morning and evening ought alwayes to be the same . there hath not , nor ever was there a church , who had not some forms of prayers , but above all for the higher powers , but that being abolished in england by the directors , we need not wonder if many ministers of the new edition have long since forgot to make mention of the king in their prayers , and those that pray for him , do it in odious terms , thrust on by a perverse and malignant zeal , telling god a long story of the sins they impute unto their king , as if they would poure all their choler into the bosome of god. if any amongst them should thus pray for his father in the pulpit , lord grant repentance to my father of all his extortions , perjuries , thefts , murthers and adulteries , they would account him a fool , or exceedingly wicked , but against their king all things were permitted . behold the fruits of abolishing the divine service , and the liberty of the prophetique spirits of the times , fomented by publick order . chap. xv. of abolishing the liturgy , in doing whereof , the covenanters oppose the reformed churches . amongst their reasons for the abolishing such good prayers in this time of rebellion , this none of the least , because in the liturgy there are divers clauses which ●each the people the soveraignty of their prince , and the obedience they owe unto him . there the king is called our most gracious soveraign : this would give the minister the lie , if after that he should call him a most cruel tirant , as it was their custom : there they pray , that it would please god to strengthen the king , that he might overcome all his enemies , which were to pray to god for the ruine of their holy covenant : there god is called the only governour of princes , which would contradict the doctrine and practise of the times , which gives other governours to princes besides god , and subject the king to his subjects . there they pray to god that the subjects of the king may duly consider whose authority he hath , namely gods. if his subjects duly come to consider this , they would lay down their arms which they had taken up against him , for fear of fighting against god , and would reject the instruction taught them , that the king holds his authority of men . there they pray that the subjects of the king may faithfully serve , honour , and humbly obey him , a prayer of a most dangerous consequence , and would utterly spoil the affairs of the covenanters , if the lord should hear them . there they also pray , the lord would so bless the king , that under him we may be godly and quietly governed , but it is not under him but without him , that they would govern us , there being not according to their saying , any means to live godly and quietly under his obedience . in the same manner they pray for all those who are established in authority under him ; but according to the form of the state turned the bottom upward , as the presbyterians would have it , they must now pray for all those established in authority over him . 't is also a most dangerous clause in that same prayer , which prays to god to punish all wickednesse and vice , and to preserve true religion and piety . for if this prayer were once heard , the zealots of the state who draw their swords against the king , and the preachers of rebellion , would be constrained to make their speeches to the people on the gallowes , and their hypocrisie would be unmasqued , and they rendered the publick object of contempt and scorn , and the brownist and anabaptist sent into the islands of america . also the prayer that god would give peace in our daies , would be very unsuitable to the intentions of the covenanters , who preach no other thing in substance , then that text ill applied , cursed is he that withholds his sword from shedding blood . they have therefore voted it a point of prudence to lay aside the liturgy out of their way , which is so contrary to their politick intentions ; as for conscience and the government of the church , which is dislocated and dismembred by this abolition of the divine service , they will then consider of , after these gentlemen have served themselves of the general disorder , to build themselves an empire in the confusion . it s most certain that in this change god is far worse served , there are indeed some certain ministers capable without the divine service , to make prayers full of edification , and truly every minister of the gospel ought thus to be prepared , but how many are there amongst them who for lack of being tied to certain prayers in publick , abuse the patience of god and holiness of prayer : if the judicious auditory at charenton , should but hear what tales and news these people tell god , the insolent familiarity whereby they discourse and reason with him , their maledictions against their king , their humorous , mad and phantastical tricks , which pass for sallies of zeal , they would mark out lodgings for them in the petites maisons ( with us here called bedlam ) which might exempt them from the chatelet ( but with us from new-gate . ) certainly as liberty ought not to be a cloak of maliciousness , so it ought not to be a door open for folly . the libertine and capricious humour of the climate in matter of the service of god , should have taught these directors to have restrained this licentiousness rather than to have let loose the rains , and the importunity of those that demanded this liberty , should have the more induced them to refuse it . but what ? those who accorded this most pernicious liberty , were the same persons who only demanded it . the prophane contempt wherewith they used this so holy liturgy , ought not to be imputed to the insolency of the souldiers , but unto the instructions which were given them . the parliaments souldiers catechisme published and recommended by special authority , teacheth them to tear it a peeces wheresoever they find it , pag. 22. calling it a most abominable idol , and a nurse of ignorance and blindness , which foments an idle , lazy and dissolute ministry , and that therefore they should reduce it to ashes , as hezekiah did the brasen serpent , as the occasion of much evil and an object of idolatry . but seeing in so great a change they oppose the general consent of their church , and that for one whom they please hereby , they offend more than a hundred . they labour to turn the eyes of the ignorant people towards the churches beyond the seas , hoping as well they might , that looking so far off , they could not know what they did . the authors of the directory affirm , that by a long and sad experience they find that the english liturgy is offensive to the forreign reformed churches . and they add a little after , that it is to answer the expectation of those churches , that they reject the ordinary liturgy . oh our good god! these persons do they meddle to preach the truth ? because that france and england are separated by sea and language , do they think their people shall never be informed the truth of the opinion of their neighbours touching the english liturgy , nor the manner of their practise in matter of their publick service ? i hope they will leave to others the practise of this maxime , lie boldly , although you be refuted after , there will remain some impression upon the spirits of the hearers ; and therefore we will believe charitably , that the most part of these divines knew not what they said , but referred themselves to the faith of others , and hoping that after they are better informed , they will change their opinion , we will say to them , as st. paul to the galatians , i have confidence in you through the lord , that ye will be none otherwise minded , but he that troubleth you shall bear his judgment , whosoever he be , gal. 5.10 . since then they speak of their long experience , let us take it from the beginning , soon after the liturgy was compiled , it was sent to good cal●in who thus writ to the protector of england , as for the form of prayers , and ecclesiastical ceremonies , i much approve that they should be established as a certain form from which it may not be lawful for the pastors to go in the execution of their charge . behold two points very contrary to the covenanters , the one that he very well approves of the book of common prayer , and the ecclesiastical ceremonies ; the other , that there ought to be a certain form of divine service , from which it should not be lawful for the pastors to digress : will they not say in reading these words of calvin , durus sermo , this is a hard saying , who can hear it ? what cruelty is this , to undertake to bind the spirit of zeal ? and to dare to speak of a rule to them , who will stand fast in the liberty christ hath made them free , and will not again be entangled in the yoke of bondage , for they make use of this text for that subject ; we will leave them this text of calvin to ruminate , and pray them not to begin the date of their long experience , till after his decease . martin bucer will yet shorten it some years , he speaks thus to the churches of england of the form of their divine service , i give thanks to god who hath given you grace to reform these ceremonies in such a purity , for i have found nothing in it , which is not taken out of the word of god , or at least is not contrary to it , being rightly interpreted . that which the directors and their party find most to be reprehended in this book , is of so small consideration with beza , that he wrote thus to those who were so enraged against it , the surplice ( saith he ) is not a thing of such importance , that ministers should be so scrupulous , as to leave their function rather than wear it , or that the people should forbear to ●eed of the bread of life , rather than hear their pastors preach who wear them . and as for receiving the blessed sacrament of the lords supper kneeling , musick in churches , and things of the like nature , he saith to them . that these are such small and indifferent things which should not much trouble them . behold here their long experience much shortned , for its little above fourty years since beza died . gualter and bullinger likewise commending the english liturgy , condemned the affected tenderness of some who made use of it for a cloak of their sedition and rebellion , speaking thus in an epistle which they both joyntly wrote to their discontented brethren in england upon this subject , that if any of the people perswade themselves that these things smell of popery , let them learn to know the contrary , and let them be perfectly instructed , and that if the clamours of any of them raise up troubles amongst the multitude , let them beware lest in doing so , they draw upon your necks a more heavy yoke , and provoke no● his majesty , and bring not many ministers into such dangers out of which they shall find no means to escape . this advertisement might well be turned into a prophesie , and these persons who falsly alledge the reformed churches are offended with the liturgy of england , repent too soon that they had not followed their exhortations , and submitted themselves . now the king hath offered to exempt tender consciences from the observation of certain things which offend them ; yea to submit the whole reformation to a lawful synod : but in stead of receiving this gracious offer of his majesty , they persecute him and his clergy with all violence ; manifesting thereby that it is not our reformation , but our destruction which is capable to content them , and these tender consciences which tremble at the sight of a surplice , or the sound of an organ , are strong and lusty enough to commit murder and sacriledge ; like the pharisees , who strained at a gnat , and swallowed a camel. his majesty made a declaration to all the reformed churches , of the sincerity of his profession and intention to live and die in the holy religion which he had maintained , and because the factious of his kingdom had used all their endeavours to alienate forreign churches from the church of england upon the outward of religion , his majesty remembers them there how at the synod of dort both the discipline and liturgy of england was approved by word and writing by the most eminent divines of germany , france , denmark , sweden and switzerland , as appears in the acts of that synod , and yet nevertheless the covenanters at this day , are so impudently bold as to publish that by long and sad experience they have found that the english lyturgy was offensive to the forreign reformed churches . where is their honesty ? where is their sincerity ? do they hope by these wicked waies to draw down a blessing of god upon their cause ? the truth which they pretend to advance , must it be established and set up by lying ? by all this then it appears that their long experience comes to nothing , but if they are wanting in the old experience , let them produce the new . where are the forreign churches that require of them the abolition of the publike service ? would they could cause them to speak for themselves : by forreign churches they cannot understand the scotch church ; for since the beginning of this war , the covenanters would not acknowledge them for strangers , for fear of being reproached for inviting and bringing in forreign forces , and keeping them under pay in the kingdom . and as for other churches , we account the experience of the authors of the directory do not much exceed ours : now we have not known any protestant stranger ever made it any difficulty to joyn in the publick prayers of the church of england , except some walking anabaptists , as in london they have lately made to appear ; and neither in france nor the low countries , we never knew or understood the least trace of dissention hereupon , and if the fashion of some particulars amongst us displease other churches , they do not less displease ours . the reformed churches are better instructed than lightly to quarrel at the exteriour circumstance of divine service , where the substance is whole and sound ; they have learned to speak after calvin , in the confession presented in the name of the churches of france to the emperour and princes of germany , we acknowledg that all and every church have this right to make laws and statutes , and for to establish a common policy amongst them , provided that all things be done in the house of god decently and in order , and they owe obedience to these statutes , so that they do not inthrall the conscience , nor impose superstition , and those that refuse this are accounted by us seditious and wilful . beza goes yet a little further , and maintains that in the outward of religion , many things may , yea ought to be born , notwithstanding they are not justly commanded . st. augustin hath an epistle upon this subject , which is a golden epistle , wherein he instructs januarius of the indifferency of ecclesiastical observations , as of the times of fasting , and the divers customs of receiving the blessed sacrament of the lords supper . all things of this kind ( saith he ) have their observations free , and for this there is no better of discipline for a grave and prudent christian , then to do as he seeth them do in all the churches whither he goes , for that which is neither against faith and good manners ought to be held indifferent , and ought to be observed according to the company with whom we live and converse ; and hereupon he reports how his mother being come to millan found her self in great perplexity , because they did not fast on the saturday , as they did in the church from whence she came , and he to resolve he , went to ask counsel of st. ambrose archbishop of millan , who answered him ▪ when i ( saith he ) go to rome , i fast on the saturday , when i am here i fast not on that day , do ye the same : into whatsoever church ye go , observe their customes ; if you your self will not give offence to persons , and will that no person should give you offence . all protestants of europe except the faction of the covenant , govern themselves thus , in whatsoever place they are , they joyn with the reformed church , whatsoever their form of discipline be , which as some say is divers in all nations . to this grave counsel of s. ambr. s. austin adds a character to the life , of the imperious and scrupulous humour of our melancholy zealots , whom one would think had an intention to paint them out : i have oft perceived ( saith he ) with much grief and sorrow , that many weak and infirm persons have been much troubled through their contentions , wilfulness and superstitious fearfulness at some of their brethren , for doing some things which could not be certainly defined by the authority of the holy scriptures , nor by the tradition of the universal church , nor by the utility that might thereby come for the bettering and amendment of our lives ; only because there is some matter for their conceptions to reason and discourse upon , or because they think the farther they go , or are able to separate themselves from the customs received , is the most exquisite and nearest to perfection , moving such litigious and idle questions , that they make appear to all , that they will never allow of any thing well done unless they do it themselves . the reformed churches take and give this liberty , that every one form an outward order of divine service according to their prudence , and its more to be wished than expected , that there should be one and the same order throughout all churches . but i know , not any church that reject and cast off all certain forms as the covenanters . the declaration following made some few years since , by persons of account in the churches of france , is notable . as for the ceremonies and customs of ecclesiastical service and discipline , no judge convenient to leave to every church his own , without altering or changing any thing . one day when it shall please god to perfect and confirm amity amongst these churches , we may be able by an universal councel and consent , to form a certain liturgy which may be as a symbole and bond of concord . the churches of the covenanters ought to be exempted out of this number , for the liturgy is become to them an apple of discord , which hath made them quarrel with all churches of the world ; being in this point like unto esau , whose hands were against every one , and every ones hands against him . therefore the directors refute themselves by a manifest contradiction , then when by their publike declaration they tell the people , that it is to conform themselves to the reformed churches , that they prescribe not an ordinary form of publike prayers and administration of the sacraments . seeing that it is a thing most notoriously known , that all the reformed churches have certain forms of prayers : but they do as if they should apparrel themselves with green and yellow , because the ministers of france apparel themselve● with black : 't is the doctrine of the brownists , which now predominate in england , that for to have a liturgie or form of prayers , is to have another gospel : now after all this , do they not well , think you , to court the churches of france , and to make a great noise of their conformity with them , having so openly condemned them ? and their phanatical phrensie in this point is proceeded so far , that neither the lords prayer , nor the ten commandements , nor the apostles creed , are repeated in their churches , nor are taught their children in their houses ; much less any form of catechism : behold here a faction who reject the books of christian religion : an horrible and unheard of thing in all ages , and in all churches since christianity entred the world . and dare these people speak of reformation and conformity with the reformed churches ? chap. xvi . of the great prudence and wisdome of the first english reformers , and of the fool-hardiness of these at present . if these directors who boast themselves of a new light , had had at least the light of prudence , they would have considered that they had to deal with popular spirits , who were accustomed to a good and holy liturgie , but since on a sudden interdicted the use , they could not but think they were suddenly transported into another gospel , for the people are dull , and fastned upon the exterior , and that if they be once fastened to a form of devotion which is good , although below perfection , there is occasion to praise god that the people have any tast of devotion , even in any form , and it should be cherished and encouraged . and if there be any thing in this form to be amended , it should be done so mildly and dexterously , that the people be not exasperated , and the change made in the outward skin of religion , make not the substance distasted ; for the most part mens spirits penetrates not much further than the superficies , as indeed no further did theirs who came to reform us with the sword . it s a very dangerous thing to overthrow an order wherein the devotion of the people hath taken root . for besides the disorder that follows commonly in the church and state , they shall find that in transplanting devotion into a new soil , they cause it to die ; some being prophane , others desperate and atheistical . for an exemplary conduct of christian prudence in this great point of publick reformation , all after ages will admire the english reformers under the reign of edward the sixth , who intrapt the people , as saint paul beguiled the corinthians , who confessed that being subtile , he caught them by guile , for to establish the doctrine , so as it is contained in the confession of faith in english church , and agrees with that of other reformed churches , they kept themselves from going openly and suddenly against the inclination of the people , above all in the exteriour , which although it is of less importance , hath notwithstanding a very strong influence upon the common people . after the reformation was concluded upon by the prelates and nobles , mattins were said in the cathedral churches at their accustomed hours , with the same garments they were wont to wear , and the same ordinary singing , but the hymns and psalms they read in english , and their scriptures were not read in pieces , but by whole chapters , and prayers were put to god only in the name of jesus christ , and in a known tongue ; a thing which did much content the people , and much edifie them , and being accustomed to these things , they passed by the mass . sermons became more frequent , simply instructing the people in the truth and holiness without any bitterness or contest ; whereby they gained the spirits of the people by charity , which is the only method for to decide controversies , and in a short time , that which superstition had drawn over the service of god , was insensibly abolished , and there was a general conversion of the kingdom wrought without any noise . this prudent way wrought better effects than all the combats of religion , whether fought by armies or letters , which have been since above these hundred years : their enemies of the church of rome would much rather the reformers had disputed concerning the doctrine and discipline , and that they had set upon them with their utmost strength . our melancholy and peevish zelots would have done no great good upon them by the waies they now take , if this task had fallen into their hands ; for such a great work there was need of better notions of piety and prudence than the fundamental maximes of the reformation at present , that the purest religion is that which hath least conformity with the church of rome . that for to do well , they must do quite contrary to that which the church of rome doth , and hereby they make all that remains of the institution of the apostles to become antichristian , because the papist hath practised them . maximes which are only proper for poor seditious spirits , whose nature is like the crab-fishes , who know not how to go but backward . religion consists not in negation , the saving truths are affirmative , and it would be a dangerous rule to believe altogether contrary to that which the devil believes , which would oblige us to deny the divinity . for so high an enterprise , which is equally as necessary as dangerous , there is required clear , seeing judgments , firm & stable , ready & charitable ; who are able to penetrate and dive into the inside of religion , and discern the meat from the shell ; who without bending the truth to the times , know how to accomodate their work to the nature of men and affairs ; and who have the discretion recommended by saint paul , prove all things , hold fast that which is good , wisely distinguishing betwixt the apostolical institution , and the rust that is grown on it through length of time . these excellent persons manifest to the world that they well understood this secret , that the matter of religion is a thing rather adored than known by the people ; but the form and ceremony is that their eyes are fixed upon , and which fills their spirits , and he that pleaseth them in the exteriour , shall easily prevail with them for the inward of doctrine . now it appears that superstition is alwayes of the same nature , although she changeth her object ; for the fanaticall zeal of the people of the covenant being fleshed and egged on to destroy the exteriour order , perceived not in the mean while that they undermined the foundations of faith ; for we find amongst our enemies , many different sects ; some denying the trinity , the incarnation of the son of god , and his divinity , who neverthelesse agree altogether to hate & abolish our lyturgie with the sword , without contending amongst themselves for these essential differences ; neither are they moved for these monstrous errors , which directly oppose the glory of god and salvation of men ; so much are men for the most part children , yea brutish in matters of piety , fastening themselves upon appearances , and not upon things , considering more the garment then the body of religion . the vulgar being every where of this disposition , god shewed great favour to the ignorant people in times of our fathers , to put them into so good hands , who knew how to lead them mildly to the truth , without exasperating them for the discipline . for to provoke and irritate them , was not the means to instruct them . let all the world judge if the reformers at present follow this example , and whether they search to instruct or to provoke the people ; for after we have made the best and soundest party amongst them to confess that the doctrine of the church of england was good and holy , and they be demanded hereupon , why they persecute the king and his people with such rage ? they pay us with this miserable reason , that the people are affectionate to certain things as necessary , which are not necessary , and they would wean them from this opinion : and must they for this drown three famous kingdoms in bloud , and snatch the crown from off the head , and the sword out of the hand of a good king ? we may well tell them that they undertake an impossible thing ; for there is no religion , no nation , nor almost person , who is not lodged there ; but they themselves , are they not more superstitious in this point , than those whom they would correct ? for what greater superstition , for to make a necessity to contradict and oppose things ; where there is no necessity , yea to account the abolishing of things not necessary , so necessary , that for it they will massacre the king , and bathe themselves in the blood of the church and state. can there be in the world a more pernicious superstition ? no verily , if they consider that this superstition , kils the soul as well as the body . for those from whom they take the use of their holy prayers , have great cause to fear they will also take from them their religion , whereupon some have fallen into a desperate melancholy ; if they deal thus with us , because they have a greater measure of light then we , it is much to be desired