A discovrse concerning Puritans tending to a vindication of those, who unjustly suffer by the mistake, abuse, and misapplication of that name.
This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A48309 of text R212712 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L1876). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread
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A discovrse concerning Puritans tending to a vindication of those, who unjustly suffer by the mistake, abuse, and misapplication of that name.
Parker, Henry, 1604-1652.
Ley, John, 1583-1662.
This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A48309 of text R212712 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L1876). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread
[6], 3-63 p.
Printed for Robert Bostock,
[London] :
1641.
Variously attributed to Henry Parker and John Ley. cf. Jordan, W.K. Men of substance, p. 69; Halkett & Laing suppl.
Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.
eng
Puritans.
A48309 R212712 (Wing L1876). civilwar no A discourse concerning Puritans. Tending to a vindication of those who unjustly suffer by the mistake, abuse, and misapplication of that nam [no entry] 1641 26886 21 15 0 0 0 0 13 C The rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words.
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A
DISCOURSE
CONCERNING
PURITANS
.
TENDING
TO
A
VINDICATION
of
those
who
unjustly
suffer
by
the
mistake
,
abuse
,
and
misapplication
of
that
NAME
.
Vivere
qui
vultis
sanctè
,
discedite
Româ
,
Omnia
cùm
liceant
,
non
licet
esse
bonum
.
MANTUAN
.
You
who
would
guiltlesse
be
,
depart
from
hence
,
No
guilt
is
here
so
blacke
as
Innocence
.
The
second
Edition
,
much
inlarged
,
augmented
and
corrected
by
the
Authour
.
LONDON
,
Printed
for
Robert
Bostock
,
1641.
To
the
Puritan
Reader
.
IF
thou
art
such
a
one
as
doest
confesse
thy selfe
a
Puritan
(
as
the
name
is
now
unjustly
used
)
thou
wilt
soon
find
in
this
short
Tract
,
that
my
indevour
has
been
to
do
thee
right
,
but
not
to
humor
thee
;
to
take
off
unjust
aspersions
from
thee
,
but
not
to
insinuate
by
flattery
into
thee
.
An
Ambidexter
I
would
not
be
in
two
contrary
factions
,
by
seeking
to
please
both
;
neither
would
I
be
a
Neuter
,
if
I
could
avoyde
it
:
but
in
things
where
I
dissent
,
I
will
depart
from
both
sides
,
rather
then
from
that
which
I
think
the
truth
.
I
shall
not
use
the
word
Puritan
factiously
,
as
if
all
Puritans
were
alike
to
be
imbraced
:
but
cautiously
,
as
if
that
difference
and
contrariety
might
happen
amongst
Puritans
in
England
,
as
did
once
amongst
the
Disciples
in
our
Saviours
owne
Schoole
.
Charitie
urges
me
not
to
censure
any
man
in
particular
for
an
hypocrite
,
yet
wisdome
teaches
me
not
to
free
all
men
in
generall
from
being
hypocrites
:
such
charity
may
well
stand
and
agree
together
with
such
wisdome
,
and
such
wisdome
with
such
charitie
;
but
if
I
doe
not
at
all
scruple
any
mans
integrity
,
this
necessitates
me
not
therefore
to
ascribe
an
infallibilitie
:
for
if
I
can
easily
yeeld
to
hope
and
think
well
of
all
Puritans
,
yet
it
ought
not
to
be
expected
that
I
should
yeeld
my
consent
to
all
Puritans
in
all
things
.
I
am
free
and
open
in
declaring
my
opinion
aswell
against
the
rigorous
and
necessary
urging
of
Presbyteriall
as
Episcopall
Government
in
all
places
,
and
at
all
times
;
but
I
relye
upon
proofe
not
meere
phansie
,
and
my
proofe
being
enervated
by
my
clearer
judgement
,
it
will
be
a
pleasure
to
me
to
retract
.
Variety
of
opinion
and
understanding
(
some
say
)
has
place
amongst
those
glorious
spirits
in
Heaven
,
amongst
whom
no
other
kind
of
discord
can
have
place
:
and
even
the
Apostles
themselves
though
inspired
by
God
,
yet
when
they
spake
not
by
inspiration
,
they
were
not
desirous
to
lead
captive
the
beliefes
of
other
lesse-knowing
men
.
Heat
and
acrimony
amongst
such
as
dissent
in
opinion
has
done
more
mischiefe
in
the
Church
of
God
,
then
any
thing
that
I
can
imagine
besides
;
and
certainly
't
is
not
the
meere
love
of
truth
,
but
some
other
sinister
respect
that
workes
thus
violently
in
the
minds
of
men
so
naturally
dimme
,
as
we
all
are
.
For
why
should
I
burn
with
indignation
against
another
,
because
he
is
lesse
understanding
then
I
am
?
or
why
should
I
so
farre
presume
upon
my selfe
,
if
I
think
I
am
liable
to
errour
,
as
well
as
other
men
?
can
the
meere
love
of
knowledge
make
me
abhorre
ignorance
more
in
another
then
in
my selfe
?
or
make
me
arrogate
more
freedome
from
errour
to
my selfe
,
then
to
other
men
?
Sure
,
truth
has
more
affinity
with
charity
then
so
,
and
charitie
with
humility
.
For
my
part
,
I
doe
acknowledge
my selfe
not
onely
subject
to
much
ignorance
,
but
to
much
scandalous
offence
too
;
my
greatest
enemie
shall
not
charge
me
of
more
staines
,
then
I
will
my selfe
;
I
will
confesse
my self
the
chiefe
of
sinners
,
and
that
not
only
in
regard
of
sinnes
past
,
as
perhaps
Saint
Paul
did
,
but
also
in
regard
of
my
present
sinfull
condition
;
but
certainely
since
sin
and
ignorance
are
such
things
as
cleave
radically
to
all
men
,
and
must
be
accounted
sortis
humanae
;
therefore
to
beare
mutuall
reproofes
,
and
to
forbeare
all
bitternesse
and
censure
,
ought
to
be
professed
as
vertues
,
and
to
be
accounted
Sortis
Christianae
.
And
since
I
my
selfe
notwithstanding
all
my
other
defects
▪
do
not
glory
in
them
,
but
confesse
them
to
my
shame
,
and
since
I
doe
not
maligne
the
graces
of
God
in
rigid
Puritans
,
but
rather
rejoyce
thereat
,
I
am
persuaded
,
howsoever
I
appeare
to
the
eye
of
God
,
no
man
living
ought
to
despise
me
,
much
lesse
to
expunge
me
out
of
the
booke
of
life
.
If
God
does
not
give
me
so
much
grace
as
he
does
thee
,
wilt
thou
say
,
He
gives
me
not
that
which
he
accounts
sufficient
?
and
if
I
am
not
in
this
or
that
so
unblameable
as
thou
art
,
wilt
thou
say
,
my
grace
generally
is
not
equall
with
thine
?
if
thou
exceedest
me
in
all
other
vertues
,
and
yet
art
by
me
exceeded
in
humility
alone
,
wilt
thou
upon
this
proceede
to
censure
me
?
Puritans
have
not
made
themselves
more
inexcusable
by
any
thing
then
by
condemning
other
men
:
for
though
they
see
not
as
God
sees
,
yet
they
will
often
undertake
to
judge
as
God
ought
to
judge
:
and
in
this
they
have
not
been
greater
enemies
to
themselves
,
then
to
the
whole
state
of
Pietie
and
Religion
.
It
does
not
appeare
to
the
contrary
,
but
that
the
Pharisee
in
the
Gospell
,
of
whom
our
Saviour
put
his
case
,
might
be
a
good
man
,
and
his
cause
might
be
good
to
praise
God
for
not
leaving
him
to
the
scandalous
excesses
of
some
other
men
:
but
when
he
would
undertake
to
judge
particular
men
,
more
righteous
perhaps
in
Gods
sight
then
himself
,
we
know
what
judgement
he
received
himselfe
.
And
if
it
be
not
lawfull
to
censure
a
Publican
,
much
lesse
will
I
censure
a
Pharisee
,
except
alone
in
that
particular
wherein
hee
is
himselfe
censorious
,
and
wherein
our
Saviour
Christ
condemnes
him
:
that
doctrine
therefore
which
I
shall
recommend
to
all
men
both
Pharisees
and
Publicans
,
is
,
to
be
Charitable
,
to
be
Humble
:
to
be
Charitable
,
because
they
are
Christians
,
to
be
humble
,
because
they
are
men
.
The
Times
have
lately
received
a
very
great
and
wonderfull
change
,
almost
equall
to
that
of
Edw.
the
6.
and
yet
still
there
is
the
same
use
of
Charitie
,
as
was
before
.
Lukewarmnesse
that
odious
and
nauseous
bane
of
Religion
was
hitherto
decored
and
guilded
over
with
the
title
of
Moderation
:
but
now
we
are
in
danger
to
suffer
in
the
other
extreme
,
for
Moderation
that
blessed
pacificall
vertue
is
now
likely
to
be
as
much
debased
,
and
defaced
under
the
title
of
Lukewarmnesse
:
Both
wayes
Charity
is
violated
,
both
wayes
Piety
is
opposed
:
and
what
difference
is
it
to
Satan
,
if
he
prevaile
,
by
which
extreme
he
does
prevaile
,
whether
he
sinks
us
by
a
Tempest
,
or
confound
us
by
a
calme
?
For
a
remedy
of
all
mischiefes
then
let
us
embrace
Charitie
,
and
that
Charitie
may
dwell
amongst
us
,
let
us
all
learne
to
censure
,
despise
,
and
abhorre
our selves
more
,
and
other
men
lesse
hereafter
.
A
DISCOURSE
CONCERNING
PURITANS
.
ITis
a
common
Maxim
amongst
Politicians
,
that
a
State
is
maintained
by
Accusations
,
but
ruined
by
Calumnies
:
and
therefore
(
saies
Marquesse
Malvezzi
)
Happy
shall
the
Subjects
be
of
that
wise
Prince
,
which
countenances
Accusations
,
and
checks
Calumnies
:
for
the
suffering
of
Accusations
to
goe
lesse
in
repute
,
and
Calumnies
to
get
footing
,
hath
beene
the
encrease
of
manslaughter
,
and
the
continuance
of
enmity
in
all
ages
.
Many
beleeve
that
nothing
which
is
done
would
be
knowne
,
if
this
meanes
of
dispersing
privie
calumnious
speeches
were
not
used
,
whereas
little
is
knowne
because
it
is
used
:
for
falshood
constantly
affirmed
for
truth
,
sometimes
deceives
,
and
when
it
does
not
,
but
is
knowne
to
be
falshood
,
yet
it
forces
to
some
suspension
of
judgement
,
and
makes
us
yeeld
some
way
even
to
that
which
we
beleeve
not
.
This
is
most
apparant
at
this
day
in
this
Kingdome
in
the
Case
of
Puritans
,
for
did
accusation
and
legall
processe
take
place
,
few
crimes
would
be
proved
against
Puritans
,
and
did
not
malicious
calumny
prevaile
,
as
few
men
would
be
proved
Puritans
,
whereas
now
nothing
is
so
monstrous
,
which
is
not
branded
upon
Puritans
,
and
no
man
is
so
innocent
as
to
escape
that
brand
.
So
great
also
is
the
audacity
of
those
which
lacerate
the
fames
of
Puritans
,
and
with
so
much
confidence
doe
they
vent
their
obloquies
,
that
they
which
know
the
falsity
thereof
,
and
easily
perceive
that
the
same
aspersions
are
more
truely
due
to
the
Autors
and
raisers
of
them
,
yet
they
are
dazeled
,
and
driven
to
some
doubtfull
admittance
thereof
.
Neither
could
this
audacity
be
so
prevalent
amongst
the
vulgar
,
but
that
Scholars
,
and
the
greatest
of
the
Clergy
are
now
become
the
most
injurious
detesters
and
depravers
of
Puritans
,
having
taken
up
in
Pulpits
and
presses
,
almost
as
vile
and
scurrilous
a
licence
of
fiction
and
detraction
,
as
is
usuall
in
Play
houses
,
Taverns
,
and
Bordelloes
.
Some
men
divide
generally
all
Protestants
into
Puritans
,
and
Antipuritans
,
but
I
shall
admit
of
subdivisions
in
both
,
for
all
men
are
not
alike
,
which
either
affect
or
disaffect
,
either
Puritans
or
Antipuritans
.
Antipuritans
I
shall
thus
divide
.
Some
Antipuritans
are
so
tearmed
,
because
they
are
no
Puritans
,
but
such
I
dislike
not
,
for
I
my self
am
neither
the
one
nor
other
,
I
neither
merit
the
name
of
Puritan
,
neither
doe
I
hate
them
so
as
to
professe
my self
an
Antipuritan
.
Others
are
accounted
Antipuritans
,
because
they
are
of
the
Romish
Religion
,
and
so
professe
themselves
,
but
their
enmity
is
but
a
due
antipathy
,
and
as
a
necessary
consequence
of
their
Religion
,
and
such
I
take
no
notice
of
,
I
think
Puritans
expect
no
other
from
them
.
Others
again
there
are
which
are
very
averse
from
some
Puritanicall
Tenets
,
and
hold
Puritans
in
very
many
things
erroneous
,
but
yet
they
mean
well
themselves
,
and
bear
no
hatred
to
the
persons
of
Puritans
,
they
allow
Puritans
sound
in
the
most
and
weightiest
matters
of
faith
,
they
hold
dissent
in
disputable
things
no
ground
of
malice
,
and
they
attribute
no
infallibility
to
themselves
in
those
things
wherein
they
dissent
:
from
these
men
I
am
but
little
removed
.
The
worst
sort
of
Antipuritans
,
and
they
which
ought
only
to
be
so
called
,
are
they
which
bitterly
hate
and
persecute
many
good
men
under
the
name
of
Puritans
,
and
many
goods
things
in
those
which
are
Puritans
,
whose
antipathy
is
to
mens
persons
,
as
well
as
opinions
,
&
in
opinions
those
which
are
sound
,
as
well
as
those
which
are
erroneous
.
These
are
the
Antipuritans
which
I
shall
now
strive
to
detect
,
whom
I
now
hold
to
be
of
great
number
and
power
in
the
State
at
this
day
,
whom
we
may
account
the
chiefest
causers
,
and
procurers
of
all
those
mischiefs
and
plagues
which
now
incumber
both
Church
and
Commonwealth
,
and
to
be
guilty
of
all
those
crimes
,
which
falsly
they
charge
upon
Puritans
,
being
therein
like
Caesars
enemies
which
therefore
onely
hated
him
,
because
they
had
deserved
hatred
from
him
.
By
such
Antipuritans
is
all
love
to
goodnesse
and
zeal
to
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
all
hatred
of
vice
,
and
dislike
of
Popish
Superstition
,
brought
into
contempt
.
For
as
they
admit
all
true
of
Puritans
which
Papists
object
against
Protestants
,
so
they
account
all
Protestants
almost
(
besides
their
own
faction
)
Puritans
.
By
such
is
the
Religion
of
the
Scots
made
ridiculous
;
by
such
is
the
amitie
of
the
two
Nations
,
and
therein
the
Honour
and
safety
of
the
King
,
his
Crown
,
and
Progeny
endangered
.
By
such
is
Calvin
,
&
the
Reformers
of
our
Religion
for
hearkning
therein
to
Calvin
,
traduced
,
and
another
reformation
attempted
;
by
such
is
Antiquity
preferred
to
obscure
Scripture
,
Uniformity
in
Ceremonies
to
the
disadvantage
of
unity
in
hearts
;
by
such
is
the
outside
and
walls
of
Religion
trimmed
and
decored
,
whilst
the
soule
thereof
is
neglected
and
defaced
;
by
such
is
the
Kings
heart
stolne
from
his
Subjects
,
and
the
Subjects
estranged
from
the
King
:
by
such
is
the
Name
of
Royalty
pretended
whilst
a
Papall
Hierarchy
onely
is
intended
;
by
such
is
dissention
nourished
in
the
State
,
that
they
may
fish
in
troubled
waters
:
by
such
is
truth
in
other
men
styled
faction
,
and
faction
in
themselves
styled
truth
;
by
such
are
innovations
preached
and
printed
for
necessary
points
,
whilst
necessary
doctrines
in
other
men
are
prohibited
.
In
the
power
of
such
it
now
remaines
to
teach
and
publish
all
things
consonant
to
their
owne
ends
,
and
to
quash
and
silence
all
gainsayers
,
and
either
to
promote
or
detrude
all
Suiters
for
preferment
at
their
discretion
being
absolutely
possessed
of
Presses
,
Pulpits
,
and
the
eares
of
great
men
;
by
such
are
many
good
men
reviled
and
oppressed
for
their
constancie
to
the
true
Religion
,
whilst
many
factious
,
semipopish
Dunces
are
unduly
preferred
every where
for
neutrality
in
Religion
,
or
some
worse
innovation
;
by
such
are
Puritans
made
as
Sinks
and
Sewers
to
unlode
and
discharge
their
own
filth
into
,
whilst
their
black
railing
tongues
expume
nothing
against
Puritans
,
but
what
is
true
of
themselves
.
These
things
(
if
I
am
not
deceived
)
will
appeare
in
this
ensuing
discourse
.
In
all
ages
true
Religion
hath
been
odious
amongst
Heathens
,
and
true
devotion
amongst
Sensualists
,
Judaisme
appeared
to
Painims
meer
Superstition
:
Christianity
seemed
to
the
Jewes
grosse
blasphemie
:
and
now
amongst
Christians
Protestantisme
is
nothing
else
but
Heresie
:
and
amongst
Protestants
Zeal
is
misnamed
Puritanisme
;
But
in
this
word
Puritanisme
is
a
greater
mystery
of
defamation
then
ever
was
before
,
it
may
well
be
called
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
,
it
is
a
word
of
depravation
,
fit
onely
for
these
times
,
wherein
the
shine
of
the
Gospel
is
at
the
brightest
,
and
the
malice
of
Satan
at
the
highest
.
This
word
sprung
up
almost
with
the
Reformation
,
no
sooner
had
the
woman
brought
forth
,
but
the
Serpent
pursued
her
to
devoure
her
issue
,
and
she
being
fled
into
the
Wildernesse
,
this
streame
of
infamy
was
spued
forth
after
her
to
overtake
her
.
The
Bishop
of
Downe
in
Ireland
,
in
his
Visitation
speech
1638.
endeavours
to
make
it
credited
,
that
Puritans
have
increased
since
the
Reformation
by
degrees
,
both
in
number
and
malice
:
but
the
contrary
is
most
apparently
true
.
Dissent
in
Ecclesiasticall
Policie
about
Ceremonies
and
other
smaller
matters
,
being
not
of
the
substance
of
Religion
,
first
gave
occasion
to
raise
this
reprochfull
word
Puritan
in
the
Church
:
but
since
that
time
mens
minds
being
better
satisfied
,
and
peace
being
more
firmly
setled
about
those
indifferent
things
,
the
more
few
Puritans
remayned
,
and
the
more
moderately
those
few
became
inclined
,
the
more
furiously
their
enemies
raged
against
them
,
Bastwick
,
Prin
,
and
Burton
,
the
onely
men
which
Law
can
take
hold
of
,
are
Names
now
as
horrid
in
the
world
,
as
Garnet
,
Faux
,
Ravilliack
.
Precisians
have
now
wonne
the
Scene
from
Iesuites
:
Poysoning
of
Emperours
,
massacring
of
Provinces
,
blowing
up
of
Parliaments
are
all
now
grown
into
oblivion
,
and
drown'd
in
the
stories
of
Ceremony-haters
.
Howsoever
as
amongst
Antipuritans
,
so
amongst
Puritans
(
it
must
be
confessed
)
there
,
are
some
differences
to
be
observed
.
Some
Puritans
think
all
Puritans
alike
to
be
loved
,
and
all
Antipuritans
alike
to
be
hated
,
but
sure
there
is
truer
affinity
in
minde
between
some
which
are
Puritans
,
and
some
which
are
not
,
then
between
some
Puritans
and
others
,
or
some
of
the
contrary
opinion
and
others
.
Paul
unconverted
equally
opposes
Peter
as
Simon
Magus
does
,
and
in
regard
of
this
joynt
opposition
,
both
are
unanimous
,
but
even
in
this
opposition
both
have
their
opposite
ends
.
Magus
opposes
maliciously
for
ambition
and
lucres
sake
,
but
Paul
ignorantly
seeking
thereby
the
same
Gods
Honour
whom
Peter
serves
in
a
truer
way
.
Therefore
in
regard
of
the
mayne
end
,
there
is
more
unity
and
consent
betwixt
Paul
the
persecuter
,
and
Peter
the
persecuted
,
then
betwixt
Paul
and
Magus
,
though
both
persecuters
of
the
same
cause
.
The
like
is
now
visible
in
England
,
for
every
man
which
is
an
Antipuritan
is
not
so
for
the
same
Reasons
,
some
have
more
of
malice
,
others
are
more
ignorant
,
some
are
pestilent
Engineers
,
and
through
the
sides
of
Puritans
knowingly
stab
at
purity
it self
,
others
are
but
Engines
misimployed
,
or
by
their
owne
blind
zeal
misled
,
and
these
perhaps
whilst
they
persecute
Gods
children
,
imagine
they
doe
God
a
gratefull
service
therein
.
In
Samaria
,
from
an
unkindly
mixture
of
Israelites
and
Syrians
,
a
strange
heterogeneous
of-spring
different
in
Religion
from
both
did
arise
;
and
the
like
is
now
in
England
,
nay
,
it
may
be
said
here
(
as
it
was
in
Constantines
dayes
)
There
are
almost
as
many
Religions
as
Opinions
,
and
as
many
Opinions
as
Men
.
Papists
have
their
differences
,
Protestants
theirs
,
therefore
needs
must
there
be
many
more
differences
where
Papists
and
Protestants
live
so
confusedly
blended
together
.
For
examples
sake
,
how
many
differences
have
we
even
about
indifferent
Ceremonies
;
and
that
meerly
amongst
Protestants
?
Some
men
loath
Ceremonies
out
of
Antipathy
to
Popery
,
which
too
superstitiously
extols
them
;
others
againe
admire
them
for
Antiquities
sake
,
which
before
Popery
innocently
(
yea
,
and
perhaps
profitably
for
those
infant
times
of
the
Gospel
)
used
them
.