that they had a little more ; that they fall not into the offence condemned by s. paul , and through thy knowledge shall thy weak brother perish for whom christ died , but when ye sin against the brethren , and wound their weak conscience , ye sin against christ , 1 cor. 8.11 , 12. heretofore this faction would be spar'd in their disobedience to the ecclesiastical laws , pretending tenderness and weakness of conscience ; but now that they are become masters of the laws , they regard not our weakness , but force us to follow their fantasies , without considering our doubts and scruples . the king by the articles of uxbridge , offered them liberty of conscience , but they will not give neither the king nor his subjects the like liberty : either take the covenant or leave your benefice , was the choice they gave many ministers . alledge to them the great and deep affliction of the people , because they had taken from them their common prayers , their forms for the celebration of the sacraments , and of marriage , their customs of receiving the sacrament at christmas , easter , and pentecost , and the decent manner of burying their dead , with some prayers and texts of scripture , which put the living in mind of their mortality , and raised up in them an assurance of their resurrection . they will answer you , that these observations are not necessary , and mock at the affliction of the ignorant people : but we hold that it is necessary to obey god , who hath commanded us to do nothing whereby thy weak brother stumbleth , is offended , or made weak , but be such as give none offence , neither to the jew , nor to the gentiles , nor to the church of god , rom. 14.21 . also the imaginary danger which they fear of things that may come to passe , is a thousand times less then the present scandal and offence done to pious souls , to behold all ecclesiastical order overthrown , and liberty given to prophane and fanatique spirits , to whom any thing is permitted , unless to obey the king , and the orders established by lawfull authority . but let us pass to other offences : there are many more besides the violation of orders , the very substance of religion is endamaged . what care do many people take to baptize their children ? how do they reprove them that baptize no more in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost ? is it notpermitted to every one to baptize or not baptize their children ? and baptism is it not refused to many infants , which are presented to be baptized ? these new reformers find so many difficulties in the capacity of their parents , that they are constrained many times to carry their children far from their dwellings to be received into the christian church ; for 't is one of the errors of the times , that if the father hath not faith ( that is to say a faith after their mode ) the infant must not be baptized ; in stead whereof the reformed churches in baptizing infants , consider not the faith of the parents , but of the church in which they are born ; and the doctrine , not according as it is believed , but according as it is taught , fidem non subjectivam sed objectivam . for if they must be certain whether the father hath faith , they should also be certain that he is the father of the infant , which the charity of the church questioneth not . also it is an ordinary custom amongst them to rebaptize aged persons , and to plunge women naked into the water untill they say they feel faith . the abuse of the blessed sacrament of the lords supper is yet worse , because it is more universal , and maintained by the body of their divines . we beseech all lovers of the christian religion to enquire themselves of these ministers , how long time they have forborn to receive or administer this holy sacrament ? when was it that the heads of the covenanters received it ? when is it that their souldiers were partakers of it , those zealous murtherers , whose assassinations and plunderings are steeped in piety ? is it because they dare not receive the body and blood of our lord , with hands defiled with rapine and innocent blood ? but this reason cannot serve for the churches where the ministers are laid hold on , and forbidden to administer the sacrament where they are ministers . how many churches are there where there hath been no speaking of a sacrament these fifteen or sixteen years ? and is it not for them to mock god to make a directory of the manner of receiving the lords supper , and not to make use of it , yea by force to hinder execution and performance of it ? our lord jesus hath commanded us , to do this in remembrance of him , 1 cor. 11.26 . but behold here persons , who impose a necessity not to do , because they know not those who are worthy , and therefore they hinder others to obey jesus christ , taking by force the bread and wine from the people , who were assembled to communicate , and carried away the minister out of the church , for fear he should administer the sacrament . these actions cry to heaven , and will one day draw down a just vengeance . these proceedings make us fear , least they rank the lords supper amongst the superannuated ceremonies which must be abolished ; for in many churches where the covenanters are it 's not used , which is a horrible thing to hear ; the church of god , since christs time , never before brought forth such examples . certainly since jesus christ would , that we should do this in remembrance of him , until his coming again ; if he should come now , he would find it very strange , that they had left before his coming this celebration of the memory of his death , which he had so expresly commanded , and it is to be presumed that he will receive no reason against his command : for the coming of jesus christ is the only reason which ought to make this holy ordinance cease . by this scruple , that they dare not administer the holy supper , but to those alone whom they know to be worthy ( which is the general pretext of their party for their total abstinence ) they condemn not only the reformed churches , who exclude none from the holy communion , unless they be ignorant and scandalous persons , but also jesus christ , who administred to the disciple that betrayed him ; even then when he was plotting his treason in his heart . by this also they even bind themselves not to celebrate the supper of the lord until they be inspectors and lookers into conscience , that is to say , gods : for otherwise they cannot be fully satisfied of the worthiness of persons , and all those who have a holy desire to partake of the lords table , shall not be admitted , until these principal clerks of the councel-chamber of god have formed a church , which consists purely of elect. it s great pity when men will be too wise , and introduce laws of severity into the church which god hath not required at our hands : these men should meditate on the text of solomon , eccles . 7.16 . be not righteous over-much , neither make thy self over-wise , why shouldest thou destroy thy self ? or otherwise , why shouldest thou draw desolation on thy self ? thus the pharisees by an impertinent wisdome and affected authority , and a sublime divinity of chymeras , were confounded in the vanity of their understandings , and drew desolation upon themselves , and their church . but yet there is a mystery of iniquity under this scruple , which doth deeply stain the divines of the covenant ; for their masters foment them for to advance their affairs , and it is easie to see , that if they once become the strongest , they will exclude from the sacrament of the lords supper all those who cannot banish from their heart the love of their king , and the church wherein they were born and brought up : in a sermon preached before the house of commons , and printed by command , we learn that their party will no more communicate with the antichristian faction ; the preacher explains himself , and tells us he means all those that adhere to the king in this quarrel : they have many times preached that none should receive the lords supper , but those who had taken the covenant ; yea , they have spoke aloud , that the oath of the covenant , and the lords supper should be administred together , so that the communicants must swear upon the body & blood of our lord , and upon the hope of their salvation , that they would be rebels to their king as long as they live ; and the blood of jesus christ must be imployed for the same use , the cup of mans blood which the confederates with cataline drunk round one to another , in taking the oath of conjuration to murder their superiours , and ruine their country . but this design is not yet ripe for execution , they defer it for a time : in the mean time , these gentlemen and the spiritual fathers deny themselves the seal of their union with jesus christ , and hereafter they will dispose of this sacrament according as the necessity of the covenanters do require . they forgot to put down this article of their reservation in the epistle they sent to forreign churches , but in inviting them in general to conform themselves unto them , they exhort them to this amongst the rest . what ? must the reformed churches then abstain from the lords supper , and chuse to interdict the ordinance of jesus christ , rather then put themselves in danger of administring to the unworthy ? must the universal christian church be gulled by their scruples , composed of the folly of some , and the malice of others ? must all believers in the world hold their faith in suspence , and deprive themselves of the sacrament of their union with jesus christ , until the covenanters of england have found a proper time to make use of the body and blood of christ , to bind together a wicked faction , and have made the mysteries of salvation their footstool for ambition . rather then suffer by a criminal complacency , that religion should be so destroyed , and that these horrible things should pass for doctrines of the reformed churches , let all those who bear this title , defend the honour of the gospel , and thereby a publick detestation of so great a corruption . let all those who love god testifie by a just anger they hate the evil . it matters not what fraternity these innovators pretend with other churches , if they corrupt the christian religion , and invite them to do the like , familiaris accipere haud familiariter , let them manifest , they have no fraternity with heresie , and impiety , repulse boldly the temptation of those who invite so basely to do ill , that they may have no more courage to return . but there is one consideration which should mitigate your indignation against them . that amongst this most impious extravagansie , there is a malady and disease of the spirit , for many of this party have their brains dislocated and displaced . some whereof have taken their children , and gone and sacrificed them , pretending a particular command , like that god gave to abraham ; others have shut themselves up with a bible , and resolved to eat nothing , because it is written , that man shall not live by bread alone , but by every word which proceedeth out of the mouth of god. some have killed their cat , because she had taken a mouse on sunday , but defer'd the execution until munday . and there are women and tradesmen amongst them , who preach by the spirit without call , knowledge , or premeditation , others who account the receiving of the sacrament on their knees , is to communicate at mass , and that the surplice is the smock of the whore of babylon , the publick prayers mass refined , the sound of the organs , the hoboyes of antichrist ; ye need not wonder the covenanters have so great a party , since fools and ideots are on their side . the like weakness is seen in the epistle of the assembly to the reformed churches , they highly aggravate the persecutions prepared for all those who would not bear the mark of the beast , meaning by this mark , their obedience to the order of episcopacy , and the use of the publick service , for the king required no other thing of them ; but as beasts which being cast into the river , ordinarily swim against the stream , so many of these brutish spirits , think they can never be saved , but in going against the ancient received customes , how good soever they be , and make all their piety and honesty to consist in a sullen and dogged devotion , fantastical and turbulent , which will give no rest to themselves , nor others . this scrupulous humour hath produced strange effects , witness he that killed his mother and brother in cold blood , having no other quarrel against them , but that they loved the liturgy . this was a preamble of the devil , who the year after began this war for the same subject , in which he made use of the melancholy humour of the people to cut the throats of their brethren for devotion , according to the instructions before alledged out of sions plea , and the souldiers catechisme . in effect their spirit of contradiction , and their bloody inclination , which hath formed this maxime of the times , that the reformation must be made by blood , are the productions of a sharp choler , predominant in the hipocondres or bowels , whose vapours besiege the animal spirits , which carries them into a savage rage , which hath something of the nature of the licanthropy . there is alwayes in the worst parties excellent natures , which are carried away with the stream , and we know amongst the party of the covenant , some very brave men ; but the churlish zealots , whose fierceness and number govern even the governours themselves , are of weak and malignant spirits , whose temper is like that of tiberius , that is of dung kneaded and wrought together with blood , these are men of sad , sordid , and reserved natures , which a wild melancholy renders fearful , superstitious , suspitious and cruel ; and when all these ingredients meet together , ignorance , superstition , presumption and wilfulness , and a flitting and imperious humour , all steeped in a black and hot melancholy , they make the most malignant composition of the world , pernicious to church and state , to families and all societies , causing every where ruine and combustion , like a granado fired , that makes all fly a pieces that is near it . chap. xvii . how the covenanters labour in vain to sow dissention between the churches of england and france , upon the point of discipline ; of the christian prudence of the french reformers , and of the nature of discipline in general . hitherto we have found no such conformity as might induce the covenanters of england to invite the reformed churches to espouse their quarrel , for they every where carefully administer the lords supper , they take order that infants be baptized , they suffer none to be re-baptized , they suppress heresies , scandals , the liberty of fanatique spirits , they repeat to the people the ten commandments of god , the articles of the christian faith , they make use of certain forms of prayer in administring the sacraments , and other parts of the divine service . they teach the people to submit to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , and not to resist supreme powers , but to suffer for righteousness sake ; they are free from a capricious weakness in matters of indifferency which are peculiar to our enemies ; also these churches approve of the english liturgy , and without scruple joyn with it in prayer when occasion serves ; what is there then which should oblige them to associate together . the reformed churches , say they , have no bishops ; but we demand of them , whether all those churches which have bishops are not reformed ? they incline doubtless to this opinion , for in the title of their epistle to the reformed churches , they name but those of france , the low countries , and switzerland , they let the other pass under an &c. if that be their opinion , they have much forgot themselves in their copies which they sent to particular states , for they writ to the churches of hesse , and those of anhalt , which are governed by superintendents , that is to say in our language , bishops . in all those countries subject to the crowns of denmark and sweden , the episcopal degree is kept ; so almost through all germany , this degree is preserved under the name of superintendent , and in some places ( as in brene ) the name of bishops remain ; although part of these churches be lutherans , we will not refuse them the name of reformed , there wanting but a little charity in them , to make both them and us to accord . so likewise in the large territories of bohemia , polonia , and transylvania , the evangelical churches are governed by seniors , ( as they call them ) who have episcopal power . they should not then boast of the consent of the reformed churches , nor complain to them , that the king would not admit a reformation , which pretends to abolish the episcopal degree as an appurtenance of antichrist , which is in effect to condemn all churches where there is any preheminence amongst the clergy . i forbear to speak of the churches of russia , grecia and india , and of the rest of the world , whose doctrine is less known to us , then the point of their discipline , which are all governed by bishops . but the covenanters magisterially prescribe their discipline to all the world , although they themselves have none , vaunting themselves of a piety without pair , and yet will not leave to other churches any liberty . therefore their declarations give all to understand , that after they have planted it in england , they will go and do as much beyond the seas . the donatists shut up the church within the confines of africa , which then was a small thing , unfitly applying that text of the canticles , tell us where thou feedest , where thou makest thy flocks to rest at noon , cant. 1.7 . but the french translation re●deth , to rest towards the south . at present the kingdom of jesus christ is in danger to be confined within england , whither other nations must come and search it , saying , tell us where thou feedest , where thou makest thy flocks to rest towards the north. it 's easie to make the consent of the churches named in the title of the epistle to sound high , because they have no bishops , but to prove their agreement with the covenanters in this point , they should do well to make these two things to appear ; the one , that these churches condemn the episcopal order as unlawful and antichristian ; the other , that these churches do conform to the discipline of the covenanters , things which they will find false . as for the first , we see not that the other churches quarrel at the church of england hereupon , but pray god to bless them in the order ; against this it matters not to alledge the thirtieth article of the churches of france confession of faith. we believe that all true pastors in what place soever they be , have the same authority and equal power under one head jesus christ , and that for this cause no church ought to pretend any dominion or lordship over the other . he that speaks for the general , expounds this article , ye must know ( saith he ) that the equality of pastors in that which is of authority to declare the gospel , and administer the sacraments , and for the use of the keyes is held necessary amongst all ; for baptism , the lords supper , and the declaring of the remission of sins is of equal dignity in the mouth of pastors , whether they be of great or little authority . but as for ecclesiastical policy , we do not hold the equality of pastors absolutely necessary , we do not account this order a point of faith , nor a doctrine of salvation , we live ( god be thanked ) in brotherly concord with our neighbour-churches , which follow another form , and where the bishops have superiority . in his disputations of divinity in the university of sedam , this is one of his theses , we maintain that the bishops of england after their conversion to the faith , and their abjuration of papistry were faithful servants of god , and ought not to forsake , neither the name nor title of bishops . calvin himself spake as much before in his epistle to cardinal sad●let , speaking of the church of rome ; let them ( saith he ) establish such an hierarchy , where the bishops having the dignity , refuse not to submit themselves to christ , and depend of him as their onely head , and refer themselves to him , and let them maintain amongst them such a brotherly society , which is not entertained but by the bond of truth . then if there be found any persons who refuse to respect such an hierarchy with reverence and soveraign obedience , i acknowledge and confess him worthy of al sorts of anathema's this passage serves for the episcopal degree in general : this other of jacobus lectius professor at geneva hath a singular regard to the bishops of england , he saith , that those bishops only were true and lawful bishops , and such as s. paul writes of in his epistles to timothy and titus ; and we deny not ( saith he ) but there hath been formerly such bishops , and that there are some now , and that they elect such now in the kingdom of england . beza writes thus to archbishop whitgift , archbishop of canterbury , in my writings touching the ecclesiastical government , i have ever opposed the roman hierarchy , but it was never in my intention to oppose the ecclesiastical policy of your english church , nor to require of you to form your church according to the pattern of our presbyterian discipline , for whilst the substance of your doctrine is uniform with the church of christ , it is lawful for us to differ in other matters , according as the circumstances of times , places and persons require , and is avowed by the prescription of antiquity ; and for this effect , i desire and hope that the sacred and holy society of your bishops will continue , and maintain for ever their right and title in the government of the church , with all christian equity and moderation . moreover the churches , yea the english bishops render to their brethren beyond the seas the like charity : thus speaks famous and reverend bishop hall , i most cordially respect , and with me our church their dear sister , those excellent forreign churches , who have chosen and followed an outward form of government , which in every respect , is most expedient , and sutable for their condition . with the like charity , an excellent bishop whose title of his book being without name , binds us not to name him : having proved that according to the antient institution of the christian church , the bishops always gave the imposition , or laying on of hands . i write not here ( saith he ) to prejudice our neighbour churches , i dare not limit the extraordinary working and operation of the holy ghost , there where the ordinary means is wanting , without the fault of the persons ; god gave his people manna so long as they were in the wilderness , necessity is a strong pleader , many reformed churches live under kings and bishops of another communion ; others have particular reasons , why they could not continue nor introduce bishops , but it is not so amongst us , speaking of the church of his own country . a few lines after he adds , as for my self , i am very much inclined to believe , that the lord looks upon his people with pity in all their prejudices , and that there is a great latitude left to particular churches in the constitution of their ecclesiastical government , according to the exigence of place and persons , provided that the divine order and institution be observed . now after these charitable judgements , the reformed churches do not believe , that which the epistle of the assembly of divines would perswade them ; that the bishops hate forraign churches , and reach that without bishops they could have no church nor lawful call of ministers , so that if any of ours have offended of late the reformed church in the point of discipline , they are disavowed in it by their bishops . here is , thanks be to god , a christian harmony , the churches which have no bishops say , let them that would and can injoy the order of episcopacy , let them injoy it , far be it from us that we should either proudly or rashly reprove them for it . the bishops respect cordially the forraign churches , which have not the same order , and account the government established amongst them in all respects , the most expedient for them . let both the one and the other hold themselves there , and let them grant one another the liberty to govern in the outward , according to prudence and exigencies ; and let them joyn brotherly together to maintain the substance of religion constant and uncorrupted . it is the councel of the reverend bishop before alledged , there are some plants ( saith he ) which thrive best in the shadow , if then this form of government without bishops , agree best to the constitution of some common-wealths , we pray to god to give them joy in it , and pray them to say as much for us . petimus damusque vicissim . this is spoken christianly and wisely ; if our enemies had the charity to have said so much , there would have been no covenant , neither would they have pulled down monarchy , for to pull down bishops , under colour of pulling down the kingdom of antichrist : but if they would that in this quarrel the reformed churches should joyn with them , they should first have drawn from them a declaration , that they held the episcopal degree unlawful , and a mark of antichrist , and incompatible with the gospel ; and that rather then suffer it , they should overthrow the state , and dispossess your kings ; for lesse then this perswasion could not induce the reformed churches to espouse the quarrel of the covenant . we will proceed no further in this controversie , only because the covenanters build their rules of reformation upon the example of the french churches , which the french reformers never thought of , we beseech all equal persons to consider the christian prudence of those that put their hand to this great work in france , having the court and clergy contrary to them . the best that they were able to do in the matter of discipline , was to provide pastors who should teach purely , and leave them in a simple equality , there being no question of governing in times of persecution , but to instruct and suffer ; and it being a thing subject to danger and envy , to erect new degrees , which could not be done without quarrelling at them which were established . necessity contributes to prudence , for the reformation in france having begun by the common people , and some few of the inferiour clergy , who were opposed by the civil and ecclesiastical power , we cannot wonder , if the government which they established according to the time , was popular ; if the reformation had begun by bishops , the government had been episcopal ; the priests that were converted had not powe● to convert their bishops ; as the english who began the reformation , helped by their authority , the conversion of their clergy and people . for the inferiour orbs , having a contrary motion to the superiour , have not the power to make them follow their course : but the superiour orbs carry along with them the inferiour . it was a great matter that the reformed people could gain any retrogation against the rapidity and swiftness of the greater sphears . the discipline of the french churches is most commodious to their present estate , and hardly could there be found a more proper for a church that lives under magistrates of a contrary religion , in expectation of the reformation of them who possess the ecclesiastical degrees . the french ministers in this humble and equal order keep themselves in a state of obedience proper to submit themselves to their diocesans when it shall please god to convert them , and we believe that their fathers did chose this equality , not as an opposition to the degrees of the clergy , but as a way to dispose them , and as a plank ready to invite the bishops to pass over to their reformation . but if the churches of france should come to maintain this doctrine of the covenanters , that the order of episcopacy , is an appurtenance of antichrist , and that there is no kingdome of jesus christ , but there where the ministers are equal and poor ; this would put the conversion of the french churches out of all hope . but for as much as we desire the advancement of the gospel , we keep our selves from re-inforcing the considerations of flesh and blood , or from augmenting the reproach of the gospel ; we are not offended at the degrees , nor revenues of the clergy , we render not the entrance into the church more thorny then it is : for to preach reformation to a clergy of a divers religion , and bind them to degrade and strip themselves for to reform them ; what other thing is this , but at once to call them , and to shut the door against them ? it 's true , that notwithstanding all earthly considerations , god may do miracles for to convert them , but that hinders not but that we should carry our selves prudently to invite them , and we ought not of deliberate purpose to make new barracadoes between them and us , because god can , if he please , break them . but to the end that the difference of disciplines move no quarrel amongst the reformed churches , this truth ought wisely to be considered , that there is no entire rule of discipline laid down in scripture ; and that not to have an outward order in the church , all the parts whereof not being expresly set down in the word of god , is to involve themselves in great difficulties , and shut themselves up into straight bounds , it 's to search that in the word of god , which is not there to be found . let all things be done decently , and in order , 1 cor. 15. it s a scripture that may be stretched very far , and which remits to the christian prudence of the ministers of the word of god , to advise of such an order which is most expedient for the times and places wherein they live , provided that nothing be done against divine institution . it 's then necessary that to the divine institution the humane should be joyned , and it was never otherwise in church : now that which is humane in the discipline , can never be so well united and fitted with the divine , that there may be made of these two , a form entirely regular , and a perfect composition : it 's like the iron and clay in the feet of the statue of nebuchadnezzar , which could never well joyn themselves one with another , for the ecclesiastical ordinances are the feet of religion , bearing on them a head of gold , and a brest of silver , that is striving to uphold a doctrine of great price ? but they themselves touch the earth , and are mingled , and there is not such a prudence and sanctity of reformation , which can form a discipline purely celestial , nor joyn that which it hath of humane and divine in it with such a justness , as to compose a perfect order , with materials of so different a nature . this here is the cause of so many faults which may be found in all ecclesiastical order . for notwithstanding the confusion of schismes and heresies , the sharpness of persecutions , the infinite revolutions of states , during sixteen ages , a pure and divine doctrine remains in the world , as gold which is found alwayes at the bottom of the furnace : the same cannot be said of the discipline , for that is defective in all churches , and varieth ; yea , ought to vary according to the times and places , and it hath so much of man in it , that what it hath of divine , is alwayes more or less sophisticated by humane inventions ; and will be alwayes so , until jesus christ hath withdrawn his church from the earth , and raised it to that great ecclesiastical government , which is the rule of heaven . surely though there be certain rules of discipline divine and certain , there yet remains ever something for prudence to form , which ought to accommodate it self to necessity ; so bending according as occasions serve , the rules that god hath left , to the wisdome of men , as the divine be not damnified , and that the government of the church thwarts not that of the state , which is our misery at this day . whosoever shall consider the kingdomes and commonwealths of christendome , shall find that every where the religion of the state hath a discipline suitable to the civil government , the church taking hold of the state , as the ivy that groweth about a tree : but the covenanters pretend the quite contrary , labouring to form the state to their new pattern of ecclesiastical discipline . hither tended the petition of the rabble of london , to the house of commons ; which was after by the same house in a body , presented to the house of lords ; wherein they required an equality in the state , that thereby there might be one in the church . an action which will leave for ever to posterity , an infamous and true character of the intentions of the covenanters : but in this they have but followed the doctrine of their sect. cartwright had taught them before , as the tapestries or hangings are fitted to the house , so the commonwealth ought to be fitted and accommodated to the church , and the government of the state to the ecclesiastical government . this design is wholly void of all prudence and possibility , and being ruinous to the state , must of necessity be the ruine of it self . it 's certain that the doctrine of religion must not be accommodated to the state , but that which is humane in the discipline , ought to be subject to humane laws , and the authority of the magistrate , since god demands it of us , submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake : but these men make no difference between the doctrine and the discipline , and would perswade us , that they have a whole body of discipline altogether divine , and which is even the substance of the gospel , without which there is no true religion , but it is that we cannot find in the gospel , but in stead of that , they prove it by the sword. chap. xviii . how the discipline of the covenanters is far from the practice of other churches . there is another point which the covenanters ought to prove , before they associate themselves with the churches of france in matter of discipline . they must prove that they have an ecclesiastical discipline like unto theirs ; for all churches which had no bishops , have not for all that the same discipline . as for the discipline of the covenanters , they need make none by theirs , nor receive any from them , for they have none at all , and they take the way never to have any . if the menaces of the scotch army , cause them to make an ordinance in favour of the presbytery , they make presently an honourable reparation to the independents ; and much of their prudence lies in this , to accord all to the different parties , but give them nothing ; in making use of the service of the divers sects of religion , they take no care of their order , but of their liberty to convert all ; which will one day turn to their ruine , and confusion , when they shall have no enemy to unite them . but in the mean while religion is destroyed , and all the world behold with astonishment that the english reformers have left the church without any discipline , now these many years ; they have done much worse then he who began to build , but was not able to finish , for these have overthrown the antient order , without ever considering what they would build in the place ; and yet they are not agreed thereupon , they made a great noise of the building they would erect ; but this noise proceeded from their contestation , and their building advanced like that of babel , that which the one builded , the other pull'd down , and in the end the division of tongues will make them forsake their work . it 's an easie thing to ruine , 't is a work of ignorance and insolence ; 't is the pastime of the devil , and the occupation of his children : destruction and unhappiness is in their wayes , and the way of peace they have not known , rom. 3.16 . and ordinarily those that burn down the house , know not what it is to build it up , and those who build up a church or state , proceed by wayes and rules quite contrary to those that ruine them , the sharp and rigorous proceeding of our enemies wholly to raze the established order , witness they want knowledge to build an order in the church ; for to this purpose there is not only required to conceive an idea of reformation , but to consider the matter they have in hand , and how to frame it ; for as he is not the best engenier who knows best how to make a regular platform upon paper , but he that can best accommodate his rules to the nature of the place which he fortifies ; and it would be a strange method to pull down and lay level the place for to build it again regularly . but it s that wherein our new reformers have laboured ; certainly they neither understand the theory , nor the practick of the work they undertake , and their knowledge goes no further then destruction : it 's true , many of the assembly desired the scotch discipline , and to establish it , courted the scotch armies . we also respect these armies , hoping that god will one day touch their hearts to defend the rights and person of their soveraign , and we pray god for their prosperity : but let them give us leave to tell them mildly our advice of their discipline , the wisest amongst us commend the subordination , and concatenation of their synods , and do confess that that was wanting in the english order , judging that the synodal power is not incompatible with the episcopal ; but in an order well made , both the one , and the other is requisite , and it is impossible that the english bishops , excellent in knowledge and piety , who have lived within these ninety yeares , should not know this very well , above all those who were imploid in the reformation . but behold that which hath hindred the ordinary use of synods amongst us , incontinent after the reformation , it had been to ill purpose to have given all the clergy liberty to assemble in a synod , papistry being not then well rooted out of the priests and curates , and before the english church was well healed of this old malady she fell into a new one , and was infected with a fanatick and malignant sect , who made piety consist in overthrowing all order and superiority in the church , and to controle that of the magistrate , whereupon our soveraigns and their prelates beholding the body of the church swollen with evil humours , and mutinous superstition , continually ready to break forth , feared least the frequent use of synods , should not be made use of by the discontented , to gather and associate a faction ; and therefore accounted the surest way to maintain peace and truth , was to keep these violent spirits in their duty by the episcopal rod , assisted with the royal scepter , and certainly this way would have had better success , if they had not let the bridle too loose for such hard mouths . the synod is proper to make ordinances , and the bishop is proper to cause them to be observed : the synod to hinder tyranny , the bishop to prevent confusion ; the synod to determine in point of doctrine , the bishop to maintain order and discipline ; the synod to remedy inveterate evils , the bishop to suppress immergent evils ; and in the mean while , both the one and the other serve to all these uses , and ought not to be separated in a church where there is freedom , and where the estate upholds the religion . but in a church which lives under a state of a contrary religion , order must bend to necessity ; and as it is not possible to have all the parts of ecclesiastical government , also there is less need , for common adversity unite affections , and take away many occasions of scandal and disorder . such are the reformed churches of france , where the order is sutable to their condition ; and the native piety and simplicity of their discipline is commended even by those of a diverse profession . now having had leisure to examine their discipline , we find not that it doth much resemble the scotch discipline ; for the consistories and synods of france have not ruling elders , whose voices alwaies carry it , as they do in scotland . their elders pass not any sentence in matter of doctrine , neither have they the power of the keys to determine censures : all that calvin granted them , was but praeesse moribus , to have an eye to the manners and behaviour of the flock in which they served as assistants to the pastors , and this was a commendable use . but in scotland the elders command , for the lord of the parish is ordinarily the ruling elder of the consistory , and in some manner is a lay bishop , and although the minister is alwaies moderator , it s but for form , for the elders have the principal power , and being deputies to the assemblies , they keep there the same credit , above all in the general assembly , where dukes , marquesses , earles and barons have their voices , and decide the points of controversies and the censures of the church . we greatly respect the power of synods , but we require that it be purely ecclesiastical , and that it be managed by none , but by those who are appointed of god ; lay persons have not to do , but to assist them , except the king , who ought to have the exterior power ( which the scotch deny him ) to convocate and dissolve their assemblies , to suppress disorders , without medling himself with the interiour or spiritual , for it seems to us a thing unreasonable and contradictory to it self , that the other laiques should be admitted to the full capacity of the spiritual power equal or above the ministers , and that the king only should be excluded , and hath not so much as the exercise of his temporal and purely royal power in the assembly . we could wish also that the power of their consistories and synods were a little more limitted , for these assemblies being courts of conscience , which takes cognisance of all the offences of the church , they may enclose in their jurisdiction , all criminal and civil causes of the kingdom , there being no cause which hath not in it a point of conscience : and so hereby it may come , that the sentences of judges may be controuled in the consistory , and the officers of the crown questioned about their managing of publick affairs , and so the government of the state become purely arbitrary . and the power of the ecclesiastical councel being such , the most unquiet and ambitious will be ever pressing to be of it , whereupon sidings and factions will abound , revenge and particular interest will turn the ballance ; there they will form factions in the state , and parties against the king , for what is there that they dare not enterprise who have so vast a power , which have no other limits than the extent of the flitting and moveable conscience of particulars , which give account to none , who pretend to have their authority only of divine right , and therefore are not subject to be controuled ? these are not conjectures nor suppositions , but observations of long experience ; certainly that personal citation which was sent by the national synod of scotland to their king , when he was in the midst of his armies in england , feb. 1645. filled forreign churches with amazement and scandal : and no less is the authority they exercise even over their parliaments , which having demanded advice of the synod , concerning what they were to do with their king , the ministers concluded that they should not bring the king into scotland , and that the kingdom of scotland ought not to espouse his quarrel , for to maintain his rites in england , and their advice passed for an ordinance ; after this they cannot reprove the bishops for being councellours of state. monarchy which can endure neither master , nor companion , can hardly comply with this court of conscience , which gives laws , but receives none , unless themselves make them , and limit the king , but refuse to be limited by him , but the magistrates of an aristocratick , or popular common-wealth will shift better with them , for this court pretending an ecclesiastical jurisdiction , purely soveraign and divine , yet nevertheless admit lay men to the participation of this power ; the lords never fail to be members of this consistory , and to govern there . and thus the question touching the ecclesiastical authority is eluded . now although above all we desire to enjoy an apostolical and episcopal discipline , where the bishop , assisted with the councel of his clergy governs the church , and admits other pastors according to their degree and quality , to the participation of the power of ths keies , yet nevertheless if the revolution of the state brings in another discipline , our ministers submit themselves to it , not to be actors there , remembring themselves of their duties and promise made at their reception of orders , but to surfer themselves to be governed , remembring that they are call'd to preach the gospel , and whether there be a good or an evil order in the church , or even none at all , the vocation binds them to feed the flock and to maintain the holy doctrine . but indeed its great pity to be reduced to expect a discipline of those that have none , and yet make the kingdom of christ to consist in it , for which they made such clamours , in their licentiousness , and overthrow of all order and lawful vocation in the church . the reformed churches of france who employ all their zeal and industry to maintain the purity of the gospel , without contending with any about the outward discipline , look upon with contempt and compassion the impetuous weakness of our enemies , who overthrow the holy doctrine , and ruine church and state for points of discipline , which is to lose the end for the accessaries , yea although these accessaries are not good in this regard , there being but two things to reprove in the covenanters , their end , and the mean● which they employ to attain that end . chap. xix . that the covenanters ruine the ministers of the gospel under colour of reformation . one of the points of reformation for which they laboured so much with cannon shot , was to abase and pull down the clergy , which is a work already done without proceeding further . as for their greatness , the only thing wherein it consisted was taken from them in the year 1645. which was the bishops sitting and having power to vote in the lords house , the rest is a smal thing . as for their revenues , they are confiscated and sequestred , and even the revenues of the bishops were such as might cause rather pitty then envy , except four or five bishopricks ; the rest were so poor , that for to help them to uphold their degree , and pay their dues to the king , tenths and first fruits , his majesty ever out of compassion , gave them some other benefices , otherwise very few would have hazzarded the taking of them , the bishopricks of england being like the ruined monasteries in some countries , which have nothing remaining but the wals , with nothing in them . the children of those parents who had formerly f●tted themselves by the bishopricks , have now swallowed the rest , and yet labour to begger the inferior clergy : this is that they call reformation , and in truth 't is the reformation of scotland , where the tenths of the clergy are possessed by the ruling elders , above all by the lords , some of them having the tenths of whole provinces . therefore ye need not wonder they fight with such zeal for a reformation which is so profitable . in england ordinarily the great towns and rich parishes are impropriated , and in the hands of lay persons , the rest of the benefices have but to provide in a mediocrity for students in divinity : those who reform the clergy , are those who possess the goods of the church ; and besides the tithes that are alienated , many of them even make use of the tithes of the clergy , with which they are lawfully invested , terrify●g their poor ministers with sequestration , too weak to contend against them , and force them to injurious and damageable contracts . how many patrons are there who sell their benefices to them who will give most ? and by the infamous simony of these gentlemen , who make a noise of reformation , the door of the church is shut to the clergy , unless they have a golden key to open it ; and thus they prefer profit before conscience : 't is well done of them to mend that which they have marred , and they of all other have reason to take in hand the reformation of ministers , because themselves have done what possibly they can to corrupt them . of all liberal professions , divinity is the poorest , and have most thorns in her way ; and therefore parents find it more profitable to put their children to a trade , than bring them up in the study of divinity ; and yet after all this , their very poverty seems superfluity in the eyes of envy ; and untill these hungry harpies have caught that little which hath escaped the claws of sacriledge , they will never leave calling for the reformation of the clergy , that is to say , wholly to ruine them . the devil who hates the gospel , labours to ruine i● by the poverty of those who preach it , knowing well that the indigence of ministers brings contempt upon the ministry ; and that the rewards being taken away , the study of divinity will be neglected , and then there will be none but the meanest of the people , like to the priests of jeroboam . poverty abates the courage , and clips the wings of conception , and oft-times occasions evil designs and councels in those whose means are too small for their degree . to do well in pulpit , and by writing to build up indeed the kingdom of jesus christ , and to destroy the works of the devil , they ought to have their spirits free , and not oppressed through necessity , magnae mentis opus , nec de lodice paranda attonitae ; they that require , and would a man should do well , and yet will not do well to him , t is an unjust demand ; and many now in england pass the unjustice of pharaoh , requiring double the number of bricks , and yet give to them less straw . if they alledge to us that jesus christ and his apostles were poor , we answer , that so were their auditors ; and the condition of our lord and his disciples is a pattern as well for layicks as the clergy . and if the primitive church of hierusalem spoken of in the acts , ought to be proposed for an example of the ecclesiastical and civil government of all christendom , the clergy of england humbly beseech the gentlemen , our reformers , to imitate these pious souls , who sold their possessions , and brought the price , and laid them down at the apostles feet . let them sell their lands , and bring the mony to their pastors to dispose of according to their discretion , and the ministers will part with their tithes . if we were now to speak to the clergy of england , we would exhort them to love their office and their benefice , and now that god hath called them to the cross and poverty , to rejoyce in their conformity to jesus christ , who made himself poor to enrich us , expecting their reward in heaven , bearing patiently the spoyling of their goods , accounting themselves rich enough if god be glorified , and his gospel purely preached , but these exhortations have an evil grace in the mouth of them who come to plunder or sequester them , which is as if a thief in robbing a traveller , should preach a sermon to him of christian patience and contempt of the world ; 't is the method of our enemies , who driving their ministers from their houses and revenues , read such lectures of divinity to them . for the present , some ministers who have been the principall instruments of their party , have means and honour , and yet little enough , considering the great service they have done them . peters their great and active agent , had for a recompence given him , but with great glory and ostentation , two hundred pound 〈◊〉 annum in land : but who so considers well the geni● of the faction will judge that , that little good they do now to their ministers , will not long continue . it were a pleasant thing to consider , if there were not greater cause of sorrow in it , how of two ambitions , the simple serves the ambition of the crafty ; for the ministers who animated the people against their king , are people impatient of subjection , who would be every one of them kings and bishops in their parishes , and during these agitations , they reign in the pulpit a time , b● they are set a work by those who manage the publique affairs , who raise them up and flatter them to the people , untill they have done their work with them , for when these gentlemen shal have done to destroy church and state , and built their imaginary throne of jesus christ , upon the ruines of the kingdom , they will have so strict a hand of the discipline , that the power and the profit shall remain with them , allowing their spiritual fathers a portion purely spiritual , and will discharge them of those cares which accompany the riches and honours of the world . before these civil warres , the bishops were profitable to all ministers , friends and enemies , for those who submitted themselves freely to them enjoye● their protection , and those who opposed them were respected and secretly maintained by the adversaries of the episcopal order , but now the bishops are cut off , there is neither protection nor opposition , that can gain respect or support to the clergy . the stubborn and refractory ministers have struck so violently at the root of that great tree which they have now made to fall , after they had been a long time cover'd under the shadow of it , but they may assure themselves that it will not be long before they themselves be crushed under the fall of it , and draw upon themselves a just punishment : they will then consider too late , that they have been but instruments to the covetousness and ambition of others , and in the dissipation of the goods of the church , they shall be dealt with as the captain of samaria , to whom the king of israel committed the keeping of the gate , where the provision was to enter , then when the people after a long famine pressed to enter , they shall behold the plenty , but not taste of it ; but be trodden under foot . chap. xx. of the corruptions of religion objected to the english clergy , and the ways that the covenanters took to remedy them . wee will answer to the objections against the king and his party , and will begin with the most ordinary . now they reproach us with corruption in religion : in such an accusation we must have regard to them that speak it ; it s those who turn the rising up of the people against their king , into a doctrine and article of faith ; it s those that have absented themselves from the lords supper for these many years , those who summoned their king before them to give account of his actions , those who have committed against his sacred person an execrable paracide , those who will employ the body and blood of our lord to knit up a conspiracy against their king. those who neither teach the people in the church , nor their children at home , the ten commandments , the creed , nor the lords prayer , those who suffer and make use of all damnable sects , and punish none ; but those who ●each to suffer for righteousness , and not to resist the supream powers , to all these we might add many more hateful truths ; but we will not without necessity publish the evil that may be hid , for we love not to teach evil by representing it : whosoever shall consider their belief and practice , will never wonder that such kind of people find something to say against our religion . god be praised that thus opposing us , they make all the world to know that we are not guilty of their evil opinions ; amongst men , blame and praise take their force from him that gives them . those who accuse us of corruption in religion , should do well to tell us first , amongst the scores of religions