These
two
sorts
of
men
,
though
different
are
not
dangerous
.
Again
,
some
men
are
thought
to
disrelish
Ceremonies
out
of
stomack
to
that
authority
which
commands
them
;
but
if
there
be
any
such
,
I
thinke
they
are
very
few
,
and
scarce
visible
to
the
eye
of
man
.
Others
on
the
contrary
give
reverence
to
them
for
Poperies
sake
,
which
depends
so
much
upon
them
;
and
I
feare
there
are
many
such
amongst
us
.
Again
,
some
men
stand
devoted
to
Ceremonies
,
as
they
are
the
lightest
things
of
the
Law
:
like
the
Tythers
of
Mint
and
Annis
in
the
Gospel
,
embracing
them
instead
of
weightier
matters
,
and
none
are
more
unmercifull
then
these
to
scrupulous
minded
men
.
Others
in
the
mean
while
account
all
things
of
the
same
moment
,
both
great
and
small
,
pretending
to
spie
some
faults
,
and
some
truths
on
either
side
,
and
therefore
they
hold
it
indifferent
to
assent
to
either
,
or
dissent
from
either
in
any
point
whatever
.
But
the
wisest
sort
conceive
there
may
be
errours
on
both
sides
,
but
not
alike
grosse
and
pernicious
,
and
therefore
such
eschew
the
wrong
,
and
apply
themselves
to
the
right
in
either
side
,
yet
neither
honour
,
nor
despise
either
side
alike
.
And
these
instances
shew
that
all
men
doe
not
professe
,
or
condemne
Puritanisme
alike
,
or
from
the
same
ends
,
and
yet
in
the
Chaos
of
this
Countrey
,
as
things
now
stand
.
Frigida
cum
calidis
pugnant
,
humentia
siccis
.
Mollia
cum
duris
,
sine
pondere
habentia
●ondus
.
I
could
wish
therefore
that
all
well
meaning
men
would
take
notice
of
these
things
,
and
affect
by
reason
,
not
passion
;
for
since
some
good
men
are
Puritans
,
and
not
all
,
and
since
some
ill
men
are
Puritans
,
and
not
all
,
this
ought
not
to
be
a
rule
of
love
and
hatred
in
all
cases
alike
.
That
which
is
most
objected
to
Puritans
,
is
fury
,
faction
,
and
hypocrisie
:
if
I
see
these
in
a
man
reputed
no
Puritan
,
yet
to
me
He
is
a
Puritan
:
and
if
I
see
not
these
in
a
man
reputed
a
Puritan
,
as
to
me
He
is
no
Puritan
.
If
Gracchus
be
invective
against
Sedition
,
I
censure
him
by
his
actions
,
not
by
his
words
,
and
if
Cato
be
accused
of
mutiny
,
I
censure
him
by
himselfe
,
not
by
his
accusers
,
I
condemne
none
meerely
because
condemned
by
others
;
for
it
is
usuall
for
the
Wolfe
to
sit
on
the
Bench
and
condemne
the
Lambe
at
Bar
,
for
that
which
is
most
proper
to
the
Wolfe
most
unnaturall
to
the
Lambe
,
and
yet
this
proves
the
Wolfe
the
more
a
Wolfe
,
and
the
Lambe
the
more
a
Lambe
.
I
cannot
but
professe
it
,
there
is
nothing
more
scandalizes
me
at
this
time
,
then
to
see
Puritans
being
so
few
in
number
,
so
despicable
in
condition
,
so
harmelesse
in
example
,
so
blamelesse
in
opinion
,
yet
sentenced
and
condemned
in
judgement
,
as
if
they
were
the
greatest
Incendaries
,
and
the
only
Innovators
in
the
Christian
World
.
Doctor
Heylin
a
violent
pamphleter
against
Puritans
,
calls
Burton
the
great
Dictator
of
Puritans
,
and
the
Law
hath
past
upon
him
with
great
severity
,
yet
Burtons
crime
was
that
He
wrote
against
Altar-worship
,
and
it
was
adjudged
that
his
style
was
seditious
.
It
is
not
manifest
that
his
intention
was
seditious
therein
,
and
if
it
was
so
,
it
is
manifest
that
He
was
most
vaine
and
absurd
therein
as
our
State
is
now
establisht
,
and
as
our
King
is
generally
revered
,
They
which
pretend
great
danger
to
the
King
likely
to
ensue
out
of
such
paper
machinations
as
these
,
may
have
three
mischievous
ends
therein
.
First
,
that
they
may
be
thought
the
only
solicitous
men
of
the
Kings
safetie
.
Secondly
,
that
they
may
disparage
the
common
peoples
loyaltie
.
Thirdly
,
that
they
may
crush
their
adverse
Puritanicall
party
;
but
,
it
is
thought
,
they
which
pretend
most
danger
hereby
to
the
King
:
doe
least
believe
themselves
,
and
therefore
they
doe
spin
that
affection
and
division
out
of
the
sufferings
of
Burton
,
&c.
which
his
attempts
could
never
have
effected
.
My
Lord
of
Canterbury
in
all
his
invectives
against
Puritanisme
,
ever
made
fury
and
turbulence
the
ground
of
all
his
hatred
and
enmity
against
it
,
and
yet
let
the
whole
world
judge
if
the
earth
ever
brought
forth
any
thing
more
furious
and
turbulent
then
himself
.
At
the
same
time
whilst
he
adjudges
torture
to
that
incendiary
Burton
,
&c.
for
writing
a
Pamphlet
against
Altars
,
&c.
He
himself
is
busie
in
sowing
the
Dragons
teeth
(
I
may
say
the
great
red
Dragons
teeth
)
all
over
England
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
,
and
putting
all
the
three
Kingdomes
into
a
posture
of
warre
,
that
like
earthen
vessels
they
may
be
dashed
to
peeces
by
conflicting
one
against
the
other
.
To
whom
can
it
be
credible
that
Burtons
quill
should
blow
the
flame
of
warre
amongst
Nations
so
combined
in
spirituall
,
carnall
and
politicall
consanguinity
;
under
the
protection
of
so
peacefull
a
Prince
,
in
such
Halcyonean
dayes
of
tranquillitie
,
when
even
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
himself
with
all
his
ill
accomplices
at
home
,
and
Spanish
,
Italian
,
French
confederates
abroad
,
ought
for
ever
to
be
admired
for
his
prevalence
in
that
vast
stupendious
dis-service
?
Howsoever
,
as
the
times
lately
were
,
we
beheld
sedition
grievously
upbraided
,
and
punished
in
Burton
by
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
,
and
that
old
verse
applyed
as
a
proverbe
:
Quis
tulerit
Gracchos
de
seditione
loquentes
?
But
it
s
no
wonder
that
Burton
should
be
an
incendiary
in
that
mouth
,
wherein
Calvin
was
a
knave
,
Good
God
,
could
he
think
the
Reformed
Religion
any
thing
else
but
knavery
,
when
he
calls
Gods
most
sanctified
and
best
inspired
instrument
of
Reformation
Knave
?
Because
God
doth
not
now
work
by
miracles
,
as
he
did
in
the
first
plantation
of
the
Gospel
;
are
not
therefore
his
works
as
sacred
,
and
his
instruments
as
venerable
?
And
since
the
Redemption
,
what
work
hath
God
ever
performed
more
noble
,
and
for
ever
to
be
exalted
then
the
Reformation
?
for
what
was
that
worke
,
but
a
reviving
of
lost
salvation
,
and
a
new
restauration
of
the
buried
Gospel
amongst
us
?
and
in
that
glorious
worke
who
was
anoynted
by
God
for
a
more
egregious
charge
then
Calvin
?
Is
it
not
therefore
the
same
sin
in
kinde
if
not
in
degree
so
to
conspurcate
and
defile
this
blessed
messenger
of
this
blessed
tidings
with
impure
termes
of
obloquie
,
as
it
was
to
ascribe
the
worke
of
our
Saviour
to
Beelzebub
?
O
the
execrable
gall
of
that
breast
,
and
venome
of
that
tongue
,
which
through
the
sides
of
Calvin
did
strive
to
defame
the
most
gracious
services
of
Calvin
,
nay
that
most
pure
and
fiery
Spirit
of
God
himselfe
,
which
enabled
Calvin
for
those
services
!
Needs
must
he
hate
and
prosecute
all
Puritans
whatsoever
,
and
reject
and
disrelish
all
things
whatsoever
in
Puritans
,
which
is
so
maliciously
bent
against
Calvin
himselfe
meerly
because
Puritans
have
him
in
so
high
esteeme
,
for
that
holy
Spirits
sake
which
rested
so
aboundantly
upon
him
.
But
let
us
a
little
further
search
into
the
mysterious
abuse
,
and
misapplication
of
this
word
Puritan
.
Those
whom
we
ordinarily
call
Puritans
are
men
of
strict
life
,
and
precise
opinions
,
which
cannot
be
hated
for
any
thing
but
their
singularity
in
zeale
and
pietie
,
and
certainly
the
number
of
such
men
is
too
small
,
and
their
condition
too
low
,
and
dejected
:
but
they
which
are
the
Devils
chief
Artificers
in
abusing
this
word
when
they
please
,
can
so
stretch
and
extend
the
same
,
that
scarce
any
civill
honest
Protestant
which
is
hearty
and
true
to
his
Religion
can
avoid
the
aspersion
of
it
,
and
when
they
list
againe
,
they
can
so
shrink
it
into
a
narrow
sense
,
that
it
sha●l
seem
to
be
aimed
at
none
but
monstrous
abominable
Heretickes
and
miscreants
.
Thus
by
its
latitude
it
strikes
generally
,
by
its
contraction
it
pierces
deeply
,
by
its
confused
application
it
deceives
invisibly
.
Small
scruples
intitle
mee
to
the
name
of
Puritan
,
and
then
the
name
of
Puritan
intitles
me
further
to
all
mischiefe
whatsoever
.
The
Scots
rise
up
against
Episcopacie
,
it
is
questioned
by
some
,
whether
they
so
rise
up
,
for
the
good
of
Religion
,
or
for
the
overthrow
of
wholsome
Discipline
.
Answer
is
soone
made
,
that
Episcopacie
cannot
be
unpleasing
to
any
but
Puritans
,
there
is
no
opinion
can
smell
stronger
of
Puritanisme
,
then
that
of
a
Church
parity
,
and
of
Puritans
what
good
can
be
expected
?
but
the
Scots
also
desire
redresse
in
other
grievances
,
and
here
their
intention
is
againe
questioned
.
Answer
is
as
soone
made
again
.
That
the
Scots
being
declared
open
Puritans
,
they
must
needs
be
enemies
to
Monarchicall
government
,
and
that
no
redresse
can
ever
satisfie
them
,
but
such
as
shall
debase
royall
dignity
,
and
establish
a
popular
rule
among
them
.
But
some
of
the
Scots
in
some
actions
doe
very
much
misdemeane
themselves
,
and
here
it
's
thought
by
some
,
that
this
ought
not
to
redound
to
the
prejudice
,
or
blame
of
the
whole
Nation
:
but
strait
the
Antipuritan
steps
in
againe
with
answer
to
the
former
purpose
,
that
the
same
faction
which
makes
them
all
Puritans
,
makes
them
all
mutiners
,
and
that
there
is
no
trust
to
be
given
,
nor
favour
shewed
to
any
whose
very
religion
is
disobedience
.
Other
the
like
examples
may
be
instanced
in
.
Parliaments
of
late
in
England
have
beene
jealous
of
religion
,
this
laudable
Zeale
made
them
at
first
come
into
contempt
as
Puritanicall
,
and
then
the
imputation
of
puritanisme
made
this
laudable
Zeale
contemptible
;
and
so
by
degrees
,
as
any
thing
else
might
be
charged
upon
Puritans
,
as
disobedience
,
and
disaffection
to
Monarchy
,
so
nothing
could
be
charged
but
proceeding
from
Puritanisme
.
Some
scrupulous
opinions
make
Say
,
Brooke
,
&c.
Puritans
,
Puritanisme
inferres
them
mutiners
,
mutinie
makes
all
that
they
can
doe
or
say
,
all
that
they
forbear
to
doe
,
or
say
,
it
makes
their
very
thoughts
wicked
and
perverse
.
Thus
wee
see
what
a
confused
imposture
there
is
in
this
infamous
terme
of
Puritan
:
but
wee
will
yet
further
evidence
by
plaine
instance
how
broad
the
devils
net
is
in
the
vast
application
of
this
word
,
and
how
deep
his
pit
is
by
its
abominable
sence
,
and
the
nature
of
its
importance
,
that
we
may
the
better
discover
that
net
which
intangles
so
many
,
and
shun
that
pit
which
ingulphs
so
sure
.
Puritans
(
as
I
said
before
)
were
at
first
Ecclesiasticall
only
,
so
called
because
they
did
not
like
a
pompous
or
ceremonious
kinde
of
discipline
in
the
Church
like
unto
the
Romish
:
but
now
it
is
come
about
,
that
by
a
new
enlargement
of
the
name
,
the
world
is
full
of
nothing
else
but
Puritans
,
for
besides
the
Puritan
in
Church
policie
,
there
are
now
added
Puritans
in
Religion
,
Puritans
in
State
,
and
Puritans
in
morality
.
By
this
means
whole
Kingdomes
are
familiarly
upbraided
with
this
sinne
of
Puritanisme
:
As
for
example
,
All
in
Scotland
which
wish
well
to
the
Covenant
,
though
some
Papists
,
some
Courtiers
,
and
almost
all
the
whole
body
without
exception
have
now
declared
themselves
for
it
,
yet
all
these
are
manifest
Puritans
.
So
also
in
England
,
all
the
Commons
in
Parliament
,
and
almost
all
the
ancient
impartiall
temporall
Nobility
,
and
all
such
as
favour
and
rellish
the
late
proceedings
of
both
the
houses
,
which
is
the
maine
body
of
the
Realme
,
Papists
,
Prelates
and
Courtiers
excepted
,
nay
,
and
its
likely
all
Scotland
,
and
more
then
halfe
Ireland
,
all
these
are
Puritans
.
They
which
deprave
this
great
Councell
of
the
Kingdome
,
suggest
to
the
King
that
the
major
part
is
gull'd
and
dorde
by
the
Puritan
Party
;
but
this
is
only
because
they
are
ashamed
to
speake
it
out
openly
in
grosse
termes
,
that
all
the
major
and
better
part
in
the
Court
of
Parliament
is
Puritanicall
.
But
this
suggestion
is
utterly
false
and
impossible
,
for
such
as
the
major
part
in
Parliament
is
,
such
are
those
that
chose
them
and
sent
them
thither
,
and
such
are
those
that
now
approve
their
actions
there
,
and
both
in
the
elections
of
Parliament
men
,
and
in
the
consultations
of
Parliament
affaires
,
the
Kings
party
is
as
wise
,
cautious
and
vigilant
(
if
not
more
)
as
the
other
party
,
and
no
subtilty
could
circumvent
or
cheat
them
out
of
their
votes
,
if
the
Puritans
were
so
small
and
inconsiderable
a
side
,
as
now
they
make
them
.
No
man
of
what
capacity
soever
can
admit
this
;
it
is
to
all
undeniable
,
that
the
blame
of
a
Parliament
,
is
the
blame
of
a
whole
Kingdome
.
But
I
returne
to
my
Ecclesiasticall
Puritan
.
Though
it
be
true
that
Ecclesiasticall
Puritans
are
fewer
now
,
then
heretofore
they
have
been
,
yet
it
is
as
true
that
Ecclesiasticall
puritanisme
is
made
a
larger
thing
by
farre
then
it
was
,
being
now
spread
abroad
like
a
net
to
ensnare
the
more
,
as
our
many
late
additions
and
innovations
testifie
,
which
have
crept
into
the
Church
(
as
may
be
feared
)
for
the
vexation
and
molestation
of
such
men
,
as
were
not
disquieted
with
former
ceremonies
.
It
is
generally
suspected
,
that
our
Prelates
have
aimed
at
two
things
in
the
novelties
which
they
have
lately
induced
into
the
Church
;
first
,
the
suppression
of
those
which
are
enemies
to
their
pride
,
avarice
,
and
ambition
,
by
them
tearmed
Puritans
:
secondly
,
their
owne
further
ease
,
promotion
,
and
advantage
.
Both
these
ends
seeme
to
be
leveld
at
in
sanctifying
the
Altar
,
and
unsanctifying
the
Lords
day
,
in
advancing
auricular
confession
,
and
corporall
penances
by
externall
mortifications
,
and
crying
downe
lecturing
,
and
preaching
;
for
if
we
marke
it
,
these
new
Doctrines
doe
not
onely
serve
to
terrifie
and
scandalize
tender
consciences
,
and
thereby
to
deprive
,
and
silence
many
painfull
good
Ministers
,
and
to
scare
away
into
forreign
Plantations
whole
troups
of
Laymen
,
and
to
inwrap
the
rest
in
opposition
▪
but
each
of
these
doctrines
besides
hath
a
further
reach
in
it
of
benefit
to
the
Clergie
.
The
Communion
Table
hath
lately
gained
a
new
Name
,
a
new
Nature
,
a
new
Posture
,
a
new
Worship
that
Emperours
and
Kings
may
be
brought
againe
to
take
notice
how
far
the
persons
and
offices
of
Priests
excell
in
sanctity
the
persons
and
offices
of
Princes
.
Theodosius
within
one
hundred
yeares
after
Prelacie
began
to
arrogate
to
it selfe
,
was
presently
taught
this
lesson
,
for
taking
his
seat
in
the
Chancell
according
to
the
Easterne
and
ancient
fashion
,
a
Deacon
was
sent
to
him
in
great
state
,
to
let
him
understand
that
none
but
men
in
holy
Orders
might
presume
to
set
their
feet
on
that
sacred
ground
.
This
was
then
the
Bishops
Law
,
not
the
Emperours
,
nor
knowne
in
any
other
of
his
Dominions
,
but
Italy
onely
;
but
sure
it
was
fit
discretion
,
that
much
should
be
ascribed
by
Bishops
to
that
place
,
from
which
they
were
to
derive
much
,
and
which
would
be
sure
to
repay
their
homage
with
so
great
an
advantage
of
homage
back
againe
.
Preaching
is
now
also
grown
too
burthensome
,
and
the
Lords
Day
to
Priests
according
to
that
sanctity
which
Puritans
allow
it
,
it
requires
too
much
praying
,
preaching
,
singing
,
which
are
not
onely
to
them
tedious
,
but
also
apt
means
to
encrease
,
and
foment
Puritanisme
amongst
the
people
.
Auricular
Confession
also
is
a
godly
devise
to
bring
the
Laity
into
subjection
,
and
to
make
the
people
bow
before
the
power
of
the
Keyes
,
and
it
may
aptly
force
the
consciences
of
Kings
themselves
to
feare
the
scourges
of
gowned
men
.
Adde
lastly
Mr.
Wats
his
bodily
mortification
to
Mr.
Sparrows
confession
,
and
then
Laymen
will
be
soone
inured
againe
to
finde
out
the
fittest
penances
,
especially
Praesbyteris
,
&
aeris
advolvi
,
and
so
in
time
their
purses
,
their
bodies
,
their
consciences
shall
all
bee
made
sensible
of
the
spirituall
Scepter
of
Priests
.
It
s
no
great
wonder
then
if
our
Court
Divines
,
and
their
dependents
doe
what
they
can
to
draw
us
neerer
dayly
towards
Popery
,
under
shew
of
Antiquity
,
Uniformity
and
Charity
,
for
(
without
all
doubt
)
of
all
Religions
,
Popery
is
the
most
beneficiall
to
Priests
,
most
tyrannous
to
Laymen
.
Neither
is
it
strange
that
they
pretend
so
much
zeale
and
devotion
to
the
Kings
Crowne
and
Prerogative
,
as
things
now
stand
in
England
,
as
if
none
truly
affected
the
same
but
themselves
,
for
its
cleare
,
that
they
cannot
subject
the
people
but
by
the
King
,
nor
the
King
without
the
people
:
and
so
long
as
they
stand
possessed
of
the
Kings
good
opinion
,
no
man
shall
have
power
to
confute
them
.
King
Iames
is
a
great
instance
for
Antipuritans
,
and
a
great
prop
to
the
Episcopall
Cause
,
it
s
alleadged
of
him
that
Hee
hated
Puritans
for
their
hatred
to
Episcopacie
,
and
loved
Episcopacie
for
its
amity
to
Monarchie
:
His
Aphorisme
was
,
No
Bishop
,
no
King
:
Let
us
therefore
appeale
from
King
Iames
in
their
words
to
King
Iames
in
his
owne
.
In
his
Preface
before
his
Basilicon
Doron
his
words
are
:
The
style
of
Puritans
properly
belongs
to
that
vile
Sect
of
the
Anabaptists
,
onely
called
the
Family
of
love
,
Such
were
Browne
,
Penry
,
Howbeit
there
are
others
which
participate
too
much
with
Anabaptists
contemning
civill
Magistrates
,
&c.
It
is
onely
this
sort
of
men
which
I
wish
my
sonne
to
punish
in
case
they
refuse
to
obey
Law
,
and
cease
not
to
stirre
up
Rebellion
.
But
I
protest
upon
mine
Honour
,
I
meane
it
not
generally
of
all
Preachers
or
others
,
which
like
better
of
the
single
forme
of
Policie
in
our
Church
of
Scotland
,
then
of
the
many
Ceremonies
in
the
Church
of
England
,
which
are
perswaded
that
Bishops
smell
of
a
Papall
supremacie
,
that
Surplices
,
Caps
,
&c.
are
outward
badges
of
popish
errour
.
No
,
I
am
so
farre
from
being
contentious
in
these
indifferent
things
,
that
I
doe
equally
love
and
honour
the
learned
and
grave
of
either
opinion
,
It
can
no
wayes
become
mee
to
pronounce
sentence
so
lightly
in
so
old
a
controversie
.
Since
wee
all
agree
in
grounds
,
the
bitternesse
of
men
in
such
questions
doth
but
trouble
the
peace
of
the
Church
,
and
give
advantage
to
Papists
by
our
division
.
These
were
the
golden
words
of
that
peacefull
,
just
Prince
upon
his
second
thoughts
:
ô
that
they
were
now
duly
pondred
,
and
taken
to
peeces
word
for
word
!