that are , what their religion is ; for there are many religions which are together with the covenanters , and live together , as so many wilde beasts in the ark , who when they are gone out thence , will devour one another , or flee one from another , but at present they all agree to tear us a pieces . now to these accusers of corruption , we present the thirty nine articles of our confession , which they and we have sworn and subscribed , and let their consciences judge between them and us , which of the two parties have violated and falsified their oath . how have they observed the thirty sixt article , in which they acknowledged that the consecration of arch-bishops and bishops used in england , and confirmed by act of parliament , contains nothing in it , that is either superstitious or impious ; and yet now thunder out against this order as a mark and branch of antichrist ; is this to want memory , or conscience ? can they upbraid us with any thing like unto this , to have opposed in a body , and condemned an article of our confession . the corruptions which they alledge against us , are falsely so named , or at the worst they are but faults of particulars . but the body of the church hath kept and doth keep the confession of their faith inviolable . if they produce any we would have brought in any new doctrines or customes , who can produce others that have opposed them , and that the religion subsisted entire , whilst they subsisted . let them not rob those divines of their due praise who in the beginning of the parliament laboured sincerely to confirm the doctrine , and to stifle the difference about discipline . we have before represented with what wisdom , piety , and vigor , many bishops and divines chosen by his majesty , had lead the two parties to accord upon a certain number of propositions , which contained the body of religion , and what great hope there was , that the point of discipline would be amiably composed ; and how a faction , enemies to the peace of the church , and jealous least any good should come by the means of the bishops , broke off that excellent accord , which could never since be renewed ; persecuting the prelates with all rigor , never giving them rest , until they had imprisoned them as criminals , although they were not guilty of any other crime , then because they would have terminated the differences of religion . but this was to stifle the covenant in the cradle , and take away all pretext from this holy rebellion . it 's not then a wonder if this sin be not pardoned them ; it appears by the testimony of the reverend pastors of the church of geneva , in what esteem our religion was amongst our neighbours , for in their epistle to the assembly at london , they beseech god that he would restore our church and kingdome to such a high degree of holiness and glory , as it had shined in until that present : by this they acquit us of the corruption , which they impute to us , and do obliquely accuse this assembly , and those that imploy them , that by their means the kingdom hath lost his glory , and the church her holiness . now put the case that the corruption were as great amongst us , as they make it , yea put the case also , that even in our liturgie , composed with so much piety and wisdome , that there were something to mend , as a freckle in a fair face , and that the discipline ought to be over-looked ; what could there be more expected of the king and the clergy , then to submit the persons and things to be reformed ? how often had the king offered to joyn his authority to the advice of parliament , and a national synod , to examine and punish the faulty , and correct disorders , yea and even the laws themselves , if there were need ? to these so reasonable commands , behold here what obedience they yielded : a part of the house of commons , having driven away the other by violence and popular tumults , and put to flight nine parts of ten of the house of lords , besides the bishops who represented the body of the clergy ; this small rest , in lieu of a national synod , by lawful deputation of the church , chose some ministers of their faction , for to make use of their advice so far as it should please them . these ministers who had no deputation , nor representation , nor authority from the body of the english church , and having divers lay persons joyned with them , who wholly govern them , mould a religion all new , defame the reputation of the church and confession , to which they had sworn obedience ; invite to their aid forreign churches , as their brethren , and ordain that which serves the intention of their masters . we know that amongst these divines , there were some men of merit , persons which we know , had it been in their power , would have overcome evill with good ; but amongst pieces of gold , there is many times a great deal of small money , like unto our clipped half testors ; they are the little heads without learning . if the two houses had assembled the body of the clergy , as was proposed to them by his majesty , they had found themselves filled with orthodox persons , and they cannot complain if those persons whom they had most desire to , received not the publike censure of the clergy , since they would not permit the clergy to assemble themselves ; neither can they complain , that any guilty hath gone unpunished , for they have taken a sure course , for by the universal ruine of the deans and chapiters , they have involved the innocent with the guilty . hearken what the king said hereupon : i was content to accord and render to the presbyter ( that is to say , to the body of pastors ) all the right which with reason and discretion they could pretend in their conjunction with the episcopal degree , but to suffer them wholly to invade the ecclesiastical power , and to cut off altogether with the sword , the authority of this ancient order , for to invest themselves in it , it was that which i accounted neither just , in regard of the bishops , nor sure nor profitable in regard of the presbyter himself , neither any way convenient for the church or state. a right and good reformation might have been easily produced by moderate councils , and i am perswaded such councils would have given more contentment , even to those very divines , who have been perswaded , with much gravity and formality , to serve the designs of others , which without doubt , many of them now acknowledge , although they dare not make their discontent appear for finding themselves frustrated of their intentions . i am very well assured , that the true method to reform the church , cannot subsist with the perturbation of the civil state , and that religion cannot justly be advanced in depressing loyalty ; which is one of the principal ingredients and ornaments of true religion ; for after the precept to fear god , the next following is , to honour the king. i make no doubt but the kingdome of christ may be established , without pulling down mine ; and in a time free from partialities , its impossible any should pass for a good christian , who shews not himself a good subject . the government of christ serves to confirm mine , and not to overthrow it , for as i acknowledge , i hold my power of him , so i desire to exercise it for his glory , and the good of his church . if any one had sincerely proposed the government of christ , or understood in their heart what it required , they would never have been so ill governed in their words and actions , as well towards me , as one towards another . as the good ends cannot justifie the evil wayes , so also the evil beginnings cannot produce good conclusions , unless god by a miracle of mercy make light to spring out of darkness , order out of our confusion , and peace from our unruly passions . this is spoken as a king , as a phylosopher and as a good christian . our enemies to blind the eyes of their neighbours , made them believe a long time that they desired such a reformation as theirs , but the hypocrisie of this profession appeared then , when the king offered to assemble a national synod , and to invite the neighbour churches to it , whom these people would seem to imitate . and this the good king would never have named , had he not an intention to defer much to their judgement . but of this his majesty could never obtain an answer ; for it was that which the independents feared above all , and we see not that the presbyterians did any way favour this proposition ; the actions both of the one and the other were such , that it was the surest course for them to palliate them with declarations sent a far off , rather then to have them brought to light here at home in a synod ; and they were very well content to receive their neighbours to their society , but not to admit them to their counsel . they have hereby made it appear , that it was not reformation , but the revenues of the church they pursued ; otherwise they would have imbraced the proposition of his majesty , and the request of the clergy , who desired nothing more then to be heard in a lawful synod , and to reform willingly , that which was displeasing to some . but this had untwisted the designs of their enemies , who then should have had no pretext to ruine the clergy , and enrich themselves with their spoils , and take from monarchy the support of the church , if the ecclesiasticks had been reformed . then let the rage and invective malice of our enemies greaten our faults in quality and number , as much as they can , let them make small spots , imposthumes ; let them paint us out in false colours , and disfigure us like devils to the eyes of all the world ; all that the severest justice can require of us , is to amend and freely to submit our selves to the censure of a lawful assembly , and then when a great king , who is subject to none but god , shall come to them , and offer to change that which hath been practised or tolerated , and to lend his ear to receive better information . o this was a grace capable to molifie hearts of stone , and to turn the complaints of his subjects into acclamations of joy and praises . but they will neither the grace of the king , nor our amendment . to these offers of the king so sincere and frequent , they answered not but by complaints and blowes , and they consulted not of means to correct us , but to destroy us ; they will not take the pains to cleanse the church , they will cut it up by the root , root and branch . 't is the watch-word of the seditious , whereby they pretend to know those that are of the godly party ; and they have also put an unnatural maxime in the mouth of the furious and blind people , that the reformation must be made in blood . this they call to renew , or revive the church ; but it 's as the daughters of pelias undertook to make their father young again , who to that end cut his throat to let his old blood pass out of his body , but after , it was not in their power to put in new . god keep us from them who come to reform the church their mother with a sword , and that would cut our throats to make us young again . certainly beholding chyrurgeons coming to let us blood with a sword in both hands , we have reason to withdraw into some safe quarter , and to fear a healing which will not take away the evil , but in taking away our life . we dare say for our clergy , that if it should cost them their lives to redeem the peace of their king and state , they would account them well imployed , and willingly consent to be cast over-board with jonas , that their loss might appease the tempest . this is of greatest anguish and affliction , to see murther pass for piety , then to suffer in their persons , and they cheerfully wish , that a potion of their blood could quench the heat of their bloody zeal . this zeal appeared in the title of sions plea , and in the book called , christ on his throne . the first pleads for the presbyterian , the other for the independent . both of these books have this text in the frontispice : bring those mine enemies , that would not that i should raign over them , and slay them before me . by enemies they understand those who will not imbrace their discipline . and their actions now have , and do make a bloudy commentary upon the text. that if our lord jesus christ , who poured forth his most precious bloud to spare ours , put not a stop to this flux of bloud , these zealots will reform england , as the anabaptists reformed munster , and as the spaniards converted the west-indies . let all christian churches of the world then know , that the english church confesseth humbly before god , her infirmities , and acknowledgeth her self the defaults which peace and the length of time is wont to bring to the best established order , and hath done her duty to reform , submitting her self to a general synod , and the states of the kingdome under the authority and conduct of her good king , and that a sacrilegious and murthering faction , drunken with the bloud of their soveraign , and the goods of the church : having oppressed the liberty of the assembly of states , snatched this holy work out of her hands , and would hear of no other reformation , but her total destruction ; introducing in the place of ancient and lawful order , a chaos of prophane and licentious heresies , destructive to religion and state. chap. xxi . an answer to the objection , that the king made war against the parliament . it 's the ordinary complaint of the covenanters , that the king made war against his parliament , a phrase which seems tacitly to imply , that the king rebelled against his superiours ; and indeed there are many that understood it so in good earnest , conceiving the parliament to be above the king. and hereupon it was declared by the house of commons at westminster , that the kings coming to their house was treason , as if the majesty resided in the commons , but how ridiculous and false this is , hath heretofore been shewed : and yet they could in no other sense call the houses at westminster , his parliament , since they had taken up arms against his majesty ; doubtless those of both houses , who adhered to the king at oxford , without comparison the more considerable in quality , were rather his parliament , for these were for him , and the other against him . moreover by this frequent expression , they would frequently signifie , that the king was the aggresseur , and he that first assaulted them ; a thing which they have much laboured to perswade the world , although it be notoriously known that his enemies had seized upon his forts , towns , magaziens , ships , revenues , and levied souldiers , before ever the king had so much as one single company of horse , or foot. when he first came to york , he had not so much as his ordinary guards , whereas his enemies had all the strength of the kingdom , they wanted only god on their side : and this great power encouraged the seditious in all countries where he passed to entertain him with the same courtesie the gergasites received christ jesus , beseeching him to depart out of their quarters , and the good king had then this conformity with his saviour , that he had not where to lay his head . he was then in a condition to suffer , but his enemies in a posture to oppose . when he would in a peaceable manner without arms enter into his town of hull , he found the gates shut , and the walls garnished with souldiers , presenting their muskets against him ; upon this his majesty levied fix companies of foot , and two cornets of horse , for the guard of his person , but set not up his standard until four moneths after this prodigious act of hostility and rebellion , having often before endeavoured to reduce his subjects to their obedience by all reasonable and christian offers , witness a number of most excellent declarations composed and written by himself , wherein the world beheld the sincerity of his actions , with the piety and candor of his spirit , worthy so great a prince . the covenanters considering that they could not perswade them who had any remembrance or common sense , that the king began the war , laboured to prove that although they began , yet their armies were but defensive ; affirming , that a war undertaken , upon a just fear , was defensive , yea although they struck the first blow ; and that they seized upon the forts , magaziens , and revenues of the king , because they feared he would make war upon them ; that is to say , that they made war upon him , least he should make war upon them . a reason much like that of count gondomore , ambassador of spain in england , who by his cunning and subtilty had wrought so far , as to have a gallant english knight to be condemned and put to death ; being demanded what evil he had done that he so persecuted him : answered , that it was not for any evil he had done , but for that evil which he might do . but the court that did it , had just reasons , far from the spanish interests ; but in these mens dealings with the king , were he even a subject , the injustice is both without reason , and without example : for , was there ever any court of justice , which condemned a man to lose both his goods , and his life , not because he had done any evil , but for fear he should . that which would be most unjust against the meanest subject , can it possibly be thought , and reputed a work of piety and justice against their lawful soveraign ? but leaving these persons , who from the beginning had this diabolical design , which since they have inhumanely executed ; we will believe of many of the covenanters , that the intent of their army was not to punish the king for the pretended exorbitancies of his past government , although they laboured by all means to perpetuate the memory , and to stifle those eminent and signal acts of grace , by which the king had merited the love of his people beyond all his predecessors . we are willing also to believe that some amongst them condemn the doctrine of goodman , turned since into sad practice , that judges ought to summon princes before them for their offences , and proceed against them , as against other criminals and malefactors . if it were not then for the punishing of what was passed , it was for fear of the future , they took up arms , which indeed is the only reason left them . for after the king had promised to give content to his people , in all their reasonable requests represented to him , and they had taken the power out of his hands , then when he would have accomplished his promises ; all the reason they give for so violent a proceeding is , that they durst not trust the king ; which verily is a most frivolous and injurious excuse . which is as if one had a neighbour that dwelt by him , more mighty then himself , and whose displeasure he feared , it should be permitted him to watch his opportunity to surprize his house , seize upon his revenues , and drive from his possessions , to free and deliver him from fear ? but such an action as this from subjects towards their prince , is beyond all comparison more unjust . the question between the king and his subjects , being not , whether they may with confidence leave the sword in the kings hand ? but whether god hath committed the sword to the king to be born by him ? now in this their dealings with the king , they give him an evil example , for by the same reason he may take from his subjects the propriety , they have in their estates , because he dares not trust them , and finds by sad experience , they use it for his destruction ; and he should have much more reason to do it , since the subjects hold their lands of the king ; but the king holds not his power of the people ; prudence ought not to seize upon justice . the care of a mans self cannot give him a right to the goods of another : the duty of a christian is not to fortifie himself against his fears , but to obey the commandments of god : but if his fear and forecast carries him beyond his duty , he should above all fear him that can cast both body and soul into hell . yea , i say unto you , fear him , luke 12.5 . taking then that which themselves accord , that the subjects took up arms to secure themselves against their fears ; had not the king as much reason to take up arms after their example to provide against his ? if he had been their equal , this reason had been sufficient enough , how much more then being their soveraign , for the sword that they had drawn against him , was his own ; those forts , towns , ships , arms and revenues , which they imployed against him , were his ; therefore he had a double reason to take up arms , one to defend himself , and another to recover his own rights . by all laws divine and humane , the king alone hath the power of the sword , whosoever strikes without him is a murtherer . saint bernard preaching to the knights templers of hierusalem ; to perswade them from duells , saith that two things are required to make a combat just and lawful ; the defence of a just cause , and obedience to a lawful power . the last of these is the principal , and that alone which gives to souldiers a just call , for in wars ordinarily the interests of princes are only known to themselves , and often the right and wrong being of two sides , we esteem it not necessary that every souldier be perfectly satisfied of the justice of the armies of his soveraign ; but as for obedience to a lawful power , it s a condition absolutely requisite to justifie the taking up of arms of a souldier , and there is no exception , nor modification , that can be brought against it . saint augustine saith , that a just man bearing armes under a sacrilegious prince , may justly obey his commands , if he knowes not the war wherein he serves , is against the commandment of god , or if he be doubtful of it ; so that the prince may be faulty in commanding , and the subject innocent in rendring the duty of his obedience : according to this wise councel , if it be not palpably manifest that the commandment of the prince do transgress the laws of god , whom we must ever obey rather then men , the subject in matter of war , be it forraign or civil , hath but one thing to consider for conscience ; namely , where the lawful power is ? who he is to whom god hath committed the sword , and who hath power to give it to others , and to whom god hath subjected him ? in taking up the sword at his command , we cannot do amiss . this gives full satisfaction to their consciences who took up arms and fought for the king , for besides the goodness of his defence which is just and necessary , if ever any were , they learn that it is possibly to fight justly for him , even when his cause may be unjust ; but without him it is impossible to draw the sword justly , much less against him , how just soever the complaints and fears of the contrary party that draws the sword be . all lawful demands , religious intentions , specious pretexts , pretended necessities , the publick good ( the masque of all rebellions ) prayers , fastings , covenanting with god , all this and much more can never make a war just , which receives the sword from him to whom god hath not given it , and draws it against him to whom god hath committed it . therefore the principal of the covenanters well perceiving this , endeavoured from the beginning to make the king either give them , or lend them the power of the militia . in doing whereof , they did much wrong to their cause , for if they had the lawful power of the sword , why did they then so often demand it of the king ? and if they had it not , why did they draw the sword without the lawful power , and against him to whom the power appertained by their own confession ? why else should they ask it of him ? they either did injustice to the king to take from him the militia , or else they did injustice to themselves to demand it : certainly by their importunity for the militia , they manifestly condemned themselves , and acknowledged that the militia belonged to the king , and that they made the war without his authority , and therefore they had great need of many sermons , fastings , prayers , protestations , oaths upon oaths , to bind in many knots this covenant , which otherwise held by nothing ; and to perswade the people , that instead of the lawful and ordinary power , they had an extraordinary one , which was conducted by revelation . rebellion is against nature , samuel saith , it s as the sin of witchcraft or divination , 1 sam. 15.23 . it is composed of such charms which for a time corrupts the use of reason , but cannot destroy the faculty , but at last the cloud will vanish and they shall retain nought , but the impression of shame and astonishment for their past errors , and an earnest desire of an acknowledgment . this natural notion is imprinted in the hearts of subjects . that they ought to obey the king , and that to him pertaines the power of peace and war. the very name of king will make even souldiers spring from the ground to serve him , the plow-shares shall furnish him with swords , and the flayls and long staffes shall fight so : his crown . the arms which they have ravisht from him , shall acknowledge their master , and return of themselves to him , as those which were unjustly taken from ajax . it 's a very hard thing to fight against nature : this appeared in the counties of the covenanters , wherein whilst the king was master , he raised ten thousand men in eight daies , but after the covenanters commanded in them , although they levied souldiers continually , their forces ever decreased , and those they listed in the day , disbanded and run away in the night . that if the secret judgment of god which would chastise us , had not rendred the people fearful and dismayed for a time , such was their number and hatred against the party of the covenanters , that they had easily dispatched the countries against the king , though themselves were disarmed ▪ and it must be in the end that nature surmounts the constraint , for the king is the center of the state , whither all parts tend by their own proper weight , and wherein all the lines of the common interests terminate . their complaints of violence by the kings forces , are of no consideration ; the armies of the king as well as those of the covenanters were not composed all of saints , but these complaints sound ill in their mouths , who lifted up their hands against their soveraign , those who had so often planted their artilery against the squadron where the person of the king was , and had shot fifty cannon shot against the queen in her bed , and after all this , cut off the head of their lawful soveraign , can they assume the impudence to complain of our souldiers taking away their poultry and killing their sheep ? if those who were in actual rebellion against their king , had been punished by our souldiers as they deserved , they would never have had the power to complain that their houses were plundered , or that they spoyled and destroyed their goods : we dare maintain , that those amongst the covenanters that suffered less than death , have suffered less than they deserved ; we do not desire that every one should be punished according to his deserts , for we would not that god should so deal with us , but that our enemies may know , both by the divine law , and the law of nations , every person that rebels against his prince , is guilty of death , josh . 1.18 . and loseth his propriety in his goods and possessions . let them know also , that being destitute of lawful authority for the war , and drawing their swords against him that bears the sword by divine authority , every stroak they struck against the faithful subjects of the king , they committed an execrable murther , 1 sam. 11.12 . and every penny they levied upon them , they committed rapine , employing their robberies to maintain murther and rebellion : if the names of these crimes offend their ears , the crimes themselves should much more afflict their consciences ; these terms proceed not from passion , but flow from the necessary consequence of this truth , that the war of the covenanters is destitute of all authority , lawful and divine . oh that every christian who hath drawn his sword in this sinful cause , would seriously consider how he should answer it before god and man , and that he may have horrour and dread in him for the evil he hath deserved , and yet much more for that which he hath committed . chap. xxii . of the depraved and evil faith of the covenanters . but we cannot so slightly let them pass with their fore-alledged excuse for the war , that they durst not trust the king. the cause is evident , which is because they had taken from him all the ground of reason that might be , that he should trust them ; nothing being more to be distrusted than a depraved and ill faith : the king permitted them to perpetuate the parliament as long as they pleased , he committed himself wholly over to their faith , affection and conscience ; if any thing obligeth a man to be faithful , it is to repose an entire and free confidence in him , and there is nothing more odious and unworthy the name of man , than to employ that assurance and confidence they have freely committed to us , to deceive and ruine them . they themselves after this signal favour , without example , often declared to the world , that if they should abuse so great a trust to the dammage and detriment of his majesty , they should be unworthy to live upon the earth , but this was before the loyal subjects had separated themselves from their company . they are then condemned by their own confession , for that most signal act of trust , such as never king gave to his subjects , they returned him the most infamous and perfidious acts , and base ingratitude that ever subjects rendred to their king. he that said , fidelem si putaveris , facies , the means to make men faithful , was to think them so , was never known to these men . in conscience can ye believe that when the king committed to them this great power , that he understood it thus , that when he should refuse to do any thing they requested him , he gave them liberty to force him to do it , or to do it without him , to take from him his children , to seize upon his revenues , to turn his armies , navies , and forts against him , to make a broad seal , and to break his , to dispose of all the offices of the crown , to levy forreign souldiers , and bring them into his kingdom , to deprive his subjects of their goods and possessions , to drive the ministers of the gospel from their flocks , to rob the church of her revenues , to overthrow the ancient laws of the land , and to make a religion all new ? after all this , can any man wonder if they durst not trust the king ? for where is the criminal or malefactor that dares commit himself to , or trust the judge ? and where is the cozener and deceiver , who being discovered , dares trust him whom he hath cozened and deceived ? if by these vile actions they have violated the trust the king reposed in them , and if by the act for the continuance of the parliament , the king gave them a power to deal thus with him , we refer our selves to the better part of the parliament , who withdrew themselves to the king , abhorring such a prodigious violation of the publick faith , and of the duty of subjects and christians unfaithfulness ; they committed the like to the people , who deputed and committed to them the publick safety : for doubtless in their choice it never enter'd into the spirits of them who sent them , to invest them with an absolute power over their goods and persons , much less over their king , for they could not give that which they had not , nevertheless they have executed this power , casting their fellow-citizens out of their houses and possessions , and gather'd together great treasure out of the rents of the king and his subjects , manifesting themselves very liberal of the goods of others . but they defend these actions by a new maxime of state , invented upon this occasion ; some of the principal citizens of london being oppressed by their great and often taxes , came to the house , and represented to them that it was their duties to maintain the subjects in the propriety of their goods , and beseeched them , not to fall themselves into that inconvenience which they were bound to remedy . the gentlemen of the house of commons answered them , that in truth the subjects might plead the propriety of their goods against the king , but not against the parliament , to whom it appertained to dispose of all the goods of the kingdom ; but to perswade the people to believe this , is a very hard task , who rather judged , that the parliament whom they had chosen , had violated the publick faith and the trust committed to them , and had taken that into their disposing which was never committed them . let these gentlemen never hereafter speak so loud of their publick faith , since they have lost it , nor ever attempt to borrow more money upon so sorry a caution . there were none in either houses who had not often taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , by which they acknowledge the king their soveraign , depending of none , and had sworn to him loyalty and obedience . they moreover took the protestation made in the beginning of the parliament , and imposed upon the whole kingdome , wherein also they swear the same thing . the oath of the covenant which was taken after , renew'd the same promise , and there they swore to defend the person and authority of the king , and cause the world to behold their fidelity , and that they would not in the least thing diminish his just power , and greatnesse . consider here ( good reader ) oaths enough to binde them to perform and keep their promise . but this multitude of oaths is a kind of proof of their ill faith , for they that swear often , manifest thereby , that they think themselves unworthy to be believed , and distrust , that every one mistrusts them ; it had been better for them to have been faithful to their king without swearing : for as in the grammar latine , two negatives make an affirmative , these on the contrary in stead thereof , would seem to make two affirmatives to make one negative , and that many oaths to be faithful to their soveraign bound them to do the contrary ; for in effect these last oaths were solely imployed to ruine the antient oath of allegiance , for if their intentions had been simply to be faithful to their soveraign , they needed have taken no other oath then the first . therefore after these two new oaths , came the third , which they called the negative oath , in which they caused men to swear , that they should neither directly , nor indirectly assist the king in this war. and thus behold in fine the mask taken off , and the intention of their former oaths uncover'd . there can be no greater symptome of a desperate sick state , then the multiplication of oaths to form parties and factions ; and we may say after the prophet jeremy 23.10 . the land mourns because of oaths . as for the principals who imposed the oaths , they made use of them to halter , and intangle the consciences of the people , for to serve their ambition , practising the doctrine of lysander , who taught that men ought to be amused with oaths , as children with bables ; and as for the people upon whom the oaths were imposed , for the most part they took them rather for imitation , then knowledge , or for fear , or from a blind zeal , or an implicit faith . moreover the multitude of oaths do imbase the dignity , and a people accustomed to them , respect no more an oath , then their old shoes . those also that swear often , are often forsworn , overthrowing one oath with another . but the oath of the covenant hath this singular , wherein it surpasseth all chymera's , centaurs , hypogriff● , in extravagance and contradiction ; for in taking it in the sense of the covenanters , they overthrow this oath by the oath it self ? and they forswear that which they had sworr ; for in swea●ing that they would defend the person and authority of the king , and make the world behold their fidelity , according to their opinion they are bound to make war against him , and by virtue of this oath , they persecuted , rob'd , and after all deposed him . oh supreme degree of perfidy , and frantick blindness ? have we not whereat to mourn and lament , to behold these illuminated reformers so plunged in the gall of bitterness , and bonds of iniquity , for to persecute their good king with all rage and violence , because they had sworn to defend him , and to be faithful to him . this oath was called covenant , that is to say , alliance , or confederation , because those that took it ( for at present its forbidden to be taken ) pretended to make an alliance and covenant with god : this oath is yet in vogue in scotland . it 's their new covenant , besides that of the new testament , and the modern canonical scripture , which is judge in all cases of conscience , and from which there is no appeal . their ill faith is moreover evident in the composition of this oath , and certainly it 's the only thing evident in the third article , which is a discourse so twisted and interwoven , composed expresly not to be understood : there they swear to defend the person and authority of the king in defence of religion and the publique liberty . it 's very hard to say what that signifies , every good soul who suffer'd himself to be perswaded to take this oath , understood thereby , that to defend the person of the king , was a necessary point , both to preserve their religion and liberty , and that they could not fear god as they ought , without honouring the king ; and those that took the oath in this sense , were bound to fight against the covenanters for the defence of their religion and soveraign . but the unworthy companions of the covenant interpreted it thus , that they bind themselves to defend the person and authority of the king , so far forth as it is compatible with the defence of religion and liberty . now ( say they ) we find that the defence of the person , and authority of the king is incompatible with the defence of religion , and the publique liberty ; and therefore we are bound to oppose and ruine the king for the defence of liberty and religion . and thus it appears that this malicious obscurity is a fold of the serpent , and a lurking hole of the evil spirit , even the rather when we narrowly consider this construction , to defend one thing in defence of another , which signifies nothing , and wants both true logick and common sense . the oath being a profession before god , and the strongest affirmation of all , had need to have been clear , and couched in such terms , that every one might have understood it in the same sense they took it ; but to insert such equivocations , was to abuse the name of god , whom they took to witness , and the simplicity of the people . he that takes a forked oath , and understands it not in the sense that he that gives it , or understands it not at all , swears not in truth , in righteousness , and judgement , which are the qualities required in an oath , for he calls god to witness his hypocrisie , blindness and temerity . the same article makes profession of fidelity to the king , and to diminish nothing of his just authority and greatness . it 's no new thing for rebels to take the oath of allegiance to their soveraign , to combine a faction against him . the mutineers in the time of richard the second , took an oath to be faithful to the king and people , and yet nevertheless made use of this oath to stir up the people to ruine the king : and these did the like ; and when hereupon we tax them with unfaithfulness , and breach of their oath , they answer , and pay us with a distinction betwixt the politick and personal capacity of the king , and they tell us that it was against charles they made the warre , and not against the king , making the king a pure idea , an accident without a substance . it 's very hard for them to say what became of the politick capacity of the king , then when they beheaded him in his personal capacity , for they so long honoured him in idea , that at last they massacred him in substance . but they forget that in the same article they had sworn to be faithful to the person of the king , and protested to defend his person and authority ; as things conjoyned and inseparable : so strong is truth , and respect due to soveraignty , so natural to subjects , that even in the oath which they formed , to confederate against him , their duty is couched in express terms , which will one day be produced in judgement against them . but in good earnest have we not much to wonder at , and to acknowledge the wrath of god , in the blindness of these men , that so many millions of men should think they were bound to persecute the king to all extremity , and to take away his goods , honour , liberty , safety , and at last his life ; because they had sworn to defend the person and authority of the king , and make the world behold their fidelity , and that they would diminish nothing of his just power and authority : is it possible that their by-got zeal could so dislocate their brains , and a-brutish their spirits , as to make them commit so many crimes and enormities , upon so unreasonable a consequence . oh lord create in us a clean heart , and renew a right spirit within us . in the fourth article of this oath , they promise to endeavour with all their power , to bring to condigne punishment all those who were the cause of separating the king from his people ; and according to this , it was , they made the people believe a long time , that the occasion of their taking up arms was to bring the king to his parliament ; but the hypocrisie of protestation , is now clearly manifested , for when the king offered to return to his parliament , they utterly refused to receive him ; telling him plainly if he came , he should come at his peril . forbidding all persons whatsoever , under pain of death , to receive or entertain him in their houses . let all good subjects who have taken this oath , open now at last their eyes , and acknowledge that the intentions of their guides , was quite contrary to their professions . the sixth article required every person to swear ; that this cause touched the glory of god , the happiness of the three kingdomes , and the dignity of the king. indeed this cause touched the glory of god with such fowl hands , as have defiled it as much as possible men could , and it touched the happiness of the three kingdomes with such malignant claws , as have torn them to pieces . but if they will that we take them in their sense , namely , that their cause defends and advanceth the glory of god , the happiness of the kingdomes , and the dignity of the king , we behold and feel the contrary : but grant that this should be true , 't is not a thing for which we must swear . oaths are of two sorts ; the one sort are to affirm the truth of a thing present or past , the other for to promise and oblige our will for the future ; these two sorts of oaths cannot be taken together . the oath of the covenant is of the latter ; and therefore it is very ill done of them to confound it with the first , which is altogether of another nature and usage , and in a promise for the future ; to thrust in an affirmation of a thing present , yea , of a thing false , or at least doubtful , and whereof they of their party are not accorded . but suppose that this oath were of the first sort , the things which we should affirm upon oath , are such as require the testimony of the person who swears : such are all questions of fact . but as for questions of right , they ought not , neither can they be decided by oath ; and it is to want common sense , to make his neighbour judge , to know which is the true religion , and to judge whether the cause of the parliament is better then the kings . there the oath loseth his use , for it s made to perswade and give authority to the thing , by the witness of the person . if the cause of the covenant be the cause of god , there is no need to swear it , but to justifie it by reason and practice . and although we should even believe that it searcheth and advanceth the glory of god , the happiness of the kingdome , and dignity of the king , it were unjust and ridiculous , to press us to swear it ; for moral truths , and even also theological , ought to be believed , not sworn . civil things only , and those amongst them which are matters of fact , ought only to be affirmed by oath ; we have a very firm belief of the truth of many points of religion , and of the honesty of divers persons , and yet nevertheless , for all the world , we would not swear to them ; all who have any ingenuity , or good sense acknowledge , that to force us to affirm the goodness of the covenant by oath , is an extreme tyranny , and full of ignorance and absurdities . and also seeing we are very ill satisfied of the goodness thereof , it s another tyranny to make us swear to defend it ; and a most barbarous cruelty , to confiscate our possessions , and sequester our ministers of their benefices , because they refuse to take so unreasonable an oath , and yet all this was practised during the presbyterian reign . the articles of the covenant were assisted with a religious prologue and epilogue , full of protestations of zeal and repentance , and therefore it was almost impossible , but the most part of them that took it should be perjured , considering the generality of the people are evil . and this should have prevented the gentlemen to impose the covenant indifferently upon all , under such great penalties . for as they will not suffer the sacrament of the lords supper to be administred to the people , for fear to encrease their condemnation : they should have by the same reason , according to their principles , have withheld to administer these protestations of zeal and repentance , to their consciences , whose disposition they were ignorant of . now a great evidence of their depraved and evil faith , consists in their protestations of sanctity and superlative expressions of zeal ; in which the independent party who rejected the covenant , without comparison , fly higher then their predecessors ; all their ordinances , and declarations , yea even their letters of news , were sallies of zeal . all their murthers and robberies were to establish the purity of the gospel , to conquer a kingdome for jesus christ , and that godliness might reign and flourish . if they speak of the abominable parricide committed against their soveraign , they say that god made bare the arm of his holiness , that the lord is on their right hand , that he hath smote kings in the day of his wrath , and that they may wash their feet in the blood of the ungodly . thus they made their horrible crimes march disguised in terms of scripture , and the devil borrowed the language of the spirit of god. whosoever shall well consider the use they made of the scripture , and whereto they imployed their great shew of holiness , shall find an answer to the question in the 50 psal . 16. but to the wicked god saith , what hast thou to do to declare my statutes , or that thou shouldest take my covenant in thy mouth . behold here the work of the covenanters ; they declare the statutes of god , and take his covenant into their mouths , to put on rebellion , the mask of religion , and to invest themselves without trouble , of the authority and revenues of the crown , the goods of the church , and without suspition to grope the purses of the people ; for the outward shew of devotion , doth much amuse the assistants , and gain their belief ; for who can fear any evil from those who so piously invite them to repentance , and the advancement of the glory of god ? who would not confide and trust in them that declare the statutes of god , and take his covenant in their mouth ? satan in all forms is dangerous , but he is never so pernicious as when he clothes himself as an angel of light , and it is ill going procession when the devil carries the cross . moreover by their fruits ye shall know them . how often abused they the credulity of the people , when they conjured them to help to fetch the king from his evil councellors , and to bring him gloriously to his great and faithful councel , that is to say , to themselves ; but their faithfulness appeared then when he departed from them whom they called his evil councellors , to yeeld himself up to them ; for then their terrible mennaces against him , and all those who should dare to receive him , forced this poor prince to travel disguised in great danger of his life through their armies which besieged oxford , and to go and cast himself into the arms of the scots , as a chased boar casts himself into the toils . he found by sad experience in this his miserable refuge , that the covenanters were of the same genius in other nations , and of the same evil faith. it imports not much whether it be true or false , which was said of the scots , that they had secretly invited him , and promised to expose both their goods and lives for his defence and safety ; but how ever it was , they were bound by their natural duty to do so : but instead of rendring him the duties of faithful subjects , as crafty merchants they made their profit of him ; for after they had kept him captive some moneths , at length they drew two great benefits by him ; the one upon their promise to imploy their armies for his service , they made use of his authority , to make that miracle of valour and fidelity , the marquess of mentr●sse , the kings lieutenant in their country , and the terrour of the rebels , to disband , and lay down his armes ; the other , in making sale of his majesty , to the gentlemen at westminster , for two hundred thousand pounds sterling in ready money , obliging them to pay the like summe more two years after . upon which this most wise prince , being demanded whether he had rather continue with his scottish subjects , or go to his subjects in england , answered with an excellent grace and serenity , without question , i must be with those who have bought me , and not with those who have sold me . and in his meditation upon this subject , since i am thus sold by them , i am only afflicted for the evil they have done , and to behold my self valued at a higher price then my saviour . these words proceeding from a quick and well governed spirit , a king of his passions , and so conforming himself to the passion and obedience of the sonne of god , cannot be heard , nor read by good christians with the same moderation they were pronounced ; but this magnanimous patience , should produce in every pious soul , a most just execration of this the most base and barbarous treachery , that hath been committed since that of judas , and which in iniquity yields only to the abominable paracide , to whom he was deliver'd by this infamous sale . it matters not much what is said hereupon , that the scots in delivering up the person of the k. to the gent. at westmin . drew from them a promise to treat him with safety , liberty and honor ; for they ought not impose upon other then themselves , this duty which was natural to them . neither could they expect that the english should render him that safety , liberty and honor , which themselves refused him , or that the buyers should not as well search to make their profit by him , as the sellers , and to reimburse themselves with usury by his ruine . but for their care they took of the k. when they deliver'd him , let us do them the favour to pass by their perfidiousness , and behold how the gent. at westm . performed their promise to treat the k. with safety , liberty and honor . behold how they led him captive to holmby house , where they set a guard of souldiers , his enemies upon him , denied him his revenues , rights , liberty , children , servants , and ( that which with greatest earnestness he desired ) his chaplins , and the free exercise of his conscience , extremely misusing him with insolent threatnings and injurious demands , and for all this the scots never seemed to be moved or troubled , whilst the k. was in the presbyterian parties custody . but when the independents had seised vpon his person , although his captivity was a little sweetned over it was before , the scotch began to demand aloud the accomplishment of their promises for his liberty , whereupon the gent. at west . made a declaration , to break and null all their former promises of loyalty , and respect made to his majesty by this parl. telling the scots , that these promises were formed , published , and imploid according as the state of affairs then stood , but they might now be altered , and yet nevertheless these promises to preserve the person and authority of the k. had been made with the solemnest and sublimest protestations , we protest ( say they ) in the presence of almighty god , which is the strongest bond of a christian , and the publick faith , the most solemn that any state can give , that neither adversity nor success shall ever cause us to change our resolutions . now at this day it sadly appears how much they respect the presence of almighty god , and how much they find themselves obliged by the strongest obligation of a christian , and the publick faith , the most solemn that the body of an estate can give . it is to be doubted , whether they believe there is a god , or that he is almighty , or so just as to call them before him in judgment for the prophanation of his most holy name . before these gentlemen did openly manifest that they would not grant the king neither liberty , honour , nor safety , they set awork their hypocrisie and treachery . the independent army having taken away the person of the king from the presbyterians , began to use him more honorably , but not out of love to him , but in hatred to his former goalers , and to flatter and lull asleep the royal party , and for this effect this army made some declarations in favour of his majesty . see here some of their expressions . forasmuch as a scandalous information hath been presented to the two houses , importing that his majesty is kept prisoner amongst us , and uncivilly and barbarously dealt with , we judge our selves bound to declare that this suggestion , and all other of the same nature , are most false and absolutely contrary , not only to our requests , but also to our principles . and a little after , we profess openly that we see not how there can be any firm or durable peace in the kingdome , without a due consideration and provision for the rights , repose and immunities of his majesty and his royal family . and in another place they promise , that until such time as there be made a settlement , his majesty shall find amongst them all civil and personal respect , with all reasonable freedome . but let us next see how they performed this promise , after they found this great prince inflexible to all their unjust and dishonourable propositions , and especially to those which concerned the ruine of the church , they restrained his liberty , and set over him more insolent guards in his house at hampton court ; at which nevertheless oliver cromwell , who was then in effect chief of the league , seemed to be much troubled , and very careful of the life of his majesty , and therefore perswaded him to escape by night , and to save himself out of such wicked hands into the isle of wight ; for being resolved to charge the king with a criminal process , which was the way as he thought most proper for the designs of his ambition , then privately to make him away ; but he durst not proceed thus far , whilst the king was so neer the gates of london , and in the heart of his kingdome , the hearts whereof he possessed . i will not undertake to sound the mysteries of iniquity of this agent of satan , but shew you a piece of his perfidiousness , and profound hypocrisie . the night before the king stole from hampton court , cromwell came to visit him , causing all persons to withdraw out of the chamber , except