ô
that
they
were
esteemed
,
and
understood
in
their
owne
weight
amongst
us
,
that
they
might
reconcile
our
present
differences
,
and
that
the
same
peace
which
followed
him
to
his
glorious
Urne
,
might
still
blesse
these
our
times
!
ò
how
contrary
are
these
mild
words
to
the
unnaturall
suggestions
of
Antipuritans
!
Such
as
daily
accuse
all
good
men
for
Precisians
,
and
all
precise
men
for
Puritans
,
and
all
Puritans
for
the
onely
Firebrands
of
the
World
,
thus
aiming
the
King
against
his
Subjects
,
and
by
consequence
raising
Subjects
against
the
King
;
Puritans
here
are
described
both
what
they
are
,
and
what
they
are
not
,
the
King
had
been
misinterpreted
before
,
writing
generally
of
Puritans
,
now
to
avoid
all
mistake
,
he
expresses
himselfe
plainely
and
definitely
.
A
Puritan
positively
in
King
Iames
his
sense
,
is
He
which
imitates
Anabaptists
in
rebellion
,
turbulence
and
opposition
to
Law
,
and
such
are
liable
to
Law
;
but
negatively
a
Puritan
in
the
acception
of
King
Iames
,
is
not
He
which
dislikes
Episcopacie
,
or
the
Ceremonious
Discipline
of
England
.
This
King
Iames
protests
upon
his
honour
,
though
to
his
great
dishonour
He
be
now
often
cited
to
the
contrary
.
As
for
those
which
rellish
not
Bishops
and
Ceremonies
or
the
English
Policie
,
Wishes
them
to
be
at
peace
only
with
those
of
the
opposite
opinion
,
Hee
himselfe
vowing
equall
love
and
honour
to
the
grave
,
and
learned
of
either
side
,
and
not
taking
upon
him
to
be
a
Judge
in
so
old
and
difficult
a
controversie
;
He
onely
like
a
sweet
arbitrator
perswades
both
parties
to
peace
and
amity
.
I
wish
our
Bishops
would
now
stand
to
this
arbitration
,
I
wish
they
would
neither
condemne
the
Scots
discipline
,
nor
urge
the
English
;
I
wish
they
would
put
difference
betweene
seditious
and
scrupulous
Puritans
,
and
not
inferre
the
one
out
of
the
other
;
I
wish
they
would
either
disclaime
King
Iames
as
a
manifest
favourer
of
Puritans
,
or
else
imitate
him
in
the
same
definition
,
and
opinion
of
them
.
King
Iames
further
takes
notice
,
that
the
reformation
in
Scotland
was
far
more
disorderly
,
then
in
England
,
Denmark
&c.
whilst
the
mayne
affaires
there
were
unduly
carried
by
popular
tumults
,
and
by
some
fiery-spirited
Ministers
,
which
having
gotten
the
guiding
of
the
multitude
,
and
finding
the
relish
of
government
sweet
,
did
fancie
to
themselves
a
democratick
forme
of
policy
,
wherein
they
were
likely
to
be
Tribuni
plebis
.
That
the
Crown
might
be
disincombred
of
these
usurping
ring-leaders
,
the
King
advises
the
Prince
to
entertaine
and
advance
godly
,
learned
,
and
modest
Ministers
,
promoting
them
to
Bishopricks
,
but
restrayning
them
heedfully
from
pride
,
ambition
,
and
avarice
.
These
things
then
are
hence
observable
.
First
,
Scotland
differs
from
England
in
turbulent
Ministers
:
Secondly
,
this
is
imputed
to
the
iniquity
of
the
times
,
not
to
Puritanisme
,
as
if
by
nature
the
Scots
were
more
inclining
to
Puritanisme
then
other
Nations
.
Thirdly
,
notwithstanding
that
iniquity
of
those
times
,
there
was
a
number
sufficient
of
worthy
Ministers
fit
for
preferrement
.
Fourthly
,
King
Iames
erects
Bishops
Sees
in
Scotland
for
peculiar
reasons
,
and
therefore
He
speaks
not
of
Denmarke
,
&c.
Lastly
,
notwithstanding
that
peculiar
reason
,
He
advises
the
Prince
to
be
indifferently
at
warre
with
both
extreams
alike
,
as
well
to
represse
Papall
Bishops
,
as
to
curbe
proud
Puritans
.
For
(
sayes
the
King
)
the
naturall
sicknesses
which
have
ever
troubled
and
beene
the
decay
of
all
Churches
since
the
beginning
changing
the
Candlesticke
from
one
to
another
,
have
beene
pride
,
ambition
,
and
avarice
:
and
these
wrought
the
overthrow
of
the
Romish
Church
in
divers
Countreys
.
King
Iames
knew
well
how
apt
Churchmen
had
ever
beene
to
abuse
their
power
and
pompe
,
what
enemies
the
High-Priests
had
beene
to
our
Saviour
,
and
what
a
tyranny
Bishops
had
erected
over
all
Christendome
ever
since
Constantine
almost
,
and
therefore
though
he
dislikes
a
Democracie
in
the
Church
,
(
as
Hee
had
reason
)
yet
Hee
so
limits
and
circumscribes
his
Bishops
both
in
power
and
honour
,
that
they
might
be
as
sensible
of
their
chaines
and
fetters
,
as
of
their
Miters
and
Crosiers
.
I
wish
King
Iames
had
particularly
signified
what
bonds
and
bounds
Hee
thought
fit
to
prefixe
to
Episcopacie
,
to
preserve
it
from
corruption
,
and
what
his
opinion
was
of
a
Prelacie
so
active
in
secular
affaires
as
ours
is
now
in
England
,
and
how
it
would
have
pleased
him
to
see
a
Metropolitan
amongst
Protestants
almost
a
rivall
to
the
French
Cardinall
.
The
world
,
in
my
opinion
,
hath
little
reason
to
doate
upon
a
gowned
Empire
,
wee
have
all
smarted
long
enough
under
it
,
men
of
meane
birth
commonly
beare
preferment
with
little
moderation
,
and
their
breeding
having
beene
soft
and
effeminate
,
in
their
malice
and
cruelty
they
neerest
of
all
approach
to
the
nature
of
Women
:
and
by
the
advantage
of
learning
they
extend
their
power
,
and
win
upon
others
more
then
they
ought
.
When
the
Church
was
at
first
under
Heathen
,
or
Jewish
Governours
,
which
sought
as
enemies
to
ruine
it
,
not
as
Fathers
to
protect
it
,
they
which
were
within
could
not
live
in
peace
and
unity
without
some
Politicall
bonds
,
so
at
that
time
there
was
a
necessity
of
some
coercive
power
within
,
besides
that
which
was
without
.
The
world
is
now
unsatisfied
what
kinde
of
power
that
was
,
whether
Episcopall
or
Presbyteriall
,
or
what
Episcopacy
,
or
Presbytery
was
in
those
dayes
.
Yet
me thinks
what
government
so
ever
then
was
,
it
is
not
necessarily
precedentary
to
us
now
.
The
Episcopall
faction
at
this
day
takes
advantage
by
the
abuses
of
the
Presbyteriall
,
and
the
Presbyteriall
by
the
Episcopall
,
and
most
men
thinke
either
the
one
power
or
the
other
necessary
,
and
some
more
favour
the
Episcopall
as
K.
Iames
,
some
the
Presbyteriall
as
M.
Calvin
;
but
sure
the
Presbyteriall
is
lesse
offensive
then
the
Episcopall
,
and
yet
neither
the
one
nor
other
of
necessity
.
Kings
may
grant
usuram
quandam
jurisdictionis
either
to
Bishops
or
Elders
,
but
the
jurisdiction
it selfe
is
their
owne
property
,
from
which
they
ought
not
to
depart
,
nor
can
without
wrong
to
their
charge
committed
to
them
.
For
the
power
which
God
gives
the
Prince
,
is
not
given
for
his
use
alone
,
but
for
the
peoples
benefit
,
so
that
since
He
cannot
let
it
fall
to
decay
without
making
it
insufficient
for
good
and
entire
government
which
is
mischievous
to
the
people
,
he
cannot
justly
lessen
it
at
all
.
And
it
is
manifest
that
except
one
supreme
head
be
alone
in
all
causes
as
well
Ecclesiasticall
as
Civill
,
humane
nature
must
needs
be
destitute
of
those
remedies
which
are
necessary
for
its
conservation
,
since
power
cannot
be
divided
,
but
it
must
be
diminished
to
him
which
suffers
that
division
,
and
being
diminished
it
proves
insufficient
.
All
confesse
some
government
necessary
for
men
in
holy
Orders
,
to
whom
the
power
of
the
Keyes
belongs
,
but
some
account
Princes
but
as
meere
Temporall
or
Lay
persons
,
and
therefore
conclude
against
their
authority
over
sacred
Ecclesiasticall
persons
as
incompetent
,
especially
in
cases
meerely
Ecclesiasticall
.
For
this
cause
spirituall
Governours
have
ever
beene
in
the
Church
to
whom
some
have
attributed
a
divine
right
depending
from
none
but
God
,
and
subordinate
to
none
but
God
,
but
this
hath
beene
controverted
by
others
,
and
no
little
debate
and
strife
hath
followed
hereupon
.
But
it
seemes
to
me
,
that
Princes
do
receive
from
God
a
spirituall
Unction
,
whereby
not
onely
their
persons
are
dignified
,
and
their
hearts
prepared
and
enlarged
with
divine
graces
fit
for
rule
;
but
their
functions
also
innobled
and
sanctified
above
any
other
whatsoever
,
and
higher
advanced
then
the
sense
of
Laick
or
Secular
will
beare
.
To
Princes
an
assistance
of
counsell
is
requisite
in
spirituall
as
in
civill
affaires
,
but
that
,
that
Counsaile
ought
to
bee
composed
onely
of
persons
Ecclesiasticall
,
or
that
those
persons
ought
to
bee
invested
with
all
those
Ensignes
of
Honour
and
Authority
which
our
Bishops
now
claime
as
of
divine
right
,
seemes
not
necessary
.
Clergy-men
are
not
alwayes
the
most
knowing
in
all
Ecclesiasticall
cases
,
neither
are
they
at
all
indifferent
and
impartiall
,
in
many
which
concerne
their
owne
honour
and
profit
,
(
as
the
world
feeles
to
his
regret
)
therefore
for
jurisdiction
they
are
not
the
most
competent
.
But
be
they
of
what
use
soever
,
they
may
still
remaine
subordinate
,
and
at
the
Princes
election
,
and
admitted
of
ad
consilium
solum
,
not
ad
consensum
,
and
it
had
beene
happy
for
all
Christians
these
many
hundred
yeares
by
past
if
they
had
not
been
further
hearkned
to
.
The
Sacerdotall
function
is
not
at
all
disparaged
by
this
subordination
,
for
whether
the
order
of
Princes
be
more
sacred
then
that
of
Bishops
,
or
not
,
it
is
all
one
to
Priests
,
for
an
obedience
they
owe
,
and
must
pay
,
be
it
to
the
one
Order
or
the
other
.
Our
Bishops
at
this
day
stand
much
upon
their
Divine
right
of
Jurisdiction
,
and
they
refer
their
style
to
the
providence
of
God
immediatly
,
not
to
the
grace
of
the
King
:
and
though
in
words
they
acknowledge
a
Supremacie
of
power
to
remain
to
the
King
;
yet
indeed
I
thinke
they
mean
rather
a
priority
of
order
.
Whatsoever
Supremacie
they
meane
,
if
it
be
not
such
as
makes
them
meerely
subordinate
,
and
dependent
,
so
that
the
King
may
limit
,
alter
,
or
extinguish
their
jurisdiction
,
as
far
as
He
may
to
his
civill
Judges
,
they
derogate
much
from
his
Kingly
office
.
Bishops
for
their
claime
of
Jurisdiction
ought
to
prove
that
they
alone
did
exercise
it
over
all
in
all
causes
from
our
Saviours
dayes
,
till
the
entrance
of
Christian
Princes
:
and
that
being
cleared
,
they
must
further
prove
,
that
those
times
also
are
leading
,
and
precedentary
to
ours
.
In
both
these
their
proofes
are
lame
,
especially
in
the
latter
;
for
neither
is
the
power
of
the
Keyes
the
same
thing
as
Iurisdiction
,
nor
is
jurisdiction
now
as
it
was
in
the
Apostles
dayes
,
nor
is
the
State
of
the
times
now
the
same
as
then
.
In
those
dayes
either
Christians
were
to
implead
one
another
before
Infidel
Magistrats
whatsoever
the
case
were
,
criminall
or
civill
,
spirituall
or
temporall
,
or
else
they
were
to
erect
some
tribunall
in
the
Church
,
or
else
they
were
to
await
no
justice
at
all
:
and
because
some
judicature
within
the
Church
was
most
fit
,
therfore
Christ
himselfe
according
to
the
exigence
of
those
times
,
did
endow
his
Church
with
a
divine
Oeconomy
,
which
was
partly
miraculous
,
and
of
use
then
but
not
now
.
The
Spirit
of
God
did
then
internally
incite
such
and
such
men
at
such
times
to
reside
and
preside
in
such
&
such
places
;
and
some
of
the
Apostles
at
some
times
could
judge
by
inspiration
without
proofs
and
allegations
,
and
could
execute
sentence
of
death
or
other
spirituall
punishment
upon
secret
hypocrites
,
not
intrenching
upon
temporall
authority
,
but
in
these
times
this
discipline
is
uselesse
,
and
therefore
decayed
.
Whatsoever
the
offence
then
was
,
what
injury
or
trespasse
soever
betwixt
brother
and
brother
,
the
onely
remedy
was
Dic
Ecclesiae
,
and
yet
that
precept
serves
as
strong
for
temporall
as
spirituall
trespasses
,
so
that
it
cannot
be
enforced
now
to
continue
,
unlesse
wee
meane
to
drowne
all
temporall
authority
.
As
for
the
extent
also
of
spirituall
power
in
those
dayes
,
I
will
onely
cite
a
learned
Politician
of
the
Popish
religion
:
who
admitting
(
it
seemed
)
that
the
keyes
of
heaven
were
given
to
Saint
Peter
alone
,
and
his
Successours
,
and
not
to
all
Bishops
and
Ministers
whatsoever
thus
proceeds
.
By
the
keyes
given
to
S.
Peter
many
Holy
Fathers
mean
,
the
one
of
knowledge
,
and
the
other
of
power
,
and
that
that
power
ought
not
to
be
understood
universally
,
but
only
concerning
the
Kingdome
of
Heaven
which
is
spirituall
:
for
the
Civill
,
Royall
,
and
Temporall
power
is
expresly
forbidden
him
by
Christ
.
Even
so
that
also
of
knowledge
,
it
is
not
to
be
understood
of
naturall
,
politike
,
or
morall
things
,
but
as
Saint
Paul
saith
,
of
Christs
mysteries
only
.
Wherefore
in
matters
of
faith
Ecclesiasticall
authority
may
approve
,
and
Secular
cannot
condemne
,
but
in
matters
of
policy
what
all
the
Prelates
in
the
World
approve
,
Temporall
authority
may
condemne
.
It
is
a
great
wrong
to
pretend
,
because
Christ
hath
given
Saint
Peter
the
cognizance
and
power
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
forbidden
him
the
earthly
,
contrary
to
this
precept
,
to
extend
spirituall
things
to
temporall
.
Saint
Augustine
often
saith
,
That
Grace
doth
not
destroy
any
thing
in
Nature
,
but
leaveth
her
all
her
owne
;
adding
moreover
divine
perfection
.
The
Temporality
hath
of
its
owne
nature
,
power
to
forbid
all
things
repugnant
to
publike
quietnesse
and
honesty
;
and
Christ
came
not
to
take
away
this
authority
from
Magistrates
,
He
onely
addes
power
to
his
Ministers
in
matters
of
faith
,
not
knowne
by
nature
,
but
revelation
.
For
ought
wee
know
,
this
power
of
opening
or
shutting
Heaven
,
of
binding
and
loosing
sinnes
was
miraculous
,
and
so
but
Temporary
:
but
admit
it
in
this
Catholike
Writers
sense
,
yet
we
plainly
see
,
it
is
no
prejudice
at
all
to
limit
Secular
Princes
thereby
.
The
same
learned
Papist
writes
:
That
the
Easterne
and
Westerne
Churches
continued
in
unity
and
charity
for
the
space
of
nine
hundred
yeares
after
Christ
,
and
this
peace
was
easily
kept
,
because
the
Supreme
power
was
then
in
the
Canons
,
to
which
all
Churches
acknowledged
themselves
equally
subject
.
Ecclesiasticall
Discipline
was
then
severely
maintained
in
each
Country
by
its
owne
Prelates
,
not
arbitrarily
,
but
absolutely
according
to
Canonicall
rigour
,
none
of
them
intermedling
in
anothers
government
.
No
Pope
of
Rome
did
pretend
to
conferre
Benefices
in
other
Bishops
Diocesses
,
or
to
get
money
out
of
others
by
way
of
Dispensations
and
Buls
:
but
when
Rome
began
to
shake
off
all
subjection
to
Canons
,
then
notwithstanding
any
ancient
order
of
the
Fathers
,
Councels
,
or
Apostles
themselves
,
in
stead
of
her
ancient
Primacy
she
brought
in
an
absolute
Dominion
,
free
from
any
Law
or
Canon
,
and
this
made
the
division
.
Neither
could
any
re-union
bee
brought
to
passe
within
these
700
yeares
,
because
this
abuse
which
caused
the
Division
is
not
remedied
.
Whilst
the
union
held
,
Saint
Pauls
doctrine
was
joyntly
observed
,
that
Every
one
should
be
subject
to
Princes
,
no
man
pretended
to
be
free
from
punishment
.
Nay
,
and
after
the
division
,
the
same
opinion
remained
,
that
every
Christian
in
temporall
businesses
is
subject
to
the
Prince
.
And
nothing
is
more
temporall
then
offence
,
because
nothing
is
more
contrary
to
the
Spirit
.
Amongst
the
Greeks
also
it
is
still
held
that
Bishops
ought
to
judge
what
opinion
is
sound
,
what
Hereticall
,
but
to
punish
those
of
hurtfull
opinions
belongeth
to
the
Secular
.
The
State
of
Venice
,
as
well
as
other
Catholike
Kingdomes
,
walks
between
two
extreams
,
betweene
Protestants
,
which
have
no
other
ayme
but
to
diminish
Ecclesiasticall
authority
,
and
the
Court
of
Rome
which
hath
no
other
aime
,
but
to
encrease
it
,
and
to
make
the
Temporall
her
servant
.
Those
of
the
Court
of
Rome
,
making
use
of
Religion
for
worldly
ends
and
respects
under
a
spirituall
pretense
,
but
with
an
ambitious
end
and
desire
of
worldly
wealth
and
honour
would
free
themselves
from
obedience
due
to
the
Prince
,
and
take
away
the
love
and
reverence
due
by
the
people
to
draw
it
to
themselves
.
To
bring
these
things
to
passe
,
they
have
newly
invented
a
doctrine
that
talks
of
nothing
but
Ecclesiasticall
greatnesse
,
liberty
,
immunity
,
and
jurisdiction
.
This
doctrine
was
unheard
of
,
till
about
the
year
1300
,
then
it
began
to
be
written
scatteringly
in
some
books
,
but
till
1400
,
there
were
not
written
above
two
Bookes
which
treated
of
nothing
else
;
after
this
such
Writers
increased
a
little
,
but
after
1560
,
there
were
scarce
any
Bookes
printed
in
Italy
,
but
in
diminution
of
Secular
authority
and
exaltation
of
the
Ecclesiasticall
:
And
now
the
people
have
scarce
any
other
Bookes
to
read
,
nor
have
the
Confessors
any
other
doctrine
,
or
need
any
other
learning
.
Hence
comes
this
perverse
opinion
,
that
Magistracy
is
a
humane
invention
,
and
to
be
obeyed
for
policy
onely
,
not
for
conscience
:
but
that
every
intimation
of
Ecclesiasticall
persons
is
equivolent
to
a
divine
precept
;
there
want
not
in
Italy
,
pious
,
learned
men
which
hold
the
contrary
,
but
they
are
not
suffered
to
write
,
or
print
.
Neither
are
forraine
Books
permitted
,
or
ancient
Authours
left
ungelded
of
all
which
serves
for
Temporall
authority
:
as
appears
by
a
book
printed
1607
,
called
Index
Expurgatorius
:
and
Clement
the
Eighth
in
1595
,
published
a
rule
in
his
Index
,
that
all
Catholike
Writers
Bookes
since
1515
,
might
be
corrected
not
only
by
expunging
but
also
by
interlining
,
and
this
hath
beene
practised
though
not
publikely
above
seventy
yeares
.
Thus
we
finde
the
Court
of
Romes
,
but
not
the
Authors
meaning
,
and
finally
,
wee
are
sure
to
have
no
book
true
.
I
have
hitherto
cited
this
egregious
Politician
,
for
these
purposes
.
First
,
That
we
may
see
how
easie
it
is
for
Clergie-men
to
wrest
all
authority
out
of
the
Temporalties
hands
,
if
Princes
will
be
so
easie
to
be
hood-winkt
,
and
deluded
by
them
,
and
to
resigne
their
judgements
to
them
in
such
cases
as
concern
their
profit
and
advancement
.
Secondly
,
That
we
may
take
notice
how
far
the
learnedst
of
Papists
themselves
doe
discover
,
and
detect
the
errours
and
tyranny
of
the
Court
of
Rome
,
and
that
mysticall
way
of
deceiving
,
whereby
all
hope
of
remedy
is
cut
off
.
I
observe
this
also
the
rather
because
our
Prelates
in
England
at
this
day
assume
to
themselves
almost
as
vast
and
unquestionable
a
power
of
stifling
and
repressing
all
adverse
disputes
,
and
of
authorizing
and
publishing
all
arguments
whatsoever
favouring
their
cause
,
as
the
Court
of
Rome
does
.
Thirdly
,
that
I
might
produce
the
same
Author
against
himselfe
in
those
points
wherein
he
taxes
Protestants
.
Wee
will
yeeld
that
for
the
space
of
nine
hundred
yeeres
the
See
of
Rome
did
not
usurpe
over
other
Sees
,
but
did
acknowledge
equall
subjection
to
the
Canons
,
and
that
the
division
and
separation
of
the
Easterne
Churches
happened
when
Rome
arrogated
above
Canons
;
but
withall
we
must
have
it
yeelded
to
us
,
that
those
Canons
had
been
composed
only
by
Clergy-men
,
and
that
in
too
much
favour
of
Clergy-men
,
and
too
much
abridgement
of
Temporall
Rights
and
Priviledges
,
and
that
they
did
concerne
matters
more
then
meerely
spirituall
,
and
speculative
,
and
things
known
by
meere
revelation
.
So
that
though
one
Prelate
did
not
usurpe
over
another
,
yet
all
Prelates
had
usurped
over
the
Laity
from
the
times
of
Constantine
almost
.
It
is
true
,
the
Church
had
Bishops
before
in
its
times
of
persecution
,
but
of
what
power
or
pompe
?
It
is
said
of
Calvin
,
that
in
regard
of
his
sway
in
Geneva
,
he
wanted
nothing
but
the
Name
of
Bishop
;
and
it
may
be
as
truly
said
of
the
Bishops
before
Constantine
,
that
they
wanted
all
but
the
Name
.
The
power
of
Bishops
before
the
installment
of
Christian
Princes
,
was
rather
like
that
of
Arbitrators
then
of
Judges
,
and
that
held
in
all
cases
alike
,
Civill
and
Spirituall
,
but
in
case
of
disobedience
they
did
not
intrench
so
farre
upon
the
Lay
power
,
as
to
inflict
any
pecuniary
,
or
corporall
punishment
,
but
they
did
deny
the
Sacrament
,
and
eject
delinquents
out
of
the
Congregation
,
and
this
was
then
an
abscission
from
Christ
,
being
done
Clave
non
errante
:
that
is
,
whilst
God
did
inspire
(
according
to
his
promise
)
a
miraculous
power
of
binding
and
loosing
infallibly
.
The
Priestly
function
was
then
an
Office
,
not
a
jurisdiction
,
of
sacred
dignity
,
not
power
:
but
the
Function
of
a
Prince
was
ever
sacred
both
for
honour
and
power
,
for
dignity
and
command
.
Constantine
the
Great
was
the
first
Prince
which
tooke
upon
him
the
care
and
protection
of
the
Church
,
after
that
it
had
suffered
contempt
and
poverty
for
300
yeares
:
and
now
did
even
that
authority
and
protection
cease
,
and
devolve
into
his
hands
,
which
the
poore
persecuted
Bishops
had
but
feebly
managed
before
;
but
such
was
the
extraordinary
indulgence
of
this
pious
Emperour
,
as
well
to
religious
persons
,
as
to
Religion
it selfe
,
that
taking
little
notice
what
the
Church
had
gain'd
by
him
as
its
Head
and
Governour
,
He
heaped
up
greater
Titles
and
Honors
upon
Bishops
,
Archbishops
,
Patriarchs
,
and
Popes
,
as
if
some
other
supreme
Ruler
more
sacred
and
competent
then
himselfe
were
necessary
.
Neverthelesse
it
is
thought
,
that
this
was
as
poyson
poured
into
the
Church
,
and
not
Balme
,
for
from
that
very
time
Clergy-men
began
to
be
more
glorious
,
but
lesse
gracious
,
more
rich
outwardly
,
but
more
poore
,
and
vile
inwardly
.
Within
a
little
space
after
Constantine
there
was
just
cause
of
complaint
that
excessive
Honours
had
corrupted
the
Church
,
and
that
Religion
had
prospered
better
in
former
times
,
when
it
had
wooden
Chalices
and
golden
Priests
,
then
now
,
when
it
had
golden
Chalices
,
but
wooden
Priests
.
It
is
remarkable
also
,
that
soon
after
Constantine
the
temporall
power
being
too
much
restrained
,
and
abased
,
and
the
spirituall
as
much
inlarged
and
exalted
,
the
whole
face
of
Christendome
began
to
be
imbroyled
with
wars
,
and
poysoned
with
heresies
,
so
that
the
Historians
of
those
times
have
almost
nothing
else
to
write
of
but
the
forcible
investing
and
devesting
by
armes
of
such
Bishops
and
Patriarchs
,
and
of
the
oppositions
of
such
and
such
Councels
and
Synods
,
and
of
the
Appeals
,
Iars
,
Schismes
,
Excommunications
,
and
Commotions
of
such
,
and
such
Priests
,
and
Monks
.
Nay
,
such
were
the
ill
effects
of
those
ages
,
which
were
certainly
more
zealous
then
politike
,
that
they
cannot
yet
be
wholly
rectified
,
and
purged
in
these
our
latter
times
,
which
are
growne
too
too
contrary
,
being
more
politike
then
zealous
:
Thus
did
the
Church
fare
for
900.
yeares
till
the
Romane
Bishops
began
to
Empire
above
all
,
and
then
did
the
greatest
part
of
the
Clergie
themselves
,
especially
East
from
Italy
,
make
their
departure
and
separation
.
Neither
did
the
Romish
Vice-god
after
this
great
rent
and
division
in
the
world
hang
his
head
for
shame
,
or
seeke
any
re-union
by
letting
fall
his
pompous
,
painted
plumes
,
but
audaciates
himselfe
rather
to
mount
higher
yet
,
and
to
detrude
the
Western
Emperour
quite
out
of
the
bounds
of
Italy
.
And
in
this
,
his
industry
failes
him
not
,
for
after
much
bloud-shed
in
many
cruell
conflicts
Hee
gaines
in
Italy
a
Temporall
,
and
in
all
Europe
besides
a
spirituall
Monarchy
,
making
a
triple
Mitre
shine
as
gloriously
upon
the
seven-hilled
City
,
as
the
Diadem
had
done
before
.
During
his
warres
with
the
Emperour
of
Germany
,
He
had
other
contestations
also
with
England
,
and
some
other
Potentates
at
sometimes
,
but
all
dismaid
him
not
,
only
once
He
was
heard
to
say
,
It
was
time
for
him
to
compound
with
the
Dragon
,
that
he
might
crush
the
lesser
Adders
at
his
pleasure
.
Yet
after
this
even
this
Holy
tyranny
growes
too
insolent
and
insufferable
,
and
so
conspires
its
owne
dissolution
,
so
that
many
Countries
in
the
North-west
parts
lying
more
remote
from
Rome
,
quite
revolt
from
her
Allegeance
,
and
protest
against
her
.
Amongst
those
other
Countries
also
lesse
distant
,
which
still
in
words
confesse
her
Supremacy
,
her
Reigne
is
now
but
little
more
then
precarious
:
Venice
regards
not
Buls
and
Anathemaes
,
France
disdaines
a
yonger
brothers
benediction
,
and
Spaine
being
honoured
with
the
title
of
the
Popes
eldest
Son
,
confesses
him
a
Father
but
imployes
him
as
a
Chaplain
,
gives
verball
,
but
reapes
reall
honours
by
him
.
Augustus
having
cashiered
an
unworthy
Commander
,
gave
him
leave
to
say
,
that
hee
had
cashiered
Augustus
:
and
so
the
Popes
great
sonnes
shake
off
his
yoke
by
degrees
,
but
conceale
it
,
and
give
him
leave
to
doe
the
like
.
It
is
now
very
good
policy
in
the
Pope
,
not
to
pretend
to
Temporall
things
as
they
stand
in
ordine
,
or
have
relation
to
spirituall
things
,
but
rather
to
relinquish
his
right
to
spirituall
things
,
as
they
stand
in
order
to
Temporall
:
it
is
eminent
wisedome
in
him
to
forbeare
threatning
,
roaring
,
cursing
,
and
sending
his
ridiculous
Epigrams
,
out
of
his
owne
Territories
:
as
he
was
wont
to
doe
:
Nay
,
his
very
last
refuge
of
sending
forth
his
poysoning
and
stabbing
Ministers
cannot
remaine
in
season
much
longer
.
But
to
returne
to
our
learned
Statesman
:
as
Hee
justly
taxes
the
Court
of
Rome
,
so
Hee
unjustly
taxes
Protestants
of
the
contrary
extreme
,
and
this
will
appeare
out
of
his
owne
words
.
For
He
grants
,
first
that
the
Secular
Magistrates
have
nothing
diminished
of
their
authority
by
Christs
comming
▪
and
it
is
cleare
that
Princes
were
absolute
Governours
of
the
Church
before
Christ
both
in
Spirituall
and
Temporall
Cases
.
In
the
next
place
He
yeelds
,
that
the
power
and
knowledge
of
Clergy-men
,
called
the
power
of
the
Keyes
,
is
no
other
but
such
as
Christ
infuses
in
meere
supernaturall
things
,
knowne
onely
by
Faith
and
Revelation
,
not
by
any
physicall
,
or
Ethicall
Principles
;
but
it
is
easily
proved
by
us
,
that
such
power
can
extend
to
no
proper
jurisdiction
at
all
in
humane
affaires
,
but
is
a
meere
speculative
Notion
,
and
such
we
deny
not
.
Thirdly
,
Hee
yeelds
that
in
Jurisdiction
there
bee
three
things
distinct
.
First
,
matter
of
Law
.
Secondly
,
matter
of
fact
.
Thirdly
,
matter
of
execution
:
whereby
retribution
is
made
to
every
fact
according
to
Law
.
The
first
of
these
,
and
that
in
Spirituall
Cases
alone
being
tryable
by
Clergy-men
only
.
Admit
this
and
nothing
followes
,
but
that
things
meerely
Spirituall
,
are
best
knowne
to
Spirituall
persons
,
there
is
no
power
here
concluded
.
As
for
example
.
In
case
of
Heresie
,
that
I
hold
such
an
opinion
,
must
appeare
by
witnesses
and
proofes
,
and
herein
all
kindes
of
witnesses
besides
Clergy-men
are
competent
.
Next
,
that
this
opinion
is
hereticall
,
requires
the
judgement
of
Ecclesiasticall
persons
,
but
it
does
not
follow
,
if
they
be
the
fittest
Judges
herein
,
that
they
must
bee
the
supreme
Judges
herein
,
and
not
as
well
Dependent
and
Subordinate
as
our
Civill
Judges
are
in
common
actions
.
But
in
the
last
place
,
that
such
an
hereticall
opinion
,
so
dangerous
and
pestilent
to
the
Church
and
Common-wealth
ought
to
bee
corrected
or
eradicated
by
such
coercive
force
,
and
the
raising
of
that
force
whereby
it
is
to
be
punished
,
is
in
the
judgement
,
and
in
the
power
of
the
Supreme
Magistrate
,
for
two
Magistrates
cannot
have
a
Supreme
power
of
the
same
sword
.
Either
the
Secular
must
command
the
Ecclesiasticall
,
or
the
Ecclesiasticall
must
command
the
Secular
,
as
to
coercive
power
,
or
a
worse
confusion
then
either
must
needs
follow
.
So
then
,
it
is
the
Execution
of
justice
alone
,
which
is
essentiall
to
the
Supreme
Governour
,
Matter
of
Law
requires
a
Counsellour
,
Matter
of
fact
a
witnesse
,
Matter
of
Execution
alone
intimates
a
Prince
,
and
that
Principality
cannot
bee
divided
betwixt
two
persons
of
a
severall
nature
.
From
hence
then
it
appeares
plainely
that
no
Catholike
differing
from
the
Court
of
Rome
ascribes
more
to
Clergy-men
,
then
this
first
poynt
of
adjudging
according
to
the
Law
of
God
in
things
Divine
;
and
this
implyes
rather
a
dependent
,
then
an
independent
condition
in
the
judge
:
and
in
this
Protestants
joyne
with
full
consent
.
But
all
this
while
I
finde
my selfe
in
a
digression
:
my
scope
is
not
to
proove
that
Protestants
doe
attribute
sufficient
to
Priests
,
it
lies
upon
mee
to
prove
that
they
attribute
too
much
to
them
,
and
herein
I
am
to
undertake
not
onely
the
Episcopall
,
but
the
Presbyteriall
side
also
,
not
onely
Protestant
Prelates
,
but
even
Master
CALVIN
that
great
Antiprelate
also
.
Divines
have
much
trumped
the
World
hitherto
in
not
setting
forth
the
true
bounds
and
limits
of
Ecclesiasticall
jurisdiction
,
but
if
I
mistake
not
,
the
first
power
(
which
they
claime
as
most
essentiall
)
they
take
to
be
the
power
of
the
Keyes
,
though
they
define
not
certainly
,
what
that
is
,
whether
a
power
,
or
Office
;
or
to
whom
belonging
,
or
of
what
extent
,
and
continuance
.
The
second
power
which
they
insist
upon
,
as
next
issuing
out
of
the
power
of
the
Keyes
,
is
in
Excommunication
,
Ordination
of
Ministers
,
Exposition
of
Scriptures
,
&c.
The
third
and
more
remote
kinde
of
causes
wherein
they
challenge
an
Ecclesiasticall
power
,
is
of
such
as
concerne
Matrimonie
,
Testaments
,
Heresies
,
Fasts
,
Tythes
,
and
Immunities
of
Clergy-men
,
&c.
And
further
doubtlesse
they
would
proceed
,
but
that
these
savour
so
much
of
the
Temporality
,
and
discover
their
trumpery
;
but
I
have
said
,
if
in
all
these
cases
Clergy-men
are
necessarily
more
knowing
and
impartiall
then
all
men
else
,
there
is
necessity
of
their
Counsell
to
declare
matter
of
Law
,
but
not
of
their
Consent
in
applying
coercive
,
and
forcible
remedies
for
the
execution
of
Law
.
I
have
said
also
that
Clergie-men
being
as
well
Citizens
of
the
Common-wealth
,
as
sonnes
of
the
Church
,
and
these
Cases
importing
as
well
perturbance
of
the
State
,
annoyance
to
the
Church
,
that
there
can
be
but
one
Head
which
ought
to
have
command
over
both
,
and
in
both
.
It
is
manifest
also
that
many
Cases
are
partly
temporall
,
and
partly
spirituall
,
and
that
scarce
any
is
so
temporall
,
but
that
it
relates
in
some
order
to
spirituall
things
,
or
any
so
spirituall
,
but
that
it
hath
some
relation
to
temporall
things
,
so
that
the
true
subject
of
Ecclesiasticall
and
civill
justice
cannot
rightly
be
divided
.
Further
,
also
it
is
as
manifest
that
where
any
doubt
,
strife
,
or
uncertainty
may
arise
betweene
one
Jurisdiction
and
another
,
neither
acknowledging
any
supreme
power
of
decision
,
no
assured
peace
can
continue
,
and
by
consequence
no
stability
or
permanent
subsistence
to
either
,
is
to
be
expected
.
It
is
naturall
therefore
to
be
inferred
,
that
either
the
Temporall
or
the
Ecclesiasticall
Magistrate
must
be
in
all
Cases
absolutely
predominant
,
and
that
since
the
Ecclesiasticall
ought
not
by
Christs
owne
command
,
therefore
the
Temporall
ought
,
as
hath
been
further
proved
by
sundry
arguments
,
and
Scripture
proofes
alledged
out
of
this
famous
Politician
.
So
much
of
the
temporall
power
,
and
its
necessary
Supremacie
:
my
endevour
shall
be
now
to
maintain
that
no
Ecclesiasticall
power
is
at
all
necessary
in
meere
Ecclesiasticall
persons
.
Master
Calvin
according
to
the
popish
grounds
maintains
,
that
spirituall
jurisdiction
differs
from
temporall
,
and
is
not
incompatible
but
assistant
thereto
,
because
it
proposes
not
the
same
ends
,
but
severall
,
which
by
severall
meanes
may
be
the
better
compassed
.
But
the
spirituall
Magistrate
(
as
I
conceive
)
can
propose
no
other
end
,
then
what
the
Secular
ought
to
ayme
at
,
for
either
the
Prince
ought
to
have
no
care
at
all
of
the
Honour
of
God
,
and
the
good
of
men
,
and
that
which
is
the
prime
meane
of
both
,
true
Religion
,
or
else
his
ends
must
bee
the
same
which
the
Prelate
aymes
at
,
viz.
to
vindicate
Religion
by
removing
and
correcting
scandalous
offenders
.
Secondly
,
to
preserve
the
innocent
from
contagion
by
the
separation
of
open
offenders
.
Thirdly
,
to
prevent
further
obduration
,
or
to
procure
the
amendment
of
such
as
have
transgressed
by
wholsome
chastisement
.
This
is
beyond
all
controversie
,
as
also
that
the
person
and
power
of
a
Prince
,
are
as
sacred
to
effect
these
ends
,
as
the
Prelates
:
and
certainly
,
God
did
not
so
sanctifie
their
persons
and
offices
for
any
lesse
end
.
And
therefore
in
ancient
times
Holy
Bishops
did
preach
and
recommend
nothing
more
to
Princes
then
the
care
of
Religion
,
though
proud
Prelates
now
arrogate
this
onely
to
themselves
,
and
though
it
be
still
apparant
,
that
no
offence
is
so
spirituall
,
but
that
it
is
a
civill
evill
,
as
well
as
a
blemish
to
Religion
:
forsomuch
as
true
Religion
is
the
foundation
of
a
State
.
And
this
could
not
bee
,
neither
were
Princes
answerable
to
God
for
the
corruption
of
Religion
,
if
God
had
not
given
them
a
supreme
power
,
and
that
effectuall
to
bring
all
offenders
whatsoever
to
confession
,
satisfaction
and
contrition
,
or
to
expell
them
the
congregation
by
themselves
,
or
their
surrogates
.
Master
Calvin
instances
in
adultery
and
drunkennesse
,
&c.
and
sayes
,
That
the
temporall
power
punishes
these
by
externall
force
,
and
for
publicke
examples
sake
,
as
it
concernes
the
State
,
but
the
Spirituall
Iudge
punishes
them
without
force
internally
for
the
amendment
of
the
delinquent
.
Hee
might
as
well
have
named
swearing
,
lying
,
stealing
,
murdering
,
and
all
sinnes
whatsoever
,
and
so
have
made
all
men
twice
punishable
,
and
the
Ecclesiasticall
Courts
as
full
of
businesse
as
the
Temporall
to
the
great
vexation
of
the
State
,
and
danger
of
division
,
out
of
this
false
ground
onely
that
Temporall
power
hath
not
a
competence
for
the
amendment
of
offenders
,
or
for
the
care
of
Religion
,
but
only
for
the
satisfaction
of
wronged
parties
,
and
the
expedition
of
Civill
Justice
.
This
is
a
way
to
erect
regnum
in
regno
,
and
to
maintaine
such
concurrent
jurisdictions
,
as
cannot
possibly
stand
together
,
for
all
being
subject
to
sin
and
offence
,
as
well
the
Spirituall
as
temporal
,
either
the
one
or
other
must
go
unquestioned
,
and
this
may
produce
division
,
or
else
both
;
and
that
will
cause
most
certaine
confusion
.
Both
sides
here
seem
strangely
puzled
,
the
rigidest
of
the
Episcopall
faction
allow
Princes
a
coercive
power
over
Priests
,
and
Prelats
,
where
they
performe
not
what
their
duty
is
in
their
functions
or
jurisdictions
,
and
this
power
requires
a
higher
power
of
summoning
,
arraigning
,
and
legally
trying
them
:
and
yet
the
moderatest
of
the
Presbyteriall
faction
would
have
Princes
questionable
,
tryable
and
punishable
by
the
Spiritualty
.
This
is
a
grosse
confusion
,
which
will
appeare
to
be
so
more
plainly
in
the
sequel
;
when
it
is
more
fully
cleared
,
that
to
Princes
alone
God
has
precisely
committed
utramque
tubam
,
and
utramque
tabulam
too
,
as
our
reverend
Andrews
says
.
'T
is
true
,
as
Calvin
alleadges
,
Princes
are
sons
of
the
Church
,
they
are
in
it
,
not
above
it
:
the
word
intending
the
Church
universall
,
such
as
is
both
militant
and
triumphant
;
past
,
present
,
and
future
;
for
that
hath
no
other
head
but
Christ
:
to
that
all
Princes
and
Priests
are
equally
sons
:
but
take
Church
for
such
or
such
a
Nationall
,
Locall
Church
,
and
then
the
Prince
is
head
thereof
,
under
Christ
;
and
the
Clergy
are
part
of
his
charge
,
and
under
his
protection
.
The
same
man
also
may
in
diverse
respects
be
both
father
and
son
to
the
same
man
without
confusion
of
relations
.
A
King
,
a
Bishop
may
heare
the
Word
,
and
receive
the
Sacrament
from
an
inferiour
Minister
;
a
Subject
may
be
naturall
father
to
his
Prince
,
and
in
this
respect
,
a
filiall
subjection
is
due
from
the
Superiour
,
and
so
a
King
may
referre
his
own
case
to
his
Chancellor
,
yet
this
destroyes
not
the
greater
,
higher
,
and
more
generall
superiority
in
other
things
,
at
other
times
.
And
to
me
it
seemes
that
even
in
the
exercise
of
the
Keys
,
the
Priest
officiates
under
the
Prince
,
as
the
Chancellour
does
in
matters
of
Law
,
even
when
the
Kings
own
case
lyes
in
Iudgement
before
him
,
and
when
perhaps
hee
makes
a
decree
against
his
own
Master
,
and
contrary
to
his
owne
Masters
private
advertisement
:
and
yet
the
King
is
not
properly
either
Lawyer
or
Theologue
,
though
both
are
actuated
,
and
organized
as
it
were
,
by
the
soule
like
commanding
,
over-seeing
,
and
over-ruling
of
his
more
sublime
and
divine
power
.
Herein
the
Priest
also
may
learne
a
limitation
from
the
Lawyer
,
for
though
the
Iudge
bee
bound
to
pronounce
right
Iudgement
against
his
owne
Master
,
yet
this
holds
not
in
all
cases
alike
;
because
of
his
limitted
condition
,
for
in
Criminall
cases
such
as
concerne
the
safety
of
the
Kings
own
person
,
or
the
Royall
dignity
of
his
calling
,
therein
Iudgement
must
be
utterly
mute
.
And
therefore
it
is
a
weake
argument
of
Master
Calvin
,
though
it
be
his
best
:
when
he
inferres
a
necessity
of
an
Ecclesiasticall
Iudicature
from
hence
,
because
else
the
Prince
himselfe
wanting
punishment
,
should
escape
free
:
for
the
reason
is
the
same
in
matters
of
Law
;
the
King
is
not
questionable
,
or
responsible
,
for
personall
crimes
,
and
yet
this
is
held
no
politicall
mischiefe
.