major huntington , in whom he only confided , and taking the king aside , had a long discourse with him , which huntington could not hear , but could well behold his passionate gesture , which witnessed a singular freedome and affection . cromwell at his departure cast himself upon his knees , and took the king by the hand , kissing it many times , wetting it with his tears , and at length lifting up his voice , said to him : sir , so god bless me and my children , as i am resolved to endeavour to place you and your children in your rights and dignities ; after this , approaching to huntington , major ( saith he ) tarry with the king , and 〈◊〉 there happen any thing now this night , take a good horse , and come with all speed and acquaint me . this night then the king passed secretly the thames , and taking post , cast himself into the trap they had laid for him in that retired place : so soon as huntington knew of the departure of the king , and whether he was gone , he went in all hast to give advice to cromwell , that the king had escaped into the isle of wight , who beholding him astonished and amazed at this sudden change , laughed at him , telling him , that the king was there where he desired , and that there wanted nothing now to the satisfying of his desires , but that all his children were there with him . this history is attested by huntington himself , a person of credit and repute , whose eyes this action and the like hath opened , and turned his heart towards the king his soveraign . now the king being confined into this little island , where all the avenues might easily be kept by the creatures of cromwell , and the other gentlemen of the covenant ; the mask was presently taken off at westminster , and in the army , and all their oaths and protestations to maintain the person and authority of the king , were changed into loud cries , in calling for justice against him , to which the gentlemen at westminster easily condescended , and for this effect declared him incapable to govern ; charged him with all the crimes malice could devise , forbidding all persons to make any more addresses to him : but in this fair way , they had some disturbance , by those parties that in the year 1648. rose for the king , but god justly provoked against this sinful nation , suffered injustice to triumph through the disloyaly of persons , who having until that time born arms against the king , took part with him expresly to betray and ruine him . and thus from the beginning to the end of this tragedy , falshood hath plaid his part , and at length this just prince lost his life by the hand of those his subjects , who had called heaven and earth to witness their loyalty and affection ; and this is very admirable and memorable to all ages , how the conscience and constancy of the king took a way altogether contrary to that of the covenanters , for whilst the covenanters swore themselves to destroy him , he would do neither the one , nor the other to save his life , or crown ; for its manifest that there was a time , wherein if the king would have promised that which he was resolved not to have kept , he had in a short time been put into such a condition ( according to all humane appearances ) as would have put him out of the power of all the discontented to constrain him to have kept his promise . i cannot pass the last act of this hideous treason , without letting the world behold another piece of the damnable hipocrisie of oliver cromwel . the day assigned for the execution of the king being come , the councel of war sate , which was then the great councel of the kingdom : a letter without name was addressed to this councel to represe●t to them by reasons of conscience and prudence , the formidable consequences of so strange and hateful an execution . cromwel seemed to be much touched at it , ( which caused some suspicions , as though he himself underhand had procured it ) and proposed it to the consideration of the councel , part of this company began to yeeld to the force of justice , and their duty , and to lean towards compassion : cromwel beholding this made a turn to the door , and sent one of his confidence to those to whom the execution was committed , to command them to dispatch the business : then returning to the councel table , made a long discourse shewing the inconvenience of this execution , and advised them so to secure the person of the king for the time to come , that he might neither do nor receive hurt . this discouse was seconded by others , and then again re-assumed by himself with a great many words to lengthen the consultation , until that one briskly entring into the chamber told them , gentlemen , you may cease to consult , the work is done , the king is executed : upon this cromwel suddenly fell upon his knees with signs of great devotion , crying out , that this was the work of god , and a true stroak of heaven , the councel being disposed to save his life , but the divine justice would not suffer so much innocent blood shed by this tyrant to pass unpunished , and hereupon made an eloquent prayer to give glory to god , and acknowledge his providence . and from this history i leave the reader to draw a character of this person , whose perpetual method was to make his impostures to pass for miraculous and divine managements . when he would make his inventions pass into publike resolutions , he would suborn a prophet or prophetess , who should come and find him in full councel , or in the head of his army , for to enjoyn him on the behalf of god , that which before he had resolved ; he caused all the councels he proposed to pass for motions of the blessed spirit , therefore if his councels and actions did ill accord with his preceding professions , his inspirations from above excused all , and he laid all the fault upon god ; when any minded him of his protestations made to preserve the person of the king , and restore him to his dignities : he would answer , that it was indeed his intention , but that when he sought god to open him a way for the performance , god had silenced him , and shewed that it would not be acceptable to him . his partie seriously give him this commendation , that he was so affected with the glory of god , that if he had promised any thing with the most solemn and holy adjurations , and that afterward god should put it into his spirit , that the contrary to what he had promised was most expedient for his glory , he presently forgot all his promises . therefore when he had the k. in his power at hampt . court , and often conferred with him ; his majesty expressed his perplexity to persons of honour , telling them , i cannot ( saith he ) treat with these people upon any foundation , who refer me to their inspirations , for that which they promise me to day , they contradict too morrow , if the spirit dictate to them ; but you must note that the spirit never dictates any thing to them but for their profit . the wrath of god is great against us in suffering us to be ruined and destroyed by fraud and hypocrisie , but verily his indignation is yet greater against those who are seduced ; for it is a lesser evil to be persecuted by the devil , then to mistake him for the spirit of god. but let us consider other acts of the evil faith of the covenanters . how have the members of parliament answered the intentions of those that sent them ? was it the desire of those countries and places for which they served , that the divine service so much loved by the people should be taken away , and their ministers driven from their benefices , and anabaptists and such like , without knowledge and call , established in their places ? did they give them commission to levy and make war against their king , to cut off his head ? and were they not sent and departed to councel and advise the king , and to succour their counties ? ●nd have not they done the contrary ? when their fellow citizens chose them , did they chuse them to be their soveraigns ? was it their intentions that they should ●it in parliament to perpetuity , and place in their children to perpetuate their raign in their families ? whereby they have gained more in a few years then the house of austria , which hardly in two hundred years of an elective empire , have made one successive ; for these people have in a few years turned into succession an empire , in which they have no election . and it would be very hard to tell , who gave them the power to dispose of the goods and lives of the people , and to govern the kingdome by an army , of which england hath never hope to be delivered , but by an absolute victory obtained by the king. of these high actions of presumption and tyranny , warranted by no authority , and upheld onely by the strength of arms , they must render account to god , and since they maintain that the soveraignty resides in the people , they must also one day give an account to the people of their administration . they made an ordinance , that no member of parliament should exercise any office in the state , but how well did they keep it ? did they not make amongst themselves a monopoly of all the gainful offices ? they gave out they would give an account of the treasure expended of the state , but in the mean while they followed the councel of pericles , which was to studie how never to give any . they invited the people to present their plaints against their own members , but those who dared to do it were ruined in the prosecution , and served as a sad example to all others to beware and keep themselves from so dangerous an enterprise for the future . they have also forced the consciences of men to break their faith , witness the breach of articles subscribed in the counties of york and chester , whereby the gentlemen engaged on both parties , were mutually obliged to lay down their arms and live in peace , but the gentlemen at westminster , frighted with this hideous name of peace , declared this accord null , as destructive to their affairs ; for both the devil and the covenanters maintain themselves by dissention . they forced the londoners , taken and released by the king at the battel of brainsford , to take up arms against him the second time , against their faith sworn to his majesty , who most graciously gave them both their lives and liberty , releasing them without any ransome . but as for them they wickedly massacred those who yielded themselves upon their promise of life , and liberty , as duke hamilton , the earl of holland , and the gallant and noble lord capel , sir charles lucas , sir george lisle , and many others . they being thus habituated in disloyalty and unfaithfulness , their great quarrel against the late king of blessed and glorious memory was , that he would not break his faith , nor falsifie his oath he took at his coronation , to maintain the rights and priviledges of the church , and to defend the laws of the land. and as they were perfidious to us , so were they also to one another , they falsified their faith to their army , which had too well fought for them , under the command of the earl of essex , and disbanded them without their pay . but another army paid them for this perfidiousness by another . the independent troops were those which professed to them fidelity with the greatest zeal : and these were they which unroosted them at westminster , and pull the gentlemen out of their thrones , leaving there , only such as pleased them . and in passing , let us mark another seat of activity , of cromwel , he perswaded the house of commons to casheer this army , promising them that he would lay down his arms at their feet , but he gave them this counsel only for to provoke and irritate the army against them , and to ruine them , as indeed it did . then when the army began to present criminal informations against the king , they sent an embassie of six collonels to the house of lords to keep them quiet , promising to maintain their priviledge of peerage , but as soon as the king was beheaded , they casheered the house of lords , and those lords having basely abandoned their head to the slaughter , presently lost the life of honour , which flowed from thence upon them , and were most justly laid aside as dead and unprofitable members . the scots also for having been too faithful to their brethren in rebellion , were paid with the like treachery , for all that power and interest which they ought to have had in the affairs of both kingdoms , according to the articles of their league , was denied them with scorn and insultation . amongst our miseries , this is a recreative spectacle to us , to behold the thieves who pillaged us , to pillage and rob one another , and to deal treacherously amongst themselves after they betray'd us . to their disloyalty let us joyn their falshood , wherein consisted the foundation and building of all their fabrick . this appeared singularly in the beginnings of the covenant . then the gentlemen discovered daily some treason or other , with as much facility as the labourer finds his work . news of england , written from spain , france , italy , denmark , politick discourses of a dutch mariner , to an english hostler , of armies kept under ground by the king , to cut the throats of all the protestants in a night ; and the greatest danger of all , which caused the chiefest fear to the subtle spirits of london , was a design laid for a mine of powder under the thames , to cause the river to drown the city ; but this dangerous enterprise was discovered a little before the execution , whereupon the devout people very conscientiously gave thanks to god , and they took special order for the future that the thames should not be blown up . in two or three moneths these treasons amounted to the number of nine and thirty , according to the account of a venerable member of the house of commons , in one of his speeches . this indeed was the time they had most need of them to form a party . they made use of the same path according to their occasions ; after a defeat , they used to keep a day of thanksgiving for a victory ; if the king offered peace to his subjects , they gave ou● amongst the people that he refused it , and would have none ; and the ministers told god of it in their publick prayers , with all the news of the times , that he might have no cause to pretend ignorance . to draw money from the people , a plot would be discovered , for which publick thanks was to be given do god , and afterwards the londoners must pay a hundred thousand pound sterling in acknowledgment of so great a benefit . by these plots which were only against their purses , the people were often pillaged , yet they had not the wisdom to beware of them , the devil having sent amongst them such strong delusions , that they should believe a lie. certainly this device or motto should have been written upon the standards of the covenanters , p●ssuimus in 〈◊〉 latibulum nostrum , & mendacio protecti sumus . we have made lies our refuge , and under falshood have we hid our selves , isa . 28.15 . but this covering will not long continue , for the hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies , saith the prophet , v. 17. and that which is builded thereon , shall fall as an house built upon the sand. and thus much for them who boast of their publick faith , and say they dare not trust their king. chap. xxiii . of the instruments both parties made use of , and of the irish affairs . let us now come to the accusation which made the lowdest noise : our enemies reproached the king , that he made use of wicked instruments . for beholding to their great regret , that the person of the king was without blame , they cast all the sins of his court and armies upon him . but we will see what instruments the two parties served themselves with , and whether the consideration of the instruments can alter the nature of the cause . but first of all let us make our advantage of that which our enemies are forced to yield us , for envy which tare a pieces those which served the king , found nothing to fasten on , in his person , yea though continually endeavoured , even after his death , when the covenanters entertained , and yet do , writers in pay , to write sandalous and defamatory libels against his sacred majesty . there was never rebel which called not his prince unjust , otherwise they would condemn their own party of injustice : but the open conversation of the king was a subject very improper , either for the detracter or flatterer ; he lived not obscure and hidden as the kings of china , but made appear to the eyes of all the world what he was , as the sun makes himself seen to the universe by his own proper light . this prince whom the covenanters persecuted under colour of piety and reformation , was four times a day upon his knees at his devotion , was guided by the fear of god , and comforted by his love , made his word the rule of his belief and actions , humbled himself in his adversities under his mighty hand , and reposed himself with a firm faith upon the same hand which smote him . his discourses were honest , religious , pertinent and judicious , and his writings were the same ; wherein shined forth a vigor and majesty truly royal. and the sanctity of his retired meditations , which are now publick , will for ever fill all good souls with consolation and instruction , and his enemies with confusion , he was a prince sober , continent , temperate , a spirit composed by singular geometry , so equal in all his inclinations , that it is hard to say , to which passion he was most enclined . greatness arms vices with power , and tempts the desires by the facility ; and the devil hath his agents in the courts of princes , who observe and watch their humours , and advertise them of all the evil they may do ; for to resist such trials , one had need of a soul wherein nature and grace had contributed to strengthen against such temptation ; this our prince shewed by his behaviour , that he believed there could be no pleasure where there was sin , abhorring that which was evil , cleaving to that which was good , rom. 12.9 . the councellours of vice had here assayed in vain , all which might move youth or power : if in any thing he manifested passion , it was in favouring vertue , knowledge and arts , which he loved by judgment and experience . the injustice they are able to reproach him with , is that which he committed against himself , having taken from his own rights to preserve and augment those of his subjects . it were to be wished for their good , that he had less loved them , and himself a little more ; for if he had given them less , they would have had more than they have at this day . of his clemency , none can speak more than his enemies , for his greatest adversaries were those who were the principal subjects of it . he preserved the lives of those who purchased his destruction : he restored the inheritances to the children of them , which ravisht and took from him his own , and who died with their swords in their hands against him , he offered a free pardon to them who would not pardon him . but if this way hath not gained their affections , doubtless it hath gods. certainly since they have rejected and destroyed their good king , they deserve god should give them such masters , like the king of the frogs in the fable , storks and herons which should devour them and consume them one after another ; but if he doth not , i fear there will be such good order amongst them , that they will mutually devour one another , there being no tyranny so cruel as that of a multitude , nor worse servitude than to want a master . behold here then a great point gained , that the king was a just and good prince ! those who so much complain of his evil counsellors or instruments , ought to love him so much the more , and to acknowledge that he could find no instruments like himself ; there is no malady in the body of state which is not curable , whilst the head is found : in all kingdoms , the injustice committed in the courts of judicature , is done in the name of the king ; and there is no government so just and prudent , no , even that which is governed by a prophetical conduct , as that of davids , which have not faults enough , to give occasion to an absolom to say , oh that i were made judge in the land , that every man which hath any suit or cause , might come unto me , and i would do him justice , 2 sam. 15.4 . in publick grievances , good subjects are wont to cast the blame upon the ministers of state , and rest satisfied in seeing some of them punished , accounting it their principal interest to preserve the honour of their soveraign ; and good princes when they are informed that the ministers of state have abused their authority to the damage of their subjects , which is theirs , are wont to examine them , and judge them according to the laws . and in this , the king did as much as possible they could require of him , having submitted the persons of those whom the covenanters complained against , to be judged , and tried by lawful and ordinary waies : but whilst they tread under foot the royal authority , the power of parliament , and the majesty of the laws , and that they were in open war against him , what reason had he to submit his servants and ministers to the judgment of his enemies ? being certain that whilst the war continued , they would aim most at them who served him best . then when the parliament was whole and entire , there passed a vote worthy the gravity of that great court , that the king could do no wrong , and that his officers , and not he were guilty of the evil which was done in the publick government : but since those who loved the king departed , and withdrew themselves to him , those which remained at westminster , followed a way quite contrary , for they cast upon the king all the faults of his servants , and made use of them against him , whom they ought & should have punished for having ill served him . then when they took in hand to examine the ministers of state , in stead of punishing them which were guilty , they received them into favour ▪ yea , after their ●aults proved against them , and turned all the discontent of the people upon the king : what a great noise was there in the house of commons against the forgers of monopolies ? one would have thought that hardly any should have escaped with their lives , but there happened altogether the contrary : for because the monopolists and other accused persons , made a considerable number in parliament , they made use of their faults , to make a strong faction against the king , terrifying and making them understand , there was no way left to preserve them from utter ruine , but to joyn with the new party which was forming , and hereupon they were promised impunity for what evils they had done , on condition they should do greater . some of these were sent to the king to newmarket , in the behalf of their companions , to whom his majesty said these words , capable to convert them , or to make their indi●emen● at the day of judgment . gentlemen , lay your hands upon your consciences , who are they which invented those taxes by which you have so provoked my people against me ? for whose advantage and profit were those imposts ●●●ied ? were my revenues encreased by them ? it was you that induced and moved me 〈◊〉 them , for your own particular profit , and now you return me a worthy recompence . other parliament men , guilty of many crimes , were kept in the parliament in hope of impu●ity , the holy covenant 〈◊〉 a garment which covered a multitude of sins , even to the violating of a great lady , and abusing her by own of their members , almost in the sight of the parliament : behold these , the reformers of church and state ! others which were not of the parliament , but under censure , for having been councellours , or instruments in the imposts and taxes of the people , were released by them , and employed for the same business , as persons who well understood the trade , who pillaged then with a good conscience , for the advancement of the kingdom of jesus christ . those whose infamous life was the shame of the royal court , were the honour of the court at westminster , and the pillars of the covenant . likewise the judges accused of corruption , and the ministers of a scandalous life , in taking the covenant , obtained a plenary indulgence of all their sins , for after that , there was no more to say to them , for those who washed themselves in this water , returned as white as if they had been washed with ink , or with the second baptism the anabaptists use at this day . but now let us look upon the armies : our enemies cry aloud , that the king made use of those of the church of rome , to serve him in his wars . upon which , an excellent writer makes this gentle question to them , how many were in their armies , or how many they would have had ? for if the common report do not much wrong them , they employed divers persons of that religion , there were persons of honour and quality , who assured us , that they prisoners of the same religion , served the covenanters . we refer our selves to their own consciences , if they gave not a commission to my lord aston to levy forces . the relation in notable , the king being at york , this gallant man , accounted the most experienced , and best commander of war of his time , came to present his service to his majesty , the king gave him thanks , and withal told him , he was resolved to employ none of his religion in his army . well ( saith he ) i will go then to those who will employ me , and indeed went presently to westminster , where he was received with open arms , and a commission given him written and signed , which he carried to the king ; ye cannot wonder then , that the king made use of him , and others of his religion , whom before he was resolv'd not to employ , although he had , to take away all shadow of occasion from his enemies , who sought somthing whereat to quarrel with him , made a proclamation that none professing the religion of the church of rome should come neer his court. after this , the covenanters used all their power to make them draw to the kings party , well considering , their party being so small , would bring more hatred than help to the king ; and for this effect , they treated them with great inhumanity , forcing them to forsake their houses , and lands , and run and hide themselves under the kings protection , and this the king could not refuse them , for as they owed him their subjection , the king owed them his protection , so long as they governed themselves according to the laws , and accomplished the conditions whereby they were permitted by act of parliament to live in the kingdom . by this reason of reciprocal duty , the king protecting them as his subjects , they were bound to defend him as their king , and ye shall not find in all the statutes which concern them , that they are exempted to serve the king in his armies , neither is it reasonable that they only should be free from the perils of war , whilst th●ir fellow subjects venture their lives , and are shedding their bloud for the defence of their country . the covenanters made it appear sufficiently to the world , that they judged that religion ought not to exclude any from bearing arms in the publick danger , for in their armies they made use of all religions , yea that of the church of rome , as we shall shew hereafter . if it were lawful for them to make use of those who denied the incarnation of jesus christ , and of others that denied his divinity , and those who were re-baptized and denied baptism to infants , and the blessed sacrament of the whole church , it were not less lawful for the king to make use of souldiers of the roman religion ; and if those whom they now call reformed , embrace the doctrine of the jesuits , touching the deposing and murdering of kings , and that persons of the roman religion reject this , and joyn themselves with the reformed church in this point , the king had reason to serve himself of the last as well as of the first . moreover the king had but two religions in his armies , which were too many : and although the roman is not tolerated by the laws , yet the statutes give protection to the persons which make profession of it , but the covenanters motly army consisted of many religions , there can be no certain number of them , for they multiplied and subdivided daily ; and these religions had no tolleration by the laws , nor the persons which made profession of them . but put the case that the covenanters were a party reformed , uniform and illuminated , since they have destroyed their king , what law divine or humane , doth hinder him for using all means that god gives him to defend himself ? and if amongst his loyal subjects , there be some who are blinded in matter of religion , why should he not make use of those who are blind to repress those who are illuminated ; and maintain his life and crown ? 