Besides
if
the
Prince
shall
not
go
unquestioned
,
or
undisciplined
by
the
Spirituall
,
yet
the
supreme
Spirituall
Magistrate
must
,
and
this
is
an
equall
,
if
not
a
greater
mischiefe
:
for
both
cannot
be
equally
lyable
to
the
judgement
of
each
other
.
Neither
is
it
to
much
purpose
that
the
example
of
Bishop
Ambrose
so
harshly
,
so
unreverendly
treating
pious
penitent
Theodosius
,
is
so
confidently
cited
always
by
either
faction
Episcopall
and
Presbyteriall
;
for
though
the
name
of
Ambrose
be
great
,
yet
I
will
crave
leave
to
speake
as
an
Advocate
against
him
in
the
name
of
the
Emperour
Theodosius
.
Reverend
Sir
,
you
take
upon
you
to
be
a
Iudge
over
me
,
and
to
condemne
me
of
a
bloudy
Massacre
committed
unjustly
at
Thessalonica
,
and
being
so
condemned
,
you
proceed
against
mee
with
your
ghostly
punishment
,
subjecting
me
to
your
Ecclesiasticall
severity
:
But
I
pray
consider
what
mischiefes
may
follow
hereupon
;
if
Emperours
may
be
punishable
by
Bishops
,
then
common
equity
requires
that
Emperors
have
the
benefit
of
a
faire
hearing
and
arraignment
,
or
else
were
their
condition
more
miserable
than
the
condition
of
the
meanest
vassals
:
for
as
Princes
actions
are
more
inscrutible
,
and
their
counsels
more
mysticall
;
so
also
their
ends
are
for
the
most
part
more
lyable
to
envy
,
and
mis-interpretation
:
It
is
not
possible
for
you
without
due
discussion
,
inquiry
,
and
examination
of
impartiall
witnesses
,
perfectly
to
understand
all
the
true
circumstances
,
reasons
,
and
grounds
of
this
my
fa●●
;
and
without
this
understanding
it
is
not
possible
for
you
to
pronounce
a
just
censure
against
me
.
It
's
necessary
then
that
some
Tribunall
be
prepared
for
you
,
and
some
Barre
for
me
,
that
upright
Sentence
may
passe
,
and
that
Iustice
may
be
done
understandingly
,
and
upon
this
it
must
needs
follow
that
I
am
your
meere
Subject
,
and
must
lay
down
my
Scepter
to
bow
my selfe
under
your
Crosier
,
till
this
difficulty
be
fully
ended
.
Admit
this
also
,
and
then
you
may
use
what
procrastination
you
please
in
this
intricate
decision
;
or
in
the
like
manner
question
mee
of
all
other
enormities
,
and
scandalous
deviations
,
which
rumor
,
envy
,
or
treason
it selfe
forges
against
me
;
and
thus
shall
I
have
no
leasure
to
judge
other
men
,
it
will
be
scarce
possible
for
me
to
acquit
my selfe
in
judgment
from
other
men
:
that
power
which
God
hath
put
into
my
hands
for
the
protection
of
so
many
Myriads
,
will
be
utterly
disabled
by
that
higher
power
which
is
put
into
your
hands
over
me
.
By
the
same
reason
also
that
I
am
to
render
an
account
to
you
in
this
place
,
I
am
to
render
the
like
to
all
your
superiours
,
equals
,
or
inferiours
in
other
jurisdictions
,
of
all
sins
whatsoever
,
whether
reall
,
or
imputable
,
Ecclesiasticall
,
or
Civil
,
so
that
no
end
is
like
to
be
of
my
tryals
,
purgations
,
or
condemnations
.
You
will
say
,
my
crime
is
sensibly
evident
;
if
I
would
deny
this
,
you
could
not
prove
it
so
;
and
if
I
would
not
confesse
this
,
you
could
not
force
me
,
for
it
was
a
politicall
thing
,
and
farre
off
acted
:
and
my
meere
confession
can
give
to
you
no
Iurisdiction
.
But
be
my
crime
as
manifest
in
it selfe
as
the
disobedience
of
Saul
was
to
Samuel
,
or
as
Davids
murther
was
to
Nathan
,
or
as
Salomons
incontinence
was
to
all
the
World
,
or
as
Manasses
his
Idolatry
:
yet
why
should
I
suffer
more
than
they
?
What
new
coercive
,
vindicative
authority
have
Priests
gained
over
Princes
by
Christs
Gospel
,
which
the
Iewish
Priests
never
used
,
claymed
,
or
heard
of
?
If
Excommunication
,
&c.
be
now
necessary
,
sure
it
was
in
use
before
Christ
;
and
then
we
should
have
heard
of
some
Kings
Excommunicated
,
&c.
by
some
Priests
;
for
if
the
Temporall
power
had
not
of
its
owne
nature
a
competent
force
and
habitude
to
restraine
all
things
repugnant
to
publique
quietnesse
,
and
honesty
,
a
Spirituall
power
was
necessary
;
and
yet
we
read
of
none
such
.
But
if
there
was
a
sufficiency
in
the
Temporall
power
,
as
is
most
manifestly
apparent
;
then
wee
cannot
imagine
that
Christ
came
to
take
away
any
of
this
authority
from
Magistrates
:
but
that
power
which
he
added
,
was
rather
an
excellency
of
grace
and
vertue
in
matters
of
Faith
,
and
illumination
.
It
cannot
be
alleadged
by
you
,
that
that
punishment
is
meerely
spirituall
,
and
so
no
politicall
evill
:
for
as
it
puts
other
men
into
the
condition
of
Publicans
,
Heathens
,
and
worse
;
so
it
further
yet
degrades
,
disables
and
oppresses
Princes
.
How
shall
he
be
honored
and
obeyed
as
the
Vicegerent
of
God
in
all
causes
,
whom
the
Layty
sees
ejected
out
of
the
Church
,
and
expelled
out
of
the
Communion
of
the
Faithfull
,
as
a
rotten
contagious
member
?
How
shall
hee
be
held
more
sacred
than
a
Priest
,
whom
the
sentence
,
interdiction
,
and
the
confounding
blow
of
a
Priests
spiritual
execration
,
shall
render
so
contemptible
,
miserable
and
abominable
in
the
eyes
of
the
world
?
Saint
Paul
being
accused
in
matters
of
Doctrine
,
made
his
appeale
to
a
wicked
Heathen
Emperor
;
and
yet
now
a
Christian
godly
Emperor
being
accused
by
any
Church-man
,
no
appeale
is
allowed
,
though
in
meere
civill
accusations
.
S.
Peters
Keyes
did
either
induce
some
new
power
not
before
known
unto
the
world
,
or
not
;
if
it
did
,
then
our
Saviours
Gospell
came
into
the
world
to
the
detriment
of
civill
government
,
which
is
contrary
to
Religion
,
and
all
reason
:
and
if
no
new
addition
of
power
were
imported
,
then
Tiberius
himselfe
,
though
a
Heathen
,
and
Tyrant
,
remained
as
absolute
as
before
;
and
yet
in
his
time
there
was
more
necessity
of
an
Ecclesiasticall
judicature
,
than
is
now
.
But
you
will
say
,
if
Princes
be
not
subject
to
some
chastisement
,
then
some
scandals
must
passe
unremediable
.
Not
so
,
for
here
God
is
the
revenger
,
and
strikes
often
,
as
he
did
Vzziah
;
but
if
not
,
yet
either
the
Temporall
or
Spirituall
Governour
must
passe
unchastiz'd
,
which
is
all
one
;
for
two
Supreames
cannot
be
,
nor
no
entire
Government
without
some
supremacy
,
nor
no
supremacy
without
immunity
,
and
exemption
from
judgement
.
The
perpetuall
conflicts
and
contestations
betweene
Princes
and
Prelats
,
which
are
likely
to
ensue
,
will
soone
cleere
this
;
that
either
Princes
must
at
last
submit
to
the
tribunals
of
Church-men
,
and
raigne
at
their
discretion
;
or
else
Church-men
must
submit
to
them
:
For
both
Tribunals
cannot
stand
compatible
.
For
my
part
,
I
excuse
so
grave
a
Father
as
you
are
,
of
ambition
herein
;
and
therfore
I
am
the
lesse
cautious
in
summiting
my selfe
at
this
time
:
but
I
conceive
this
Doctrine
may
bee
the
ground
of
dangerous
consequences
to
others
,
and
therefore
I
desire
it
may
not
from
mee
passe
into
a
president
for
the
time
to
come
.
Let
not
proud
Prelates
from
this
my
voluntary
humiliation
,
arrogate
to
themselves
as
if
it
had
been
due
;
or
derogate
thereby
from
the
more
sacred
order
of
Princes
:
neither
let
Princes
from
this
particular
learne
to
yeeld
to
any
Spirituall
Monarchy
whatsoever
.
My
beliefe
is
,
that
the
Prince
is
the
Head
,
the
Fountaine
,
the
Soule
of
all
power
whatsoever
,
Spirituall
,
or
Temporall
;
wherein
he
ought
not
to
indure
at
all
any
kind
of
rivality
of
Ecclesiasticall
persons
,
nor
can
admit
of
any
diminution
in
any
part
of
his
Iurisdiction
,
without
offence
to
God
,
dammage
to
his
charge
,
and
danger
to
himselfe
.
So
much
for
Theodosius
,
and
so
much
for
that
Iurisdiction
,
which
is
due
to
Prelats
:
I
should
now
speake
of
the
exercise
thereof
,
as
it
is
granted
by
the
favour
of
Princes
,
but
this
is
a
very
tender
point
.
It
seemes
to
some
,
that
Princes
ought
not
to
incumber
men
in
Sacred
Orders
,
in
any
kind
of
judicature
which
is
not
purely
spirituall
;
nor
that
Prelates
can
accept
of
any
Temporall
imployment
whatsoever
,
without
dishonour
to
their
Orders
,
and
neglect
to
their
cure
of
Soules
:
and
yet
now
none
so
greedy
of
such
imployment
.
A
sacred
place
may
not
be
put
to
secular
uses
,
that
's
prophane
:
but
a
sacred
person
may
,
that
's
honorable
.
A
Bishoprick
now
adayes
is
but
a
Writ
of
ease
,
to
dismisse
from
Preaching
,
and
attending
Gods
service
;
whereby
the
man
is
preferred
from
the
Church
to
the
Court
,
from
the
Altar
to
some
Tribunall
,
from
Gods
Spirituall
to
the
Kings
Temporall
affaires
.
In
the
High
Commission
,
at
the
Councell
Table
,
in
the
Star-Chamber
,
and
the
Chequer
,
Church-men
are
now
more
active
than
in
their
own
Consistories
,
and
yet
their
ambition
further
aimes
(
as
't
is
said
)
to
the
Chancery
,
Court
of
Requests
,
&c.
which
could
not
chuse
but
redound
to
the
scandall
of
Religion
,
the
obstruction
of
Iustice
,
and
vexation
of
the
Subject
:
if
there
were
not
learned
and
skilful
men
enough
in
Policy
and
Law
to
serve
the
King
,
unlesse
Divinity
were
deprived
of
some
of
her
followers
,
there
were
some
seeming
umbrage
why
the
King
might
borrow
of
God
;
as
in
the
shady
times
of
Popery
it
was
usuall
:
when
all
learning
was
as
it
were
ingrossed
by
the
Clergy
,
and
purloyned
from
the
Layty
:
but
when
the
clouds
of
universall
Ignorance
are
now
dispelled
as
well
from
the
Layty
as
Clergy
;
now
the
Clergy
are
not
so
necessary
in
temporall
affaires
,
unlesse
we
judge
it
fit
that
Gods
more
Holy
Offices
should
be
neglected
,
for
this
purpose
only
,
that
the
Kings
meaner
businesse
may
be
worse
administred
.
The
functions
of
Divines
are
too
sacred
for
any
secular
person
to
officiate
,
and
therefore
it
should
seeme
,
their
persons
also
ought
to
be
too
sacred
for
secular
functions
;
for
it
seemes
prepostrous
,
that
it
should
be
thought
an
honour
to
Priests
to
relinquish
spirituall
,
and
adhere
to
temporall
imployments
.
Nic.
Machiavell
did
observe
that
Christian
Religion
had
long
since
falne
to
the
ground
,
had
not
the
regular
strictnesse
of
poore
inferiour
Priests
and
Pryers
held
,
and
propped
up
the
reputation
of
it
in
the
world
,
as
much
as
the
Pride
and
Luxury
of
the
great
Cardinals
,
and
Princelike
Bishops
,
did
strive
to
sinke
and
demolish
it
.
The
same
observation
holds
true
amongst
us
Protestants
at
this
day
,
for
the
more
our
Prelats
enjoy
,
the
more
still
they
seeke
;
and
all
our
three
Kingdomes
are
growne
so
sick
of
their
Pride
,
Injustice
,
and
Pragmaticall
faction
,
that
scarce
any
remedy
but
bloud-letting
can
cure
them
.
Wee
finde
in
Scripture
the
most
High
and
Holy
Offices
of
Religion
performed
by
Princes
,
even
amongst
,
and
above
the
greatest
of
Priests
;
but
wee
scarce
finde
any
instance
at
all
where
Priests
intermedled
with
any
State
affaires
,
either
above
,
or
under
Princes
:
and
yet
with
us
now
the
imploying
and
entrusting
of
Clergy-men
in
Temporall
businesses
,
is
held
as
politique
as
it
was
in
times
of
Popery
:
although
no
time
could
ever
justly
boast
of
that
use
.
But
to
passe
over
Temporall
businesses
,
how
violent
have
our
Bishops
beene
in
their
own
Canons
about
Ceremonies
,
and
indifferencies
?
and
what
disturbance
hath
that
violence
produced
?
They
strive
as
for
the
beauty
and
glory
of
Religion
,
to
bring
in
the
same
formes
of
Liturgy
,
the
same
posture
of
the
Communion-Table
,
the
same
gesture
at
the
Communion
,
&c.
in
all
our
three
Dominions
;
as
if
uniformity
were
always
beautifull
:
and
yet
we
see
,
all
men
are
created
with
severall
faces
,
voyces
,
and
complexions
,
without
any
deformity
to
the
universe
.
'T
is
not
externall
variety
,
but
internall
dissention
,
which
spoyles
the
harmony
of
Religion
;
and
dissention
is
more
nourished
by
the
harshnesse
of
Pastors
over
their
flocks
,
especially
over
the
weake
ones
in
scruples
,
than
by
permitting
various
Rites
and
Formes
in
the
externall
worship
of
God
.
Certainly
,
liberty
and
variety
in
indifferences
,
and
Ceremonies
is
more
favour'd
in
Scripture
,
than
any
universall
similitude
,
or
rigorous
force
whatsoever
,
over
the
perplexed
,
anxious
consciences
of
weake
men
.
We
see
in
Scotland
,
where
there
is
no
Ceremonies
,
they
enjoy
that
uniformity
without
contention
,
which
we
ayme
at
only
,
and
seeke
to
purchase
with
infinite
debate
,
and
persecution
;
and
under
their
peace
and
unity
,
the
Protestant
Religion
thrives
,
and
Romish
Superstition
utterly
ceases
:
whereas
under
our
strife
and
disagreement
,
Religion
and
true
Devotion
is
over-run
,
and
overgrown
,
like
Corne
choaked
with
weeds
.
Nay
,
it
is
thought
that
if
our
Bishops
had
been
more
gentle-handed
all
this
while
towards
such
as
dis-relish't
Ceremonies
for
Poperies
sake
,
and
had
rather
pitied
them
as
men
of
tender
consciences
,
than
persecuted
and
defamed
them
,
as
seditious
Puritans
,
these
differences
had
not
lasted
so
long
:
for
when
the
Reformation
was
not
yet
fully
perfected
,
the
Puritans
of
those
dayes
were
more
fiery
than
now
;
but
not
being
so
odious
in
the
Church
,
lesse
combustion
followed
thereupon
:
whereas
now
they
are
so
unmercifully
treated
,
that
no
moderate
complyance
can
serve
the
turne
.
There
seemes
now
little
remaining
of
Puritanisme
,
but
the
breathlesse
carkasse
of
it
,
and
yet
till
that
too
be
interred
and
consumed
,
no
truce
can
be
admitted
.
The
very
sufferings
of
Puritans
now
are
sufficient
guilt
,
and
imputed
as
the
effects
of
their
owne
malice
,
their
punishment
is
argument
enough
for
the
desert
of
their
punishment
;
the
more
they
have
borne
,
the
more
they
must
now
beare
;
and
the
more
they
now
beare
,
the
more
they
shall
hereafter
.
Fury
is
one
of
the
maine
things
objected
to
Puritans
;
but
in
truth
,
the
World
has
not
any
thing
more
furious
than
such
as
most
pretend
against
them
.
Hence
it
is
,
that
the
hatred
of
Puritans
flowes
and
descends
from
the
Highest
of
the
Clergy
to
the
lowest
:
and
young
Students
in
the
Vniversity
know
it
now
their
wisest
course
to
Study
the
defamation
of
Puritans
,
as
the
first
and
most
necessary
point
of
their
Learning
and
qualification
,
and
as
their
surest
path
to
promotion
.
And
to
make
their
detestation
sure
,
and
themselves
irreconciliable
,
they
must
ingage
themselves
by
some
notable
service
of
novelty
,
quarrelling
with
some
point
of
Protestantisme
,
or
refining
some
point
of
Popery
;
they
must
taxe
Protestants
as
some
wayes
injurious
to
Princes
,
or
extoll
Papists
as
zealous
observers
of
Antiquity
.
It
must
be
maintained
that
royalty
cannot
stand
without
the
prop
of
Episcopacy
,
though
it
never
yet
found
greater
enemy
;
and
that
Puritanisme
only
hinders
the
stretching
of
our
Religion
,
or
else
Papists
and
we
should
soon
agree
.
Those
of
vulgar
wits
which
serve
not
for
such
straines
,
that
they
may
bee
redeemed
from
suspicion
of
Puritanisme
,
must
do
something
factiously
,
or
be
vitious
,
or
else
their
hopes
of
preferment
are
almost
desperate
.
Charity
to
Papists
,
conformity
to
Ancient
Fathers
,
and
decent
uniformity
amongst
our selves
,
are
the
specious
colours
wherewith
they
dresse
and
deck
all
their
pretences
;
for
want
of
Sectaries
living
in
these
dayes
,
they
racke
out
of
their
tombes
Hacket
,
Copinger
,
Brown
,
&c.
to
upbraid
us
,
for
want
of
opposites
enow
here
in
England
,
they
calumniate
the
Scots
to
our
dishonor
;
for
want
of
true
imputations
,
they
forge
any
crimes
how
monstrous
soever
,
and
their
most
sure
one
is
,
that
which
is
most
undiscernible
,
hypocrisie
.
Neverthelesse
it
must
be
believed
that
the
Antipuritan
disparages
not
our
Ancestors
in
the
Reformation
,
but
for
love
of
Antiquity
;
nor
teares
in
sunder
the
bonds
of
Religion
Nature
,
Policy
betwixt
two
the
most
close-united
Nations
of
the
World
,
but
out
of
love
to
unite
:
nor
fils
whole
Kingdomes
with
bloud
,
but
out
of
love
to
Order
.
Such
was
sure
Diogenes
his
humility
,
trampling
upon
Plato's
Couches
;
such
was
Nero's
uniformity
,
setting
on
fire
the
streets
of
Rome
;
such
was
Procrustes
his
symmetry
,
cutting
his
guests
according
to
his
beds
.
And
therefore
it
s
thought
Puritans
are
not
so
much
hated
for
their
opposition
to
Ceremonies
,
as
Ceremonies
are
multiplied
,
and
inforced
for
suppression
of
all
zealous
Christians
,
under
the
umbrage
of
Puritans
:
and
that
for
the
same
purpose
the
enemies
of
Piety
have
blown
those
coales
which
they
might
have
quenched
.
Hooker
that
sweet
and
noble
Antagonist
of
Ecclesiasticall
Puritans
says
much
in
defence
of
the
Churches
authority
in
imposing
of
Ceremonies
,
but
he
says
nothing
in
defence
of
the
Churches
Charity
in
imposing
many
,
and
displeasing
Ceremonies
.
So
S.
Paul
might
have
justified
himselfe
,
as
fitter
to
be
subscribed
unto
and
complyed
withall
then
his
scrupulous
brother
,
and
he
might
have
justified
his
case
concerning
eating
of
such
and
such
meates
:
but
S.
Paul
in
wisdome
,
and
Charity
,
would
doe
neither
.
S.
Paul
made
not
his
strength
an
Argument
to
make
his
brother
yeeld
who
was
weake
,
but
he
made
his
brothers
weaknesse
an
Argument
whereby
to
prevaile
and
win
upon
him
being
strong
.
And
why
then
does
our
Mother
the
Church
maintaine
her
authority
against
her
own
scrupulous
and
tender-minded
infants
?
If
in
Iustice
and
rigor
they
ought
to
obey
her
,
and
conforme
to
her
wise
commands
;
does
it
therefore
follow
that
in
Wisdome
and
Charity
she
ought
not
to
pity
,
and
preferre
their
foolish
,
groundlesse
doubts
and
jealousies
?
Is
it
honorable
for
the
Nurce
to
contest
about
authority
with
a
forward
Childe
,
when
by
indulgence
she
may
better
still
it
?
If
Ceremonies
bee
but
things
indifferent
,
they
are
not
so
valuable
,
as
peace
,
for
that
is
necessary
.
Admit
fit
and
decent
Ceremonies
to
bee
the
outworkes
of
Religion
,
the
better
to
secure
it
from
contempt
,
and
prophanation
:
Yet
let
not
the
outworks
be
too
vast
,
least
they
take
up
more
admiration
,
than
they
repulse
disregard
.
Neither
let
us
suppose
that
all
times
are
alike
liable
to
prophanenesse
.
Before
Moses
,
Religion
was
very
naked
and
simple
in
her
Ceremonies
,
and
yet
we
must
not
thinke
that
God
did
then
make
ill
provision
,
or
was
carelesse
of
the
government
of
his
Church
;
but
under
the
Law
,
Ceremonies
were
strangely
multiplyed
to
the
Iews
,
and
that
by
Gods
owne
appoyntment
;
and
yet
in
those
times
,
I
cannot
thinke
that
any
Discipline
could
bee
invented
more
honorable
for
Religion
.
I
shall
desire
therefore
to
walke
between
two
extremes
,
neither
wholy
condemning
all
Ceremonies
as
superstitious
,
nor
embracing
many
as
necessary
,
besides
the
Ceremonious
use
of
water
in
Baptisme
,
and
of
Bread
and
Wine
in
the
Eucharist
;
the
Gospell
recommends
no
externall
rites
,
but
such
as
the
generall
rules
of
decency
inclose
,
to
our
observation
:
but
it
seemes
utterly
to
discountenance
all
Iewish
,
carnall
ordinances
;
yet
certainly
if
multiplicity
of
pompous
ceremonies
had
been
very
usefull
where
knowledge
abounds
,
and
to
be
look't
upon
as
the
outworks
of
Religion
,
the
Gospell
would
not
have
been
so
silent
as
it
is
concerning
them
.
Were
we
now
to
plant
a
Church
in
the
West-Indies
,
amongst
rude
Salvages
,
perhaps
the
externall
splendour
of
our
worship
might
bee
as
convenient
as
it
was
amongst
the
Iews
to
attract
Proselytes
:
Or
had
we
now
such
a
dreadfull
presence
of
God
residing
amongst
us
,
as
the
Iews
had
in
their
Oracle
,
perhaps
Musick
Vocall
,
and
Instrumentall
,
and
Statelinesse
of
attire
,
and
fearefulnesse
in
our
Gestures
,
and
Postures
would
beseeme
us
in
our
solemn
addresses
and
Festivall
celebrations
:
but
the
difference
betwixt
these
times
and
those
,
and
these
Christian
Countreys
,
and
those
that
are
Barbarous
is
very
great
.
What
manner
of
Divine
Service
the
French
Protestants
and
the
Scots
use
,
and
some
other
Nations
I
cannot
tell
,
but
I
hope
it
is
not
so
nasty
,
and
slovenly
as
some
of
our
Formalists
would
make
us
believe
:
for
it
seemes
not
impossible
to
me
,
but
that
in
times
of
so
much
Light
,
as
these
are
,
God
may
be
very
honourably
and
zealously
served
without
many
Stately
Ceremonies
.
The
Bishop
of
Downe
makes
a
very
sharpe
speech
to
the
Puritans
in
Ireland
,
as
being
very
disobedient
,
and
animated
therein
by
the
Scotish
Covenanters
;
but
his
chiefest
eloquence
is
uttered
against
his
own
Countreymen
the
Scots
,
whom
bee
paints
forth
,
as
the
chiefest
Traytors
,
Perjured
Rebels
,
Heretiques
and
Hypocrites
in
the
World
:
nay
,
he
denounceth
them
worse
than
Anabatists
,
and
such
as
have
more
than
justified
the
Powder-Traytors
,
and
all
the
rebellious
practises
of
the
Iesuites
.
Afterwards
hee
addes
also
,
That
Puritanisme
is
not
the
Nationall
sin
of
Scotland
only
,
but
that
they
of
the
same
faction
in
England
had
been
as
deep
in
the
same
condemnation
,
had
they
had
so
much
power
.
See
here
the
lively
portraiture
of
an
Antipuritane
,
see
a
true
B●ner
revived
againe
,
but
in
Protestant
habit
;
and
for
ought
I
see
,
here
are
none
exempted
from
this
black
venomous
censure
in
all
the
Kings
Dominions
,
but
those
of
the
Popish
and
Episcopall
Faction
.
It
's
not
to
bee
wondred
at
that
the
King
thinkes
ill
of
his
subjects
,
or
that
Burton
or
Prin
suffered
worse
than
Traytors
merits
.
It
s
rather
to
be
wondred
at
,
that
our
streets
do
not
runne
with
bloud
dayly
,
since
this
is
the
Gospell
our
Reverend
Fathers
of
the
Church
preach
.
This
Speech
was
thought
worthy
to
bee
dispersed
in
Print
over
all
our
Kingdomes
in
English
;
but
since
,
because
it
redounds
so
much
to
the
honour
of
the
three
Nations
,
and
the
repute
of
Protestant
Religion
,
it
s
Translated
into
Latine
,
and
Coppies
are
Printed
for
all
Christendome
to
take
notice
of
.
In
this
Speech
it
s
urged
,
that
Puritans
,
who
began
about
80
yeares
since
,
have
proceeded
from
bad
to
worse
by
sixe
degrees
;
first
they
did
dislike
,
then
contemne
Bishops
;
then
they
did
disobey
their
Jurisdiction
;
then
separate
themselves
;
then
they
fell
into
the
Heresie
of
holding
no
difference
between
Bishop
and
Presbyter
:
lastly
,
they
rebelled
,
and
grew
more
immoderate
than
Anabaptists
:
And
here
S.
Cyprian
is
alledged
,
who
says
,
that
the
contempt
of
Bishops
is
the
beginning
and
ground
of
all
Heresies
and
Schismes
.
Here
we
see
what
Puritans
are
,
the
most
cursed
Miscreants
on
earth
;
next
we
see
who
Puritans
are
,
all
such
as
hold
not
with
Episcopacy
:
that
is
in
probability
halfe
Ireland
,
more
than
halfe
England
,
all
Scotland
,
and
many
other
Protestant
Countryes
.
King
James
did
put
a
difference
betwixt
such
as
dis●relisht
Bishops
,
and
Ceremonies
meerly
,
and
such
as
under
that
pretext
fraudulently
sought
to
perturbe
the
State
,
and
make
a
factious
separation
.
But
here
the
difference
of
all
Puritans
is
graduall
only
,
not
substantiall
:
for
dislike
of
Bishops
is
the
beginning
of
all
Heresie
,
and
must
needs
end
in
Anabaptisme
and
rebellion
.
How
plainly
d●es
it
here
appeare
,
that
Episcopacy
is
the
true
Helena
of
all
this
war
;
and
yet
S.
Cyprian
is
to
bee
understood
of
the
Pastorall
function
,
not
of
the
Ecclesiasticall
Iurisdiction
of
a
Bishop
,
or
else
in
his
sense
the
Genevans
,
and
the
greatest
part
of
Protestants
are
Heretiques
,
and
King
James
made
a
frivolous
distinction
.
Such
stuffe
as
this
had
not
mis-beseemed
a
Papist
,
but
it
s
very
odde
in
a
Protestant
Bishop
;
except
we
consider
him
,
as
one
who
hath
lookt
back
towards
the
Onions
and
Flesh-pots
of
Egypt
,
and
is
inamored
againe
upon
those
glorious
Titles
and
Ensignes
of
Honour
and
Pompe
,
which
Rome
confers
upon
her
Courtiers
.
But
to
conclude
this
point
,
I
wish
Princes
would
not
allow
such
Bishops
to
be
carvers
to
themselves
,
and
make
them
Iudges
in
cases
of
their
owne
interesse
:
they
are
surely
good
spectacles
for
Princes
in
Theologicall
deliberations
,
as
Temporall
Counsellors
are
in
State
affaires
;
but
miserable
are
those
Princes
whose
eyes
cannot
see
without
such
spectacles
.
If
Religion
did
not
prosper
worse
,
if
peace
were
not
more
violated
,
if
persecution
were
not
more
common
in
Countreys
where
Bishops
governe
,
than
where
they
are
expelled
,
we
might
suspect
the
Scots
as
Hereticall
and
rebellious
by
nature
;
for
chusing
all
the
plagues
of
war
rather
than
Bishops
:
but
when
we
see
the
contrary
,
we
may
as
well
listen
to
the
Scots
against
Bishops
,
as
to
Bishops
against
the
Scots
.
So
much
of
the
Ecclesiasticall
Puritan
,
next
after
whom
sprung
up
the
Puritane
in
Religion
,
of
whom
I
shall
speake
very
briefly
.
There
are
many
men
amongst
us
now
,
which
brooke
Bishops
and
Ceremonies
well
enough
;
and
perhaps
favourably
interpret
our
late
innovations
:
and
yet
these
may
bee
too
grave
to
escape
the
name
of
Puritans
.
To
be
a
Protestant
may
be
allowed
,
but
to
dispute
against
Papists
,
smels
of
precisenesse
:
to
hold
the
Pope
fallible
is
tollerated
,
but
to
hold
him
Antichrist
,
is
abominable
Puritanisme
:
to
go
to
Church
is
fashionable
,
but
to
complaine
of
the
Masse
,
or
to
be
grieved
at
the
publique
countenance
of
Popery
,
whereby
it
intwines
our
Religion
,
and
now
drinkes
up
that
Sap
which
is
scarce
afforded
to
Protestantisme
,
or
at
all
to
take
notice
how
farre
some
of
our
Divines
are
hereat
conniving
▪
if
not
cooperating
,
is
a
symptome
of
a
deepe
infected
Puritan
.
He
that
is
not
moderate
in
Religion
,
is
a
Puritan
,
and
he
that
is
not
a
Cassandrian
,
or
of
Father
Francis
Synclers
faith
,
is
not
moderate
:
he
favours
too
much
of
Calvins
grosse
learning
,
exploded
now
by
our
finest
wits
.
Sir
Robert
Cotton
professes
,
that
he
stands
much
amazed
to
behold
the
magnificence
of
Churches
built
by
our
Ancestors
,
we
their
Successors
being
scarce
able
to
keep
up
the
same
:
but
that
hee
is
farther
beside
himselfe
with
exceeding
marvaile
,
when
he
casts
his
eyes
back
upon
the
excellent
ground-worke
of
Religion
laid
by
our
Fathers
in
the
Reformation
,
and
yet
sees
the
same
so
ill
built
upon
,
and
so
negligently
seconded
by
us
their
children
:
But
this
(
he
says
)
is
not
to
be
attributed
to
the
hanging
up
of
Pius
5.
his
Bull
upon
the
Bishop
of
Londons
gate
,
or
to
that
favour
which
has
been
shewd
to
Priests
,
but
it
is
the
idlenes
,
and
insufficiency
of
many
of
our
own
teachers
,
conspiring
with
the
peoples
cold
zeale
,
that
has
wrought
this
apostacy
.
The
Name
of
Recusant
was
scarce
known
till
the
II.
of
Queen
Eliz.
the
Marian
persequution
,
being
yet
fresh
in
memory
,
and
great
zeale
being
begotten
thereby
,
and
the
finger-worke
of
God
being
so
apparent
in
the
suddaine
alteration
of
Religion
.
Then
did
the
Layty
and
Clergy
with
holy
emulation
,
strive
who
should
shew
themselves
most
affectionate
to
the
Gospell
:
then
were
our
Ministers
as
frequent
in
great
mens
houses
,
and
as
active
as
Jesuites
now
are
:
then
were
Praying
and
Preaching
both
equally
pretious
to
great
and
small
.
The
name
of
Papist
smelt
then
ranke
even
to
themselves
,
all
sorts
resorting
dayly
to
Church
,
to
avoyd
the
shame
thereof
,
untill
Arch-bishop
Grindals
disgrace
,
and
Hatfields
hard
conceit
of
Prophecies
,
brought
the
flowing
of
these
good
graces
to
a
still
water
:
But
when
Sanders
the
Coripbeus
of
Catholicks
had
slily
pinned
the
Name
of
Puritans
upon
all
such
as
were
most
forward
in
encouraging
,
and
couragious
in
opposing
Catholiques
,
and
when
he
perceived
that
the
word
was
pleasing
to
some
ill
affected
of
our
own
side
;
He
quickly
heated
some
of
us
beyond
the
temper
of
discretion
.
And
now
with
the
crosse
tumults
of
both
factions
in
extreme
choler
vented
in
Pulpits
,
and
Pamphlets
,
most
men
grew
to
be
frozen
in
zeale
,
and
so
benummed
,
that
whosever
(
as
the
worthy
L.
Keep.
Bacon
observed
)
in
those
days
pretended
a
little
sparke
of
earnestnesse
,
seemed
red-fire-hot
in
respect
of
others
.
Thus
it
betided
Protestants
,
as
those
which
fare
the
worse
for
ill
neighbours
,
for
whilst
they
curbe
Papists
,
or
reproove
idle
drones
,
they
are
incontinently
branded
with
the
ignominious
name
of
Precisians
.
See
here
Sir
Robert
Cottons
Iudgement
,
as
touching
the
occasion
and
originall
of
our
Religious
Puritans
:
and
see
also
his
censure
of
the
State
,
as
touching
the
same
:
For
where
hee
taxes
the
indiscreete
zeale
of
those
who
were
so
violently
incensed
at
Sanders
his
nickname
,
so
maliciously
and
subtilly
fastened
upon
them
there
in
his
Margin
,
his
Note
is
this
;
If
these
mens
zeale
had
beene
imployed
otherwise
,
and
a
taske
set
them
to
do
some
good
,
they
might
have
been
reformed
,
or
made
harmelesse
by
diversion
.
But
I
passe
from
this
kind
of
Puritan
to
another
,
whom
I
shall
call
my
Political
Puritan
;
for
the
bounds
of
Puritanisme
are
yet
larger
,
and
inclose
men
of
other
conditions
.
Some
there
are
yet
which
perhaps
disfavour
not
at
all
either
Ecclesiasticall
Policy
,
or
moderate
Papists
;
and
yet
neverthelesse
this
is
not
sufficient
to
acquit
them
from
the
name
of
Puritans
,
if
they
ascribe
any
thing
to
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
this
Realme
,
or
hold
the
Prerogative
Royall
to
be
limitable
by
any
Law
whatsoever
.
If
they
hold
not
against
Parliaments
and
with
Ship-money
,
they
are
injurious
to
Kings
;
and
to
be
injurious
to
Kings
,
is
proprium
quarto
modo
to
a
Puritane
.
Our
present
civill
,
nay
more
than
civill
warre
with
Scotland
,
and
all
the
mischiefes
thereon
attending
,
the
disaffection
between
the
King
and
his
Subjects
,
and
all
the
mischiefes
thereon
attending
the
discontinuance
of
Parliaments
,
the
proper
remedies
of
all
State-maladies
,
and
universall
grievances
,
which
is
a
mischiefe
whereby
all
mischiefes
become
incurable
,
all
are
caused
by
the
abusive
mistake
,
and
injurious
mis-application
of
this
word
Puritan
.
The
Scots
are
Puritans
,
and
therefore
enemies
to
Monarchy
,
the
English
are
Puritans
,
and
therefore
haters
of
Royall
prerogative
,
both
the
Nations
have
been
hitherto
famous
for
their
devout
reverence
,
and
obsequious
zeale
to
their
Princes
;
but
now
Puritanisme
has
infected
them
,
and
perverted
them
to
disloyalty
.
Thus
is
the
Kings
heart
alienated
from
his
Subjects
,
and
by
consequence
,
the
Subjects
loyalty
blunted
towards
him
,
to
the
incomparable
,
almost
irreparable
detriment
of
both
:
neither
is
this
disaccord
b●tween
the
King
and
his
best
Subjects
,
more
fatall
and
pernic●ous
to
the
Common-wealth
,
then
his
accord
with
the
Recusant
faction
.
Papists
have
now
gotten
the
repute
of
the
best
Subjects
,
and
fittest
for
trust
in
places
of
eminent
service
;
nay
't
is
almost
necessary
that
forraine
Papists
be
brought
in
for
the
supporting
of
the
indangered
Royalty
:
for
though
the
Popish
faction
at
Court
be
strong
and
active
enough
for
matter
of
Counsell
,
yet
for
matter
of
force
,
the
Puritans
in
City
and
Countrey
be
too
predominant
.
The
Bishop
of
Downe
in
his
visitation
speech
layes
all
the
calamities
of
Church
and
Common-wealth
upon
Non-conformists
,
and
for
proofe
thereof
instances
in
the
Covenanters
,
whom
he
charges
of
rebellion
,
charging
withall
that
rebellion
upon
Puritanisme
.
The
first
thing
(
says
he
)
that
made
me
out
of
love
with
that
Religion
,
was
their
injurious
dealing
with
Kings
,
which
I
observed
both
in
their
Practice
and
Doctrine
.
Hee
taxes
first
their
Doctrine
,
because
they
deny
the
Kings
supremacy
in
causes
Ecclesiasticall
,
and
allow
Subjects
to
resist
,
nay
and
depose
their
King
,
if
he
be
a
Tyrant
Surely
Ahab
could
say
little
for
himselfe
,
if
he
could
not
lay
his
owne
crimes
upon
Elijah
;
but
see
here
by
what
art
of
confusion
all
Scots
are
called
Puritans
,
and
all
Puritans
rebels
.
King
James
spoke
not
so
confusedly
as
if
Puritanisme
were
a
Religion
;
and
all
that
disliked
Bishops
and
Ceremonies
were
of
that
Religion
;
and
all
of
that
Religion
were
enemies
to
Kings
.
If
a
Bishop
needed
any
proofe
,
it
his
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
were
not
unquestionable
,
I
would
desire
him
to
prove
all
Covenanters
Puritans
;
denyers
of
the
Kings
supremacy
:
or
to
instance
in
any
Kings
which
have
been
deposed
or
murthred
by
Presbyteriall
authority
.
How
far
Bishops
have
incroached
upon
Kings
,
is
knowne
to
all
the
world
:
our
Protestant
Bishops
lately
have
by
Oath
and
Canon
,
combined
together
to
bind
the
Kings
hands
,
though
hee
bee
Supreme
,
that
hee
shall
not
governe
our
Church
but
by
Arch-bishops
,
Bishops
,
Arch-deacons
,
&c.
And
yet
these
troublers
of
Israel
have
the
face
to
taxe
Elijah
of
their
own
sinne
.
Presbytery
indeed
has
heretofore
passed
her
bounds
,
yet
not
of
late
,
but
Episcopacy
has
ever
from
Constantine
claimed
an
independance
of
Divine
right
,
till
this
instant
.
I
conceive
there
are
not
in
all
the
Kings
Dominions
,
three
men
,
except
Papists
and
Anabaptists
,
which
hold
it
lawfull
to
depose
,
or
by
any
force
to
violate
the
persons
of
Kings
,
how
ill
soever
.
The
Scotch
Divines
indeed
maintaine
that
a
great
body
of
men
may
defend
themselvs
against
the
unjust
sword
of
misled
Kings
,
because
they
cannot
fly
,
or
otherwise
save
themselves
;
and
this
they
take
now
to
be
their
own
case
;
whereas
our
Court
Divines
in
England
hold
,
that
in
such
case
,
we
ought
all
to
yeeld
our
throats
without
defence
.
This
seemes
unnaturall
,
and
truth
was
never
unnaturall
,
but
I
forbeare
to
dispute
a
point
so
horrid
to
mans
imagination
.
The
Bishop
next
instances
in
the
rebellious
practices
of
Puritans
,
&
reckons
up
some
Fasts
in
Scotland
appointed
by
the
Presbytery
,
without
King
Iames
his
privity
,
and
some
other
seditious
Sermons
,
and
actions
whereby
he
was
much
annoyed
.
But
what
?
Did
not
King
James
know
his
owne
enemies
,
or
how
to
blame
them
?
Did
hee
condemne
all
Scots
alike
,
or
all
Bishop
haters
alike
,
or
joyne
the
English
in
like
condemnation
?
We
know
well
enough
,
that
King
James
called
rebellious
precisians
Pu●itans
,
but
he
never
called
all
Puritans
rebellious
precisians
;
He
never
used
those
termes
as
conve●tible
,
but
declared
his
contrary
meaning
by
a
manifest
difference
taken
between
them
.
But
the
Bishops
maine
●nstance
is
in
the
present
Scotch
insurrection
;
this
he
cals
a
rebellion
of
Puritans
,
and
far
greater
than
the
Powder-treason
:
For
(
says
he
)
that
plot
was
but
the
act
of
a
few
discontented
Gentlemen
,
but
in
this
rebellion
of
the
Puritans
they
have
ingaged
a
great
part
of
the
Kingdome
,
so
that
this
may
be
said
to
be
the
common
sin
of
that
Sect.
What
could
have
beene
raked
out
of
Hell
more
slanderous
to
our
Religion
,
more
Apologeticall
for
Popery
?
The
Powder-Traytors
are
here
preferred
before
the
whole
sect
of
Puritans
:
The
sin
of
the
Powder-Traytors
was
,
that
they
being
but
an
inconsiderable
party
,
sought
the
destruction
of
their
King
and
his
issue
,
and
the
flower
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
Commonalty
,
and
the
extirpation
of
the
true
Religion
,
by
a
most
diabolical
bloudy
practice
and
conspiracy
.
And
it
ought
not
to
be
charged
upon
the
meere
actors
,
as
a
symptome
of
discontent
,
onely
wee
know
how
far
the
Romish
Religion
it selfe
favours
and
gives
ground
to
such
damned
feats
,
and
how
far
it
has
owned
some
having
proved
prosperous
,
and
justified
the
doing
thereof
in
nature
as
impious
,
though
perhaps
in
degree
not
so
hainous
as
this
.
For
take
this
as
it
was
conspired
,
and
questionlesse
,
since
the
crucifying
of
Iesus
Christ
,
the
Light
never
discovered
any
treason
more
ugly
and
horrible
.
Now
to
out-match
this
deed
of
darknesse
,
the
Scotch
Nation
by
a
strange
general
unanimity
have
armed
themselves
to
oppose
the
ill
government
of
Bishops
,
and
other
alterations
in
the
service
of
God
,
and
the
administration
of
Iustice
,
and
being
invaded
therefore
by
another
Nation
,
have
used
force
to
defend
their
lives
;
and
seeing
that
defence
not
safe
in
their
owne
Countrey
,
they
have
since
pursued
it
further
by
way
of
prevention
in
the
Country
of
their
Invaders
.
That
is
the
greatest
act
of
Rebellion
whereby
the
common
Peace
and
safety
of
a
Kingdome
is
most
disturbed
and
impeached
;
but
by
the
common
act
of
a
whole
Kingdome
,
that
mischiefe
cannot
be
effected
:
therefore
the
Bishop
failes
in
his
politiques
when
he
thinkes
that
the
Major
part
disturbing
the
Minor
,
is
more
trayterous
,
than
the
contrary
.
The
unanimous
act
of
a
whole
Kingdome
ought
to
bee
presumed
to
bee
lesse
injurious
,
and
more
wise
than
the
act
of
any
small
inconsiderable
party
,
for
it
hath
scarce
ever
been
seen
that
a
whole
Kingdome
,
or
the
majority
thereof
hath
ever
been
treasonable
to
its
selfe
in
procuring
its
own
ruine
.