't is then a ridiculous question , which they demand of the king , whether he will defend the reformed religion with souldiers of the roman religion ? for he makes not use of them to defend his religion , but his person and scepter , which those whom they call reformed , would wickedly pluck out of his hands . 't is foolishly and unjustly done of them to complain that the king made them to kill the protestants , a name which they make a great noise with , when they have lost the thing ; they were not protestants but rebels , whom the king killed in his just defence . the king was not to enquire of what religion they were that made war upon him ; the true religion gives not license to malefactors to do evil , and to binde the hands of the judge , that he should not punish them ; chiefly , when the malefactor fights against the judge , and he to whom god hath committed the sword to execute vengeance in wrath , is constrained to make use of it to defend his life and authority ; the malefactor who is instructed in a holy religion is doubly guilty , he is the evil servant in the gospel , who knows his masters will , but does it not , and therefore he shall be beaten with many stripes . this above written serves as an answer to the e●clamations of our enemies , that the king caused an armie of irish papists to come over to kill the protestants in england , for it matters not what religion the english be of , if they be rebels , and who can blame him for employing rebels converted , against rebels obstinate , but onely those that perish by them : but that which gives occasion of laughter in this objection is , that there were none , and the irish have not yet sent over their army into england , according to their promise to help the king. we grant that the english are far more considerable to the king then the irish ; suppose the difference be as great as betwixt a son and a servant , but if the son prove unnatural and draws his sword against his father , who can blame the father if he arms his servant , were he a barbary slave , to defend his life ? 't is not to purpose then for them so often to object to us , that the irish were the executioners to cut the throats of a multitude of protestants in ireland , and that it 's a horrible thing to bring them over into england to do as much here ; for at the worst they were but executioners of rebels ; certainly civil war is a horrible thing , where one destruction draws on another , abyssus abyssum advocat ; but since the enraged and implacable obstinacy of the covenanters , brought the king to this extremity , that he could not quench the fire that they had kindled in his kingdom , but by ruine ; like those who would quench a town all in flames with cannon-shot , what could we do other then call in the irish to his succours ? having rebellions then on all sides ? was it not wisely done of him to make an agreement with the most tractable and pliant , and to serve himself with their forces to make head against the others ? if the english would not have had the king made peace with the irish , why did they then refuse the peace and pardon which the king so often , and so graciously rendred them ? and did he enter into treaty with his irish subjects , before he had a long time in vain sollicited his english to their duty ? should he rather willingly have lost two kingdoms to help his enemies to render themselves masters of the third ? but say they , the irish shed abundance of protestants blood in ireland , which should have been revenged in stead of granting them peace . it s true , they committed many fearful and strange cruelties , but this blood hath been sufficiently revenged ; for , for one which they put to death , five of theirs have been killed since the beginning of the war : and moreover this reason sounds ill in the mouthes of christians , who ought to leave vengeance to god. we could not expect that the covenanters would ever commend this peace , which might have been so disadvantagious to them , and might have supplied the king with many souldiers , if the irish had kept their word . the principal reason of their complaint was , because the londoners lost much hereby , for they had advanced great sums of monies to the two houses , for which they were to have had the irish rebels lands , after they were extirpated ; which was to buy the bears skin before he was killed ; and this partly was the cause of breaking up of the treaty at uxbridge , for the citizens of london would by no means hear of peace , unless the king would break his faith with the irish , and root them out ; for the quarrel that the english covenanters had with them was not for their religion , or rebellion , but because they would not suffer themselves to be killed in a peaceable and quiet manner , that thereby the merchant adventurers of london might have their bargain . and thus the covenanters as much as in them lay , justified the unjust arms of the irish , since they would by no means have peace with them : and after all , the king hath the sole power of peace and war , and if he will receive into grace , and pardon his subjects who have offended him , he is to give account to none . yet nevertheless that it may appear to all the reformed churches how much our good king departed , loved his religion , he would not grant peace to his irish subjects on the conditions they demanded , advantagious to their religion ; which if he had accorded , he might have had legions in stead of regiments , and not wanted neither the help of his subjects , nor their neighbours ; but rather then he would buy their assistance at that price , he chose to sink and fall under the oppression of the covenanters ; after this piety or humanity ought to have converted the enemies of the king , if he had had to do with persons who had either the one or the other . but if the gentlemen at london lost their monies which they advanced upon the irish affairs , they have cause to complain of the gentlemen at westminster , who made use of this money , not to reconquer ireland , but to make war upon the king , who had a great desire to terminate that business , and would have gone in person , but not to serve the avaritious and barbarous intentions of these merchants of blood , but to recover his rights , and to restore a number of his exiled subjects to their possessions ; those ruined and remaining families of the general massacre , cried aloud in the ears of the king and parliament . for to help them there was a generall collection through the kingdom , and the ministers by order of parliament were to excite the charity of the people to a liberal contribution , which was done , and great sums of money were raised for the irish war. but to what was the charity of many pious souls imployed ? to make war against the king ; the armies which the cries of the poor exiled irish had raised , and were ready at their port to be shipped , were called back , and conducted against his sacred majesty ; and although many in those troops had their interests in ireland , they were constrained to forsake them , for unknown interests , and an open hostillity against their soveraign . 't is no wonder then , if part of those troops at the battel of keinton , turned to the king ; and took a bloody revenge of so great injustice . for what a most horrible tyranny was this , to make them fight against their king in england , whilest the throats of their wives and children were cutting in ireland ? we earnestly beseech the covenanters , that whensoever they curse the irish rebellion , they would remember these two things ; the one , that the scots shewed them the way , having before made a covenant for religion , and levied arms to maintain it , and obtained by this way , all that they desired . the irish seeing this was the way to obtain the liberty of their religion , presently followed the example of their neighbours , and as a judicious writer saith pleasantly , that if the scots had not piped , the irish had never danced . let them remember also , that the irish as wicked as they were , had without comparison more reason for their rising , then either the english or scotch , for it 's most certain that the irish were held in with a bridle , which had a ruder bit then the other subjects of the king. many of the irish for their former rebellions were dispossessed of their lands ; and although the sentence was just , the loss nevertheless was sensible ; moreover they had not the free exercise nor liberty of their religion , the english nor scotch cannot alledge any thing like these . hardly shall you find in any history a raign of fifteen years more flourishing , peaceable , and mild , then the fifteen first years of the reign of the late king , notwithstanding all the grievances the covenanters reckon up to his disadvantage : there never shined more happy days upon england and scotland ; in effect , they were nations sick of too much ease . when subjects undertake to criticise upon mysteries of state , and come to quarrel amongst themselves for subtilties of religion , or points of discipline , it s a symptome of an easie yoke , and of excess of ease and prosperity . moreover the irish fought against men of another religion , and of another nation , they fought not against the person of their king , cut not the throats of their brethren , nor ruined those of their profession ; imposed not necessity of conscience upon others ; but only demanded publick liberty of conscience for themselves , although many amongst them contented themselves with lesse ; for by the articles of peace in septemb. 1646. the king gave them no toleration for the publike exercise of their religion ; certainly therefore as those of niniveh shall rise up in judgment against the scribes and pharisees , so shall the irish against the english and scotch covenanters . further , our enemies are very unjust to complain , that the king assailed to bring over irish armies into england , since they in effect a year and half before had brought armies of scotch into england to serve them . if they take the boldness to entertain the armies of strangers within the kingdome of their soveraign , shall it not be lawful for the king to defend his person and kingdom with his own subjects , which in this quality are not strangers in respect of him , but the scotch are strangers in regard of the english . histories furnish nought parallel to this crime , to have brought the scots into england , and to move them to come , gave them part of the kingdom of ireland ; but its easie for them to give that which was none of theirs ; with the same right the devil offered to jesus christ all the kingdoms of the world , for they can produce their authority no other where . this nation abounding in men , living in a barren countrey , will be easily induced to plant colonies in a more fertile soil , and who will believe that having their weapons in their hands , and being in england , backed with their forces from scotland , they will govern themselves at the devotion of those that sent for them , and go no further then they are comanded ; there is danger least it happen as to the fountain of lucian , which a student in magick , with certain words he had learn'd of his master sent to fetch water , to which the fountain obeyed , but the poor apprentise knew not the words to make it stay , which in the mean while went and fetched water without ceasing , till it filled the house up to the windows . certainly our mutineers had the wit to make the scotch come to their help , and there needed no great charm to perswade a people which had nothing , and had nothing to do , to come and fish in troubled waters , in their neighbours pond : but i have great fear , that those which caused them to enter upon their march , were ignorant of the charm , to stay them that they should go no further , and that the scotch will not have done , when the english have done with them . it was not then an action of judgment to cause the scots to enter england , without having power to make them return , and to hinder their coming again , much less an action of piety , for god needs not the wickedness of men to advance his kingdom , it was an action purely of spight and stomack , a stroak of despair , proceeding from persons resolved to destroy their country with them , rather than to suffer the insultation of a conqueror , or the reproach of their treachery : but in doing this , they have rather augmented their reproach , and drawn upon themselves perpetual infamy : for as long as there is a god in heaven , and conscience in the world , the memory of those , who had but a finger in so base an action , will be hateful to all good men , their names will offend their ears , and their posterity will be forced ( if any remain ) to change their names , for fear of being stoned by the publick . but le ts return to ireland , and poure into the bosom of our enemies the objection they have so often pressed against his majesty , that he invited irish papists over to his party ; and shew to the world , that it was the covenanters , and not the king , who really employed them . for to unwind this intangled and intricate business , we must take the thred of the affair higher ; ye must then know , that there are two sorts of irish papists ; the one , ancient inhabitants of the country , who since the conquest of ireland bear an hereditary and irreconcilable hatred to the english ; the other , the posterity of those english colonies which were planted in ireland about four hundred years since , to preserve the conquest for the english , and are accounted as english , by the ancient inhabitants , for they yet preserve the language , manners and inclination of the country from whence they issued ; the english and scotch protestants in ireland are new colonies , which during these forty years of peace , have encreased in number almost equal to the others . when the rebellion brake out in ireland , soon after that in scotland , being encouraged by their example , the old irish and the old english colonies joyned together in one common design to establish the roman religion , whereupon the gentlemen at westminster instead of suppressing them speedily by arms , ( which his majesty desired , and offered to go in person ) made an ordinance wholly to extirpate them , to which the king would never consent , alledging that it would be a means to cause the colony of protestants in ireland , who were without defence , to be extirpated ; as it came to pass , for the irish being provoked by that bloody ordinance , did what they at westminster had taught them , and extirpated the most part of the protestant colonies , killing man , woman and child , with most horrible barbarousness . i leave to the just judgment of god to decide against whom this sea of innocent bloud cries . in this butchery , the old irish were the most active and cruel , the others went along with them only for company ; and besides , their interests were different , for the intention of the old english colonies went little further than the design of freeing themselves in matter of religion , but the native irish would as well be freed of the nation , as have the freedom of their religion , and would shake off the yoke of the english monarchy , take possession in the name of the pope , of the abbies which were all in the hands of lay men , recover all that they had lost by confiscation , for their former rebellions , and for this effect , null all titles which held of the crown . this intention was contrary to the old english , who held all their estates of the crown , and possessed divers abbies by pattent royal , and besides this , had an hereditary affection towards their king and ancient country ; and therefore they had reason to fear , that after the extirpation of the english protestants , their throats should be cut , and upon this consideration they listned to the overtures of an accord the king made to them , in the year 1643. and although they brake not off suddenly with the old irish , yet they loosed themselves by little and little , and in the end , declared themselves for the king ; but it was not until a long while after they did him any service , having been amused and abused a long time by the subtilties of rome , who upheld and instructed the old irish , for to pass into england and serve the king , if ever they had promised it , the same subtilties and their dissentions would never permit them to do . no man of understanding or sense can blame the king to receive from them the service they owed him , neither did he ever make any profession to the contrary , as they at westminster , who passed a vote of extirpation against them , and stirred up the people against the king by this pretext , that he made use of persons of the roman religion ; now after this , if they themselves shall make use of them , they are inexcusable before god and man. but now let us see how their actions agree with their words and looks . the royal party being greatly encreased in ireland , especially by the conversion of the protestant forces which before served the parliament : the gentlemen of the covenant finding themselves very low in that kingdom , found no better expedient to repair their languishing affairs there , than to joyn their interest with the popes , and the old irishes , for it 's most notoriously known , that before the death of the king these irish papists took pay of the parliament , and served them in the warre , and have since rendred many good services to the holy covenant , above all , before derry , which the covenanters held , but was besieged by the scotch royalists , and had been taken without the coming of the irish , conducted by owen row o neal , who forced the scotch to raise the siege with a signal loss , when the besieged were in great distress , and ready to yield up the town . and this conjunction endured near a year , for it was not till after october 1649. that these irish returned to the obedience of their king. and indeed we have not here any thing to wonder at and be astonished , if two sorts of rebels who agreed together to cast off their king , joyn themselves together in one party , and if their temporal interest which binds them be preferred before the spiritual , which both in the one and the other league served but as a pretext to their covetousness and ambition , the gentlemen at westminster judged right , that the advancement of the pope in ireland , was less disadvantagious to them , than the whole reduction of that kingdom under the obedience of his majesty . this scandalous conjunction having much exasperated the spirits of the by-got people , whom they had taught to hate the king , because he had made peace with the papists , and murderers of ireland , the gentlemen at westminster , after they had a long time denied it , and seeing they could not any longer dissemble this infamous action , publickly called before them in examination colonel monk , who was employed in this agreement , and demanded of him , who caused him to make it ? he being instructed beforehand , answered , that he had done it of himself , of his proper motion ; then being enquired why he durst make such an accord without a commission , he answered , that he judged his agreement then profitable for the interests of his party ; and hereupon he was dismissed and sent away without any punishment , and these gentlemen condemned this accord and allyance by a publick act. but where is the man that is so simple as to be deceived by so sottish a force ? but to undecive the abused , and to shew that these gentlemen gave no orders for to break this agreement ; they had news a while after , that great succours were put into this garrison of derry , ( then the covenanters ) by the troops of his holiness ; and then all the jugling was discovered ; and there rested then no other answer for them to give , but that of the italian , who being exceedingly pained with the gout , and having prayed to god and all the saints , and yet found no ease , began to call and pray to the devil for help , and gave this reason to them that rebuked him for it , ogni adjuto e bono , all help is good from whomsoever it come . now every man who shall compare their protestations with their actions , may demand these questions with astonishment and horror . are these the men who have so cried out against the murtherers , which massacred so many thousand protestants ? are these they who before and after the massacre , did so press the king to sign their utter extirpation ? are these those who rendred the king odious , only for offering them peace and pardon ? are these the men that stirred up the people against their king , because he had some few souldiers of the roman religion scattered here and there in his armies ( for he never had an entire company of that religion ) and yet behold they themselves , entertain a great body of an army of the most refined papists , and the most violent enemies of the reformed religion , to whom ( when the king treated with them ) he refused to give them any toleration . behold the army of the popes become the parliaments , behold the murderers whom they would have rooted out , become their souldiers ; behold the revenge of the blood of their brethren , which they made such a noise of ! the massacre of the protestants is pardoned the murderers , provided they massacre those that remain of them . is it to pay the armies of his holiness , that such great summes of money are raised of the protestants ? and that they suck the poor families even to the very marrow ? is this the effect of so many solemn professions , of so many fasts and publick humiliations for the establishment of the gospel in ireland ? where is their shame ? where is their ingenuity ? where is their conscience ? be confounded infamous hypocrites , and since ye cannot hereafter avoid the execration of men , endeavour to prevent by your repentance the judgment of god upon your impostures . chap. xxiv how the different factions of the covenant agreed to ruine the king , and contributed to put him to death . we will not undertake to deprive the independants of the glory to have been the last actors in that exectable paracide , committed upon the sacred majesty of their king ; an action which being the shame of the nation , and reproach of religion , was nevertheless set forth to the eyes of the world , with the ostentation of justice and piety ; and for this horrible execution , there was a solemn thanksgiving enjoyned to be rendered to god by a publick ordinance . it 's true , this ordinance was ill obeyed , and many ministers cryed out against it , which did so provoke their new masters , that they appointed a committee , to eject the ministers out of their benefices , and to place in lay persons . now because the presbyterians thunder aloud against this action , we will see whether they have not contributed to it , and if their behaviour to their good king gave him occasion to hope for better dealing at their hands . and for this purpose we may do well to consider the propositions which they presented to the king at beverly , and since at uxbridge , and at new-castle , then when the presbyterians held the better end of the staffe ; they required of him in substance , that he should not dispose , neither of the militia , nor of the civil government , nor of his townes and revenues , nor of his children , nor of his court , nor of honours , nor of the offices of the crown , and that he should hold no power in the treaties of peace , of war , and of commerce with his neighbours : that his councel should no more depend upon him , that he should have no negative voice in parliament , and should be bound to grant whatsoever the parliament would demand of him ; that he should shew no acts of grace , nor execute justice , and not have the power to do either good or evil ; that he should consent that his party should be for ever ruined , and deliver up all those who had served him to their rage and butchery : that he should utterly overthrow both the civil and ecclesiastical government , cut all the nerves of government , and dispossess himself and his posterity without resource : in brief , that he should betray all the trusts god had committed to him , and render himself the most miserable and guilty creature in the whole universe : all the choice left this poor prince , was , whether he would be destroyed by his enemies , or by his own proper act , for if he condescended not to these demands , being then in their hands that made them , the least he could expect , was to be deposed ; and if he granted them , he deposed himself : every man that hath either prudence , or conscience , will chuse rather to be executed by another hand , than be his own proper executioner : read the articles , which are too long to be inserted here , and if there were any thing that was his , or which god had given him to keep , that these gentlemen demanded not of him , except his life , and if he could assure himself of his life , after he had given his enemies the sword of justice , and had by consequence acknowledged them his superiours , before whom he was justiciable : the sequel of affairs have shewed the truth of this consequence , for it was upon the presbyterian principles , that the independants built their conclusions . let them weigh well this reasoning , saint paul teacheth us , rom. 13. that the supream magistrate beareth the sword by god , he is his minister ; upon this ground the supream magistrate exerciseth authority in the earth , by way of force : observe that the apostle saith not , he beareth swords , he assignes him but one , and this sword , both executes justice , and the militia by one and the same power . now the presbyterians have a long time taught , that the sword of the militia appertained of right and originally to the people , of whom the parliament is the representative , and if this doctrine be not true , their arms were unjust ; but if it be true , the sword of justice also belongs to them ; for if upon these grounds it was lawful for them to wrest out of the hand of the king , the sword of the militia , to make use of it against him , it was no less lawful for them to employ the sword of justice against him ; all their philosophy cannot divide these two powers , which have the same foundation both in scripture and reason , and which have been equally violated in beheading him , and making war against him . therefore the presbyterians who now cry so loud , that the person of the king was inviolable , and not subject to the sword of justice , condemns by this all their past actions ; for if it were an execrable paracide , to cut off his head upon a scaffold , it could not be the action of a good subject to take off his head by a cannon bullet in the field , as they many times assayed . and in employing the militia against the king , they gave the independants the sword of justice , who unhappily massacred him : after they took from him , his sword , his crown , his revenues , his servants , his children , the liberty of his person , and which is much more , of his