Many
States
have
perisht
by
the
machinations
of
a
few
ill-affected
,
ill-advised
Counsellors
,
(
scarce
ever
any
perisht
otherwise
)
but
the
totall
body
and
collection
has
never
been
guilty
of
its
owne
ruine
:
and
if
it
were
,
such
Treason
could
not
be
so
great
as
that
which
is
plotted
by
a
few
.
Whilst
the
Scots
contained
themselves
within
their
owne
territories
,
and
were
considered
as
a
kingdome
within
themselves
,
as
they
were
when
the
Bishop
past
his
censure
,
they
were
not
rightly
so
censured
:
neither
was
he
then
privy
to
their
intrusions
,
that
they
would
infest
our
kingdome
with
the
same
combustion
,
and
so
prove
a
disturbance
to
the
greater
part
of
our
British
Monarchy
,
whereof
they
themselves
are
but
a
member
of
lesse
bulke
and
value
.
Cursed
therefore
are
those
uncharitable
exasperating
censurers
,
whereby
the
King
is
too
far
incensed
,
and
by
whose
rash
instigations
the
commotions
themselves
become
the
harder
to
be
appeased
.
Great
insurrections
are
like
great
fires
,
wherein
delay
is
mischievous
,
and
small
remedies
rather
turne
to
fuell
,
then
extinguish
:
and
violent
counsell
against
an
inraged
multitude
,
is
like
oyle
,
or
pitch
cast
into
the
flame
.
The
wise
politician
proportions
his
remedy
according
to
the
mischiefe
,
if
water
will
not
prevaile
,
he
useth
milke
;
if
a
little
quantity
will
not
suffice
,
he
powres
as
the
combustion
it selfe
requires
.
Vnfortunate
Rehoboam
stands
as
a
Seamarke
to
warne
all
Princes
how
to
shun
this
rocke
of
violent
counsell
against
a
people
violently
inraged
and
aggrieved
.
Some
men
have
interpreted
the
designes
of
the
Scots
to
have
been
treasonable
from
the
beginning
,
and
wholy
bent
upon
the
spoyle
and
havocke
of
the
English
Nation
from
their
first
stirring
:
Others
have
wholly
justified
their
intentions
and
proceedings
hitherto
as
defensive
only
,
and
inforced
by
necessity
:
both
these
,
I
conceive
,
are
too
rash
and
head-long
in
their
guesses
.
In
so
great
a
body
of
men
,
there
must
needs
be
variety
of
opinions
,
and
its
likely
contrariety
of
affections
;
and
therefore
it
behoves
the
King
to
be
the
more
tender
,
moderate
,
and
circumspect
in
his
deliberations
,
as
well
for
the
one
side
as
the
other
,
especially
since
the
Scots
have
not
evidently
and
universally
as
yet
declared
themselves
for
the
worse
.
We
may
at
once
be
charitable
in
hoping
the
best
,
and
wise
withall
in
preventing
the
worst
;
nay
,
a
charitable
and
sweet
demeanor
,
if
it
be
not
too
fond
,
may
prove
a
great
part
of
our
prevention
:
doubtlesse
Rehoboam
himselfe
,
had
he
not
been
wilfully
devoted
to
yong
,
rash
,
and
violent
Counsellors
,
might
have
easily
retained
within
his
obedience
many
of
his
well-meaning
Subjects
,
and
reclaimed
others
of
more
moderation
;
and
by
that
meanes
have
divided
and
dissipated
the
most
obstinate
,
headstrong
,
and
furious
of
all
the
rebellious
party
.
Some
Princes
thinke
themselves
bound
in
Honour
to
do
unwise
things
,
and
this
was
the
error
of
Rehoboam
,
his
aged
Counsellours
advised
him
to
that
which
was
most
politick
,
concluding
that
to
be
most
honourable
;
but
his
Genius
rather
led
him
according
to
the
advise
of
his
young
Gallants
,
to
conclude
that
most
politick
,
which
to
his
haughty
stomack
seemed
most
honorable
:
but
what
was
the
event
?
to
avoid
the
scorn
of
young
men
,
he
incurred
the
scorn
of
old
men
;
to
avoid
the
unjust
censure
of
fooles
,
he
incurred
the
just
censure
of
wise
men
;
to
gaine
the
honor
of
appearing
stout
,
he
purchased
the
dishonour
of
being
rash
;
to
shew
a
contempt
of
danger
he
made
himself
a
prey
to
it
;
rather
then
to
decline
a
blow
by
a
gentle
bowing
of
his
body
,
he
yeelded
himself
to
be
inevitably
oppressed
by
it
.
At
this
time
of
revolt
the
Israelites
were
not
so
wicked
,
as
their
revolt
after
made
them
;
it
may
be
so
with
the
Scots
,
they
are
yet
Protestants
,
and
perhaps
may
be
retained
so
:
and
who
can
thinke
of
Protestants
,
that
so
great
a
body
of
them
,
can
at
one
fall
so
desperately
tumble
into
the
depth
of
mischiefe
,
as
to
make
Fasting
,
Praying
,
Oaths
and
Sacraments
,
meere
instruments
and
traines
to
commit
murther
,
theft
,
sacriledge
,
treason
,
and
the
most
unnaturall
of
all
crying
crimes
?
But
to
returne
to
our
owne
Nation
,
and
what
we
suffer
by
our
owne
Divine
.
Manwarings
Doctrine
is
common
at
Court
,
and
't
is
not
long
since
a
Byshops
Chaplaine
in
Tearme-time
,
challenged
a
Iudge
of
Treason
,
for
delivering
Law
according
to
conscience
.
And
this
is
now
no
prodigie
,
for
Pulpits
are
not
publike
enough
to
preach
an
unlimitable
prerogative
in
;
't
is
fit
our
learned
Doctors
should
mount
the
Benches
of
Iustice
also
;
there
to
advance
Logicke
instead
of
Law
;
for
Law
is
growne
injurious
to
Princes
,
and
smels
ranke
of
Puritanisme
.
Divines
themselves
will
loose
nothing
to
Princes
,
but
all
other
men
shall
,
that
they
may
gaine
the
more
:
and
neither
Lawyers
nor
States-men
must
direct
them
in
any
thing
,
but
both
Lawyers
and
States-men
must
be
directed
by
them
in
all
things
:
but
let
us
a
little
examine
how
the
conditionate
and
absolute
formes
of
government
come
within
the
circle
of
Theologie
.
The
Israelites
were
governed
by
Monarchs
,
but
not
all
alike
absolute
.
The
Patriarchs
were
not
so
absolute
as
the
Iudges
,
nor
the
Iudges
as
the
Kings
,
nor
the
Kings
as
those
Heathen
Emperours
,
which
at
last
made
them
tributary
.
The
due
of
Caesar
,
and
the
due
of
Solomon
,
and
the
due
of
Samuel
,
and
the
due
of
Jacob
,
was
not
the
same
as
to
all
points
of
State
,
or
all
degrees
of
Royalty
,
and
yet
the
nation
was
the
same
,
and
the
forme
of
government
still
remained
the
same
:
viz.
monarchicall
.
It
should
seeme
that
God
approved
that
degree
of
Soveraignty
best
,
which
was
by
himselfe
setled
in
the
person
of
Moses
,
for
when
that
people
afterwards
desired
a
King
,
of
a
more
awfull
and
large
prerogative
,
in
imitation
of
other
Nations
,
the
thing
displeased
God
.
Samuel
also
wrote
a
book
of
this
subject
,
shewing
the
just
conditions
of
Regall
power
;
(
the
losse
whereof
is
much
to
be
lamented
)
for
if
it
had
been
Gods
will
that
all
Kings
should
be
equally
absolute
in
all
respects
,
and
free
from
all
limitations
and
obligations
alike
,
Samuel
needed
to
have
written
little
thereof
;
one
word
had
determined
all
.
But
in
Scripture
,
as
it
now
remaines
,
Samuels
booke
being
not
extant
,
our
chiefest
light
and
guide
now
is
by
example
,
not
rule
;
and
example
we
finde
very
various
.
The
State
and
Soveraignty
of
the
Jewish
Kings
in
generall
,
we
find
mild
,
and
gratious
;
but
much
differing
in
particulars
.
Solomon
was
heavy
over
his
Subjects
,
and
under
his
Son
they
would
not
beare
the
like
;
yet
Solomons
pressure
was
not
upon
the
estates
of
his
Subjects
by
taxes
,
and
impositions
,
for
He
made
silver
in
Jerusalem
as
stones
for
plenty
;
nor
did
He
vex
their
persons
by
Military
hazzards
and
services
,
for
He
was
at
peace
with
all
the
world
:
Neither
did
He
any
way
let
fall
,
or
lessen
their
honour
amongst
other
Nations
;
He
made
them
rather
a
spectacle
of
glory
and
prosperity
to
the
world
.
Solomons
harshnesse
was
onely
in
imploying
so
great
multitudes
for
his
own
pompous
attendance
,
and
for
the
performance
of
such
publike
workes
,
and
structures
,
as
did
tend
to
the
Magnificence
and
beauty
of
the
State
.
Besides
,
Scripture
does
not
satisfie
us
,
neither
by
rule
,
nor
example
,
whether
Kings
ought
to
be
successive
alwayes
,
or
elective
;
or
whether
primogeniture
of
Males
,
or
unigeniture
of
Daughters
,
ought
to
take
place
:
many
things
are
left
so
uncertaine
,
that
it
is
not
alwayes
safe
for
Kings
wholly
to
rely
upon
examples
;
and
for
the
rule
of
obedience
,
it
is
generall
,
and
no
more
advantagious
for
free
Monarchs
,
than
conditionate
Potentates
;
no
more
for
supreame
,
than
subordinate
commanders
.
The
Law
of
Nature
best
determines
,
that
all
Princes
being
publike
Ministers
for
the
common
good
,
that
their
authority
ought
to
be
of
sufficient
latitude
for
that
common
good
;
and
since
Scripture
is
not
expresse
concerning
that
latitude
,
as
to
all
people
,
the
same
not
being
to
all
alike
necessary
,
the
severall
Laws
of
severall
Countries
best
teach
that
certaine
latitude
.
I
could
wish
therefore
that
Princes
herein
would
not
so
much
consult
with
Divines
,
as
Lawyers
;
or
rather
with
Parliaments
,
which
are
the
grand
Courts
and
Counsells
of
Kingdomes
;
for
(
as
Cotton
saies
)
Every
man
in
particular
may
deceive
,
and
be
deceived
;
but
no
man
can
deceive
all
,
nor
can
all
deceive
one
.
Ancient
times
are
not
precedentary
to
ours
by
any
necessity
,
for
Lawes
are
now
more
learned
,
exact
,
and
particular
;
and
Courts
and
Tables
of
Iustice
,
and
Policy
,
are
more
wisely
and
methodically
composed
and
elected
,
then
they
were
;
and
therefore
there
needs
not
that
vocall
power
,
or
indisputable
force
to
remaine
in
the
breasts
of
Princes
,
as
was
of
old
.
The
Courts
of
Parliament
,
and
their
unquestionable
Acts
▪
and
Ordinances
,
and
their
infallible
avisoes
,
are
now
in
all
well-governed
Countries
,
the
very
Oracles
of
all
Policy
,
and
Law
,
they
are
the
fountaines
of
civill
bloud
,
spirits
,
and
life
;
and
the
soveraigne
antidots
of
publike
mischiefes
.
That
Prince
was
never
yet
deceived
which
relied
upon
them
,
nor
can
he
chuse
but
be
deceived
,
which
thinkes
he
can
be
assisted
with
any
more
wise
or
faithfull
advertisement
,
then
that
which
is
given
him
by
his
whole
Realme
united
,
and
contracted
in
a
lesse
circumference
.
What
end
can
all
the
flower
of
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
,
and
Commonalty
of
a
Nation
,
being
wise
and
religious
,
have
in
seducing
their
Soveraigne
,
or
in
limiting
that
Soveraignty
,
by
which
alone
they
are
protected
?
Or
what
one
party
of
particular
men
can
better
understand
the
true
limits
of
sufficient
Soveraignty
,
and
the
profit
thereof
;
then
this
collective
universality
,
whole
rayes
like
the
Suns
,
are
every where
dispersed
;
and
yet
whose
body
of
light
is
here
as
in
a
refulgent
Globe
concentred
?
Individualls
may
have
many
particular
ends
,
severed
from
the
Princes
or
the
States
,
but
Communities
can
ayme
at
nothing
but
the
common
good
;
as
the
lesser
fountaines
scatter
their
branching
streames
up
and
downe
in
various
Maeanders
,
whilst
the
Sea
containes
it selfe
in
an
intire
body
,
within
its
constant
bounds
.
Individuals
also
have
but
their
owne
particular
set
limit
of
perfection
,
and
have
judgements
beside
apt
to
be
darkened
by
their
owne
severall
interests
and
passions
;
whereas
the
common
body
enjoyes
a
confluence
of
severall
perfections
,
and
hath
the
lesse
force
from
abroad
to
overcloud
them
.
Of
all
men
therefore
it
will
most
concerne
Princes
to
suspect
them
which
are
enemies
to
publike
assemblies
,
and
to
confide
in
them
most
,
whose
ends
are
not
divided
from
the
generalities
;
and
as
they
tender
their
owne
happinesse
,
to
expect
it
chiefly
from
that
generality
,
by
which
they
are
Kings
,
to
which
they
are
Gods
,
from
which
their
very
Diadems
receive
honour
and
sanctity
,
to
which
their
very
Royall
Order
imparts
life
,
and
breath
,
and
necessary
subsistence
.
I
come
now
to
my
Ethicall
Puritan
.
The
name
of
Puritan
must
not
rest
here
,
for
there
may
be
some
moderate
,
well
inclined
,
facile
men
,
whose
education
may
be
such
that
they
are
not
much
vers'd
or
insighted
either
in
matters
of
Religion
,
or
matters
of
State
;
they
may
be
such
as
are
no
waies
busie
but
in
their
own
particular
affaires
,
and
yet
it
behooves
that
these
men
too
be
brought
in
within
the
opprobrious
compasse
of
Puritanisme
.
To
the
Religious
,
Ecclesiasticall
,
and
Politicall
Puritan
,
there
must
be
joyned
also
an
Ethicall
Puritan
.
This
detested
odious
name
of
Puritan
first
began
in
the
Church
presently
after
the
Reformation
,
but
now
it
extends
it selfe
further
,
and
gaining
strength
as
it
goes
,
it
diffuses
its
poysonous
ignominy
further
,
and
being
not
contended
to
Gangrene
Religion
,
Ecclesiasticall
and
Civill
policy
,
it
now
threatens
destruction
to
all
morality
also
.
The
honest
strict
demeanour
,
and
civill
conversation
which
is
so
eminent
in
some
men
does
so
upbraid
and
convince
the
Antipuritan
,
that
even
honesty
,
strictnesse
,
and
civility
it selfe
must
become
disgracefull
,
or
else
they
which
are
contrary
cannot
remaine
in
grace
:
But
because
it
is
too
grosse
to
deride
vertue
under
the
name
of
vertue
;
therefore
other
colours
are
invented
,
and
so
the
same
thing
undergoes
derision
under
another
name
.
The
zealous
man
is
despised
under
the
name
of
zealot
,
the
Religious
honest
man
has
the
vizard
of
an
hypocrite
,
and
dissembler
put
upon
him
to
make
him
odious
.
Here
I
may
alledge
even
Hooker
himselfe
in
justification
of
this
Ethicall
Puritan
,
that
good
ingenuous
man
in
these
dayes
,
though
he
opposed
them
in
polity
,
yet
honoured
them
in
morality
,
and
certainty
if
he
were
now
living
,
he
would
strongly
inveigh
against
their
opposers
in
this
respect
.
He
cites
Aristotle
in
his
5.
booke
of
Ethicks
,
and
3.
cap.
that
many
men
in
domesticall
things
may
be
vertuous
,
and
yet
offend
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
{non-Roman}
,
yea
,
I
am
perswaded
(
sayes
he
)
that
of
those
with
whom
we
strive
in
this
cause
,
there
are
whose
betters
amongst
men
could
hardly
be
found
,
if
they
did
not
live
amongst
men
,
but
in
some
wildernesse
amongst
themselves
.
And
the
cause
(
sayes
he
)
of
their
disposition
so
unframeable
to
Society
is
,
for
that
what
they
thinke
privately
to
be
convenient
and
just
with
some
shew
of
probability
,
the
same
they
thinke
themselves
bound
to
practise
and
uphold
,
notwithstanding
any
Law
of
man
to
the
contrary
:
and
thus
by
following
the
Law
of
private
reason
,
where
the
Law
of
publike
should
take
place
,
they
breed
disturbance
.
See
here
the
maine
taxation
of
Puritans
amongst
their
honest
and
wise
opposers
(
such
as
I
allow
Hooker
to
bee
,
)
is
this
,
that
in
things
indifferent
,
they
will
not
recede
from
their
owne
consciences
,
for
any
command
whatsoever
,
in
all
necessary
points
of
morality
there
cannot
be
found
better
men
.
I
cannot
tell
,
I
am
left
to
pronounce
here
with
the
Poet
.
Crudelis
Mater
magis
,
an
puer
improbus
ille
?
Improbus
ille
puer
,
crudelis
tu
quoque
mater
.
I
will
only
wish
that
neither
the
child
would
be
so
disrespectfull
of
his
mothers
judgement
in
indifferencies
,
nor
the
mother
so
unpittifull
of
her
childes
weaknesse
in
scruples
.
Hooker
also
in
his
preface
confesses
,
that
Puritans
at
first
were
pityed
only
in
their
errors
,
and
not
much
withstood
by
any
:
for
the
great
humility
,
zeale
,
and
devotion
which
appeared
to
be
in
them
,
was
in
all
mens
opinions
,
a
pledge
of
their
harmelesse
meaning
.
The
hardest
(
sayes
he
)
that
men
of
sound
understanding
,
conceived
of
them
,
was
but
this
:
O
quàm
honestâ
voluntate
miseri
erant
!
and
for
this
cause
Luther
made
request
to
Fredericke
of
Saxony
,
that
within
his
dominion
they
might
be
favourably
dealt
with
,
and
spared
,
for
that
,
(
their
error
exempted
)
they
seemed
otherwise
right
good
men
.
So
then
whilst
their
meaning
is
honest
,
and
whilst
their
honest
meaning
tends
onely
to
make
themselves
miserable
,
that
is
,
objects
of
scorne
,
and
punishment
,
favour
ought
to
be
shewed
.
T
is
true
,
Hooker
after
complaines
,
that
this
favour
produced
ill
effects
amongst
Puritans
,
who
by
meanes
of
such
mercifull
tolleration
gathered
more
strength
then
was
safe
for
the
State
:
but
under
favour
,
this
does
not
appeare
so
with
me
:
In
France
,
Scotland
,
and
those
parts
of
Germany
where
Zealots
have
had
most
liberty
,
and
favour
,
I
doe
not
see
any
effects
so
evident
thereof
,
as
these
:
that
Popery
hath
the
sooner
vanisht
,
and
enmity
beene
the
better
prevented
.
It
seemes
to
me
,
that
England
of
all
Protestant
countries
has
least
cause
to
boast
of
her
rigorous
discipline
towards
Puritans
,
having
never
yet
been
either
quiet
,
or
safe
til
this
instant
,
and
now
scarce
being
able
to
beleeve
,
that
great
worke
of
deliverance
,
which
God
hath
mercifully
wrought
for
us
.
It
cannot
be
denyed
,
but
the
yet
unsettled
condition
of
these
times
hath
been
scandalous
in
multitudes
of
Anabaptisticall
sectaries
,
whose
severall
conventicles
cry
,
here
is
Christ
,
and
here
is
Salvation
:
but
what
?
Is
this
the
blame
of
the
Churches
indulgence
to
weake
brethren
in
nice
scruples
?
surely
no
:
for
it
is
to
be
hoped
,
that
when
government
is
againe
settled
,
as
favour
shall
bee
used
in
matters
of
indifferency
,
so
the
rod
shall
be
resumed
againe
against
all
obstinate
offenders
in
matters
of
weight
.
And
who
does
not
see
,
that
these
swarmes
of
conventiclers
which
now
sequester
themselves
from
us
,
are
but
the
dregges
of
the
vilest
and
most
ignorant
rabble
,
whose
doctrines
cannot
prevaile
though
they
meet
with
no
opposition
,
nor
subsist
when
authority
once
lifts
up
its
hands
or
shakes
its
Staffe
against
them
.
The
feeble
Flyes
of
Sommer
,
which
every
shower
,
and
cloud
almost
disperses
,
are
not
more
contemptible
,
than
these
wretched
throngs
,
whose
workes
not
being
of
God
,
no
nor
scarce
of
Rationall
man
,
cannot
prosper
in
such
an
age
of
Knowledge
,
Learning
,
and
Piety
,
as
this
is
.
Let
us
not
then
for
some
Gnats
,
or
frogges
sakes
ungratefully
murmure
against
Sommer
,
or
undervalue
all
the
sweet
influences
of
the
Sun
,
and
the
softer
gales
of
Heaven
.
Puritans
by
some
are
parallelled
to
Iesuites
,
Iesuites
are
called
Popish
Puritans
,
and
Puritans
,
Protestant
Iesuites
;
yet
this
is
not
indeed
disparageable
to
them
:
For
doubtlesse
fiery
zeale
and
rigour
were
not
blameable
in
Iesuites
,
were
not
their
very
Religion
false
;
as
celerity
and
expedition
in
a
Traveller
is
not
in
it selfe
faulty
,
but
commendable
,
though
the
Traveller
being
in
a
wrong
path
,
it
causes
him
to
stray
the
further
from
his
journies
end
.
My
Lord
of
Downe
professes
that
the
first
thing
which
made
him
distast
the
Religion
of
Puritans
(
besides
their
grosse
hypocrisie
)
was
sedition
:
So
grosse
hypocrisie
,
it
seemes
,
was
the
first
.
What
is
grosse
or
visible
hypocrisie
to
the
Bishop
,
I
know
not
,
for
I
can
see
no
windowes
or
casements
in
mens
breasts
,
neither
do
I
think
him
indued
with
Saint
Peters
propheticall
spirit
whereby
to
perceive
and
search
into
the
reines
,
and
hearts
of
hypocrites
;
but
let
him
proceed
.
It
is
a
plausible
matter
(
saies
he
)
with
the
people
to
heare
men
in
authority
depraved
,
and
to
understand
of
any
liberty
and
power
appertaining
to
themselves
,
The
profession
also
of
extraordinary
zeale
,
and
as
it
were
contempt
of
the
world
workes
with
the
multitude
.
When
they
see
men
goe
simply
in
the
Streets
,
and
bow
downe
their
heads
like
a
Bull-rush
,
their
inward
parts
burning
with
deceit
,
wringing
their
neckes
awry
,
shaking
their
heads
as
if
they
were
in
some
present
griefe
,
lifting
up
the
white
of
their
eyes
at
the
sight
of
some
vanity
,
giving
great
groanes
,
crying
out
against
this
sin
and
that
sin
in
their
Superiours
,
under
colour
of
long
prayers
,
devouring
widdowes
,
and
married
wives
houses
;
when
the
multitude
heares
and
sees
such
men
,
they
are
carried
away
with
a
great
conceit
of
them
,
but
if
they
should
judge
of
these
men
by
their
fruits
,
not
by
outward
appearance
,
they
should
find
them
to
be
very
far
from
the
true
Religion
.
See
here
the
froth
of
a
scurrilous
libeller
,
whereby
it
is
concluded
that
he
that
is
of
severe
life
,
and
averse
from
the
common
vanit●es
of
the
time
,
is
an
hypocrite
:
If
these
descriptions
of
outward
austerity
I
shall
not
only
shew
what
is
an
hypocrite
,
but
point
out
also
who
is
an
hypocrit
,
our
Saviour
himselfe
will
hardly
scape
this
description
;
doubtles
our
Saviour
,
and
many
of
his
devoutest
followers
did
groane
shake
their
heads
,
and
lift
up
their
eyes
at
the
sight
of
some
publick
〈◊〉
,
and
vanities
,
and
did
not
spare
to
taxe
the
vices
of
Superiours
,
and
to
preach
to
,
and
admonish
the
meaner
sort
of
the
people
;
yet
who
but
an
Annas
or
Caiphas
will
infer
from
hence
that
therefore
their
inward
parts
burne
with
deceit
,
and
that
their
end
is
meerely
to
carry
away
the
multitude
;
such
as
judge
only
by
outward
appearance
,
and
have
not
their
senses
exercised
to
discerne
betwixt
good
and
evill
?
It
is
likely
the
High
Priests
and
Pharisees
did
thus
blaspheme
in
those
dayes
,
and
that
the
rather
,
because
from
their
owne
fayned
sanctity
,
they
were
the
more
apt
to
suspect
the
same
in
others
:
But
what
I
must
wee
needs
follow
them
,
or
this
Bishop
in
this
?
But
to
proceed
with
this
Bishop
,
Saint
Iames
(
sayes
he
)
gives
us
a
full
description
of
true
Religion
.
Wisdome
from
above
is
first
pure
,
then
peaceable
,
gentle
and
easie
to
bee
entreated
,
full
of
mercy
and
good
fruits
,
without
judging
,
and
Hypocrisie
.
None
of
these
properties
will
agree
with
the
Religion
of
Puritans
.
It
is
not
pure
for
it
allowes
Vsury
,
Sacriledge
,
Disobedience
,
Rebellion
,
&c.
It
is
not
peaceable
,
for
these
men
are
the
incendiaries
of
Christendome
,
It
is
not
gentle
,
nor
easie
to
be
intreated
,
for
they
are
more
austere
than
Cato
,
and
not
to
be
moved
by
perswasion
or
command
.
It
is
not
full
of
mercy
and
good
fruits
,
for
they
are
all
for
sacrifice
,
nothing
for
mercy
;
for
the
first
Table
,
not
the
second
;
for
faith
,
not
charity
;
they
pull
downe
Churches
,
but
build
no
hospitals
.
It
is
not
without
judging
,
for
they
are
known
to
be
most
rigid
censurers
.
And
hee
is
an
Hypocrite
which
spies
a
mote
in
his
brothers
eyes
,
and
not
a
beame
in
his
owne
.
Here
is
a
confused
proofe
,
that
such
Puritans
are
hypocrites
,
but
no
proofe
at
all
,
that
this
man
is
such
a
Puritan
.
If
my
Lord
Say
be
such
a
Puritan
,
this
denotes
him
an
hypocrite
,
but
this
does
not
prove
that
my
Lord
Say
,
or
Brooke
,
or
Dod
,
or
Clever
&c.
or
any
the
most
famous
Puritan
living
is
guilty
of
Vsury
,
Sacriledge
,
Rebellion
,
pulling
downe
of
Churches
,
setting
the
World
on
fire
,
or
of
renouncing
the
second
Table
and
all
works
of
justice
and
charity
,
or
of
censuring
and
condemning
malignantly
other
men
:
If
these
things
were
true
of
particular
men
,
calumny
were
needlesse
:
Accusation
would
better
suppresse
them
.
And
sure
it
is
not
out
of
favour
that
Law
proceeds
not
,
for
malice
has
often
enough
shewed
her
teeth
,
and
would
have
bitten
if
she
could
,
neither
would
she
now
calumniate
if
she
could
accuse
.
The
Bishop
expects
not
to
be
beleeved
;
if
he
puzzell
,
and
work
some
into
doubt
,
it
is
sufficient
:
but
since
bitter
censuring
,
and
calumnious
condemning
of
others
is
s●
infallible
a
signe
of
hypocris●
:
how
doth
the
Bishop
wipe
this
off
from
himselfe
?
Can
Puritans
,
speake
worse
of
any
,
than
he
doth
of
Puritans
?
Sure
they
may
well
joyne
with
him
upon
this
issue
,
that
the
greatest
slanderer
is
the
greatest
hypocrite
;
and
yet
seeke
no
further
for
slanders
,
than
this
very
speech
,
wherein
he
so
eagerly
inveighs
against
slander
;
but
if
individuals
cannot
be
thus
convinced
by
the
Bishop
,
how
shall
these
signes
and
symptomes
be
applyed
to
whole
Sects
,
Religions
,
Kingdomes
?
The
most
ordinary
badge
of
Puritans
is
their
more
religious
and
conscionable
conversation
,
than
that
which
is
seene
in
other
mens
:
and
why
this
should
make
them
odious
or
suspected
of
hypocrisie
amongst
honest
and
charitable
men
,
I
could
never
yet
learne
.
A
seeming
religious
consists
in
doing
actions
outwardly
good
,
and
the
goodnesse
of
those
actions
is
apparent
to
man
;
but
the
false
hypocriticall
end
of
them
is
onely
discerned
by
God
:
and
therefore
with
what
conscience
can
I
condemne
that
good
which
is
visible
,
for
that
evill
which
is
not
visible
?
Say
,
Brooke
,
Dod
,
Clever
,
&c.
are
knowne
to
me
;
yet
no
otherwise
but
as
men
singularly
devote
,
and
as
all
the
Prophets
,
and
Appostles
would
,
if
they
were
now
living
:
and
shall
I
conclude
because
they
seem
so
,
therefore
they
are
not
so
?
I
am
so
far
from
this
,
that
my
owne
conscience
bindes
me
to
honour
them
,
and
that
in
those
things
,
wherein
I
have
not
the
grace
to
follow
them
.
I
have
been
a
diligent
inquirer
into
Puritans
,
and
have
exactly
tryed
them
three
wayes
.
First
,
in
themselves
;
and
so
I
finde
them
zealous
,
at
least
seeming
so
outwardly
,
and
distinguisht
principally
from
other
men
by
their
remarkeable
,
and
singular
zeale
to
God
and
the
Truth
:
and
this
to
me
is
no
ground
of
uncharitable
censure
.
Secondly
,
in
those
,
which
in
these
times
thinke
and
speake
charitably
of
them
;
and
they
are
so
many
in
number
,
and
of
so
good
quality
,
that
indeed
to
the
Popish
and
Episcopall
faction
,
all
the
kingdom
almost
seems
Puritanical
;
but
for
this
I
cannot
think
the
worse
of
them
.
But
thirdly
,
when
I
consider
Puritans
,
and
compare
them
with
their
common
notorious
adversaries
,
then
their
goodnesse
seemes
most
evident
to
me
,
and
if
it
were
legibly
ingraved
in
the
open
wickednesse
and
scandall
of
their
chiefe
opposers
.
Nothing
but
Truth
,
Hollinesse
,
and
Goodnesse
,
seemes
to
me
to
be
the
cause
,
that
Papists
do
so
implacably
abominate
them
:
that
our
proud
Hierarchists
,
Ambidexters
,
and
Neuters
in
Religion
,
do
so
uncessantly
pursue
their
subversion
;
that
Court-flatterers
and
time-serving
Projectors
,
and
the
ravenous
Caterpillars
of
the
Realme
,
do
so
virulently
prosecute
them
with
defamations
and
contumelies
;
that
Stage-poets
,
Minstrels
,
and
the
jesting
Buffoones
of
the
age
,
make
them
the
principall
subject
of
derision
:
Lastly
,
that
all
the
shamelesse
rout
of
drunkards
,
lechers
,
and
swearing
ruffians
;
and
the
scume
of
the
vulgar
are
so
tickled
with
their
reproach
,
and
abuse
.
Certainely
,
nothing
but
an
unappeaseable
antipathy
could
be
the
cause
of
all
this
,
and
no
testimony
of
goodnesse
can
be
more
sure
,
un-erring
,
and
unanswerable
than
such
antipathy
.
Amongst
wicked
men
there
may
be
particular
hatred
,
but
not
a
generall
antipathy
:
One
wicked
man
hates
not
another
as
wicked
,
but
rather
loves
him
therefore
,
or
else
the
World
did
not
observe
a
decorum
in
loving
her
owne
,
and
hating
strangers
:
As
there
cannot
be
division
in
Satans
kingdome
;
so
there
cannot
be
communion
or
compatibility
betwixt
Christs
and
Satans
Subjects
.
But
t
is
a
miserable
thing
to
see
how
far
this
word
Puritan
in
an
Ethicall
sense
dilates
itselfe
.
Heretofore
it
was
Puritanicall
,
to
abstaine
from
small
sins
;
but
now
t
is
so
to
abstaine
from
grosse
open
sins
.
In
the
mouth
of
a
Drunkard
,
he
is
a
Puritan
which
refuseth
his
cups
;
In
the
mouth
of
a
Swearer
,
he
which
feares
an
oath
;
In
the
mouth
of
a
Libertine
,
he
which
make
any
scruple
of
common
sins
;
In
the
mouth
of
a
rude
Souldier
,
he
which
wisheth
the
Scotch
warre
at
an
end
without
bloud
.
It
is
sufficient
that
such
men
thinke
themselves
tacitly
checked
and
affronted
by
the
unblamable
conversation
of
Puritans
,
Byshop
Lake
that
good
and
godly
man
moved
at
the
declining
state
of
his
time
,
is
said
to
have
expressed
his
regret
thus
:
We
feare
,
saith
he
,
a
relapse
into
Popish
error
,
and
superstition
;
but
my
heart
misgives
me
worse
than
so
:
Vtter
irreligion
and
Atheisme
,
me
thinkes
,
begins
to
prevaile
strangly
amongst
us
:
we
are
not
so
likely
to
lose
the
light
of
truth
,
as
the
heat
of
zeale
;
and
what
benefit
is
in
Religion
,
where
the
name
of
it
is
honoured
,
but
the
power
of
it
is
not
at
all
seene
?
where
Gods
Will
is
truely
understood
,
but
his
commands
are
wholy
slighted
?
where
men
know
like
Christians
,
but
live
like
Heathens
?
The
soule
of
Religion
is
hearty
devotion
,
and
that
growes
dayly
more
and
more
ridiculous
amongst
us
;
and
yet
Religion
without
the
soule
of
it
,
is
rather
a
curse
than
a
blessing
to
us
.
No
impiety
is
so
hainous
in
an
ignorant
Sodomite
,
as
want
of
Piety
is
in
a
right
instructed
Israelite
.
In
this
wise
I
have
heard
that
good
Prelate
did
complaine
;
and
this
makes
me
thinke
,
that
he
had
in
his
complaint
some
respect
to
this
word
Puritan
,
then
which
,
certainely
the
Devill
hath
not
a
more
fatall
engine
whereby
to
confound
religion
,
and
to
subvert
all
true
zeale
,
goodnesse
,
and
devotion
.
Thus
farre
it
appeares
what
a
vast
circumference
this
word
Puritan
has
,
and
how
by
its
large
acception
it
is
used
to
cast
durt
in
the
face
of
all
goodnesse
,
Theologicall
,
Civill
,
or
Morall
:
so
that
scarce
any
moderate
man
can
avoid
its
imputation
.
And
thus
it
does
mischiefe
to
men
,
not
commonly
noted
for
Puritans
,
but
if
a
man
be
so
noted
,
though
perhaps
irregularly
,
then
it
is
farther
otherwise
abused
:
for
all
such
a
mans
evill
shall
be
charged
upon
his
Puritanisme
,
and
all
his
good
defaced
for
his
Puritanisme
.
Such
a
man
is
condemned
for
murther
,
and
adultery
;
and
at
his
death
gives
strong
assurances
of
unfaigned
repentance
,
and
contrition
of
heart
.
He
was
a
Christian
,
a
Protestant
,
a
Minister
,
a
Puritan
;
yet
this
crime
is
recorded
and
blowne
abroad
,
not
for
the
shame
of
Christians
,
Protestants
,
Ministers
,
but
of
Puritans
.
And
as
for
his
attestation
of
deepe
humiliation
,
how
excellent
soever
,
the
honour
of
them
,
if
any
be
acknowledged
,
shall
redound
to
the
Christian
,
the
Protestant
,
the
Minister
,
to
any
thing
else
except
the
Puritan
.
Howsoever
in
the
first
place
it
ought
to
be
observed
,
that
an
uncleane
streame
does
not
alwayes
receive
it's
uncleannesse
from
the
filth
of
the
Fountaine
,
but
in
the
second
place
a
pure
streame
necessarily
infers
a
pure
Source
.
T
is
true
,
Trees
are
knowne
by
their
fruites
,
and
so
are
men
generally
by
their
workes
;
but
this
similitude
holdes
not
in
all
men
,
at
all
times
:
for
good
men
sometimes
commit
soule
sinnes
,
and
bad
men
performe
laudable
services
.
David
defiles
Vriahs
wife
,
and
to
conceale
it
from
the
world
,
makes
drunke
and
murders
Vriah
;
and
together
with
him
casts
away
the
lives
of
many
other
faithfull
Souldiers
:
yet
nothing
moved
at
this
his
owne
mis-doing
,
at
the
same
time
he
sentences
to
death
a
Subject
of
his
for
damnifying
a
neighbour
,
to
the
value
of
a
poore
lamb
:
what
might
Joab
,
and
the
other
privy
Ministers
of
these
his
foule
deeds
,
censure
all
this
while
of
this
his
externally
professed
sanctity
,
and
purity
,
and
strictnes
in
point
of
justice
to
other
men
;
or
of
his
so
great
indignation
against
pet●y
offenders
?
what
might
they
judge
of
the
root
,
from
whence
these
fruits
sprung
?
did
they
conclude
these
fruits
,
good
?
or
did
they
conceive
that
such
fruits
might
grow
upon
a
good
stocke
?
It
's
strange
,
that
he
which
would
be
so
rigid
to
a
petty
fellon
,
should
himselfe
find
no
remorse
at
his
owne
murther
and
oppression
,
in
spoyling
so
gallant
a
Commander
,
of
his
wife
,
of
his
sobriety
,
of
his
life
,
and
to
continue
so
long
a
time
without
regard
either
what
himselfe
had
done
,
or
what
Vriah
had
suffered
.
But
it
's
well
,
David
lived
in
those
times
when
the
name
of
Puritanisme
was
not
invented
to
blast
all
goodnesse
:
had
he
lived
amongst
us
,
he
had
been
accounted
a
Puritan
,
and
being
a
Puritan
,
God
might
have
forgiven
him
,
but
the
world
never
would
:
but
it
seemes
the
world
was
not
then
poysoned
with
the
same
base
word
,
though
I
beleeve
under
some
other
nicke-name
goodnesse
was
alwaies
odious
:
for
we
read
,
that
for
that
very
sin
of
David
,
Gods
name
was
evill
spoken
of
amongst
the
wicked
.
So
Solomon
the
Sonne
of
seduced
Bathsheba
,
if
we
censure
him
by
many
of
his
actions
,
perhaps
Jeroboam
,
and
Ahab
that
made
Israel
to
sinne
,
were
not
personally
addicted
to
so
much
excesse
of
bodily
lust
,
and
pollution
,
nay
perhaps
many
heathens
and
Turkes
have
detested
his
enormous
lubricities
.
I
speak
not
this
to
countenance
sin
,
but
to
discountenance
rash
censures
of
sinners
,
wishing
all
that
thinke
themselves
fraile
and
mortall
,
to
turne
their
eyes
inwards
,
and
to
lay
their
hands
upon
their
owne
mouths
,
forbearing
to
censure
all
sins
,
but
most
especially
the
most
latent
and
obscure
of
all
sins
,
hypocrisie
.
Solyman
the
magnificent
is
held
the
honestest
of
all
the
Princes
which
raigned
in
his
time
,
not
excepting
Christian
Princes
,
nay
not
excepting
the
great
Father
of
them
all
,
the
Apostolicke
man
of
Rome
:
yet
this
is
no
shame
to
Christianity
,
but
to
Christians
rather
;
nay
I
wish
it
might
be
accounted
rather
a
rebuke
,
than
a
shame
;
rather
a
rebuke
to
humble
them
,
than
a
shame
to
confute
them
.
For
Christ
tels
us
that
many
times
the
first
are
last
,
and
last
first
,
God
sees
not
as
man
sees
,
and
yet
he
that
will
judge
uprightly
ought
to
see
as
God
sees
,
and
not
as
man
.
So
much
of
the
extensive
infamy
of
this
word
Puritan
,
now
of
its
intensive
malignancy
:
but
little
more
needs
to
be
spoken
hereof
,
for
he
which
tels
you
who
is
a
Puritan
,
for
the
most
part
tels
what
is
a
Puritan
.
The
Papist
we
see
hates
one
kind
of
Puritans
,
the
Hierarchist
another
,
the
Court
Sycophant
another
,
the
sensuall
Libertin
another
;
yet
all
hate
a
Puritan
,
and
under
the
same
name
many
times
hate
the
same
thing
.
He
which
is
an
enemy
to
our
Religion
which
is
the
truth
,
hates
the
Puritan
as
an
enemy
to
Truth
;
he
which
is
an
enemy
to
Piety
,
Policy
,
Morality
,
charges
the
Puritan
of
being
the
same
:
wherefore
whatsoever
is
hated
by
the
perverted
and
disaffected
in
Religion
,
Piety
,
Policy
,
Morality
,
is
a
Puritan
,
and
whosoever
is
a
Puritan
,
is
censured
,
hated
,
and
slandered
as
a
man
perverted
and
disaffected
in
Religion
,
Piety
,
Policy
,
and
Morality
.
This
sufficiently
appeares
by
the
common
slanders
of
all
goodnesse
in
these
dayes
,
and
particularly
by
the
Byshop
of
Downe
,
for
as
he
justifies
Jesuites
,
Anabaptists
,
and
the
Powder-Traiters
before
Puritans
;
so
he
describes
,
and
proscribes
whole
Religions
,
Sects
,
and
Kingdomes
for
Puritans
.
In
the
yeare
of
grace
1588
,
when
the
Spanish
Armado
had
miscarried
,
notwithstanding
that
his
holines
of
Rome
had
so
peremptorily
christned
it
,
and
as
it
were
conjured
for
it
,
One
of
that
Religion
was
strangely
distempered
at
it
,
and
his
speech
was
as
't
is
reported
,
God
himselfe
was
turned
Lutheran
:
By
which
,
for
certaine
,
he
meant
Hereticall
.
'T
is
much
therefore
that
my
Lord
of
Downe
,
now
that
Episcopacy
is
so
foyled
in
Scotland
,
has
not
raged
in
the
like
manner
,
and
charged
God
of
turning
Puritan
:
but
surely
,
if
he
has
spared
God
,
he
has
not
spared
any
thing
else
that
is
good
;
and
if
he
has
spared
to
call
God
Puritan
,
he
has
not
spared
to
call
Puritan
Devill
:
but
to
conclude
,
if
the
confused
misapplication
of
this
foule
word
Puritan
be
not
reformed
in
England
,
and
that
with
speed
,
we
can
expect
nothing
but
a
suddaine
universall
downefall
of
all
goodnesse
whatsoever
.
AElius
Adrianus
the
Emperour
,
about
an
hundred
yeares
after
our
Saviour
,
having
beene
certified
by
Serenius
Granianus
,
Proconsul
of
Asia
,
that
the
Christians
in
those
partes
were
illegally
oppressed
by
the
malice
of
unjust
Sycophants
,
sends
this
his
Imperiall
edict
to
the
next
successor
Minutius
Fundanus
.
If
the
Provincials
can
prove
ought
against
the
Christians
,
whereof
they
charge
them
,
and
can
at
the
barre
of
justice
make
good
the
same
,
let
them
proceed
in
a
juditiall
course
:
but
let
them
not
appoach
,
the
Christians
meerely
for
the
name
,
by
clamouring
,
and
rayling
scandals
against
them
:
For
it
is
expedient
,
if
any
be
disposed
to
accuse
,
that
the
accusation
bee
throughly
knowne
,
and
judicially
tryed
you
;
therefore
if
any
accuse
the
Christians
that
they
transgresse
the
Lawes
,
see
that
you
judge
and
punist
according
to
the
quality
of
the
offence
,
but
if
any
upon
spite
or
malice
by
way
of
calumny
complaine
agai●st
them
,
see
you
chastise
such
for
their
malice
,
and
repay
them
with
condigne
punishment
.
I
began
with
a
Marquesso
,
I
end
with
an
Emperour
,
both
read
the
same
Lecture
,
both
teach
us
a
difference
betwixt
privy
malicious
calumny
and
open
judiciall
accusing
,
or
impleading
;
God
sends
us
to
hearken
to
both
,
asmuch
as
the
necessity
of
our
case
requires
it
.
FINIS
.