conscience , they left the independants but a step to go further , which was to take away his life . and all wherein these last surpass them , was that they gave the last blow to the king ; the presbyterians laid his head on the block , and the independants cut it off . the name independant was hardly known then , when his majesty complained in one of his declarations , that divers persons to the number of seventeen , had been accused to have said , they would kill the king , and how the accusers could obtain no justice against them ; if the members of parliament who now abhor this murder , had then had any care of the safety of his sacred person , they would never have stayed the course of justice against these crimes . they had not entertained in pay mercurius britannicus , and such rascals , by horrible libels to defame his majesty , and enflame the rage of a foolish and seditious people against him . if the quarrel had been only against his evil counsellours , ( which is the old and super-annuated pretext of all rebels ) they would never have cashiered the army of the earl of essex , for to employ a — and a medly of pestilent anabaptists , whom they knew to be mortal and sworn enemies to the king and monarchy . certainly we have so much charity as to believe , they had not an intention to put him to death , when they began the war against him , no not even when they imprisoned him ; as judas according to all appearance , had no intention to cause his master to be crucified , when he sold him to the council of the jews , and never thought that the priests would proceed so far ; for when he heard they had condemned him to dy , this unexpected blow so surprized him , and moved him in such a manner , that he presently brought back again the reward of iniquity , and rendred witness to the truth , and to his conscience before the council , i have sinned in betraying innocent blood : 't is more than the presbyterians have declared , beholding their k. condemned and beheaded by their practises , although it was beyond their intention , neither have they been so smitten with remorse of conscience , to bring back again that which they have got by sacriledge and rebellion , and yet notwithstanding , jesus saith of judas , much more penitent then some of them , that it had been better for him he had never been born . in speaking thus , we have no design to lead them to despair , but to repentance , to which the mercy of god is ever open , since we speak of the party , and not of particulars ; many whereof detest their councels and past actions , and we do not doubt but that of such , the king shall yet receive most signal services : it s that whereof his wise and glorious father assured him in his last instructions : be assured ( saith he ) as i am , that the most part of those who have injured me , have done it , not through malice , but through misinformation , and a sinister apprehension of the affairs . none will be more loyal and faithful both to me and you , then those subjects , who being sensible of their errors , and of the wrongs we have received , shall feel in their souls most vehement stirrings to repentance , and ardent desires to do us some reparation for their past offences . without question there are many that yet serve the covenanters , especially those in civil imployments , and even some in the parliament , who groan under the yoke of impiety , and sigh after religion , peace , their king , and their duty : but alas 't is but to think of liberty when they are in chains ; although so afflicted as we are , we have great compassion on them , and esteem their condition worse then ours . it s a great misery to be obliged to evil , because they have done evil , and to do the work of the devil , and to know it , and cannot retire . behold the fruits of affranchising themselves in the beginning to do evil , to the end that good might come of it ; flattering themselves with a good intention ( which pretext cannot be wanting to any injustice ) and with a vain hope to return to their duty when they should see it expedient , and to amend when they would , what they had marred ; they offended god with gladness of heart , but now they find themselves fettred in a cruel necessity , continually to offend him , or to cast themselves into our condition ; they were better to come and keep us company , and generously to be ruined for the love of god , then to be perpetual actors in the ruine of their king , their country , their church , and their conscience ; and by their hardness and impenitent heart , treasure up wrath against the day of wrath , and the declaration of the righteous judgement of god , who will render to every one according to his works . chap. xxv . of the cruelty of the covenanters towards the good subjects of the king. from the oppression of the king , let us cast our eyes upon that of his subjects ; to begin this discourse , is to enter into a gulf without bottom , of misery and impiety ; for the covenant is the den of cyclops paved with blood , hung with spoils ; 't is the cave of radamanth , where is heard the noise of whips , the clattering of chains , the menaces of furies , and the pitiful shrieks of those whom the vultures tear a pieces , and who are fle●d alive ; there you shall behold thousands massacred , stretched upon the ground , the flower of the church and state cut off , the grandure of the kingdome reduced into a heap of ruines , upon which set some petit gentlemen , enriched by the general wrack , and fatted by the blood and bowels of their miserable country , there you shall behold the grandees of the kingdome a foot , begging the favour of their inferiours a horseback , and beholding their offices and revenues distributed among common persons , and their enemies . against them and all the nobility is the great quarrel , the covenanters hate them , because they are persons of honour , and acknowledged the king for the fountain of honor , and as such for the most part , they have followed and served him ; thus almost all the rich and wealthy families of the kingdome were wholly ruined , not by the insolent souldiers pillaging in hot blood , but by the extorsion of a new committee , and robbery , which was done upon the carpet , and in cool blood . of these grand revenues , they accommodated themselves in the first place , and then those who have served them , assigning for a recompence to their instruments , persons of no worth , and newly raised from the dust , the antient rights and revenues of lords and gentlemen , they wanting nothing to be such but blood and generosity . the covenanters party often celebrate the feasts of saturn , where the servants sit at the upper end of the table , and are served by the masters , and this fanatick insolence proceeded so far , that these spoilers esteemed themselves as lawfully invested in the inheritances of their superiours , and country-men , as the israelites were of the lands of the amorites : there is but this difference , the israelites took possession by the command of god , these against his command . now by the special favour of the gentlemen at westminster , it was ordered that the fifth part of the revenues should be for provision for the wives and children of delinquents , ( such they call them , who so little respected the majesty of the house of commons , that they were faithful to their soveraign . ) thus their wives sometimes were admitted to be farmers of their husbands estates , and reserving themselves the fifth part , paid the rest to the state. but at last , even the delinquents were admitted to compound for their estates ; those who were best dealt with , paid two years value of their rents , others this double ▪ if such be their compassions , what is their severity ? is not this for them to comment upon the saying of solomon , which saith , the mercies of the wicked are cruel . but moreover these favours were not granted to all , there being many who were never admitted to farm their estates , no neither to redeem them by composition , and whose wives and children have scarce bread , nevertheless , the confiscation of their estates , their perpetual banishment , the sentence of death pronounced against them , are honorable marks of their great and loyal services to their soveraign . of all those who suffered in this quarrel , the ministers of the gospel were the most barbarously dealt with , and for the least cause , very few amongst them , who ingaged themselves in the war. the bishops whom the laws gave the precedency in the house of lords , have wholly lost their places , through the violence of the house of commons , assisted with the seditious multitude ; their houses and ecclesiastical revenues have been sold , and are torn from the church for ever , their persons a long time imprisoned , and the most eminent of them had his head cut off upon a scaffold . this cruelty executed upon the heads , descended upon the members , all the revenues of the dean and chapiters through the kingdome are become the prey of sacriledge , and of lazy bellies , which cram and fill themselves with the patrimony of the church ; the lawful possessors , without any distinction good or bad , were dispossessed : whereby the gentlemen of the covenant clearly shew , that it was not the amendment of the clergy , but their own enriching with the spoils of the church , was the mark and scope of this reformation . in the ninety seven parishes within the walls of london , there were found upon account , that there were fourscore and five ministers driven by violence from their churches and houses ; and to number the suburbs and parishes adjoyning to london , the number of the ministers , were a hundred and fifteen , without comprising those of s. pauls and westminster , where the deans and prebends ran the same fortune ; of this number , twenty were imprisoned , and of those who are dead by distress , and anguish in divers prisons , in the holds of ships and banishment , they reckoned five years since twenty two ; but this number is almost doubled since , and the others dispersed and fled into strange countries , or otherwise oppressed and ruined , are left to meditate upon this of the psalmist , the lord is the portion of mine inheritance , he shall maintain me , for any other of the church it s denied them . in the other parts of the kingdom , many faithful ministers to the king had the like usage , especially those who possessed the fairest and best benefices , for this was an unpardonable crime , and some of them were massacred by the furious anabaptists , as a sacrifice well pleasing to god. now whereas some other delinquents have liberty to dwell in their houses , to farm their rents , and to compound for the principal ; to the clergy nothing like this is accorded , but they are turned out in their shirts , condemned to a total ruine without resource . there is indeed an ordinance of parliament , that the wives and children of ejected ministers , should have the fifth part of the revenues of their benefices , but it is very ill observed , for the new incumbents into these benefices , carry themselves with such pride , and inhumanity to these poor women , refusing to obey the ordinance , constraining them to plead before judges , their adversaries ; who instead of speedily relieving them , delay them with length of time , and make them consume in suits that which they borrowed to plead their cause . so that these poor desolate persons , through the greatness of the expence , and tediousness of delays are constrained to desist their prosecution ; and many being ejected out of small benefices , dare not present their petitions for the fifths , because the expences will amount higher then the principal : certainly if there were any charity or sincerity in the authors of this ordinance , they would cause it to be strictly observed , they would not permit that the poor wives and children whom they have ruined , should be shufflled off with litigious and crafty tricks , and oppressed with charges , when they come to demand that small alms which is granted them out of their husbands estates , they should not deny them that in retail which they have accorded them in gross . moreover you must know that this pretended gratuity is but for the wives and children , but as for the ministers , who have neither the one nor the other , they are accounted unworthy to live , and not any part of their estates is given to them ; and thus they have rendered the ministers of the gospel conformable to their master , who had not where to lay his head , and jesus christ is yet persecuted in his servants . but the persecution staid not at those whom they ejected . behold a new invention , to ●oot out at one stroak , all those who remained loyal , or orthodox in the church and state. it was ordered that all who had any office either in church or state , should subscribe to be faithful to the present constitution of government , by the house of commons , without king or lords , but the principal aim was to pick a quarrel with the ministers of the gospel upon their refusing , and to abolish the ministry , for which they had already prepared the people , having appointed a committee , to displace disobedient ministers , and to put those in their places , who condemned their vocation : these are the terms of the instruction given the committee , this horrible menace should give to all faithful pastors , cause rather of hope then fear , for he that said to his disciples , he that refuseth you , refuseth me , finds himself refused , and rejected in the persons of his servants , and yet more in their ministry ; without doubt he is provoked to jealousie , and will take upon him the cause of the ministry of his word . whosoever shall seriously consider all that hideous spectacle of devastation of the church , the abolition of government , the ruine of the pastors , the corruption of religion , the profanation of the service of god , and shall compare this persecution with that the greek churches suffer at this day , shall find that all the ravages of the turks since the taking of constantinople , have not so disfigured the church in two hundred years , as these reformers did in six or seven years in their own country , and amongst their brethren in the faith . but pass we from the ecclesiastical to the civil , the new courts erected to hear complaints , and to receive the compositions of delinquents , were as so many butchers shambles , and flaying-houses , where they tore off the skin , and pulled out the bowels , and where they dismembred , and cut in pieces many antient and good houses ; our miserable party had to do with worser judges , then he spoken of in the eighteenth of s. luke , which feared not god , neither regarded man ; and yet he suffered himself to be overcome by the importunity of the afflicted widdow , and said , i will avenge her , or i will do her justice ; we propose him for an example to these cruel souls , and say after our saviour , hear what the unjust judge saith ; and shall not god avenge his own elect , which cry day and night unto him , though he bear long with them , i tell you that he will avenge them speedily . there could be expected no juster sequel of iniquity from their beginnings , then when it was commanded for every person through the kingdom to bring in their plate and jewels , which the seditious zealots contributed as freely as the idolatrous israelites to make a golden calf , but those who did not bring their plate , they plundred their houses , and took it away by force ; at the same time they commanded the people to take up arms under the penalty of being hanged , and this sentence was executed in the counties of essex , suffolk , and cambridge ; the principal actor of this tyranny , was the earl of manchester , who caused some to be hanged , who not being well learned in the catechisme of sedition , refused openly to take up arms against the king , others for the same reason were tyed neck and heels , unreasonably misused , and cast into prisons until they had learned rebellion , and the rest of the people affrighted hereby , went peaceably to commit treason against his majesty . therefore the greatest cruelty of the covenanters , was not in rendring their country miserable , but in having rendred it wicked , and forced so many simple people to be instruments of their ambition , and partakers of their crimes . how will they answer for the blood and the consciences of their souldiers killed in the act of paracide , then when they discharged their muskets against the squadron where the person of the king was ? how will they answer for them who were actually imployed in the massacre of the king , and who have since felt a hell in their consciences ? we must confess that they have been more cruel towards their own party , then towards ours , since they have only made us to suffer evil , but they have forced their adherents , both to suffer and do evil , which are the two principal things wherein all the work of the devil consists . after this execrable murther of their excellent soveraign , how many murthers did they heap upon this ? duke hamilton , the earl of holland , the truly noble and loyal lord capel ; many others killed in their armies in divers places , many in every county condemned to death by partial judges , who received all accusations against those who had served their king , and many thousands good subjects murthered in ireland by these sanguinary zealots . it would be infinite to reckon up all their crimes against god , their religion , their church , their king , and their country , and all that can be spoken , is nothing in comparison to that prodigious mass of iniquity , which stricks heaven with its height , and makes even the earth to sink with the weight which draws from the bottom of our wounded souls , these ardent sighs . oh our good god , art thou so wrathfully displeased against these nations , as to give them over to a rebrobate sense , and abandoned to do the will of the devil , and establish his kingdome ? oh religion , conscience , king , church , state , order , peace , justice , laws , all are violated , defaced , disfigured and melted into a horrible chaos of obscurity and confusion ! alas how can it be that this people enlightened with the knowledge of god , abounding with the riches of heaven and earth , should fall into such a diabolical frenzy , as to trample under their feet their religion , cut off the head of their king , pluck out the throat of their mother , the church , and deal with their fellow-countrymen , and brethren in jesus christ , more cruelly then the mahumetans deal with the christians , who drives them not from their houses and patrimonies in turky , nor reduce them to the fift part of their revenues , how is the faithful city become an harlot ! it was full of judgement , righteousness lodged in it , but now murtherers , isa . 1.21 . certainly although the evil they do unto us , should not force us to go out of our country and leave it , yet the evil that we behold in it , is capable to make us forsake it , and to imbrace the prophet jeremies choice , jer. 9.2 , 3. o● that i had in the wilderness a lodging place for way-faring men , that i might leave my people , and go from them , for they be adulterers , an assembly of treacherous men , and they bend their tongues like their bow for lies , but are not valiant for the truth , for they proceed from evil to evil , and they know not me , saith the lord. ha people frantick ? whose eyes the god of this world have darkned , and exasperated your passions with a seditious rage , cruelly and bloodily to persecute your church and soveraign ? miserable people who do the work of their enemies , and execute upon themselves the malediction pronounced to hierusalem in rebellion , sion shall tear her self with her own hands , ridding and casting their crown and glory upon the ground , cutting their own sinews , and breaking their bones , and by their weakness and disunion , invite the enemy to come and make an end of them . blind zealots , who stirred you up so disorderly to pull down antichrist ? you will find in doing thus , you have contributed to raise him up , and having drawn an horrible scandal upon our most holy religion , by your impious actions , and infamous doctrines , have healed the mortal wound of the beast , and hardned the consciences of men against the sword of the gospel , which rarely penetrates with efficacy , when it s welded with wicked hands . that which comforts us in beholding you to 〈…〉 to make faith cease from being in the earth , is , that hereby 〈◊〉 advance the desired coming of jesus christ , who hath marked that time for his return , when he will deliver his church , from the bondage of seduction , vanity , blindness , and misery , for to invest her with liberty , holiness , and glory , which he hath purchased for her by his blood . in waiting for this happy deliverance , if we must still behold rebellion proudly domineer , over the supreme powers ordained by god , and sacriledge make havock in the church , and crimes turned into laws and doctrines of religion , we shall preserve our selves by the grace of god , from murmuring at his justice , and the conduct of his providence , remembring that god punisheth us justly by instruments which are unjust , and that he will assuredly manifest his just judgements upon them , when he shall see it most expedient for his glory , which ●e is used to advance by wayes contrary , in appearance , and makes , as in the creation , light to shine out of darkness ; we will endeavour to learn in our calamity , this divine wisdome of solomon , eccles . 5.8 . if thou s●est the oppression of the poor , and violent perverting of judgement , and justice in a province , marvel not at the matter , for he that is higher then the highest , regardeth , and there be higher th●n they . being persecuted by a people who in destroying us , pretend they do god service , and who palliate their cruelty with zeal of his glory , we comfort our selves in this holy promise , as made expresly for our condition . isa . 66.5 . hear the word of the lord ye that tremble at his word , your brethren that hated you , that cast you ●ut for my name sake , said , let the lord be glorified , but he shall appear to your joy , and they shall be ashamed . o our god we beseech thee forgive our enemies , confound their pernicious designs , and convert their erring consciences , repair the hedge broken down of thy vine , whereby the wildb●ar out of the woods break down the branches , and root up the tender plants , wherefore shall they say amongst the heathen , where is now their god. soli deo gloria . el poder malamante adquirido , no suale ser duradera . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a36871-e1000 ☜ notes for div a36871-e5540 fuller ans . p. 7. notes for div a36871-e6180 * vindiciae contra tirannos , & de jure magistratus . * accentus athuach . notes for div a36871-e8680 goodman of obedience . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 buchanan de jure reg. p. 56 , 57. observator defended , p. 8. bellar. de po●t . l. 5. cap. 7. it was declared by the two houses that the kings coming to the house of commons was treason caligula parum abfuit quin speciem principatus in regnum converteret & capiti diadema circumponeret . melchior golodast . tom. 3. p. 124. fuller ans . p. 21. buchanan de jure reg. p. 57. notes for div a36871-e10150 fullers answer . full. ans . p. 6. l. 12. in his oration before the three estates , jan. 15. 160● . notes for div a36871-e10420 observations upon the answers of his majesty . dec. aug. 12. 1642. notes for div a36871-e10710 bodin . de repub. lib. 1. cap. 8. bodin . de repub. l●b . 1. cap. 8. de repub. lib. 2. cap. 5. 2 hen. 5. ola. magna charta diar . hen. 4. 3 edw. 3. 7 edw. 1. ut igitur in naturalibus capite de truncato residuum non corpus sed truncum appellamus , sic in politicis sine capite communitus nulla tenus corporatur . fortescue cap. 13. notes for div a36871-e12040 judge of controversie , cap. 5 p. 103. notes for div a36871-e12190 anno 1641. this story is related in the kings declaration of august 12 , anno 1642. notes for div a36871-e12710 bel. de con. l. 2. c. 19 gilby lib. de obedientia , p. 25. & 105. bellarm. l. 3. de pontif. cap. 7. goodman p. 144. and 149. charron in his christian discourse about the end of his book of wisdom . emanuel sa in voce tyranaus . knox to engl. and scotl. 78. papa urban . causa 23. qu. 5. can. excommunicatorum . buchanan de jure regni p. 70. hyparaspishes , l. 3. cap. 10. jesuita vapulans , cap. 13. sions plea , page 240. anticorum . amphith●atrum honoris . the souldiers catechism composed for the parliaments army by robert ram , minister , published by authority , page 14 , 15. of the seventh edition . vindiciae philadel . usurpations des papes c. 5. pag. 81. notes for div a36871-e14140 the epistle of the venerable assembly of english divines , and the deputies of scotland , to the reformed churches of france , the low-countries , and switzerland , &c. mulus mulum fricat . liceat interim apud fratres quos salutat haec epistola , dilectissimos innocentiae nostrae testimonium & in sacris eorum coetibus quandocunque opus fuerit apologiam obtinere . the scots declaration in the year 1644. the scots now feel it . usurpation des papes . jesuita vapulans , cap. 26. art. 2. an answer for the churches of france . a rare pattern for a conquerour . buckler of faith , sect ▪ 182. vindication of the royal commission of jesus christ . buckler of faith , sect. 182. notes for div a36871-e16550 institut . l. 4. c. 20. art. 29. art. 25. com. upon dan. c. 4. v. 19. instit . l. 4. c. 20. s●ct . ult . pet. martyr clas . 4. loc . 20. en fundum & fundamentum totius paracidialis doctrinae . potestas à populo regi data est fiduciaria . section . 183. tho. 22. qu. 10. art. 10. dominiū & praelatio introducta sunt ex jure humano , & qu. 12. art 2. dominium introductū est de jure gentium quod est jus humanum . casabon in epist. ad frontenem ductum jesuitam . hunc ordinem , regendi inturbavit ▪ nimrodus , qui novo titulo principatum acquisivit scit . jure bello . nimrod arripuit insuetam primus in populo tyrannidem , regnavitque in babylone . hier. in trad. hebraic . ad gen. 10. v. 10. neque unquam libertas gratior extat quam sub reg. pio. notes for div a36871-e18190 calvin . institut . l. 2. c. 8. rivet explicatione decalogi precep . 4. rivet about the end of his exposition of the 4 command . disput . 1. thes . 3. senatus-consulius scelera pa●rantur . notes for div a36871-e18760 charenton the name of the protestant church at paris . in the preface to the directory . epistola ad protectorem anglia . bucer scripta angl●eana , p. 455. beza ad quosdom anglicarum ecclestarum fratres . confessio ecclesiarum gallicarum inter opus●ula calvin . in his epistle before alledged . tom. 2. epist . ad januarium . sententia quorundam ecclesiae id gallin pastorum eximiorum edita à d. johanne duraeo londini , an. 1638. barrow refut . 224 notes for div a36871-e19980 the book called christ upon his throne , p. 23. by mr. francis cheynall . a woman at dover cut off her childs head and alledged this scripture . the quaker that fasted and died at colchester . enoch ap evan neer to shrewsbury . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suet. tiber. notes for div a36871-e20710 buckler of faith , sect. 124. jacobus lectius praescriptionum theologicarum , lib. 2. march 1591. in his treatise of episcopacy . the serpent salve , 111. serpent salve , p. 219. reply to whitgift , page 181. cartwright , 247. notes for div a36871-e21840 bodin . method . histor . de repub. geneva . notes for div a36871-e23020 sermon 1. of duells , to the templers . august . lib. 21. contra faustum cap. 75. notes for div a36871-e23500 husbands in his book of declarations , p. 557. and 663. this was written during the ●itting of the long parliament in anno 1650. notes for div a36871-e27360 note that this book in the french was printed in the year 1650.